A003. Bo Than Shwe , Wa And Others Vol 3

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္

၀ UWSA ၊

ကိုးကန္႔ MNDAA ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား NDAA အဖၾဲႚ -

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wdkif;&if;om;vlrsdK;pka&;&mESifh e,fjcm;a&;&m aqmif;yg;rsm;

ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚ ဌာနခဵႂပ္ တည္ရႀိရာ ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ ေဴမာက္ပိုင္း၊ အထူးေဒသ (၁) ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚတၾင္ စိုက္ထူထားေသာ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚတိုႛ၏ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးအထိမ္းအမႀတ္ ေကဵာက္တိုင္ ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: panoramio.com)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္

၀ UWSA ၊

ကိုးကန္႔ MNDAA ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား NDAA အဖၾဲႚ -

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wdkif;&if;om;vlrsdK;pka&;&mESifh e,fjcm;a&;&m aqmif;yg;rsm;

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

yHkEdSyfrSwfwrf; vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) twGuftxl;xkwfa0onf 2009 ckESpf pifumyledKifiH POLARIS BURMESE LIBRARY ( SINGAPORE )

Index: Myanmar History, Myanmar Politic, Bo Than shwe, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Polaris Burmese Library, LPK Library, Myanmar Junta, Myanmar Democracy, Myanmar Human Rights, Myanmar People, Myanmar Student, Kokang, UWSA, KNU, KIO, SSA, Wa, KIA, DKBA,

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Bangkok Post - Published: 5/09/2009 at 12:00 AM

Influx of Wa, Shan likely as war looms More than 50,000 Wa and Shan villagers are expected to flee to Thailand as several battalions of Burmese troops have moved closer to a stronghold of the United Wa State Army along the Thai-Burmese border in northern Chiang Rai. Burmese soldiers with heavy weapons, including mortars and RPG rocket launchers, have been deployed to an area opposite the UWSA's stronghold since Wednesday, said a source at the Shan State Army (SSA) yesterday. If their stronghold was attacked, the Wa troops would be forced to retreat into an area near the SSA's military base, said the source who served as a military officer at the anti-Rangoon SSA. The source predicted that Burma's offensive against ethnic rebels would force more than 50,000 Shan and Wa villagers to flee over Thailand's northern border. The Third Army's Pha Muang task force has reportedly ordered its troops to keep a close watch on Burma's ethnic minority groups and be on full alert for possible incursions from the fighting. Thai villagers living in the border areas prone to fighting would be moved to a safer area if and when attacks begin. Col Yod Serk, leader of the SSA, said Burma wanted to declare war on all rebel groups following its recent offensive against the ethnic Kokang rebel group, who call themselves the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA). Burma's next target was the area in Mong La border town before attacking the UWSA in Burma's southern border opposite Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai provinces, said Col Yod Serk. His army would be the last target of Burma's attacks, he added. He believed the military offensive was inevitable as Burma wanted to create unrest as justification for delaying the next general elections in the middle of next year. A source said Burma's ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) had recently sent a letter to UWSA leaders in Pang Sang town demanding it hand over Peng Jiasheng, a leader of the MNDAA, the UWSA's allies, and several other leading ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif members of the rebel group. So far, there has been no reply from the UWSA, said the source. Mr Peng, wanted by Burma on charges of operating an illegal firearms factory and producing illicit drugs, has reportedly fled the Burmese junta's hunt to an area controlled by the UWSA. Reports that Burma has deployed troops near the UWSA's stronghold sparked fears among Wa villagers that fighting would soon erupt. Several thousand villagers had abandoned their villages in recent days, said the source. http://bangkokpost. net/news/ local/23293/ influx-of- wa-shan-likely- as-war-looms EDITORIAL

Burmese junta issues a warning to China The Nation - Published on September 4, 2009 The recent attack on a ethinc Chinese rebel force raises tensions in the Golden Triangle

When it comes to the Burmese sector of the Golden Triangle, it is difficult to say who are the good guys and who are the bad guys. This is partly because they are all equally bad. As long as anybody can recall, the triangle has never been for the faint of heart. Wa headhunters, communist insurgents, opium warlords, heroin traffickers, Chinese crime syndicates and the Burmese military government - one of the most condemned regimes in the world - all play for keeps. And so when fighting broke out last week between the Burmese junta and one of the ceasefire groups, namely the Kokang outfit - who two decades ago gave themselves the fancy but misleading name of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) - unwanted attention was placed on China, a quiet stakeholder in this rugged region. China, of course, prefers to stay out of the spotlight when it comes to such matters. It was not so much because tens of thousands of Kokang Chinese and others fled into China; it was because China's influence in this highly contested region is being weakened. This is not to mention the possibility of further exposing the hush-hush relations between the communist giant and the ethnic armies who were once, and to some extent continue to be, their proxies. During the height of the communist insurgency, the Communist Party of China funded and armed many of the insurgent groups in Burma. Red Guards crossed the border to preach Marxism and succeeded in getting groups like the Wa to give up headhunting in exchange for Kalashnikovs and military fatigues. Burmese and Shan leftists also joined forces to be part of a ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif movement that promised to bring equality and justice to a land where the ideas of law and order and the Western notion of the nation-state are still very much alien concepts. For various reasons, the movement didn't last. And in 1989 the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) splintered along ethnic lines. Factions like the Wa transformed, quickly becoming a new force for the Burmese government to reckon with. Why not? They had enough weapons from the Chinese to last for another decade or so. Among the remnants of the CPB were the Kokang, the Yunnanese Chinese whose territory fell on the Burmese side when the official Sino-Burma political border was drawn. To neutralise the remnants of the CPB, Rangoon had to move quickly. The then-security chief, Lt-General Khin Nyunt, was dispatched to the Wa capital of Panghsang to sign a ceasefire deal with the newly established United Wa State Army (UWSA). Similar agreements were signed with other groups, including the Shan State ArmyNorth and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), a Mong La-based outfit that even had Thai ladyboys performing for Chinese day-trippers to the border casinos. Part of the 1989 ceasefire deal was that these newly created ethnic armies were permitted to administer their so-called Special Regions and were free to carry out any business activities of their choice. Besides casinos there were clandestine heroin factories. Just a decade ago, methamphetamines came into the picture. The market for these drugs is no longer just streets in Europe and the United States but also Bangkok and other cities in Southeast Asia. China is not immune to the drug problem, however. In terms of damage, one can argue that the Chinese in Yunnan were the most affected when one takes into consideration the number of heroin addicts and HIV-infected drug users, largely due to the use of unclean needles. But unlike leaders in Southeast Asia, Chinese leaders don't demonise these drug armies that operate freely on the Burmese side of the border. This is partly because of historical ties. Thai and foreign security analysts think the Chinese are using these ethnic armies as pawns for a later day, and a possible entry point into Burma. Why just court the Burmese junta when you can court them all? Beside the cost of having to look after the Kokang and other refugees fleeing from the Burmese assault, China is also concerned that an unwanted spotlight will be focused on cross-border activities that they would rather keep off everyone's radar screen. These activities include the laundering of drug money in businesses and real estate in China by the leaders of these ethnic armies, many of whom rank high on the US's wanted list, mainly for heroin trafficking. The shooting in Kokang's Special Region 1 has now stopped and the 1,000-strong MNDAA force appears to be a thing of the past. The 20,000-strong UWSA could very well be next on the Burmese junta's hit list. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Taking on the Kokang was a stern warning to the UWSA by the Burmese. It was also a stern warning to the Chinese, and a blow to the long-standing illusion that Beijing has the Burmese junta in the palm of its hand. September 4, 2009 04:00 pm (Thai local time) http://www.nationmu ltimedia. com/2009/ 09/04/opinion/ opinion_30111426 .php

NEWS ANALYSIS

Wa: The Regime’s Next Target? By AUNG ZAW

Friday, September 4, 2009

After capturing the Kokang capital of Laogai with relative ease, the question on everybody’s lips is: will the Burmese military regime now go after the Wa army? Much as it would appear to be the next logical step in the military government’s plan to subdue resistance to its authoritarian rule ahead of next year’s election, a conflict with the Wa, known officially as the United Wa State Army (UWSA), could be a prolonged campaign with serious consequences, analysts have warned.

The United Wa State Army is among the strong ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ethnic armies in northern Burma that Chinese officials are courting.

The UWSA is the biggest and strongest ethnic

force in Burma with some 20,000 to 25,000 soldiers. And despite signing a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta in 1989, it has actively and consistently been buying more weapons from China since then. According to a report in the March 2008 issue of Jane’s Intelligence Review: “As the possibility of a war with the junta has loomed larger, the UWSA has acquired more sophisticated weapons including anti-aircraft systems. In or around 2000, the Wa added to their small arsenal of Soviet Streal-2 (SA-7) man-portable air defense systems [MANPADS] when they acquired HN-5N systems, an improved Chinese version of the first-generation Soviet system.” Additionally, the Wa have added heavier combat weapons to their arsenal, including 12.7 and 14.5 mm anti-aircraft guns, as well as 60 mm, 82 mm and 120 mm mortars, all from China. In 2007, advisers from the Chinese People’s Liberation Army provided artillery training in the Lu Fang mountain range west of Panghsang, the capital of Wa State. This would suggest that Beijing doesn’t want to see the Wa weakened; it is natural that China wants to maintain its buffer zone. Now also equipped with 130 mm field guns and 122 mm howitzers, the UWSA soldiers have reportedly dug a complex of underground command centers near Panghsang, clearly intended for protection against aerial attacks by the Burmese air force. But could the Wa resist a government forces’ onslaught by land? Some Burma observers estimate that the Wa wouldn’t be able to defend its territory for a long period of time if the regime decided to launch a major offensive against the ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ethnic group. Maj Aung Lynn Htut, a former intelligence officer who is currently seeking asylum in the USA, said he believed the regime is prepared to attack the UWSA, but is cautiously testing the water with China which has long supported the Wa and other armed ethnic groups along the Sino-Burmese border. The former intelligence officer, who in the past traveled to Shan State to meet and negotiate with ethnic ceasefire groups, said that if China doesn’t back the Wa, all the ethnic armies in the region will be “wiped out.” With regard to the recent clashes between the government forces and the Kokang army, which led to between 10,000 and 30,000 civilians fleeing to the Chinese side of the border, Beijing has publically called for the Burmese generals to restore stability and peace on the border. However, China failed to stop the regime’s attack on the Kokang—a Han Chinese ethnic group. Htay Aung, a researcher at the Thailand-based Network for Democracy and Development, said he thinks Wa leaders with invested business interests in Burma and China are not ready to fight. He said the Wa leaders have in the past said that they will not initiate hostilities with the junta. He added that the Chinese could even act as a peace broker between the Wa leaders and the Burmese regime. For their part, many Wa leaders are involved in the hotel and entertainment businesses in Rangoon and Mandalay. In Panghsang, they have built a paper mill, a cigarette factory and a bottled water factory. Meanwhile, Naypyidaw has reinforces its troop strength in northeastern Burma. Most analysts agree that the military government forces have greater fire power than the Wa, not to mention an air force. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif However, an attack on the UWSA would upset the Chinese who would have to deal with an even larger influx of refugees. It would also motivate the other ethnic ceasefire groups—most notably the Kachin Independence Army—to join the resistance, knowing that they would be next targets. Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books on Burma, said that the pressure is clearly on the Wa. “The Wa will be the main target of the present offensive,” he said. “The Kokang was just the weakest link in the chain of former Communist Party of Burma ceasefire groups. The United Wa State Army is the main one, and the biggest obstacle for Naypyidaw's attempts to establish its writ over the entire country.” Lintner also said that the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) and the UWSA have now formed a military alliance. The regime in the past employed Wa troops to attack the SSA-S. The SSA-S is one of the few ethnic armies that has not reached a ceasefire agreement with the central government, and, despite past hostilities, the Shans and the Wa have in recent years established some kind of unofficial alliance. “An attack on the UWSA would open a Pandora's box of problems for the regime, including a new refugee crisis in China and the possibility of war on many fronts inside the country,” Lintner added.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

COMMENTARY

Brothers at Arm's Length By AUNG ZAW

Wednesday, September 2, 2009

Recent clashes along the Sino-Burmese border have fueled speculation that the bonds between Beijing and Naypyidaw may be weakening. But seen from an historical perspective, what this episode really demonstrates is the deep-seated ambivalence that has always characterized relations between these two very disparate countries. In the six decades that they have existed as modern, independent nations, Burma and China have been friends and enemies—and often both at once. Ironically, when they first emerged on the world stage, it was China, not Burma, that was regarded as the international pariah. That made it all the more significant, then, when Burma became the first country outside the Communist bloc to recognize the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Rangoon was also the first to conclude a Treaty of Friendship and Mutual NonAggression with Beijing in 1961, the same year that Burma became the first of China’s neighbors to reach a boundary settlement. A decade later, Burma’s U Thant, then Secretary General of the United Nations, played an instrumental role in securing China a seat in the UN. He could hardly have dreamed that long after his death, China would repay this favor by using its status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council to protect the repressive military regime now ruling Burma. When Gen Ne Win seized power in 1962, relations with China took a dramatic turn for the worse. For the next 26 years, Ne Win and his commanders struggled to crush ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif a Chinese-backed communist insurgency in northern Burma. Burmese communists were not only allowed to denounce the Ne Win regime from Chinese soil; they also enjoyed substantial military and financial aid from Beijing. The Chinese provided the Burmese communists with military and political training and helped to set up a radio station to air anti-Ne Win propaganda everyday. Some Burmese communist leaders even lived in Beijing, where they were given stipends, free housing and housekeepers. When Chinese leaders held state receptions in Beijing in the 1970s, Burmese communist leaders sat with Chinese leaders on the stage, while official Burmese delegations were left to mingle in the crowd. This angered some Burmese diplomats so much that they wanted to refuse to attend official functions hosted by China’s Communist leaders. But Ne Win insisted they remain on friendly terms with the Chinese. Why? Perhaps Ne Win calculated that he had to maintain some semblance of friendship with Burma’s most powerful neighbor. Indeed, he often flew to China for official visits and in return his government usually received aid and support. But Ne Win did not always feel a need to please China. In 1967, he unleashed his anger toward Chinese in Burma. Anti-Chinese riots broke out in June as the Ministry of Education banned the wearing of “unauthorized badges” by students. The order was aimed primarily at students of ethnic Chinese origin wearing Mao badges. Burmese demonstrators attacked the Chinese embassy in Rangoon and over 1,000 Chinese in Rangoon were detained and many went into hiding. The Burmese regime said 50 Chinese were killed in the violence, but Chinese officials said the deaths numbered in the hundreds. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Why did Ne Win, who was half-Chinese himself, unleash these anti-Chinese riots? Was it because communist radio called him a fascist? Some analysts say that the antiChinese riots were stirred up to deflect attention from acute rice shortages. Whatever the reason, the violence did not inflict any permanent damage to SinoBurmese relations. After the violence had died down, Ne Win and Beijing were back on friendly terms. In spite of fierce battles between Burmese and communist troops along the border, in November 1975, Ne Win visited China again and reached an agreement that there would be no “aggressive acts” between the two nations. Beijing finally ended its support of the Burmese communists in the late 1980s. In 1989, the Communist Party of Burma collapsed, and China has been a powerful friend of the current repressive regime ever since. Now the conflict along the Chinese border could reach a boiling point and could be bloody if the regime decides to attack Wa and other ethnic armies. An open conflict with ethnic armies, particularly with the Wa, could drive thousands of refugees to China and Thailand. China has asked the Burmese to restore stability and peace on the border. The recent attacks on Chinese living in Kokang and on the Kokang ceasefire group demonstrated that China’s influence on Burma is limited. When Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye visited Beijing in June, he reportedly informed Chinese leaders that the army was prepared to launch attacks on ethnic groups along the Sino-Burmese border. Chinese leaders, including Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, asked the battle-hardened general to find a peaceful solution. The Burmese general, who was known to harbor ill feelings toward the Wa and Kokang groups because of their involvement in the drug trade and building of arms ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif factories, did not listen. As soon as he returned to Burma, he went to the Chinese border and began to prepare for war. Why? The generals know that China, which remains a major arms supplier, is heavily dependant on Burma’s natural resources and plans to build a gas pipeline project through the country. With its strategic interests in the Bay of Bengal, Beijing isn’t going to cut ties with Naypyidaw anytime soon. It seems the generals are determined to expand their influence on the border and push to disarm ethnic armies and local private armies before the election in 2010. As in the past, relations between Burma and China have hit a rough patch. But more than ever before, they realize they need each other. The Burmese regime seems to want to show that although it is a friend of China, it is not Beijing’s puppet.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

More Chinese Flee Burma as Kokang Remain Stranded in China By WAI MOE

Friday, September 4, 2009

As Burma’s military junta sends reinforcements into northern and southern Shan State, hundreds of Chinese immigrants continue to flee across the border into China’s Yunnan Province, where tens of thousands of Kokang refugees have been stranded since early last week. The New Light of Myanmar, a junta mouthpiece, reported on Friday that 9,304 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ethnic-Chinese Kokang refugees had returned to the Kokang territory since August 29 and declared that “stability and peace” had been restored in the region. However, according to the UN refugee agency and Chinese officials, as many as 37,000 Kokang refugees fled to the Chinese border towns of Slide Show (View)

Nansan and Genma last week. More than 20,000 refugees are estimated to still be in temporary

camps set up by local Chinese authorities. Last week, Kokang refugees in Nansan told reporters that they were afraid to return home because they feared possible abuse by Burmese government troops. Business in the Kokang capital of Laogai, which has long benefited from a booming border trade with China and substantial Chinese investment, has come almost to a standstill since junta troops seized control of the town on August 24. There were also reports of looting by Burmese troops, as well as harassment of local people. Since the fall of Laogai, hundreds more refugees have fled from areas controlled by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) in Shan State. Sources close to the UWSA said that dozens of Chinese vehicles were waiting at the border checkpoint near the Wa capital of Panghsang on Thursday to cross the SinoBurmese border. “About 50 cars owned by Chinese businessmen were stranded near the border bridge from Panghsang to China at the border gate controlled by the UWSA,” a source said. Observers said that the exodus of Chinese was probably due to a report on China’s state-run Phoenix TV this week that said 700 Burmese troops with 20 tanks were heading to Wa-controlled areas in northern Shan State. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif After the report was repeatedly aired on television, Mongla, a town in eastern Shan State controlled by the predominantly Chinese NDAA, became a virtual ghost town, said sources in the area. In other parts of Shan State, especially Lashio in the north and Kengtung in the south, local residents said that there was a noticeable increase in the number of Burmese soldiers. “These days we often hear that government soldiers are taking local people to work as forced porters, so I warn my children not to go out at night,” said a man in Lashio. There have also been reports that police in Rangoon have been looking for vehicles owned by Kokang leaders since their capital was overrun last Thursday. “Traffic and riot police have been stopping expensive-looking cars and checking to see if they belong to Kokang. They have been quite aggressive in Thartharyar Township, where there are factories owned by the Kokang group,” a Rangoon-based journalist told The Irrawaddy on Friday. Meanwhile, as part of its propaganda offensive against former ceasefire groups in Shan State, the Burmese junta has ordered that all state-run media and a privatelyowned weekly journal publish photos of casualties inflicted by the Kokang during skirmishes last week. On the Sunday evening news, all Burmese television stations broadcast images of bodies of junta troops killed in the clashes, while The New Light of Myanmar and the privately owned Yangon Times published gruesome photos of alleged atrocities committed by the Kokang. “It was very awful and unethical for the newspapers and TV stations to show such terrible pictures,” said a teacher in Rangoon, adding that she felt such images should not be published for any reason. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The regime has also been highlighting the Kokang drug connection since its 20-yearold ceasefire agreement with the group broke down last week. On Friday, The New Light of Myanmar reported that more than 180,000 stimulant tablets, as well as precursor chemicals and drug-manufacturing equipment, were seized in the Kokang region on Thursday. The report accused Peng Jaifu, a brother of Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng, of being the owner of the captured drugs. The Kokang and Wa ceasefire groups’ involvement in the drug trade has long been an open secret in Burma, where the ruling junta has turned a blind eye to the burgeoning narcotics industry in the country’s north for the past two decades. The US government has offered a reward of US $2 million for any information leading to the arrest or conviction of Wa leader Wei Hsueh-kang. However, Kokang leaders declared their region drug free in 2003, two years before their allies the Wa made a similar claim. Observers were skeptical about the government media’s drug report on Friday, suggesting that it was unlikely the Kokang would have left so much incriminating evidence behind as they fled for safety in China. “The Kokang would definitely have cleaned up all drug evidence before they left the town on August 24,” said Saeng Juen, one of the editors of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News, noting that the conflict had been brewing since early August.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ျမန္မာ တရုတ္ နယ္စပ္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ပုိမုိထြက္ေျပးေန FRIDAY, 04 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:03 ရန္ပိုင္

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 48:2009-09-04-12-05-57&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ တည္ၿငိမ္လာ ေသာေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံမ်ား ျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္ လာသည္ဟု ေဖာ္ျပေနေသာ္လည္း ၀ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ

ပန္ဆန္းတြင္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္ ေရွာင္တိမ္း ထြက္ေျပးသူပုိမုိ မ်ားျပားလာ ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

တ႐ုတ္ ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္သို႔ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ အဂၤါေန႔က ဝ ေဒသမွထြက္ေျပးလာသည့္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကိုေတြ႕ရစဥ္ (ဓာတ္ပုံ - Reuters) ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ရက္မ်ားအတြင္း ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားသည္ ၀ ေဒသအတြင္းသုိ႔ပါ ကူးလာႏုိင္သည္ ဟု ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္မ်ား ရွိေနေသာေၾကာင့္ ပန္ဆန္းတြင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ကုိင္ေနၾကေသာ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအလုံးအရင္းျဖင့္ နယ္ စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္

ထြက္ေျပးေနၿပီး တျခားေသာ စီးပြားေရးလာေရာက္ လုပ္ကိုင္သူမ်ားမွာလည္း လားရႈိးသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးမႈမ်ား ရွိ သည္ဟု ေဒသခံမ်ားက ဆုိသည္။

“ပန္ဆန္းမွာ ထြက္ေျပးတဲ့ တရုတ္ ကုန္သည္ေတြ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားလာတယ္၊ တရုတ္နယ္ျခား နမ့္ခါေခ်ာင္း တံတားမွာ ျဖတ္ ဖုိ႔ ေစာင့္တဲ့ကားေတြက အစီး ၆၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ရွိတယ္၊ ဒီတံတားဂိတ္က ည ၆နာရီပိတ္တယ္”ဟု ေဒသခံတဦးက ဧရာ၀ တီ သုိ႔ေျပာသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ျဖစ္ရျခင္းမွ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္မ်ားက လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ား တင့္ကားမ်ားျဖင့္ ၀ေဒသကုိလည္း တုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လာႏုိင္သည္ဟု သတင္းမ်ား ထြက္ေပၚလာေသာေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟုသိရသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

“၀ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပုိင္းက အစည္းအေ၀းလုပ္ၿပီး လူထုၾကားမွာ အထိတ္တလန္႔ မျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ ႏႈိးေဆာ္တဲ့ ပုိစတာေတြကပ္တယ္၊ စာရြက္ေတြ ေ၀တယ္၊မစုိးရိမ္ဖို႔ ကုိယ္႔ေနရာမွာကုိယ္ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆးေနဖုိ႔ပါ” ဟု ၎ေဒသခံက ေျပာသည္။

ထုိသုိ႔ ႏႈိးေဆာ္မႈမ်ားကုိ ၀ေဒသအာဏာပုိင္မ်ားက ျပဳလုပ္ေနေသာ္လည္း ေဒသခံ လူထုမွာ နားမေထာင္ဘဲ အုိးအိမ္ မ်ားကုိ စြန္ခြာ ထြက္ေျပးေနေၾကာင္း၊ အမ်ားစုမွာ တရုတ္ျပည္ထဲမွ ၀ေဒသသုိ႔ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား လာေရာက္လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေသာ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွ တရုတ္အမ်ားစုမွာ လားရႈိးသုိ႔ထြက္ေျပးေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

“ပန္ဆန္းကေနၿပီး တာေကာအက္ တံတားကုိ ျဖတ္ၿပီး တန္ယန္းကုိကူးလာတာ၊ ၿပီးရင္ လားရႈိးဘက္တက္မယ္၊ ကားခေတြ လည္း ေစ်းတက္သြားတယ္၊ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ၄ရက္ ၅ရက္ကမွ ကားခက တေယာက္ ၄ေသာင္းပဲရွိတယ္၊ အခု၁သိန္းေပးရတယ္” ဟု ၀ေဒသမွ ထြက္ေျပးလာေသာ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ထြက္ေျပးမႈသည္ ၀ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ပန္ဆန္းၿမိဳ႕တြင္သာ မက တျခားေသာ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ မုိင္းလား အထူးေဒသ (၄) ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္လြတ္လပ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ ေဒသမ်ားတြင္လည္း တရုတ္ျပည္ဘက္သုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးမႈမ်ား ပုိမုိမ်ားျပားလာသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ “မုိင္းလား နဲ႔ ပန္ဆန္းက အရပ္သားေတြရယ္ ၊ KIA ဌာနခ်ဳပ္က တခ်ိဳ႕ရယ္ မေန႔က တရုတ္ျပည္ထဲကုိ ပစၥည္းေတြေ႐ႊ႕ တယ္၊ ရုတ္ရုတ္သဲသဲပဲ၊ မုိင္းလားကေတာ့ ၿမိဳ႕တခုလုံးကုိ ေျခာက္ကပ္သြားၿပီ” ဟု တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွ စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္တဦးက ေျပာသည္။

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ရွိ Phoenix TV ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားသတင္းဌာန မွ ထုတ္လႊင့္သည္ သတင္းတခုတြင္ မုိင္းေပါက္ႏွင့္ မုိင္းဖ်ံေဒသ သုိ႔ စစ္အစုိးရ တပ္မွ တင့္ကား အစီး ၂၀ျဖင့္ ၀င္ေရာက္လာသည္ဟုေၾကညာခဲ့သည္။

“တင့္ကားအစီး ၂၀သာ တကယ္၀င္ရင္ေတာ့ မုိင္းလားနဲ႔ ၀ေဒသ အဆက္ျပတ္ၿပီ၊ ဖီးနစ္တီဗီ က အဲ့ဒါကုိ လႊင့္ေတာ့ လူေတြ ကေၾကာက္ၿပီး ေျပးတာေပါ့၊

အခုကတရုတ္ျပည္ဘက္ကုိတင္ေျပးတာမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ မုိင္းယန္းကုိလည္း ၀ကတုိက္မယ္ဆုိလုိ႔ လူေတြက က်ိဳင္းတုံဘက္ကုိေျပးျပန္တယ္” ဟု အဆုိပါကုန္သည္က ဆက္လက္ေျပာသည္။ ဤထြက္ေျပးမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ တရုတ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရဘက္မွ မွားယြင္းေသာ သတင္းမ်ားကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္ေန သည္ဟုထင္ေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရးႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက သုံးသပ္သည္။ အထူးေဒသ (၁) ကုိးကန္႔နယ္ေျမတြင္ WY စာတန္းပါသည့္ မူးယစ္ေဆးျပားမ်ား ႏွင့္

ထုတ္လုပ္သည့္စက္မ်ား၊ ဓာတုေဆး ၀ါးမ်ားကုိ စီေအာရြာရွိ ဦးဖုန္ၾကာဖူး ေနအိမ္မွ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔၊ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

မူးယစ္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔ယာယီ ဦးစီးေကာ္မတီမ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီး ရမိခဲ့သည္ဟု ယေန႔ထုတ္ စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ အဆုိပါသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ နယ္ေျမေအးခ်မ္းလာၿပီျဖစ္၍ ျပည္သူ ၉၃၀၄ ဦး ျပန္လည္ ၀င္ေရာက္လာၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

အတည္မျပဳႏုိင္ေသာ သတင္းမ်ားအရ ကုိးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ႏွင္႔ ညီျဖစ္သူ ဦးဖုန္ၾကာဖူး ၊သားမ်ား ျဖစ္ေသာ ဖုန္တာ့လီ ႏွင့္ ဖုန္တာ့ရႊင္တုိ႔ကုိ လႊဲအပ္ေပးရန္ စစ္အစုိးရက ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ထံသုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆိုထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ႏွင့္၀ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အမ်ားစုသည္ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးျဖင့္ မပတ္သက္သူ နည္းပါးေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိေဒသသည္လည္း ယခင္ က ဘိန္းစုိက္ပ်ိဳးရာ ေနရာမ်ားအျဖစ္ နာမည္ဆုိးထြက္ခဲ့သည့္ ေဒသမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး ယခုအခါတြင္ စိတ္ႂကြေဆးမ်ား ကုိေျပာင္း လဲ ထုတ္လုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ယင္းမူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးကိစၥမ်ားတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ အရာရွိမ်ားလည္း ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္မႈမ်ား ရွိႏုိင္ ေၾကာင္း သ်ွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က သုံးသပ္သည္။

ဝ ျပည္ ေသြးစည္း ညီညြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) ၏ ဘ႑ာေရးဌာနတြင္ ဒုတိယဌာနမွဴးအျဖစ္ ဦးေက်ာ္ျမင့္ တာဝန္ ယူခ့ဲစဥ္က မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးလုပ္ငန္း၊ ေငြမည္းခ၀ါခ်ေသာ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကုိ လုပ္ကုိင္ခ့ဲေၾကာင္း ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး အရာရိွ ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္က ဗီအုိေအ ျမန္မာပုိင္း အသံလႊင့္ဌာန၏ အသံလႊင့္အစီအစဥ္တြင္ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့သည္ ၀ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားကုိ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးထုတ္လုပ္ေရာင္း၀ယ္မႈမ်ားတြင္ ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္သည္ဟု အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ မူး ယစ္ေဆး၀ါးတုိက္ဖ်က္ေရးအဖြဲ႕မ်ားက သံသယရွိေနေသာေၾကာင့္ ၂၀၀၃ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ကုိးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက မူးယစ္ ေဆး၀ါးကင္းစင္ေသာနယ္ေျမအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ေျပာဆုိခဲ့သည္။

စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား ေနရပ္ျပန္ပို႔ပါက အသက္အႏၲရာယ္ စိုးရိမ္ရ ရဲရင့္ / ၄ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/40909d.php ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံဘက္သို႔ ေရာက္ရိွေနသည့္ ကရင္စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဘက္သို႔ ျပန္လည္ပုိ႔ေဆာင္မည္ဆိုပါက ယခုလက္ရိွအေနအထားတြင္ လုံၿခံဳမႈမရိွေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာဘက္မွ ေဒသခံမ်ားက ေျပာသည္။ ဇြန္လဆန္းကျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တပ္မဟာ (၇) ထိုးစစ္ေၾကာင့္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံဘက္သို႔ထြက္ေျပးကာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

21

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ထာ့ေဆာင္ရမ္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ ခိုလႈံေနၾကသည့္ ကရင္စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္ (၄,၀၀၀) ခန္႔အား ျမန္မာဘက္သုိ႔ျပန္လႊတ္ရန္ တိုးတက္ေသာဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတပ္မေတာ္ (ဒီေကဘီေအ) ၉၉၉ က ထုိင္းစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ လာေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။ ၉၉၉ တပ္မဟာတပ္ရင္း (၇) မွ တပ္ရင္းမႉး ဗိုလ္လိုက္သိမ့္ႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားက လြန္ခဲ့သည့္တပတ္ေက်ာ္တြင္ ေဒသခံထိုင္း စစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ လာေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားက ျပန္ရန္ျငင္းဆိုခဲ့သျဖင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ ေသာင္မတင္ေရမက်ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ယင္းကိစၥနွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေကအန္ယူတပ္မဟာ (၇) ဘားအံခ႐ိုင္အတြင္း တပ္စြဲထားသည့္ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္တဦးက ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား ျပန္ပို႔လွ်င္ အသက္အႏၲရာယ္ ရိွႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားသည္။ ေျမျမႇဳပ္မိုင္းနင္းမိ၍ ေျခတဖက္ျဖတ္လိုက္ရသည့္ အဆိုပါ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ျဖစ္သူက “ဘားအံခ႐ိုင္အတြင္းမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မိုင္းနင္းမိတာ ေန႔တိုင္းနီးပါးပဲ။ အခုဆိုရင္ မိုင္းထိလို႔ ေျခလက္ျဖတ္ထားတဲ့လူ၊ မဲေဆာက္ေဆး႐ံုမွာ ဒီေန႔လာတဲ့ လူပါဆိုရင္ (၁၁) ေယာက္ရိွတယ္။ ဒီေကဘီေအကလူေတြ မဲဲေဆာက္ေဆး႐ံုမွာ တက္လိုက္ဆင္းလိုက္နဲ႔ (၃) လေက်ာ္ၿပီး မကုန္ႏိုင္ ေသးဘူး” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားပင္ မိုင္းရွင္းကိရိယာမ်ားကို အသံုးျပဳ၍ သြားလာလႈပ္ရွားသည့္တိုင္ မၾကာခဏ ေျမျမႇဳပ္မိုင္းနင္းမိသျဖင့္ ေသေက်ဒဏ္ရာရသူမ်ားရိွေသာေၾကာင့္ အႏၲရာယ္ကင္းမည့္္ ႀကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ားမရိွဘဲ ထိုင္းဘက္သို႔ ေရာက္ရိွေနသည့္ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို ျပန္ပို႔မည္ဆိုပါက ေသတြင္းပို႔သကဲ့သို႔ျဖစ္မည္ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။ ေကအန္ယူတပ္မဟာ (၇) ေဒသအတြင္း ေကအန္ယူဘက္မွ စခန္းဆုတ္ခြာစဥ္ ေျမျမႇဳပ္မိုင္းအလံုး (၃,၀၀၀) ခန္႔ ေထာင္ထားခဲ့သျဖင့္ မိုင္းျပႆနာႏွင့္ ေန႔စဥ္ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရေၾကာင္း၊ လာမည့္ပြင့္လင္းရာသီတြင္ ေျမတူးစက္မ်ားျဖင့္ မိုင္းရွင္းၿပီးလွ်င္ ၿမိဳ႕သစ္တည္ေဆာက္ၿပီး ကုန္သြယ္ေရးဂိတ္ႏွင့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္စခန္း ေဆာက္လုပ္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဒီေကဘီေအအရာရိွတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

22

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေဒသခံထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို ေနရပ္ျပန္ေစလိုေသာ္လည္း ၎တို႔ဆႏၵမပါဘဲ အတင္းအက်ပ္ ျပန္ပို႔မည္မဟုတ္ဟု ေျပာဆိုေသာ္လည္း ထိုင္းဘက္မွ အတင္းအက်ပ္ျပန္ပို႔မည္ကို ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားက စိုးရိမ္ေနၾကေၾကာင္း ဒုကၡသည္အေရးကူညီေနသူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ကခ်င္က အေရးေပၚ လူထုအစည္းအေဝး က်င္းပမည္ ဖနိဒါ ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 04 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 19 နာရီ 07 မိနစ္ ခ်င္းမုိင္ (မဇိၩမ) ။

။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ေျပာင္းေရး ဖိအားေပးခံေနရေသာ အဖြဲ႔တခုျဖစ္သည့္

ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ - KIO က အေရးေပၚ လူထုအစည္းအေဝးတရပ္ကို နယ္စပ္ၿမိဳ႕ လိုင္ဇာတြင္ မနက္ျဖန္ ျပဳလုပ္မည္။

ကခ်င္ျပည္သူလူထု၏ ေရွ႕ေလွ်ာက္ရမည့္ လမ္းစဥ္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရန္ မနက္ျဖန္တြင္ KIO ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ရွိရာ လုိင္ဇာတြင္ KIO ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ သာဘာေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ကခ်င္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီးမွ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား တက္ေရာက္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ “ကခ်င္ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕ ေရွ႕ေရးအတြက္ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ယံုၾကည္မႈေတြကုိ ခ်ျပဖုိ႔ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ သေဘာထားေတြကုိ ေဆြးေႏြးဖုိ႔ ေနရာအႏွ႔ံက ေခၚလုိက္တယ္။ ဒီေန႔က တခ်ဳိ႕ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ” ဟု KIO အရာရွိတဦးက မဇၩိမကို ေျပာသည္။

ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ၃၀၀ ခန္႔ တက္ေရာက္ဖြယ္ရွိေနၿပီး၊ ကခ်င္ဒီမိုကေရစီသစ္ တပ္မေတာ္ (NDAK) လည္း ပါဝင္သည္ဟု အစည္းအေဝး က်င္းပေရးအဖြဲ႔ဝင္တဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားၿမိဳ႕နယ္အတြင္းရွိ မုိးညႇင္း၊ မုိးေကာင္း၊ ဟုိပင္၊ ဖားကန္႔၊ ကားမုိင္း၊ ဗန္ေမာ္၊ ေရႊဂူ စသည့္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ား အပါအဝင္ ေနရာအႏွ႔ံရွိ ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသား ကာကြယ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KDA) ၊ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။

ကခ်င္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ျမစ္ၾကီးနားၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ယခုလ ၆ ရက္ေန႔၌ စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာ လံုၿခံဳေရးမွ ဒုတိယ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ မေတြ႔ဆံုခင္ လူထုအစည္းအေဝးပြဲ ေခၚယူျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ဧၿပီလ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔ကလည္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ စစ္တုိင္းဌာနခ်ဳပ္ တုိင္းမႉးမ်ားႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ ၆ ဖြဲ႔မွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကုိ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ နယ္ေျမမ်ားအလုိက္ သီးျခားစီခြဲ၍ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အျခားေသာ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ကို စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားက ထိုးစစ္ဆင္

အႏိုင္ယူခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ကခ်င္ဘက္တြင္လည္း တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားလာႏိုင္သည္ဆိုေသာ စိုးရိမ္မႈမ်ား ရွိေနသည္။ နအဖ က စစ္တပ္မ်ားကို ေဒသတြင္း ပိုမိုေစလႊတ္ထားျခင္းေၾကာင့္ လိုင္ဇာေဒသခံအခ်ဳိ႕မွာ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ ပစၥည္းမ်ား ေျပာင္းေရႊ႔ၾကသည္။ “ပစၥည္းေတြကေတာ့ ပုိ႔ေနၾကတယ္။ တကယ္လုိ႔ နအဖက တုိက္လာမယ္ဆုိရင္

ၾကိဳျပင္ဆင္တာပဲေပါ့။ တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ဘက္ အိမ္ေတာင္ငွားၿပီး ပစၥည္းေတြ ပုိ႔ေနၾကတယ္။ ကုိးကန္႔ဘက္ကလုိ တုိက္လာမွာ စုိးလုိ႔ ေဒသခံေတြက ပစၥည္းေတြ အကုန္သယ္ေနၾကၿပီ” ဟု လိုင္ဇာေဒသခံတဦးက မဇၩိမကို တယ္လီဖုန္းမွတဆင့္ ေျပာသည္။

စစ္အစုိးရက ေတာင္းဆိုထားသည့္ KIO ၏ စစ္တပ္ကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းကာ တပ္မေတာ္၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခံျပဳလုပ္ရန္ကို ျငင္းဆန္ထားၿပီး ကခ်င္ေဒသလံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ (KRGF) အျဖစ္သာ ေျပာင္းလဲလိုေၾကာင္း တံု႔ျပန္ထားသည္။ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္အတြက္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေနခဲ့ေသာ KIO သည္ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ ၂၄ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲခဲ့သည္။

KIO dismisses six high ranking officers Written by KNG Saturday, 05 September 2009 21:25 Six high ranking officers of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) were sacked from their posts on September 2 (Wednesday) to pre-empt factionalism akin to the recent split in the Kokang ceasefire group engineered by the Burmese ruling junta, said KIO sources. A KIO officer based in its Laiza headquarters on the Sino-Burma border in Burma's northern Kachin State told KNG today, that six senior officers were dismissed from the organization in a pre-emptive move because they posed a danger of creating fissures in the party. The six sacked officers are Dr. Manam Tu Ja, Vice-president No. 2 of KIO, N'Ja Naw Rip Deputy General Secretary of KIO, Dukaba Mung Hkawng, Dukaba Paushi Zau Hpan, Dukaba Nuk Le and Salang kaba Sabaw Krang, said KIO officers in Laiza. The KIO will make an official announcement about the dismissal soon, added KIO officers.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The dismissal of the officers comes at a time when there is palpable military tension between the KIO and the junta after the regime created a rift in the Northeast Shan State-based Myanmar Democratic Alliance Army (MDAA) known as the Kokang ceasefire group and captured the entire MDAA territory on August 24. According to KIO leaders, the fired KIO officers were also contemplating resigning because they wanted to work for the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) to contest next year’s general elections. The KSPP was set up last year by the Kachin State Interim Committee (KSIC), which was jointly formed by three main Kachin organizations- -- the KIO, the New Democratic ArmyKachin (NDA-K) and Kachin Nationals Consultative Assembly (KNCA). It is yet to register as a political party. It will do so when the junta authorizes registration of new political parties for general elections in 2010, the party leader Dr. Manam Tu Ja had said earlier. Former KIO Vice-president No. 2 Dr. Tu Ja had said in an interview to KNG last year that he will resign from the KIO as soon as the newly formed KSPP is recognized as an official political party. Dr. Tu Ja led KIO delegates to the junta-conducted National Convention for drafting the country's new constitution till it was concluded in late 2007. He was, however, increasingly criticized inside the KIO and the Kachin community because he strongly supported the NC and next year’s election. He was being viewed as a second Sama Duwa Sin Wa Nawng, the first Kachin State administrator, who strongly supported Burmese politicians throughout his political life from the time of British colonial rule till the tenure of the U Nu government after Burma’s Independence in January 4, 1948.

ေကအိုင္အိုကို ကခ်င္ေဒသကိုယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးတပ္အျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းရန္ ကခ်င္လူထု ဆံုးျဖတ္ ခိုင္လင္း / ၇ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ ေကအိုင္အိုအား နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ (BGF) အစား ကခ်င္ေဒသကိုယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးတပ္ (KRGF) အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေဒသအသီးသီးမွ လူထုကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေကအိုင္အိုတို႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးကာ သေဘာတူ ဆုံးျဖတ္လိုက္သည္။

ယခုလ (၅) ရက္တြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ (ေကအုိင္အုိ) ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ တ႐ုတ္-

ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား၊ ဝိုင္းေမာ္၊ မိုးေကာင္း၊ မိုးညႇင္း၊ ဗန္းေမာ္၊ ဖားကန္႔ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

စသည့္ ေဒသအသီးသီးမွ ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ေဒသဆိုင္ရာယဥ္ေက်းမႈအဖဲြ႔၊

လူမႈေရးအဖဲြ႔အသီးသီးမွကိုယ္စားလွယ္

စုစုေပါင္း (၃၂၄) ဦးႏွင့္ ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔မွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ေတြ႔ဆံုစည္းေဝးပဲြတရပ္က်င္းပခဲ့ၿပီး ယင္းသို႔ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ေရွ႕ေရး ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြအမည္ျဖင့္ က်င္းပသည့္ ယင္းအစည္းအေ၀းမွ အခ်က္ (၆) ခ်က္ပါ ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္ဟုလည္း

ေကအိုင္ေအအရာရိွတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “အဓိကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးမွာ ေကအိုင္အိုအေနနဲ႔ ပါဝင္မႈကို လိုလားတယ္။ စစ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းေဆြးေႏြးသြားဖို႔နဲ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္း

ယံုၾကည္မႈနဲ႔ေဆြးေႏြးသြားမယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ဆက္လက္အေကာင္ထည္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အေနနဲ႔မဟုတ္ဘဲ

ကခ်င္ေဒသကိုယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးတပ္ (KRGF) အျဖစ္ အေနနဲ႔ပဲ လူထုက လိုလားတယ္ဆိုတာ ေၾကညာခ်က္နဲ႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ နအဖက ေကအိုင္အိုအပါအဝင္ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔မ်ားအား နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖဲြ႔အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ဧၿပီ (၂၈) ရက္မွ စတင္ကမ္းလွမ္းေျပာဆိုၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ေကအိုင္အိုႏွင့္ နအဖအၾကား အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။

နအဖက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္သာ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ဖိအားေပးေျပာဆိုလာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ေကအိုင္အိုအေနျဖင့္ လက္မခံႏိုင္သည့္အေၾကာင္းကို ယခုျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ ကခ်င္လူထုအစည္းေဝးျဖင့္ ထပ္မံ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔မွ အသက္ (၅ဝ) ႏွစ္ အထက္ရိွသူမ်ားကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီထူေထာင္ၿပီး ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြဝင္ရန္ နအဖက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားခဲ့ရာ ဒု-ဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာ မနန္တူးဂ်ာ၊

အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉး (၂) အင္ဂ်ာေနာ္ရစ္ အပါအဝင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ (၆) ဦးတို႔ ေကအိုင္အိုမွ ႏုတ္ထြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီထဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ရန္ရိွသည္ဟု အဆိုပါ ေကအိုင္အိုအရာရိွက ေျပာသည္။

၎က “သူတို႔ကို ဖယ္ရွားတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ နဂိုတည္းက ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီထဲမွာ လုပ္ဖို႔ အစီစဥ္ရိွၿပီးသားပါ။ ၾကားကာလ လုပ္ငန္းေကာ္မတီဆိုၿပီး ဖဲြ႔ထားတာရိွတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ လုပ္ေနၾကရာက အခု ပါတီထဲမွာလုပ္ဖို႔ ႏုတ္ထြက္ခြင့္ေပးလိုက္တာပါ” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

26

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေကအိုင္အိုအေနျဖင့္ နအဖက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကို ျငင္းဆန္ေနသကဲ့သို႔ တဖက္မွလည္း ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြတြင္ ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔မွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အခ်ိဳ႕အား ဝင္ေရာက္ေစျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးအကဲခတ္မ်ားက ေဝဖန္ေနၾကသည္။

Wa leader chooses understudy MONDAY, 07 SEPTEMBER 2009 12:09 S.H.A.N. As the prospect of war with the Burma Army looms, the ailing Wa supreme leader Bao Youxiang has recently chosen Zhao Zhongdang, known for his proven fighting abilities, to look after the day to day political and military affairs of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), according to sources from the Wa capital Panghsang on the Sino-Burma border.

Zhao Zhongdang

Sources did not say when his new appointment was given. His official position in the Wa hierarchy is second Deputy Commander in Chief. The first deputy is Ta Ai Lone. Zhao’s latest assignment also means he will also take precedence over Deputy Chairman Xiao Minliang and Zhao Wenguang in political matters. “Of course, whatever he wants to do, he will still need to consult with Bao and obtain his consent first,” said a source close to the Wa leadership. Prior to the ceasefire in 1989, he was commander of the 418th Division operating in southern Shan State. “He made a lot of trouble for Col Hsang Mon (one of Khun Sa’s commanders operating in the same area) with his swift tactics (swift attack, swift withdrawal, swift concentration, swift dispersal),” remembers Sao Yawdserk, leader of the Shan State Army (SSA) ‘South’. “The UWSA I think, will be decisive under 27 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif him.” He was married to Naw Htay (now deceased), second daughter of Shan Nationalities Peoples Liberation Organization (SNPLO) leader Tarkeley. “His years of experience in areas west of the Salween means he understands political and social conditions in Shan State as a whole and not just the Wa State where he comes from,” said another source. Earlier, it was reported that Bao’s younger brother Youliang, head of the Finance Department, would be handling the day to day affairs for him. “To most Wa officers, Zhao Zhongdang may be a better choice than Bao Youliang,” commented a source who had for years been doing business with the Wa. “He has traveled more widely and his military experience is second to none in the present leadership.” The other leader indispensable to Bao Youxiang appears to be Wei Xuegang, who is officially the Commander of the Thai border-based 171st Military Region and the de facto finance head. “When I was recently invited to one of the close door meetings,” recalled a Shan ceasefire leader, “there were only Wei and Zhao apart from Bao.”

စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားက ေကအိုင္အိုကို မ်က္ေျခမျပတ္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေန

တနလၤာေန႕၊ 07 စက္တင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ တရုပ္နယ္စပ္ရိွ ကခ်င္ျပည္လြပ္လပ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (KIO) ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ရင္းႏွီး ျမဳပ္ႏွံထားသည့္စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားက ဗမာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ကခ်င္ျပည္လြပ္လပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔

(KIO)အဖြဲ႕ တို႔၏ ႏွစ္ဘက္ဆက္ဆံေရးအေျခအေန အား သတိထား ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ လိုင္ဇာ၌ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ကိုင္သူမ်ားက ႏွစ္ဘက္အေျခအေနကို စိတ္၀င္စားေနျခင္းမွာ အေျခအေန မဟန္ပါကေျပာင္းေရြ႕ ၾကရန္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ နအဖႏွင့္ေကအိုင္အို ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမည္ဆိုသည့္ သတင္းထြက္ေပၚလာၿပီးေနာက္ ၎ ရလဒ္ကိုစိတ္၀င္ တစား ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနေၾကာင္း လိုင္ဇာေဒသခံ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္တစ္ဦးက သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ ဆင့္ကိုေျပာသည္။ စက္တင္ဘာ 4 ရက္ေန႕ နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕ရိွ လိုင္ဇာေဟာ္တယ္၌ ေကအိုင္အို ဗဟိုဌာနခ်ဳပ္ရိွထိပ္ပိုင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေဒသ အသီးသီးမွ နယ္ဘက္ဆိုင္ရာ

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ (ဆလံကမၻာ) ကိုယ္စားမ်ားေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ရိွခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရသည္။ အေျခအေနကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနသူမ်ားထဲတြင္ ရပ္ေ၀းမွလာေရာက္ အေျခခ်စီးပြားေရးလုပ္သူမ်ားသာမက ေဒသခံမ်ား လည္း ပါ၀င္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

28

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “က်ေနာ္တို႔ေတာ့ ေအာက္တိုဘာလအထိေစာင့္ၾကည့္ခ်င္ေသးတယ္

အဲဒီေတာ့မွပဲအေျခအေနမေကာင္းရင္ ဒီ ဘက္ ထြက္လာမယ္ တခ်ိဳ႕ေတြေတာ့

ဆိုင္ေတြပိတ္ထားၾကတယ္ ပစၥည္းေတြေတာ့ဘယ္ေရြ႕သြားၾကမွန္းမသိ ဘူး” လို႔ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ဆိုင္ဖြင့္ထားသူတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။

အရင္းအႏွီးမ်ားမ်ားျဖင့္ လာေရာက္စီးပြားေရးလုပ္သူမ်ားတြင္ တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံသားအမ်ားစုျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး ေမာ္ေတာ္ဆိုင္ ကယ္ ကုမၸဏီမ်ား ၊ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးပစၥည္း ကုမၸဏီမ်ား၊

အ၀တ္အထည္ဆိုင္ႀကီးမ်ား ၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ပစၥည္းဆိုင္မ်ား ႏွင့္လူသံုးကုန္ ပစၥည္းအေရာင္းဆိုင္မ်ား ပါ၀င္သည္။

လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ လကုန္ပိုင္းကစ နအဖႏွင့္အပစ္ရပ္ကိုးကန္႔တို႔ စစ္ေရးတင္းမာစျပဳခ်ိန္တြင္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ ေျပာင္းေရးကို ျငင္းဆန္ေနသည့္ တရုတ္နယ္စပ္ အပစ္ရပ္ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတိုးခ်ဲ႕ လုပ္ကိုင္ရန္ အစီအစဥ္မရိွေတာ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

လတ္တေလာ အေျခအေနတြင္ တရုပ္ႏိုင္ငံသား စီးပြားေရးသမားအခ်ိဳ႕၏ ဆိုင္ခန္းမ်ား ပိတ္သြား၍ လိုင္ဇာေစ်းအတြင္းရိွ ဆိုင္ခန္းအခ်ိဳ႕လည္း ပိတ္သြားၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း လိုင္ဇာေဒသခံတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။

တရုပ္ဘက္ျခမ္း လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕သို႔ေျပာင္းေရြ႕ အခန္းငွားရမ္းသူမ်ားျပားလာသျဖင့္

တရုပ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားဘက္မွစာရင္း ေကာက္ယူမႈမ်ားရိွေနေၾကာင္း သူကေျပာသည္။

“ေဒသခံေတြလည္း ပစၥည္းေတြေျပာင္းေနတာပဲ တရုပ္ဘက္ကလာတဲ့သူေတြကေတာ့ အရင္းအႏွီးမ်ားတယ္ပစၥည္းေတြ ေတာ့သယ္ထားၾကၿပီ တခ်ိဳ႕လည္း ဆိုင္ပိတ္လိုက္ၿပီ ေလာင္းကစား၀ိုင္းေတြေတာ့ မပိတ္ေသးပါဘူး ရိွပါတယ္” လို႔ ဆိုသည္။

လိုင္ဇာတြင္ စီးပြားေရးလာေရာက္လုပ္ကိုင္သူအမ်ားစုမွာ တရုပ္ျပည္သားမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး

ျမစ္ႀကီးနားႏွင့္ဗန္းေမာ္ ဘက္မွ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားလည္း ကုန္ဆုိင္ဖြင့္ေရာင္းခ်သူမ်ားရိွေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ယခုလို ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ စိုးရိမ္ေၾကာင့္ၾကမႈအေပၚ ေကအိုင္အိုကတစ္စံုတစ္ရာ ေျပာဆိုရွင္းလင္းျခင္းမရိွေသး ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ တရုပ္နယ္စပ္အနီးရိွ သွ်မ္းျပည္ (ေျမာက္ပိုင္း) အတြင္းမွ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္ဆဲထားသည့္

ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ နအဖ စစ္တပ္တို႔ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့အၿပီး ေကအိုင္အိုဌာနခ်ဳပ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕နားအထိ နအဖစစ္တပ္မ်ားက ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ေနရာယူ

လာေၾကာင္း ေဒသတြင္းသတင္းမ်ားအရ သိရသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေကအိုင္အိုအဖြဲ႔အား ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ေနာက္ဆံုးထား၍

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ ဖိအား ေပး ေျပာဆိုထားသျဖင့္ တစ္လတာကာလအတြင္း အေျခအေနအေျပာင္းအလဲကို စိတ္၀င္စားေနၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ေဟာင္း ေအာင္႒ကီးနဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛဴပႍနာ 2009-09-06 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Kokang_peace_process_and_key_role_of_ retired_Brig-Gen_Aung-Gyi-09062009123612.html/story_main?textonly=1

ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚ ဌာနခဵႂပ္ တည္ရႀိရာ ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ ေဴမာက္ပိုင္း၊ အထူးေဒသ (၁) ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚတၾင္ စိုက္ထူထားေသာ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚတိုႛ၏ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးအထိမ္းအမႀတ္ ေကဵာက္တိုင္ ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: panoramio.com)

မဳကာေသးခင္က ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့တဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသ ဴပႍနာကုိ စစ္အစိုးရ သတင္းစာေတၾက ေဖာ္ဴပခဲ့ရာမႀာ အ႓ငိမ္းစား ဗိုလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ေအာင္႒ကီးနဲႛ ကုိးကန္ႛ လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖၾဲႛ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾ ဘယ္လုိဘယ္ပံု ပတ္သက္ခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ အခဵက္ေတၾ မေတၾႛရပၝဘူး။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကုိးကန္ႛ လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖၾဲႛနဲႛ စစ္အစိုးရအဳကား အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးမႀာ အေရးပၝတဲ့ကၸက ပၝဝင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ေဟာင္း ေအာင္႒ကီးနဲႛ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ သမုိင္းကၾင္းဆက္ေတၾကုိ ဦးစိန္ေကဵာ္လိႁင္က သုံးသပ္အစီရင္ခံထားပၝတယ္။

မုန္းလားေဒသခံမဵား တ႟ုတ္ပိုင္နက္ထဲ ေဴပးဝင္ေနဳက 2009-09-04 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/frightened_locals_flee_into_china09042009142222.html/story_main?textonly=1 ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့တဲ့ စစ္ပၾဲေတၾေဳကာင့္ တ႟ုတ္ပိုင္နက္ထဲ ေဴပးလာတဲ့ စစ္ေဴပးဒုကၡသည္ေတၾကို ကူညီႎိုင္ေရးအတၾက္ ဒုကၡသည္ေတၾရႀိရာကို သၾားခၾင့္ဴပႂဖိုႛ UNHCR ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မဵားဆိုင္ရာ မဟာမင္း႒ကီး႟ုံးက တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရကို ဒီကေနႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၄ ရက္မႀာ ေတာင္းဆုိလုိက္ပၝတယ္။ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံက စစ္ေဴပးဒုကၡသည္ေတၾကို တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံနဲႛ ပူးတၾဲ ကူညီသၾားႎို္င္ေရးအတၾက္ တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရက အဴပႂသေဘာေဆာင္ စဥ္းစားေပးလိမ့္မယ္လိုႛ ေမ႖ာ္လင့္ေဳကာင္း၊ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ဝေဒသမႀာ မတည္မ႓ငိမ္ဴဖစ္႓ပီး စစ္ေဴပးဒုကၡသည္ ေနာက္ထပ္တိုးလာမဲ့ အေဴခအေနေတၾ ရႀိေနစဥ္မႀာ စစ္ေဴပးဒုကၡသည္အေရးကို ေဆာင္႟ၾက္ခၾင့္ရဖိုႛ မိမိတိုႛ ေမ႖ာ္လင့္ပၝေဳကာင္း UNHCR ဌာေနကုိယ္စားလႀယ္က ေဴပာပၝတယ္၊ ဒီအေတာအတၾင္း ဴမန္မာစစ္တပ္က အလုံးအရင္းနဲႛ ဝင္ေရာက္လာတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေဟာင္ေကာင္အေဴခစိုက္ ဖီးနစ္႟ုပ္ဴမင္သံဳကားရဲ့ ေကာလာဟလ ထုတ္လၿင့္မႁေတၾေဳကာင့္ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ မုန္းလားေဒသခံေတၾ ေစဵးဆိုင္ကို ရရာေစဵးနဲႛ ေရာင္း႓ပီး တ႟ုတ္ပိုင္နက္ထဲ ေဴပးဝင္ေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ နယ္စပ္ စစ္ေရးႎို္င္ငံေရးေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာ။

။ “ဴပႍနာက မုန္းလားမႀာ၊ ဟို မုန္းလားဆိုတာ ရႀမ္းဴပည္အေရႀႚပိုင္းမႀာ၊

နယ္စပ္ေဒသမႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ ေဒသခံ တ႟ုတ္ေတၾကေတာ့ ဆိုင္ေတၾကို ေလ႖ာ့ေဈးေတၾ အကုန္ေလ႖ာ့ေရာင္း၊ ဆိုင္လံုးက႗တ္ေရာင္းတာေတာင္ ရႀိတယ္။ ေရာင္း႓ပီးေတာ့ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဖက္ကမ္း ေဴပးဳကတယ္ ေဴပာတယ္။ ၃ ရက္ေနႛက ေနႛခင္းဖက္ ေဟာင္ေကာင္က ဖီးနစ္စ္ တီဗီကေန႓ပီးေတာ့ ထုတ္တဲ့ သတင္းကလည္း ဦးစိုင္းလင္းေဒသနဲႛ ဝနဲႛ ဳကားမႀာ ဗမာစစ္တပ္က တင့္ကား အစီး ၂၀ ဝင္လာတယ္လိုႛ သတင္းက ထၾက္တာကိုး။ အဲဒီမႀာ လန္ႛဖဵပ္႓ပီးေတာ့ ေဴပးဳကတယ္။ အဲလို ဴဖစ္ဳကတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီသတင္းက အမႀန္လည္း ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif မဟုတ္ဖူးေလ၊ အမႀား႒ကီးကို။ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္မႀာလည္း လိုင္ဇာဖက္မႀာ အဲလို ေဴပးမႁလၿားမႁ တခဵိႂႚရႀိတယ္လိုႛ ေဴပာတယ္။ မုန္းလားဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ ႓မိႂႚက ေဴခာက္ေဴခာက္ကပ္ကပ္ ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ပန္ဆန္းမႀာလည္း အဲလိုပဲ။” ဴမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရပိုင္ သတင္းစာေတၾမႀာေတာ့ ကိုးကန္ႛ ဴပည္သူ သုံးေသာင္းခုနစ္ေထာင္ေလာက္ တ႟ုတ္ဖက္ ထၾက္ေဴပးသၾားတဲ့အနက္ ကိုးေထာင္ေကဵာ္ ဴမန္မာဴပည္ထဲကို ဴပန္လာေန႓ပီလိုႛ ေရးသားပၝတယ္။ ဒၝ့အဴပင္ စစ္အစိုးရသတင္းစာမႀာ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္း W.Y တံဆိပ္ မူးယစ္ေဆးဴပား တသိန္းေဴခာက္ေသာင္းနီးပၝးကို ဒီရက္ပိုင္းအတၾင္း သိမ္းဆည္းရမိတယ္လိုႛ ဒီကေနႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၄ ရက္မႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။

ႎိုင္ငံေရးအသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကိုသာ ေကအုိင္အုိ လိုလား 2009-09-06 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/KIO_reaffirm_political_transition_rather_than_bor der_guards_transformation-09062009122535.html/story_main ေကအုိင္အုိ ကခဵင္လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရးအဖဲၾႛ အေနနဲႛ ကခဵင္လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ကုိ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖဲၾႛအဴဖစ္ ေဴပာင္းလဲေရးထက္ ေကအုိင္အုိ ကို ႎုိင္ငံေရးအရ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကိုသာ ပုိမို လုိလားေဳကာင္း ညီလာခံအ႓ပီး ထုတ္ဴပန္တဲ့ ေဳကညာခဵက္မႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္ နဲႛ ၆ ရက္ေနႛမႀာ ေကအုိင္အုိ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾ အပၝအဝင္ ကခဵင္လူထု ကုိယ္စားလႀယ္ေတၾပၝ တက္ေရာက္တဲ့ အစည္းအေဝးတရပ္ကုိ လုိင္ဇာမႀာ ကဵင္းပခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ အဲဒီအစည္းအေဝးမႀာ စစ္အစုိးရရဲႛေတာင္းဆုိခဵက္ေတၾနဲႛ လက္ရႀိ အဳကပ္အတည္းအေပၞ အထူးအေလးေပး ေဆၾးေႎၾးခဲ့တယ္လုိႛ သိရပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

32

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif (Photo: kachinstate.com) KIO အဖၾဲႚ ဌာနခဵႂပ္တည္ရႀိရာ လိုင္ဇာ႓မိႂႚမႀာ ကဵင္းပသည့္ ကခဵင္ေတာ္လႀန္ေရးေနႛ ႎႀစ္ပတ္လည္ အခမ္းအနားတၾင္ စစ္ေရးဴပေနေသာ KIA တပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵား ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: kachinstate.com) ေဆၾးေႎၾးပဲၾအ႓ပီး ဒီကေနႛ မနက္ပုိင္းက အခဵက္ ေဴခာက္ခဵက္ပၝတဲ့ ေဳကညာခဵက္တေစာင္ကုိ ကခဵင္ဘာသာနဲႛ ထုတ္ဴပန္ခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ ေကအုိင္အုိ အေနနဲႛ အနာဂတ္တုိင္းဴပည္ရဲႛ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္အဴဖစ္၊ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးလုပ္ဖုိႛ မူအားဴဖင့္ လက္ခံထား႓ပီး ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း၊ ဴဖစ္ႎုိင္ေဴခရႀိတဲ့ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကုိ ေအးခဵမ္းစၾာ အေဴဖရႀာလုိေဳကာင္း၊ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကုိ ဆက္လက္ ထိန္းသိမ္းသၾားလိုေဳကာင္း ဒီ ေဳကညာခဵက္ အစပုိင္းမႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။ ဒီေဳကညာခဵက္ကုိ လက္ခံရရႀိထားတဲ့ ကခဵင္ဖၾံႛ႓ဖိႂးေရးကၾန္ယက္ အဖဲၾႛက ဦးေအာင္ဝၝက ကခဵင္ဘာသာကေန ဴမန္မာလုိဴပန္႓ပီး ဖတ္ဴပပၝတယ္။

ဦးေအာင္ဝၝ။

။“ေဳကညာခဵက္ေခၝင္းစဥ္ကေတာ့ ကခဵင္အမဵႂိးသားမဵား၏ ေရႀႛေရး

စည္းေဝးေဳကညာခဵက္။ ဒုတိယအပိုဒ္က SPDC စစ္တပ္မႀ ဦးစီးဴပႂလုပ္ေသာ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရး၌ ေကအုိင္အုိအဖၾဲႛကို ေဴပာင္းလဲလုပ္ေဆာင္ဖုိႛ ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံ၏ ေရႀႛလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ ဴဖစ္သည့္အေလဵာက္ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကို မူအားဴဖင့္ တက္ေရာက္လာေသာ ကုိယ္စားလႀယ္အားလံုး သေဘာတူ ဆံုးဴဖတ္သည္။ နံပတ္သံုး၊ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ေသာ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးလုပ္ငန္းကို ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံအစိုးရ SPDC ႎႀင့္ ေကအိုင္အုိ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးကို အခဵင္းခဵင္းယံုဳကည္မႁဴဖင့္ ေဆၾးေႎၾးသၾားမည္ကို လုိလားသည္။ ရယူထားေသာ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးအတၾင္း၌ ဆက္လက္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ရၾက္သၾားမည္။ စစ္ေရးနည္းဴဖင့္ ေဴဖရႀင္းမႁကို ဆန္ႛကဵင္သည္”

ေကအုိင္အုိ အေနနဲႛ ကခဵင္စစ္တပ္တခုတည္းကုိ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္အဴဖစ္ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းတာထက္ ႎုိင္ငံေရးအရ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းမႁကုိပၝ လုိလားေဳကာင္း၊ ေနာင္ ဴဖစ္ေပၞလာမယ့္ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ အစုိးရအဖဲၾႛတၾင္း ေကအုိင္အုိ အေနနဲႛ ့အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္း ပၝဝင္လုိေဳကာင္း ဒီ ေဳကညာခဵက္ပၝ အခဵက္အလက္ေတၾကုိ ဦးေအာင္ဝၝက ဴမန္မာဘာသာ ဴပန္ဆုိ႓ပီး အခုလုိဆက္ဖတ္ဴပပၝတယ္။

ဦးေအာင္ဝၝ။

။“နံပတ္ေလး၊ ေကအုိင္ေအ စစ္တပ္တခုလံုးကို အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရး ဴပႂလုပ္ဴခင္း

မဟုတ္ဘဲ ေကအုိင္အုိတခုလံုးကို အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရး ဴပႂလုပ္မည္။ ေကအုိင္ေအ၊ ေကအိုင္အုိ အဖၾဲႛအစည္းသည္ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္အစိုးရထဲ၌ လက္တၾဲေဆာင္ရၾက္မႁကို လုိလားသည္။ နံပၝတ္ ငၝး၊ ေကအုိင္ေအတပ္ကို နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္ BGF အဴဖစ္ ေဴပာင္းလဲေခၞဆုိဴခင္း မဴပႂဘဲ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

33

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကခဵင္ေဒသလံုဴခံႂေရးတပ္ KRGF- Kachin Regional Guard Force အဴဖစ္ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးအခဵက္ေတၾ ပၝဝင္႓ပီး ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံ၏ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ အစုိးရအထဲတၾင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္မႁကုိ လုိလားသည္။ နံပၝတ္ ေဴခာက္၊ ၂ဝ၁ဝ တၾင္ဴပႂလုပ္မည့္ ေရၾးေကာက္ပၾဲကို သန္ႛရႀင္း႓ပီး တရားမ႖တေသာ ေရၾးေကာက္ပၾဲ ဴပႂလုပ္ဖိုႛ လိုလားသည္။ ၎ ေရၾးေကာက္ပၾဲမႀ ေပၞေပၝက္လာေသာ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္အစိုးရသစ္ႎႀင့္ ေကအုိင္အုိသည္ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရး ဴပႂလုပ္ေဆာင္ရၾက္သၾားရန္ ဴဖစ္သဴဖင့္ သင့္ေလဵာ္ေသာ ပုဂၢိႂလ္၊ သင့္ေလဵာ္ေသာ နည္းလမ္းႎႀင့္ ပၝဝင္ခၾင့္ ရရန္ လုိလားသည္”

႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ၅ ရက္ေနႛ အစည္းအေဝးမႀာ ကခဵင္ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္ေတၾ တက္ေရာက္ဳက႓ပီး ႎုိင္ငံေရးပၝတီ ထူေထာင္လုိတဲ့ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာနဲႛ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တခဵိႂႛကုိ အဖဲၾႛအစည္းကေန ႎႁတ္ထၾက္ခၾင့္ ဴပႂခဲ့တယ္လုိႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာနဲႛ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တခဵိႂႛဟာ ကခဵင္ တုိးတက္ေရးပၝတီ KSPP အမည္နဲႛ ပၝတီထူေထာင္႓ပီး ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရၾးေကာက္ပဲၾ ဝင္မယ္လုိႛ သတင္းေတၾ ထၾက္ေပၞေနပၝတယ္။

႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသ စစ္ဆင္ေရးေတၾအ႓ပီး ဴမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရအေနနဲႛ ကခဵင္လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖဲၾႛအစည္းဘက္ကုိ လႀည့္လာေန႓ပီလုိႛ အမဵားက သုံးသပ္သလုိ ကခဵင္ေဒသအတၾင္း စစ္အစုိးရတပ္ေတၾ တုိးခဵဲႛ ခဵလာတဲ့အတၾက္ ေဒသခံဴပည္သူတခဵိႂႛ တရုတ္ဴပည္ဘက္ကုိ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ရက္ပုိင္းက ေဴပာင္းေရၾႛခဲ့ဳကပၝတယ္။ ဒီရက္ပုိင္းအတၾင္းမႀာေတာ့ ဴပန္လည္ ေအးေဆးသၾား႓ပီလုိႛ သိရပၝတယ္။

ေလာေလာဆယ္အခဵိန္အထိ ကခဵင္ေဒသအတၾင္း အရင္ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္စဲၾထားရာ ေနရာေတၾမႀာ တပ္အင္အား သုံးေလးဆေလာက္ တုိးခဵလာတဲ့အဴပင္၊ လက္နက္နဲႛ ရိကၡာေတၾလည္း သယ္ယူ စုေဆာင္းေနပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမယ့္ စစ္အစုိးရ သတ္မႀတ္ခဵက္အရ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကုိ ေအာက္တုိဘာလအတၾင္း ေနာက္ဆုံးထား လုပ္ေဆာင္ရမယ္လုိႛ ေဴပာထားတဲ့အတၾက္ ေအာက္တုိဘာလ မတုိင္ခင္အထိ ေဆၾေႎၾးေဴဖရႀင္းႎုိင္ဖုိႛ အခၾင့္အလမ္းေတၾကဵန္ရႀိေနေသးေဳကာင္း ေကအုိင္အုိ သတင္းရပ္ကၾက္က ဆုိပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမယ့္ လက္ရႀိ ေကအုိင္အုိရဲႛ အေဳကာင္းဴပန္ဳကားခဵက္အေပၞ စစ္အစုိးရဘက္က မလုိက္ေလဵာႎုိင္ဘူးဆုိရင္ ေအာက္တုိဘာလအတၾင္း စစ္ေရးအရ ပုိမုိ တင္းမာလာႎုိင္တယ္လုိႛ ကခဵင္သတင္းရပ္ကၾက္က ေဴပာဆုိပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

34

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဴမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရနဲႛ တုိင္းရင္းသားအဖၾဲႛေတၾရဲႛ အလားအလာ 2009-09-06 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/commentaries/sunday_round_table09062009110604.html/story_main ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့တဲ့ တုိက္ပၾဲေတၾနဲႛစပ္လဵဥ္း႓ပီး အစိုးရအတိုက္အခံ ဒီမုိကေရစီ လုိလားသူေတၾရဲႛ ေတၾးေခၞခံစားမႁေတၾကို ဦးခင္ေမာင္စုိး စီစဥ္တင္ဆက္တဲ့ တနဂႆေႎၾေဆၾးေႎၾးပၾဲ စကားဝုိင္းမႀာ နားဆင္ရမႀာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

(Photo: AP) ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ ေဴမာက္ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ (၁) တၾင္ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚတိုႛ တိုက္ပၾဲမဵား ဴဖစ္ပၾားဴခင္းေဳကာင့္ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၅ ရက္ေနႛက တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံ ယၾန္နန္ဴပည္နယ္ရႀိ နယ္စပ္႓မိႂႚဴဖစ္ေသာ နန္ဆန္းသိုႛ ထၾက္ေဴပးလာသည့္ ကိုးကန္ႛ ဒုကၡသည္မဵား ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: AP) ဒီစကားဝုိင္းမႀာ ပၝဝင္ေဆၾးေႎၾးထားသူေတၾကေတာ့ ကရင္အမဵႂိးသားအစည္းအရံုး ဒု-ဥကၠႉ ေဒးဗစ္သာကေပၝ၊ မင္းဴပား႓မိႂႛနယ္ ဴပည္သူႛလၿတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္ ဦးထၾန္းဝင္း၊ တရုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္က ဴမန္မာ့စစ္ေရး ႎိုင္ငံေရးေလ့လာသူ ေဒၝက္တာ လႀေကဵာ္ေဇာ၊ ထုိင္းဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္က အမဵႂိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖၾဲႛခဵႂပ္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္နယ္ေဴမ စည္းရံုးေရး တာဝန္ခံ ဦးထၾန္းေအာင္ေကဵာ္တုိႛ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္မႀလက္နက္မဵားဴဖင့္ ပၝလက္စတိုင္းစစ္ေသၾး႔ကမဵားအားပံ့ပိုး 2009-09-04 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/palestanian_militants_supplied_by_arms_from_b urmese_border-09042009160733.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

35

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္က လာတဲ့ လက္နက္ပစၤည္းေတၾကို အီရန္ပၾဲစားေတၾက ေစဵးေပၝေပၝနဲႛ ဝယ္႓ပီး အေရႀႚအလယ္ပိုင္းက အစၤေရးလ္ဆန္ႛကဵင္ေရး ပၝလက္စတိုင္း စစ္ေသၾး႔ကအဖၾဲႚေတၾ ဴဖစ္တဲ့ ဟားမားနဲႛ ဟစၤဘိုလာ သူပုန္ေတၾကို ပံ့ပိုးေပးေနတယ္လိုႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၃ရက္ မေနႛက ထုတ္တဲ့ ဝၝရႀင္တန္ဒီစီအေဴခစိုက္ Wayne Madsen Report အင္တာနက္သတင္းမႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။ ဒီလို လက္နက္ ပံ့ပိုးတာေတၾကို အစၤေရးလ္က မလိုလားတဲ့အတၾက္ ဴမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္ေတၾက ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသ လက္နက္စက္႟ံုကို ရႀာေဖၾရာကေန ကိုးကန္ႛ တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္ခဲ့တာလိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံထဲက ေထာက္လႀမ္းေရး သတင္းေတၾကို ကိုးကား႓ပီး သတင္းစာဆရာ Mr. Wayne Madsen က ေရးသားလုိက္ပၝတယ္။ Mr. Madsen နဲႛ ဆက္သၾယ္ေမးဴမန္း႓ပီး RFA အဖၾဲႚသား ကိုေကဵာ္မင္းထၾန္းက တင္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။

ေဖာက္ခၾဲယမ္းစက္ရုံ အေဳကာင္းဴပခဵက္တခုသာ 2009-09-05 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/junta_claimed_seizure_of_explosive_factory_in_k okang_area-09052009144301.html/story_main?textonly=1 တရုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ကိုးကန္ႛနယ္ေဴမထဲမႀာ ေဖာက္ခၾဲဖဵက္ဆီးေရးယမ္း ထုတ္လုပ္တဲ့စက္ရုံကို စစ္အစုိးရတပ္ေတၾက စီးနင္းသိမ္းဆည္းႎိုင္ခဲ့တယ္လိုႛ စစ္အစိုးရ သတင္းစာေတၾက ဒီကေနႛ ေရးသားလုိက္တာဟာ အေဳကာင္းဴပခဵက္တခုသာ ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ စစ္ေရးေလ့လာသူေတၾက သုံးသပ္ပၝတယ္။ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္ ဖၾဲႛစည္းေရးကိစၤကို တုိင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္အဖၾဲႛေတၾက လက္မခံႎုိင္တာေဳကာင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသကို စစ္ဝင္တုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကိစၤအေပၞ အေဳကာင္းဴပခဵက္ တခုခု ေပးခဵင္တဲ့အတၾက္ေဳကာင့္သာ စစ္အစိုးရက ဒီသတင္းမဵႂိး ထုတ္ဴပန္ရတာဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း ခဵင္းမိုင္အေဴခစိုက္ ရႀမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းစဥ္ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးစိန္ဳကည္က ေဝဖန္ေဴပာဆိုလုိက္ပၝတယ္။

ဦးစိန္ဳကည္။

။“သူတုိႛ ဴဖစ္ေစခဵင္တဲ့ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသၾင္ေဴပာင္းလဲဖုိႛကို အထူးသဴဖင့္

တရုတ္နယ္စပ္တေလ႖ာက္ ဌာနခဵႂပ္စိုက္တဲ့ သံုးေလးဖၾဲႛက လက္မခံေတာ့ မရရတဲ့နည္းနဲႛ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက တခုမဟုတ္တခု မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝးနဲႛ ဴဖစ္ဴဖစ္၊ လက္နက္နဲႛ ဴဖစ္ဴဖစ္ ကိုင္ေပၝက္တာပဲ။ ဘာလုိႛလည္းဆိုေတာ့ အႎႀစ္ ႎႀစ္ဆယ္ေကဵာ္ ခၾင့္ဴပႂထားတဲ့ အပစ္ရပ္႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးအဖၾဲႛေတၾကို စဖဵက္တာဟာ သူတုိႛမဟုတ္ဘူး ဆုိတဲ့ဟာကုိ ဖံုးဖိခဵင္လုိႛ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

36

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif လက္နက္မႁတုိႛ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝးတုိႛနဲႛ ကိုင္ေပၝက္တာဴဖစ္တယ္လုိႛ ကဵေနာ္ထင္တယ္”

ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၉ ရက္ေနႛမႀာ စစ္ပၾဲေတၾ ႓ပီးသၾား႓ပီမိုႛ ေဒသတၾင္းကို ဴပန္လာဳကဖိုႛ စစ္အစိုးရက ေဳကညာခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသခံ တခဵႂိႛသာ ဴပန္လာဳက႓ပီး ကဵန္ေဒသခံေတၾကေတာ့ တရုတ္ပုိင္နက္ထဲမႀာ စိုးရိမ္တ႒ကီးနဲႛ ဆက္႓ပီး ေစာင့္ဳကည့္ေနဆဲ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္း စစ္ပၾဲေတၾေဳကာင့္ စစ္ေဴပးဒုကၡသည္ သံုးေသာင္းခၾဲေကဵာ္ ရႀိခဲ့ရာမႀာ စက္တင္ဘာ ၅ ရက္ေနႛအထိေတာ့ အိမ္ဴပန္လာသူ တေသာင္းေကဵာ္ေလာက္သာ ရႀိေသးေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္။

KIO ထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၅ဦး တာ၀န္မွနားၿပီး ပါတီသစ္ေထာင္မည္ 06 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-06-voa4.cfm ကခ်င္ျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ (KIO)က ထိပ္ပိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၅ဦးဟာ ၂၀၁၀မွာ က်င္းပမယ့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာ ပါ၀င္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ဖို႔အတြက္ ပါတီ ဖဲြ႔စည္းၾကမွာ ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ KIOအဖြဲ႔ကေန ႏႈတ္ထြက္ ခြင့္ျပဳလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာ အပါအ၀င္ ေကအိုင္အို

ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္းေတြဟာ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က အျခားႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး စိတ္၀င္စားသူေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီတရပ္ ထူေထာင္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

သတင္းအျပည့္အစံုကို ထိုင္းအေျခစိုက္ သတင္းေထာက္ ကိုမိုးေဇာ္က တင္ျပတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ KIOအဖဲြ႔ရဲ့ ထိပ္ပို္င္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ႏႈတ္ထြက္လိုက္တဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကို မေန႔က KIO ဌာခ်ဳပ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕မွာ က်င္းပတဲ့ လူထု အစည္းအေ၀းမွာ တရား၀င္ ေၾကညာခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ KIO လူႀကီး၅ေယာက္ဟာ ပါတီႏုိင္ငံေရးကို ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္လိုတာေၾကာင့္ ႏႈတ္ထြက္ခြင့္ေပးတာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေဒါက္တာ တူးဂ်ာ က အခုလို ေျပာပါတယ္။ "ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔က ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚထြက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚႏုိင္ငံေရးကို လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္လုပ္ခ်င္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းက ထြက္ခြင့္ေတာင္းတာပါ။ အဲဒါကို လူႀကီးေတြက လက္ခံခဲ့ၿပီး ခြင့္ျပဳတာေပါ့။ အဲဒါ ထုတ္ပယ္လုိက္တဲ့ သေဘာ၊ အဲဒီလုိ အဓိပၸာယ္မ်ိဳးေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူးဗ်၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေတာင္းဆုိမႈေပၚမွာ သူတုိ႔က စဥ္းစားေပးခဲ့တာပါခင္ဗ်။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ၅ေယာက္ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့။ တရား၀င္ကေတာ့ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚက လူႀကီးေတြ အားလံုး ၃၀၀ေက်ာ္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ၊ အစည္းအေ၀း လုပ္တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ တရား၀င္ ေၾကညာေပးလုိက္တာေပါ့။" ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

37

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အခုလို ႏႈတ္ထြက္သူေတြကေတာ့ ဒုတိယ ဥကၠ႒(၂) ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာ၊ တဲြဘက္ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႈႉး ဦးအင္ဂ်ာေနာ္ရစ္၊ ဦးမြန္ေခါင္၊ ဦးေဇာင္ဖန္းနဲ႔ ဦးလဇြန္တန္တို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အခုလို ႏႈတ္ထြက္လိုက္တဲ့ KIO ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ အျခား ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းက

ႏုိင္ငံေရးအင္အားစုေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီကို ဖဲြ႔စည္းဖို႔ ျပင္ဆင္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာက ဆက္ေျပာ ပါတယ္။ "ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ၿမိဳ႕က လူေတြနဲ႔ အားလံုး သြားၿပီး ေပါင္းၿပီး ပါတီတရပ္ ထူေထာင္ဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ကခ်င္ ျပည္နယ္ တုိးတက္ေရးပါတီ ဆုိတာကို ထူေထာင္ဖု႔ိ အခု ျပင္ဆင္ေနတာေပါ့။ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တုိးတက္ေရးပါတီမွာေတာ့ လူမ်ိဳးဘာသာ မခဲြျခားေပါ့ဗ်ာ ပါ၀င္လုိ႔ ရတာေပါ့။ အဲဒီမွာ NDA-K အဖဲြ႔ကလည္း သူတုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔လုိ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းက ထြက္ၿပီး ပါမယ္ဆုိ ပါလုိ႔ရတယ္။ ဘယ္အဖဲြ႔အစည္းကမဆုိ မိခင္အဖဲြ႔အစည္းကေန ထြက္ၿပီးေတာ့ အရပ္သား တေယာက္ အေနနဲ႔ ပါ၀င္လို႔ရတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းကုိယ္စားလွယ္အေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ မရဘူးခင္ဗ်။ " ယခုဖဲြ႔စည္းဖုိ႔ ျပင္ဆင္ေနတဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီကို ၂၀၁၀ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအတြက္ ပါတီေတြ ဖဲြ႔စည္းခြင့္ ျပဳတဲ့အခ်ိန္က်မွ တရား၀င္ မွတ္ပံုတင္ဖဲြ႔စည္းသြားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္တိုးတက္ေရး ပါတီဟာ KIO၊ NDA-K ေခၚ ဒီမိုကေရစီသစ္တပ္မေတာ္-ကခ်င္ နဲ႔ ကခ်င္အတိုင္ပင္ခံ ေကာင္စီအဖဲြ႔၀င္ေတြ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး အရင္ႏွစ္ ဇြန္လအတြင္းက ဖဲြ႔စည္းခဲ့တဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကာလ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဦးေဆာင္အဖြ႔ဲကို အေျခခံ ဖဲြ႔စည္းမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာနဲ႔ အဖဲြ႔က ဒီလို ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီဖဲြ႔စည္းဖုိ႔ ျပင္ဆင္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ KIOအဖဲြ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားတဲ့ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖဲြ႔အျဖစ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မေန႔က သူတို႔ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕မွာ လူထု အစည္းအေ၀းတရပ္ က်င္းပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအစည္းအေ၀းကို ေဒသအသီးသီးက ဘာသာေရးနဲ႔ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဆိုင္ရာ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၃၀၀ေက်ာ္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီလူထုစည္းေ၀းပဲြမွာေတာ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္(KIA) အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကို မူအားျဖင့္ လက္ခံ ေၾကာင္း၊ ဒီလုိ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရင္ KIAစစ္တပ္ကို သာမက ပါတီနဲ႔

ဌာနဆိုင္ရာေတြကို အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖုိ႔ လုိလားေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ ဒီလုိ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းတာကို ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအျပီး ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတဲ့ အစုိးရနဲ႔ အၿပီးသတ္ ညိႇႏိႈင္း ေဆြးေႏြးလုိေၾကာင္း

ဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ ဒီအစည္းအေ၀းကို တက္ေရာက္ လာသူေတြနဲ႔ KIO အဖဲြ႔၀င္ေတြက ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ဆက္လက္ ထိန္းသိမ္းၿပီး ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးသြားလိုေၾကာင္း ဆႏၵ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

38

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

KIO ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြက KIA ကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ဒီကေန႔ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕မွာ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးဖုိ႔ ျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရဘက္က ေနာက္တပတ္အတြင္း ေတြ႔ဆံုဖို႔ ရက္ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။

KIAကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး KIO နဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအၾကား ၇ႀကိမ္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္ေပမဲ့ ၿပီးျပတ္တဲ့ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတာ့ မရေသးပါဘူး။

ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ျပန္အပ္ဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ အေၾကာင္းမျပန္ 05 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-05-voa3.cfm MNDAA ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔အေပၚ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက စစ္ေရးအရ ဖိအားေပးခဲ့ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ ကိုးကန္႔နဲ႔ ဆက္ေနတဲ့ ဝ နယ္ဘက္ မွာ ပုန္းခိုေနတယ္လို႔ ဆိုတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ကို

အစိုးရလက္ကို အပ္ပါလို႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က UWSA ဝျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ကို အေၾကာင္းၾကား ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဝ ဘက္က စစ္အစိုးရရဲ႕ ေတာင္းဆို မႈကို

မတံု႔ျပန္ဘဲ၊ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ အထူးေဒသ (၂) လံုၿခံဳေရးကို တိုးၿပီး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနပါတယ္။ အခုလို ကိုးကန္႔နဲ႔၀ေဒသေတြမွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ေနာက္ဆံုးအေျခအေနကို မသင္းသီရိက တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရဟာ ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ နဲ႔ တိုက္ပြဲေတြ

ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ကို ဆက္လက္ဖမ္းဆီးႏိုင္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္ ဆိုတာကေတာ့ သံသယရွိစရာ မလိုတဲ့သတင္းေတြပါ။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ သတင္းစာေတြထဲမွာလည္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဟာ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈေတြ က်ဴးလြန္ေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြကို ဆက္တိုက္ေဖာ္ျပေနပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဘယ္မွာရွိသလဲ ဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ အတိအက် မသိရပါဘူး။ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ရဲ႕ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ ကိုယ္တိုင္ကေတာ့ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းက

လံုၿခံဳတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ရွိေနတယ္လို႔ပဲ ဆိုပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မ်ိဳးမွာ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသဘက္မွာ တာ၀န္ယူထားတဲ့ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ အႀကီးအကဲတဦးက ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြကို စာေရးၿပီးေတာ့

ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ကို လႊဲအပ္ဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္ရဲ႕ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္းက အခုလို ရွင္းျပပါတယ္။ "စာပါ အေၾကာင္းအရာကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ခ်ဳပ္ၾကည့္လိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ အပါအ၀င္ သားေတြနဲ႔ ေလးေယာက္ ကို လက္ခံထားတာဟာ တာ၀န္ႀကီးတယ္၊ အျပစ္ႀကီးတယ္ဆိုတာ

ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔လည္း သိမွာပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔ကို ပို႔ေပးပါလို႔ ဆုိလိုတယ္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဒီ ၃ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ၀သပ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကလည္း အစည္းအေ၀းထိုင္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ဒီကိစၥကို ေဆြးေႏြး တာမွာ ဒီဥစၥာက နအဖ ဟာ ေျမေခြးကေန သိုးကို စားခ်င္လို႔ သူက အျပစ္ရွာတဲ့ပံုစံလိုပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ဒီဥစၥာကို က်ေနာ္တို႔က ရွိတယ္ေျပာလည္း မထူးဘူး၊ မရွိဘူးေျပာလည္း မထူးဘူး။

ဘယ္လိုပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အျပစ္ရွိေနတာပဲ။ ဒီေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဘာမွမေျဖတာ အေကာင္းဆံုးပဲလို႔၊ ဒီလို ဆံုးျဖတ္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။"

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

39

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဒါ့အျပင္ UWSA ၀ အဖြဲ႔ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ဒီကိစၥဟာ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရက သူတို႔ကို သက္သက္အျပစ္ရွာေနတယ္လို႔ ယူဆတဲ့အတြက္ ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြအေနနဲ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးေတြ အတြက္ ႀကိဳတင္ျပင္ဆင္မႈေတြ ရွိေနတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကိုလည္း ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္းက ဆက္ေျပာျပပါတယ္။

"အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ကေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္မွာေရာ၊ က်ိဳင္းတံုနဲ႔ ဆက္တဲ့ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္မွာေရာ သူတုိ႔က တကယ္လို႔ သူတို႔ကို တိုက္ခိုက္လာမယ္ဆိုရင္ ခုခံကာကြယ္ႏုိင္ဖို႔ ျပင္ဆင္ေနၾကတယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။" သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္း ေျပာျပခဲ့တာပါ။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ ၀ ေဒသေတြအတြင္းမွာ အကူအညီေတြ ေပးေနတဲ့ အဲန္ဂ်ီအို အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကိုလည္း အဲဒီ နယ္ေျမထဲ ကေန ထြက္ခြာဖို႔ ၀ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ေဒသခံေတြအၾကားမွာ စိုးရိမ္မႈနဲ႔ ေနရာ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕မႈေတြ ရွိေနတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြလည္း ရွိေနပါတယ္။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အယူခံမႈ တရားရံုးလက္ခံ 04 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-04-voa5.cfm ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေဆာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ အမႈကုိ ျပန္လည္ၾကားနာဖုိ႔ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ဥပေဒက်ဳိးေဆာင္ေတြက ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္တင္ထားတာကုိ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းတရားရုံးက

လက္ခံလုိက္ၿပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ထဲမွာ လက္ခံစဥ္စားထုိက္တဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြ ပါေနတဲ့အတြက္ အခုလုိ တုိင္းတရားရုံးက ျပန္လည္ၾကားနာဖုိ႔ လက္ခံလုိက္တာ ျဖစ္မယ္လုိ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ အက်ဳိးေဆာင္ေရွ႕ေနေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစုံကုိေတာ့ စုံစမ္းထားတဲ့ ကုိေဇာ္၀င္းလႈိင္က တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္နဲ႔ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ ဥေပဒ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္တယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္နဲ႔ ေအာက္တရားရုံးက ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့

ၾသဂုတ္လ ၁၁ ရက္ေန႔က ဆုိင္းငံ့ျပစ္ဒဏ္ ၁၈ လ ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အမႈအတြက္ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း တရားရုံး အေနနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္ ၾကားနာေပးဖုိ႔ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ဥပေဒအက်ဳိးေဆာင္ေတြက မေန႔က ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ တင္ခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ ဒီကေန႔မွာေတာ့ အဲဒီေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ကုိ ၾကားနာဖုိ႔ တုိင္းတရားရုံးက လက္ခံ လုိက္ၿပီလုိ႔ အက်ဳိးေဆာင္ေရွ႕ေနတဦး ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။

"က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ က်င့္သံုးေနတဲ့ တရားစီရင္ေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ရင္၊ အခု အယူခံနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ရင္ ႏွစ္မ်ိဳး ရွိပါတယ္။ တမ်ိဳးကေတာ့ ပထမအဆင့္ေပါ့ေလ။ လက္ခံျခင္းမခံျခင္း အမႈတင္လိုက္တယ္။ အမႈတင္ၿပီးတဲ့အခါမွာ ဒီအမႈကို လက္ခံ စဥ္းစားမယ္ မစဥ္းစားဘူး ဆိုတာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

40

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တဆင့္ေပါ့။ တကယ္လို႔ အဲဒီအဆင့္ေက်ာ္သြားရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ တင္လိုက္ တဲ့ အယူခံရဲ႕ အတိမ္အနက္အေပၚမွာ မူတည္ၿပီးေတာ့ အဆံုးအျဖတ္ ျပဳဖို႔ပါ။ အဲဒီလို က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆီမွာ ရွိပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဒီကေန႔ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း တရားရံုးကေနၿပီးေတာ့ အမႈကို လက္ခံဖို႔

ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ေပးၿပီးတဲ့အခါမွာ တရားရံုးက လက္ခံေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အယူခံတရားလို၊ ဟိုဘက္က အယူခံတရားခံ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဖက္ ၾကားနာဖို႔ ရက္ခ်ိန္း တခါတည္းေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔အျမင္ကေတာ့ ဒီဥစၥာဟာ ဥပေဒအရ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ သံုးသပ္ဖို႔လိုေနတဲ့အမႈ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကို တရားရံုးက လည္း သေဘာေပါက္လို႔ လက္ခံတယ္လို႔ပဲ က်ေနာ္ ဒီလိုပဲ ျမင္ပါတယ္။"

ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းတရားရုံးက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ အယူခံလႊာကုိ ၾကားနာဖုိ႔ လက္ခံလုိက္တာဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရဲ႕ ဖိအား ေပးမႈေတြေၾကာင့္လုိ႔ ယတိျပတ္ေျပာလုိ႔မရေပမယ့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဖက္က ဥပေဒလမ္းေၾကာင္းအရ မွန္ေနတဲ့ အတြက္

လက္ခံလုိက္တာျဖစ္ႏုိင္ၿပီး ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ေပးတဲ့အခါမွာလည္း အႏုိင္ရလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ ထားတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းက ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။ "က်ေနာ္တို႔က ယူဆတယ္။ ဥပေဒအရ 'on the margin' က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဟိုဘက္ဒီဘက္ စဥ္းစားရမယ့္အခ်က္မ်ိဳး မပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္က ဥပေဒအရ လံုး၀သာတယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေျပာႏိုင္တာ။"

တုိင္းတရားရုံးက ဒီေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ကုိ ၾကားနာဖုိ႔ လက္ခံလုိက္တာဟာ ပထမအဆင့္သာျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒုတိယအဆင့္အေနနဲ႔ ေလွ်ာက္ထားသူနဲ႔ တရားလုိ ႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံးက ရုံးေတာ္မွာ ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ေပးရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

"ဒါက ပထမအဆင့္ေလ။ admitted or not ဆံုးျဖတ္ဖို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ တဖက္က

ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ေပးတာ။ ၿပီးသြားေတာ့ လက္ခံတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အတြက္ ေနာက္တဆင့္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အစိုးရဘက္ကေရာ၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဘက္ကေရာ၊ တရားလုိ ဘက္ကေရာ၊ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္ကေရာ ႏွစ္ဘက္ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ ေပးရမယ္။ ေပးၿပီးခါမွ ဒီအယူခံလႊာကို အဆံုးအျဖတ္ ေပးမွာ။

က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္က လာမယ့္ ၁၈ ရက္ မနက္ ၁၀ နာရီမွာ ရံုးခ်ိန္းေပးထားတယ္။" အခု အယူခံတင္ထားတဲ့ အဓိကအခ်က္က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္ဥပေဒကုိမွ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ခဲ့ျခင္းမရွိတဲ့အတြက္ သူ႔အေပၚ ခ်ထားတဲ့ စီရင္ခ်က္ကုိ ျပင္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔အတြက္

ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္တင္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အေနနဲ႔ လြတ္ႏုိင္ေျခရွိတယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ "ဟုတ္ကဲ့။ လြတ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔အယူခံကလည္း အဲဒါနဲ႔ ေတာင္းထားတာ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္မွာ အျပစ္ေတြ႔တယ္။ convicted ဆိုတာကို verdict ဆိုတာကို

လက္မခံႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဥပေဒအရ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ဟာ ဘယ္ဥပေဒကိုမွ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္တာမရွိဘူး။ လံုး၀အျပစ္ကင္းစင္တယ္။ အဲဒါကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ လာမယ့္ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔ မနက္ ၁၀ နာရီမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အယူခံ တရားလိုေရာ၊ တဖက္ကေရာ ႏွစ္ဖက္ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ ေပးၾကရမွာ။ ေပးၿပီးကာမွ တိုင္း တရားရံုးက အဆံုးအျဖတ္ေပးမယ္။"

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

41

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တကယ္လုိ႔ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းတရားရုံးမွာ တင္သြင္းတဲ့ အယူခံလႊာမေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့ရင္ ဗဟုိတရားရုံးတင္သြင္းၿပီး အဲဒီမွာမွ မေအာင္ျမင္ျပန္ရင္လည္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အႀကီးအကဲထံ

အယူခံလႊာ တင္သြင္းဖုိ႔အထိ ျပင္ဆင္ထားတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းက ေျပာျပပါတယ္။ "က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဒီရံုးမွာ မေအာင္ျမင္ဘူးဆိုရင္ တရားရံုးခ်ဳပ္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ဖြင့္ရမွာေပါ့ ဒီဟာကို။ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ဖြင့္လို႔လည္း မေအာင္ျမင္ေသးဘူးဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အထူး အယူခံတင္သြင္းမယ္။" ဒါေပမယ့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ အခုလုိ ရုံးတင္စစ္ေဆးၿပီး ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ ၁၈ လ

ဆုိင္းငံ့ျပစ္ဒဏ္ ခ်မွတ္ လုိက္တာဟာ စစ္အစုိးရက လာမယ့္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္မွာက်င္းပဖုိ႔စီစဥ္ေနတဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ၀င္မပါႏုိင္ေအာင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအရ တမင္အကြက္ဆင္ လုပ္ႀကံတာျဖစ္လိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ အမ်ားက ထင္ျမင္ ယူဆေနၾကပါတယ္။

ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္နဲ႔ မူးယစ္ေဆးသတင္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ေဖာ္ျပ

04 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-04-voa6.cfm ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေျမာက္ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ (၁) ျဖစ္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ေျမအတြင္းက မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးေတြ ဖမ္းဆီးမိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကို စစ္အစိုးရပိုင္ သတင္းစာေတြမွာ ေရးသားလာတာဟာ အဲဒီေဒသက တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ျပႆနာေတြ ျဖစ္လာတာေၾကာင့္ အခုလို

မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္ပတ္သက္သူေတြအျဖစ္ စစ္အစိုးရဘက္က ေဖာ္ျပလာတာျဖစ္တယ္ ဆိုၿပီး သံုးသပ္သူေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစံုကို မသင္းသီရိက တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ (၁) ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ေျမထဲမွာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးေတြ

ဖမ္းဆီးမိတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္တာဟာ ကိုးကန္႔လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရၾကားမွာ ပိုၿပီးတင္းမာလာတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြကို ျပလိုက္တာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔

သံုးသပ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆုိေတာ့ ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းေလာက္ကစၿပီးေတာ့ အဲဒီ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသေတြမွာ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က ၀င္ေရာက္ေနထိုင္ေနတာျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ေျမေတြ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းမ်ိဳး ေဖာ္ျပတာမရွိသလို

အခုတိုက္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း အဆင္မေျပ ျဖစ္လာကာမွ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္မႈရွိတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကို ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရဘက္က ေျပာလိုက္တာဟာ

ထူးဆန္းတယ္လို႔ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္ရဲ႕ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္းက သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။ "အရင္တုန္းကဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ တို႔ဆို အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ေပါ့ ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ေခၚၾကတာေပါ့ေလ။ အခုေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ သူတုိ႔ နအဖ နဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္လာတဲ့ အခါက်ေတာ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘဲနဲ႔ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

42

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အလိုအေလ်ာက္ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ရာဇာေတြ ျဖစ္သြားတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အရင္တုန္းက ဒီလို ဘာေၾကာင့္ မေတြ႔သလဲ၊ အခုမွ ဒီလို ဘာေၾကာင့္ေတြ႔သလဲ၊ ဒါ ထူးဆန္းတဲ့ သတင္းပဲလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရပါတယ္။" အခု ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ကို မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္မႈရွိတယ္လို႔ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သလို ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းသြားတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ ဒု-ဥကၠဌ ပိုင္ေစာက္ခ်ိန္ ကေရာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ကင္းရွင္း မႈ ရွိပါရဲ႕လား ဆိုတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေတြ

ထြက္ေနပါတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ အဲဒီနယ္ေျမေတြမွာ ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ကိစၥနဲ႔ ကင္းရွင္းတဲ့သူ မရွိသေလာက္ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔လည္း ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။ "မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ရွိရင္ ကိုးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းမွာ လံုး၀ ကင္းရွင္းတယ္လို႔ ေျပာႏိုင္တဲ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဆိုတာ လက္ညိႇဳးထိုးလို႔ မရႏိုင္သေလာက္ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။

အဲဒါေၾကာင့္မိုလို႔ အခုခ်ိန္ခါမွ လာၿပီးေတာ့ စြပ္စြဲတာဟာ ဒါဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တယ္၊ ဒီဥစၥာဟာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ဘာမွ မပတ္သက္ဘူးဆိုတာ ေျပာလို႔ရပါတယ္။" ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲထားတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔ေတြကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ေတြ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲဖို႔ ဖိအားေပးေနတဲ့ကိစၥေတြမွာ

မေအာင္မျမင္ျဖစ္ရာကေန အခုလို တင္းမာတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြ စခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္းက သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။ "ကိုးကန္႔တင္မကပါဘူး။ ဒီဥစၥာဟာ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႔ အားလံုးနီးနီးကို ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ကို တိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ မတိုက္ဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ - ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ဟာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ေတြအျဖစ္ အသြင္ ေျပာင္းဖုိ႔လိုတယ္။ ဒါေတြကို ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔က လက္မခံဘူးဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒီအေၾကာင္းကို အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မတိုက္ဘူး။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ကို တုိက္မယ္ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ကမၻာက အားလံုးစိတ္၀င္စားတဲ့ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔

ပတ္သက္တယ္ ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့မွ အဲဒါနဲ႔ပဲ တိုက္မွာပဲ။ အဲဒါကို သတိေပးလိုက္တဲ့ သေကၤတပဲလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရပါတယ္။"

ဒါ့အျပင္ တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ေျမေတြမွာ

တိုက္ပြဲႀကီးႀကီးမားမား ေနာက္ထပ္ ဆက္မျဖစ္ေတာ့ေပမဲ့ တိုက္ပြဲငယ္ေလးေတြဟာ အခုခ်ိန္အထိ ဆက္တိုက္ျဖစ္ေနဆဲပဲလို႔လည္း သူက ေျပာပါတယ္။ "ကိုးကန္႔က စစ္ပြဲအႀကီးႀကီးေတြကေတာ့ ၿပီးသြားသေလာက္ ရွိပါၿပီ။ အခုက်န္ေနတာကေတာ့ ေပ်ာက္က်ားတိုက္ပြဲတို႔ ဘာတို႔ ကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္က်န္ေနဆဲေပါ့။ နံပါတ္ႏွစ္က နအဖ က

စစ္တပ္ေတြဟာ ျပန္လည္ရုတ္သိမ္းျခင္း မရွိဘဲနဲ႔ ၀ ဘက္တို႔၊ မိုင္းလား ဘက္တို႔၊ ေကအိုင္ေအ ဘက္ေတြကို အခုထိ ဆက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပို႔ေနပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဒီဥစၥာဟာ ေနာက္ထပ္ အေျခအေန ပိုၿပီးေတာ့ တင္းမာလာမယ့္ ေပါက္ကြဲလာမယ့္ လကၡဏာကို ျပပါတယ္ဗ်ာ။"

သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္း ေျပာျပခဲ့တာပါ။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

43

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကုိးကန္႔ပဋိပကၡနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္ 02 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-03-voa1.cfm

ပထမဦးဆုံး ကိုးကန္႔ဆုိတဲ့ လူမ်ဳိးအမည္ ျမန္မာတုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ ၾကားသိခဲ့တာ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ နဝတ တက္လာခ်ိန္ ၁၉၈၈ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကုိးကန္႔လူမ်ဳိးေတြဟာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုနဲ႔ ဘယ္တုန္းကတည္းက ပတ္သက္ေနခဲ့သလဲ၊ ဘယ္အခ်ိန္ကတည္းက

တည္ရွိခဲ့သလဲ၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ ထားရွိေရး၊ ဗဟုိခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈ၊ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုနဲ႔ အေျခခံဥပေဒ၊ လက္ရွိ စစ္ေရးပဋိပကၡဆုိင္ရာမ်ားကုိ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံအေျခစုိက္ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းဌာန အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္း၊ အင္ဒီးယားနား တကၠသိုလ္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ

ဥပေဒပညာရပ္ေတြကုိ ေလ့လာေနသူ ခ်င္းအမ်ဳိးသား အင္ဒ႐ူး ေငြက်ဳံလ်န္ တုိ႔နဲ႔ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာက သုံးသပ္ေဆြးေႏြး တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္း ။ ။ သကၠရာဇ္ ၁၆၀၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္မွာ မင္မင္းဆက္ေတြ ထီးနန္းျပဳတ္သြားခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ယူနန္ဘက္ကုိ ေျပးလာခဲ့ခ်ိန္မွာ ကုိးကန္႔အမ်ဳိးအႏြယ္ေတြလည္း ပါလာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ပါလာခဲ့ၿပီး အခု ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ပုိင္းဘက္မွာ သူတုိ႔ လာေရာက္အေျခခ်ပါတယ္။ အေျခခ်လာခဲ့ရာမွ သူတုိ႔ကုိ တ႐ုတ္ဘက္က သူေကာင္းျပဳမႈကုိ ခံရၿပီးမွ သူတုိ႔နယ္နဲ႔ သူတို႔ပယ္ ၿမိဳ႕စားအဆင့္အေနနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းၾကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔က

အဂၤလိပ္ဝင္လာတဲ့အခါ သိႏီၷနယ္ထဲမွာ သိႏီၷေစာ္ဘြားေအာက္က ၿမိဳ႕စားအျဖစ္ သူတုိ႔ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီကေနစၿပီး ၿမိဳ႕စားအဆင့္ကေန ေစာ္ဘြားအဆင့္ထိ တက္လာၿပီးေတာ့ ရွမ္းျပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ႕ ၃၄ ခုေျမာက္ ေစာ္ဘြားနယ္တခု ပါဝင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတဲ့အခါမွာ သူတုိ႔လည္း ပါလာၾကပါတယ္။

ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ ဆုိေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ အခုေတာ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလုိ႔ စစ္အစုိးရက ေခၚတာေပါ့ေလ၊ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး အျဖစ္နဲ႔ သူတုိ႔လုပ္တဲ့အခါမွာ သူတုိ႔ကုိ စစ္အစုိးရ ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ အာဏာရပ္ေတြအထဲမွာ သူတုိ႔လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ သီးျခားထားရွိခြင့္

ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဖက္ဒရယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ျမန္မာတုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ တခ်ိန္က ေတာင္းခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ဖက္ဒရယ္ မေပးခ်င္လုိ႔ စစ္တပ္က အာဏာသိမ္းခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိတယ္။ အဲဒီ ဖက္ဒရယ္မွာေတာင္ ဒီလုိ စစ္ေရးအားျဖင့္ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ military autonomy လုိ႔ ေခၚရေလမလား၊ အဲဒါမ်ဳိး

မေပးခဲ့ပါဘူးဆုိေတာ့ ကုိးကန္႔ေတြကို ေပးခဲ့တာ သိပ္ excessive ျဖစ္ေနတယ္၊ အလြန္အကြ်ံ အာဏာေပးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိႏုိင္မလား၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ႕ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအေျခခံ ႐ႈေထာင့္က ၾကည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္ ေဒါက္တာအင္ဒ႐ူး ဘယ္လုိသေဘာရပါသလဲ။

အင္ဒ႐ူး ။ ။ သူတုိ႔ ကုိးကန္႔ေတြျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ အခု ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕ေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔

လက္နက္ကုိင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ ေပးထားတဲ့အခ်က္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ အာဏာအလြန္အကြ်ံ ေပးထားတယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိလုိ႔မရပါဘူး။ ဘာလုိ႔ဆုိ တခ်ဳိ႕ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု တုိင္းျပည္ေတြကုိ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

44

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ၾကည့္လုိ႔ရွိရင္ သူတုိ႔ျပည္နယ္တုိင္းမွာ သူတုိ႔ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ထားရွိခြင့္ ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခု ဗမာျပည္မွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကိစၥက

နအဖေရးတဲ့ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ၃၃၈ ထဲက ေရးသားထားတဲ့ဟာနဲ႔ အရင္တုန္းက ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးခင္ၫြန္႔ လက္ထက္တုန္းက ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕ေတြ vote ယူပုံယူနည္း၊ အခုၾကမွ ျပႆနာစၿပီးေတာ့ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကိစၥ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ ျမင္ပါတယ္။

ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ ကိုးကန္႔မွာၾကေတာ့ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ခင္ၫြန္႔နဲ႔ပါတဲ့ လူေတြရဲ႕ လက္နက္ေတြကုိ နယ္စပ္မွာ ထားခဲ့ရတယ္လို႔ ၾကားပါတယ္။ ဦးခြန္ဆုိင္း ဒီကိစၥကုိ ဘယ္ေလာက္သိပါသလဲ။

ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္း ။ ။ ဒီဥစၥာက ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ယူၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္အပုိင္းပါ။ ဥပမာ ဝမွာ ဆုိလုိ႕ရွိရင္ သူတို႔က နအဖဘက္ကေန ပန္ဆန္းၿမိဳ႕ထဲမွာ နအဖရဲ႕ စစ္တပ္ တပ္ခြဲတခြဲ ႏွစ္ခြဲ ထားခြင့္ေပးပါတယ္။ သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့အတုိင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီထက္ပုိလုိ႔ မရပါဘူး။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ အခုအခါမွာ ျဖစ္လာတဲ့ ျပႆနာကေတာ့ ဒီလုိ ကုိယ္ပုိင္လက္နက္ကုိင္

တပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြ ေပးထားတာကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ စစ္အစုိးရက ဗဟုိအစုိးရရဲ႕ ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈေအာက္ကို သြင္းခ်င္တယ္၊ အဓိက က်ေနာ္ နားလည္တာက၊ အဲဒီလုိ ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈေအာက္ကုိ သြင္းမယ့္ကိစၥကုိ ဟုိလူေတြက လက္မခံခ်င္ဘူး။ ဘယ္လိုပုံစံမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သူတုိ႔က အခုေလာေလာဆယ္

လက္မခံေသးဘူး၊ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအေျခခံၿပီးမွ ၾကည့္မယ္ဆုိၿပီး ေျပာၾကတယ္။ ဒီလုိလုပ္တာကုိ ေဒါက္တာအင္ဒ႐ူး ဘယ္လုိျမင္ပါသလဲ။ ျပည္ေထာင္စုဖြဲ႕မယ္၊ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအတုိင္းဆုိရင္ ျပည္နယ္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြဟာ ဗဟုိရဲ႕ ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈေအာက္မွာ မရွိသင့္ဘူးလား၊ ဗဟုိက မကိုင္သင့္ဘူးလား။ အင္ဒ႐ူး ။ ။ ျပည္နယ္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြကုိ ဗဟုိက ကုိင္စရာမလုိပါဘူး။ ျပည္နယ္အေရးအခင္းနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ ျပည္နယ္လုံၿခံဳေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ဟာေတြကုိ ျပည္နယ္ကပဲ ကုိင္သင့္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒါပဲ အစကတည္းက ဒီ ဗမာျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ ျပႆနာအစကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ျပန္ၾကည့္ရင္လည္း

ကုိယ့္အေရးကိစၥကုိ ကုိယ္က လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ ရွိရမယ္၊ လုပ္ႏုိင္တယ္ ဆုိလုိ႔ရွိရင္ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္

ရွိရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ကိစၥ အဲဒါက စတာပါ။ အခု ဒီ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ၃၃၈၊ ပုဒ္မ ၃၃၈ အရ အားလုံးဟာ ဗဟုိရဲ႕ ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈေအာက္ကုိ ရွိရမယ္ဆုိကတည္းက ဒီ အေျခခံဥပေဒက ဖက္ဒရယ္ကုိလည္း မရည္ၫႊန္းဘူး၊ ဖက္ဒရယ္စနစ္ကုိလည္း မေဖာ္ေဆာင္ဘူး။ မေဖာ္ေဆာင္တဲ့အျပင္ တျပည္ေထာင္စု ဗဟုိက အင္အားႀကီးမားတဲ့ တျပည္ေထာင္စနစ္ကုိ ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့

ေဖာ္ေဆာင္သြားတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေနသ၍ ဒီ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕

တုိင္းရင္းသားျပႆနာေတြ၊ အေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပႆနာ ဘယ္လုိနည္းနဲ႔မွ ေျဖရွင္းစရာ အေၾကာင္းမရွိပါဘူး။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ တခ်ိန္တုန္းက ရွမ္းနဲ႔ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ကေန ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု အျဖစ္နဲ႔ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံတင္တယ္ ဆုိတုန္းက အဲဒီတုန္းကေရာ လက္နက္ကုိင္ ကုိယ္ပုိင္တပ္ ထားရွိခြင့္ ဘာညာဆုိတာ သူတုိ႔ ထည့္သြင္းေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ပါသလား။

ဦးခြန္ဆိုင္း ။ ။ အဲဒီတုန္းကေတာ့ ေစာ္ဘြားေခတ္၊ ေစာ္ဘြားေတြမွာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕

လုံၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႕ဆုိတာ အၿမဲတမ္း ရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းကတည္းက ဒီလုံၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြဟာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

45

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ရွမ္းျပည္မွာ လာၿပီးေတာ့ထားတဲ့ British တပ္ရင္း ၂ ရင္းနဲ႔ ဘာမွမဆုိင္ပါဘူး။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ တပ္ရင္း ၂ ရင္းပဲရွိပါတယ္။ ဒီဥစၥာက အင္မတန္ Significant ေပ့ါ၊ စိတ္၀င္စားစရာ အခ်က္ေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ရွမ္းျပည္မွာ အခုဆုိရင္ တပ္ရင္းေပါင္း ၁၆၀ ေလာက္ရွိတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ British ကေတာ့ ၂ ရင္းေလာက္နဲ႔ပဲ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာႏုိင္ခဲ့တာ ဒါ ေတာ္ေတာ္ႀကီးကို ထူးဆန္းပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္တို႔ေခတ္ ေရာက္လာတဲ့အခါ ၁၆၀ ေလာက္နဲ႔ လာေနတာေတာင္မွ မၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းဘူးဆုိတာ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲလို႔ ေမးဖို႔ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ အဲေတာ့ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု၊ ဖက္ဒရယ္မူ တင္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္၊ ၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္လြန္ႏွစ္ အေစာပုိင္းေတြမွာဆုိေတာ့ အဲဒီတုန္းကေရာ ဘယ္အဆင့္ထိ ေတာင္းခဲ့ၾကပါသလဲ ရွမ္းႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြက။ ဒီလို ကုိယ္ပုိင္စစ္တပ္၊ အခု ကိုးကန္႔တုိ႔ ၀တို႔ေထာင္တဲ့ ကိုယ္ပုိင္စစ္တပ္ ေထာင္ခြင့္အထိ ေတာင္းခဲ့ပါသလား။ အင္ဒ႐ူး ။ ။ ရွမ္းျပည္က တင္သြင္းတဲ့ ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု မူၾကမ္းထဲမွာ စစ္တပ္ကိစၥကို ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ ေရးသားထားတာ မရွိပါဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆုိေတာ့ အဲဒီတုန္းက စစ္တပ္က

အဓိကျပႆနာ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူးဗ်။ စစ္တပ္က သူ႕အလုပ္ပဲ လုပ္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတုိ႔က ႏုိင္ငံေရးစနစ္ေတြ၊ အာဏာခြဲေ၀ေရးေတြကို ဦးစားေပးၿပီးလုပ္တာ။ ၆၂ ေနာက္ပုိင္း စစ္တပ္က ၀င္လာတဲ့အခါၾကမွ အခုေတာ့ ျပည္နယ္ဆုိင္ရာ စစ္တပ္ေတြကိစၥက လုံး၀ ေရွာင္လႊဲလို႔မရတဲ့ကိစၥ ျဖစ္လာပါတယ္။

ဦးခြန္ဆုိင္း ။ ။ ခုန ေဒါက္တာအင္ဒ႐ူး ေျပာသလုိပါပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ဖက္ဒရယ္မူကုိ ရွမ္းျပည္နဲ႔ ဒီ့ျပင္လူမ်ဳိးေတြ ၀ုိင္းတင္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္တုန္းကေတာ့ ဥပမာ ကာကြယ္ေရးတုိ႔၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးတုိ႔၊ ေငြေၾကးထုတ္လုပ္မႈတုိ႔ အဲဒါေတြဆုိရင္ ဗဟုိနဲ႔ပဲ ဆုိင္တယ္လို႔ အဲဒီတုန္းကေတာ့ သတ္မွတ္ထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ စစ္ေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ ဘာမွ ျပႆနာ မရွိဘူးေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ ဆုိေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံကာကြယ္ေရးတုိ႔ ဘာတို႔က ဖက္ဒရယ္ႏုိင္ငံေတြမွာလည္း မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ ဗဟုိရဲ႕ Jurisdiction အတြင္းမွာ ပါတယ္မလား။ အင္ဒ႐ူး ။ ။ ဗဟုိရဲ႕ Jurisdiction အတြင္းမွာ ပါပါတယ္။ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ေတာ့ ဟုတ္ပါတယ္။ ၆၁ ေတာင္ႀကီး အဆုိျပဳခ်က္မွာလည္း ျပည္ေထာင္စု ကာကြယ္ေရး ဆုိတဲ့ ကိစၥပါပဲ။ အခု ၆၂

ေနာက္ပုိင္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြ တက္လာၿပီးေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ဟာ အရာရာတုိင္းရဲ႕ အထက္မွာ ရွိေနတဲ့ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာမွ ျပည္နယ္က မရွိမျဖစ္ ကုိယ့္ကိစၥ ကိုယ္အေရးလုပ္ႏုိင္ဖို႔အတြက္ဆုိၿပီး ျပည္နယ္ကာကြယ္ေရး ကိစၥေတြက ႀကီးထြားလာတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက

အဆုိျပဳထားခဲ့သလုိသာ စစ္တပ္က သူ႕ရဲ႕ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ကာကြယ္ေရး သက္သက္ကိုပဲ လုပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုရင္ ျပည္နယ္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔လည္း ျပည္နယ္စစ္တပ္ေတြ ကိစၥကို ေတာင္းဆုိစရာအေၾကာင္း မရွိပါဘူး။

ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ ဒီျပႆနာဟာ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကုိးကန္႔နဲ႔ စျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိေပမယ့္ ကိုးကန္႔လူမ်ဳိးစု တခုတည္းနဲ႔ ဗဟုိအစုိးရၾကားမွာရွိတဲ့ ျပႆနာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူးလုိ႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာရွိသမွ် လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြနဲ႔ ဒီလုိျပႆနာမ်ဳိးက ႀကဳံရမယ့္သေဘာလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ ေတြးမိပါတယ္။ ဦးခြန္ဆုိင္း ဘယ္လိုသေဘာရပါသလဲ။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

46

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဦးခြန္ဆုိင္း ။ ။ ဟုတ္ကဲ့၊ ဒီကိစၥဟာ ကုိးကန္႔တမ်ဳိးတည္းနဲ႔ မဆုိင္ပါဘူး။ ကိုးကန္႔တခုတည္းကိုပဲ သပ္သပ္ ရည္မွန္းၿပီး လုပ္တယ္ဆုိတာ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါဘူး။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ ဆုိေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔ကုိ သူတုိ႔ စၿပီးေတာ့ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ကိုင္ရပါသလဲ။ စစ္အစိုးရကေတာ့ ဒါ ကုိးကန္႔က ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္တုိ႔က တရားဥပေဒကို ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္လို႔ဆုိၿပီး ေျပာတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ အခုခ်ိန္မွာ စကိုင္တယ္လို႔ ဦးခြန္ဆုိင္း ျမင္ပါသလဲ။ ဦးခြန္ဆုိင္း ။ ။ အခုဆုိရင္ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပ႒ာန္းေပးလိုက္ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း သူတုိ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး အဖြဲ႕ေတြကို လက္နက္ခ်ဖို႔

ေဆြးေႏြးပါတယ္။ ဒီ လက္နက္ခ်ဖို႔ ေဆြးေႏြးတာကို သူတုိ႔က လက္မခံတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ဧၿပီလမွာ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ေတြ လုပ္ဖုိ႔ဆုိၿပီး လာေဆြးေႏြးတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေဆြးေႏြးတာကို အဖြဲ႕ေတြက လုံး၀ လက္မခံတဲ့ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ဒီကိစၥ ေပၚလာတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥေပၚလာတဲ့ အခါၾကေတာ့ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႕၊ အဓိကၾကည့္မယ္ဆုိရင္ နယ္စပ္မွာ

ရွိေနတာေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔တုိ႔၊ ၀တုိ႔၊ မုံးလားတုိ႔ သူတို႔က မဟာမိတ္အဖြဲ႕အျဖစ္

သေဘာတူညီထားတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲမွာ အင္အားအနည္းဆုံးက ကိုးကန္႔ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလို အင္အားအနည္းဆုံး ကိုးကန္႔ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနမွာ သူတို႔ဆီမွာ အတြင္းျပႆနာ ေပၚလာတယ္။ ဆုိေတာ့ အတြင္းျပႆနာကို ေစာင့္ေနတဲ့ နအဖအစိုးရ အေနနဲ႔ အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူလုိက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ သူတုိ႔က ျပႆနာ ေျပလည္သြားၿပီ၊ ကိုးကန္႔ကိုလည္း ေျဖရွင္းၿပီးၿပီ၊ သူတို႔ ျပန္လာၾကပါ ဘာညာဆုိၿပီး လုပ္ေနတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ အင္ဒ႐ူး ဘယ္လုိျမင္ပါသလဲ၊ ဒါက တကယ္ ၿငိမ္သက္သြားတာလား၊ တကယ္ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ နအဖရဲ႕

ေအာင္ျမင္မႈတရပ္ ျဖစ္သြားၿပီလို႔ ဆုိႏုိင္ပါသလား။ ဒီကိစၥက ဘယ္ေလာက္ ဆက္ၿပီး ျဖစ္ႏုိင္မယ္လုိ႔ ျမင္ပါသလဲ၊ တျခား လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြနဲ႔။ အင္ဒ႐ူး ။ ။ က်ေနာ့္အျမင္မွာေတာ့ ဒီကိစၥက အခုမွ တကယ္စေနၿပီလို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးဆုံးသြားတယ္လို႔ မျမင္ပါဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆုိေတာ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့

အဖြဲ႕ေတြအားလုံးကုိ သူတို႔က ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒအတုိင္း ျပည္ေထာင္စု ကာကြယ္ေရးတပ္ရဲ႕ ေအာက္ကုိ သူ႕ဟာနဲ႔သူ အလုိအေလ်ာက္ ၀င္လာဖုိ႔ သူတို႔က ဖိတ္ေခၚတယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ Border Guard လုပ္တယ္။ ဟုိဘက္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့ လူေတြကလည္း မ၀င္ဘူး။ နအဖကလည္း သူ႕ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲလုပ္ၿပီး စတင္က်င့္သုံးခ်င္တယ္ဆိုရင္ ဒီကိစၥကို

မလႊဲမေရွာင္သာ အေျခခံဥပေဒအတုိင္း ရွင္းလင္းရမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲေတာ့ အခုဟာ အစပဲလုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ေတာ့ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ ။ ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီကိစၥဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ စစ္အစိုးရက သူတို႔ေရးဆြဲခဲ့တဲ့ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံ အေျခခံဥပေဒအတုိင္း ဖန္တီးလိုတဲ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စုကို တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစု အမ်ားက လက္ခံႏုိင္ပါ့မလား၊ လက္မခံႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိရင္ လက္ခံေအာင္ လက္လိမ္ခ်ဳိးလုိ႔

ရမလားဆုိတာ စစ္အစုိးရက ေသြးတုိးစမ္းၾကည့္တယ္လို႔ ဆုိရင္လည္း မွားမယ္မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။

တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီျပႆနာဟာ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရၿပီးကတည္းက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အစိုးရအဆက္ဆက္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေျဖရွင္းလုိ႔ မေျပလည္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္ ျပႆနာရဲ႕ တစိတ္တေဒသမွ်သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္လို႔ ထင္မိပါတယ္။

Wa army evade Burmese troops Sept 7, 2009 (DVB)–Officials from Burma’s largest ceasefire group have gone into hiding in eastern Burma due to increased tension in recent days between the group and the ruling military government. Troops from the United Wa State Army (UWSA), based in the Wa region of Burma’s northeastern Shan state, have been preparing for possible conflict with the Burmese army following its recent offensive against an allied ceasefire group. A number of UWSA officials and business owners based in the Burmese border town of Tachilek and have reportedly gone into hiding after fellow officials faced threats of arrest. A Tachilek resident told DVB that a number of UWSA officials and people in connection with them were arrested by authorities and evicted from the town in recent days. “Previously, the Wa used to be influential in this region and a lot of people claimed to have a connection with them to gain special privileges,” he said. “Now they are being chased down and deported.” The leader of the 30,000-strong UWSA is said to be close to Peng Jiasheng, whose Kokang ceasefire group last month was engaged in heavy fighting with the Burmese army. The eruption of violence forced around 37,000 refugees across the border into Thailand. Peng Jiasheng is now reportedly in hiding somewhere in the Wa region. Sein Kyi, deputy of Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) said that senior Wa officials based in other border towns have also gone into hiding. “The Wa are only keeping one or two officials – non-important personnel – in the offices in towns such as Tachilek, Keng Tung and Mong Hsat,” said Sein Kyi. “This is more like a precaution to prevent similar circumstances to the recent Kokang conflict where people closed to Peng Jiasheng were detained by government authorities.” He said the UWSA has been increasing troop numbers in southern Shan state, but the tension in the region was low compared the town of Panghsang where the group has its headquarters. The Kokang group was reportedly joined by around 500 troops from the UWSA during fighting, which marked the end of a 20-year ceasefire with the Burmese government. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Reporting by Min Lwin

ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ပုိက္လုိင္း ေဖာက္မႈ ရပ္တန္႔ဖုိ႔ တ႐ုတ္ကုိ ျမန္မာ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေရး အုပ္စု တုိက္တြန္း

08 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-08-voa4.cfm ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကေန တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲကို ေဖာက္လုပ္မယ့္ ေရနံနဲ႔ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕

ပုိက္လုိင္းေတြေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈေတြ ပိုၿပီး တုိးလာႏုိင္တယ္လို႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူေတြက ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံထဲကို ျဖတ္သန္းမယ့္ မုိင္ ၂,၅၀၀ နီးပါး ရွည္လ်ားမယ့္ ေက်ာက္ျဖဴ-ကူမင္း သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ ပိုက္လုိင္း တည္ေဆာက္မႈေၾကာင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈ၊

သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ျပဳန္းတီးမႈ အပါအ၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈေတြ တုိးလာႏုိင္ေစတယ္လို႔ ေရႊ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ လႈပ္ရွားမႈအဖြဲ႕နဲ႔ မြန္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕က ေျပာဆုိလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အရင္က ေဖာက္လုပ္ခဲ့ဘူးတဲ့ ကန္ေဘာက္-ၿမိဳင္ကေလး ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ပုိက္လိုင္း

တည္ေဆာက္စဥ္ကလည္း ေျမယာသိမ္းယူမႈေတြ အတင္းအဓမၼ လုပ္အားေစခုိင္းမႈေတြ ရွိခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္၊ မေကြးတုိင္း၊ မႏၲေလးတုိင္းနဲ႔ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္တို႔ကို ျဖတ္သန္းမယ့္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာ ဒီ့ထက္မက ပိုၿပီး ဆုိးရြားမႈေတြ ႀကဳံေတြ႕လာႏုိင္တယ္လို႔ ေရႊ

သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ လႈပ္ရွားမႈအဖြဲ႕ရဲ႕ မေန႔က ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ အာဏာစႀကႍဆုိတဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ ေရႊ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕သုိက္က ထြက္တဲ့ ဓာတ္ေငြ႕အျပင္ အာဖရိကနဲ႔ ေျမထဲပင္လယ္ေဒသက တင္သြင္းေနရတဲ့ စြမ္းအင္ အရင္းအျမစ္ေတြကိုပါ ေက်ာက္ျဖဴၿမိဳ႕နယ္

မေတကၽြန္း ေရနက္ဆိပ္ကမ္းကတဆင့္ တင္ပို႔ႏုိင္ဖို႔အတြက္ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို စတင္ေတာ့မယ္လို႔လည္း အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းကုိ ျဖတ္သန္းသြားမယ့္ ဒီ ေရနံနဲ႔ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ ပုိက္လိုင္းေတြဟာ လူမ်ဳိးစု လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတြ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ေဒသ ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ အခ်ိန္မေရြး ပဋိပကၡေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားလာႏုိင္တယ္လို႔လည္း မြန္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕က ေထာက္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရဟာ လာမယ့္ ႏွစ္ ၃၀ အတြင္း ေရႊ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕သုိက္ကေန ဓာတ္ေငြ႕ေရာင္းခ်ခ ေဒၚလာသန္းေပါင္း ၂၉,၀၀၀ အထိ ရရွိမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ အဖမ္းခံရသူ ပိုမ်ားလာ 07 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-07-voa4.cfm ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ အသီးသီးမွာ အက်ဥ္းက်ေနတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား

အေရအတြက္ဟာ ေလ်ာ့မသြားတဲ့အျပင္ ပိုတိုးလာေနတယ္လို႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား အေျခအေနကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာေနတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕တခုက ေျပာလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြအေပၚ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြရဲ႕ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံပံုေတြဟာ ဆိုးရြားလြန္းၿပီး က်န္းမာေရး ဆိုးရြား တဲ့ အက်ဥ္းသား အေရအတြက္ကလည္း တိုးလာေနတယ္လို႔ ေထာက္ျပထားပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစံုကို ဘန္ေကာက္ ေရာက္ ဗီြအုိေအ ၀ိုင္းေတာ္သား ကိုေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္သိန္းက တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဇူလိုင္လအထိဆိုရင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား အေရအတြက္ ၂,၁၉၀ ရွိခဲ့ၿပီး ၾသဂုတ္လမွာ ၂,၂၁၁ ေယာက္အထိ ျဖစ္သြားတဲ့အတြက္ တလအတြင္းမွာ စုစုေပါင္း ၂၁ ေယာက္

တိုးသြားတယ္လုိ႔ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာ အေျခစိုက္ၿပီး ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ

အေျခအေနကို အဆက္မျပတ္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာေနတဲ့ AAPP ေခၚ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား ကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးအသင္း (ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ) က ေျပာလိုက္တာပါ။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္ၿပီး အဖမ္းခံရတဲ့ လူအေရအတြက္ဟာ ပိုမ်ားလာတယ္လို႔ AAPP ရဲ႕ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ကိုတိတ္ႏုိင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ “အခုလပုိင္းေတြမွာ ေထာင္က်တဲ့ဦးေရနဲ႔ ျပန္လြတ္တဲ့ ဦးေရမွာ ေထာင္က်တဲ့ ဦးေရက

ပိုမ်ားေနတာကို ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ ဒါဟာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ရရွိထားတဲ့ စာရင္းဇယားေတြအရ။ ဥပမာ ဒီလဆုိရင္ ၃၂ ေယာက္ အဖမ္းခံရတယ္။ လြတ္တဲ့အထဲမွာေတာ့ အခု ဖမ္းလိုက္၊ အခုလႊတ္လိုက္ လုပ္တဲ့ဟာမ်ဳိးေတြေတာ့ ရွိတာေပါ့။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေယဘုယ်အားျဖင့္ေတာ့ အဖမ္းခံရတဲ့လူက ပုိ မ်ားတယ္လို႔ ေျပာလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။”

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဇူလုိင္လဆန္းပိုင္းမွာ ကုလသမဂၢ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဘန္ကီမြန္း (Ban Ki-moon) ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး သူ႔ရဲ႕ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔ ကိစၥကို အဓိကထား ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကုလသမဂၢ လံုၿခံဳေရး ေကာင္စီကို သူ႔ရဲ႕ခရီးစဥ္နဲ႔

ပတ္သက္လို႔ မစၥတာဘန္ကီမြန္း အစီရင္ခံ တင္ျပတဲ့ေန႔မွာ ကုလသမဂၢဆုိင္ရာ ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ ဦးသန္းေဆြက ကုလသမဂၢ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္အရ လူသားခ်င္း

စာနာေထာက္ထားမႈ အေျခခံ၊ ၂၀၁၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္မွာ က်င္းပမယ့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြမွာ ပါ၀င္ႏုိင္ေစဖို႔ဆိုတဲ့ အျမင္ေတြနဲ႔ အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္း ခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ေပးဖို႔ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနပါတယ္လို႔ လံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီကို ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

50

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဒါေပမဲ့လည္း ခုခ်ိန္ထိကေတာ့ လႊတ္ေပးမယ့္ အရိပ္အေယာင္ေတြ မေတြ႕ရေသး႐ံုသာမက ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ကာလ နီးလာတဲ့အတြက္ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြကိုပါ ဖမ္းဆီးတာေတြ ရွိလာေနတယ္လို႔ ကိုတိတ္ႏုိင္က ေျပာပါ တယ္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေလ့လာၾကည့္ရသေလာက္ေတာ့ အခုဆုိရင္ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြကို

ေတာ္ေတာ္လုိက္ဖမ္းေနတယ္။ တေန႔က ဆိုရင္ လႈိင္သာယာမွာရွိတဲ့ အလုပ္သမား ၃ ေယာက္ကို ဖမ္းသြားတယ္ဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၾကားရတယ္။ ဆိုေတာ့ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈ ေတြက ဆက္တုိက္ ဆက္တုိက္ ျဖစ္ေနၿပီးေတာ့ လြတ္တဲ့လူေတြက သာမန္လြတ္ရက္နဲ႔ပဲ၊ လြတ္ရက္ျပည့္သြားလို႔ လြတ္လာ တဲ့ ပုံစံမ်ဳိးေတြပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။ သက္သက္ႀကီး လြတ္ေပးတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ကိစၥမ်ဳိးေတြလည္း မၾကားမိဘူး။ ဦးသန္းေဆြကေတာ့ ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ကို ကတိေပးခဲ့တာေတာ့ ရွိပါတယ္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ဒီေန႔အထိ အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္တာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ မေတြ႕ရေသးပါဘူး။” ျမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္ေတြဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာဖိအား ပိုတိုးလာတဲ့ အခါမ်ဳိးေတြမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား

တခ်ဳိ႕တေလကို လႊတ္ေပးၿပီး ဖိအားသက္သာေအာင္ လုပ္တာမ်ဳိးေတြ ရွိခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့လည္း ပံုမွန္အေျခအေနမွာေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြအေပၚ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြရဲ႕ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံပံုေတြဟာ ဆိုးရြားလြန္းၿပီး နယ္စြန္းနယ္ဖ်ား ေထာင္ေတြဆီ ေျပာင္းပစ္တာေၾကာင့္ က်န္းမာေရး ပိုဆိုးရြားၾကရတယ္လုိ႔ ကိုတိတ္ႏုိင္တို႔အဖြဲ႕က ေထာက္ျပထားပါတယ္။

“တစ္အခ်က္ကေတာ့ က်န္းမာေရး မေကာင္းတာေပါ့။ နယ္စြန္နယ္ဖ်ားေတြ ေရာက္သြားတဲ့ လူေတြက ေတာ္ေတာ္ မ်ားတယ္။ ၃၀၀ နီးနီး ရွိေနၿပီ။ ဆုိေတာ့ တမင္သက္သက္ကို

ေျမာင္းျမကလူ မႏၲေလးပို႔တယ္၊ မႏၲေလးကလူေတြ ေျမာင္းျမ ပို႔တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ကိစၥမ်ဳိးေတြကို ေလွ်ာက္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနမ်ဳိး ရွိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိမ်ဳိး သြားေတြ႕ရတဲ့ အခါၾကေတာ့ ရာသီဥတု အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြရယ္၊ ေဆး၀ါး မလုံေလာက္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြရယ္၊ ေတာ္႐ုံနဲ႔ အျပင္ဆရာ၀န္ကို ျပဖုိ႔ ခြင့္မျပဳတဲ့ ကိစၥေတြရယ္ ေပါင္းမိတဲ့အခါၾကေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး

အက်ဥ္းသားေတြရဲ႕ က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေနက အေတာ္ စိုးရိမ္ရတယ္လို႔ ေျပာလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။” AAPP အဖြဲ႕ရဲ႕ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ကိုတိတ္ႏုိင္ ေျပာျပသြားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေတာအတြင္းမွာပဲ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္က ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ပုသိမ္ၿမိဳ႕က တကိုယ္ေတာ္ ဆႏၵျပသူ ဦးေအး၀င္းဟာ ျမင္းၿခံေထာင္ မွာ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၂ ႏွစ္ က်ခံခဲ့ရၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ စေနေန႔က ျပန္လြတ္ေျမာက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

“၂၀၀၇ တုန္းက အစိုးရက ေလာင္စာဆီေစ်းေတြ တက္တယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီ ေလာင္စာဆီေစ်း တက္တာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ကုန္ေစ်းႏႈန္းေတြ တက္မယ္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ကုန္ေစ်းႏႈန္းတက္ေတာ့

ျပည္သူလူထုပဲ ပိုၿပီး ဒုကၡေရာက္မယ္။ အဲဒီအတြက္ က်ေနာ္က ျပည္သူ႕ကုိယ္စားဆုိၿပီး

ေလာင္စာဆီေစ်းတက္၊ ျပည္သူအခက္ ဆုိင္းဘုတ္ကိုင္ၿပီး ၿမိဳ႕ထဲ က်ေနာ္ လွည့္တယ္ဗ်။ ပုသိမ္ၿမိဳ႕ ေပၚမွာ နာရီ၀က္ေလာက္ လွည့္ခြင့္ ရလိုက္တယ္။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ က်ေနာ့္ကို လာဖမ္းသြားတာပဲ။”

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

51

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

စေနေန႔ကမွ ျမင္းၿခံေထာင္ကေန ျပန္လြတ္လာတဲ့ ပုသိမ္ၿမိဳ႕ေန ဦးေအး၀င္း ေျပာျပသြားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္ေတြက ဒီမုိကေရစီလမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚ သြားေနပါတယ္လုိ႔ ဘယ္လိုပဲ ေျပာေနပါေစ၊ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ေတြ ထဲမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား တေယာက္ပဲ ရွိေနဦးေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အမ်ဳိးသား ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေရးဟာ

အလွမ္းေ၀းေနဦးမွာပဲလုိ႔ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူေတြက ေျပာဆိုၾကပါတယ္။

ဓာတ္ေငၾႛပိုက္လိုင္း အာဏာစ႒ကႆန္ 2009-09-07 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/China_gas_pipeline_ignores_grave_risks09072009134811.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံကေန တရုတ္ႎိုင္ငံကို အခုလထဲမႀာ စတင္ သၾယ္တန္းေတာ့မယ့္ ဓာတ္ေငၾႛပိုက္လိုင္း ဴဖတ္သန္းရာ လမ္းတေလ႖ာက္မႀာရႀိတဲ့ ေကဵးရၾာေပၝင္း ၆ဝဝ ေကဵာ္မႀာ လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး ခဵိႂးေဖာက္ခံရေတာ့မယ့္ အေဴခအေနေတၾ စိုးရိမ္ေနရ႓ပီလိုႛ ဴမန္မာဴပည္တၾင္း လူႛအခၾင့္အေရးနဲႛ စၾမ္းအင္အရင္းဴမစ္ေတၾကို ေလ့လာေစာင့္ဳကည့္သူေတၾက ဒီကေနႛ ေဴပာဆိုလိုက္ပၝတယ္။ ဓာတ္ေငၾႛပိုက္လိုင္းေဳကာင့္ ဴဖစ္ေပၞလာမယ့္ အႎၨရာယ္ေတၾကို တရုတ္အစိုးရက မဵက္ကၾယ္ဴပႂေနမႁအေပၞ တင္ဴပထားတဲ့ အာဏာစ႒ကႆန္ လိုႛ အမည္ေပးထားတဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာထုတ္ေဝတဲ့ ခဵင္းမိုင္႓မိႂႛ သတင္းစာရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲမႀာ အဲဒီလို ေဴပာဆိုလိုက္တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ အစီရင္ခံစာကို ဴမန္မာ့စၾမ္းအင္ အရင္းအဴမစ္ေတၾကို ေစာင့္ဳကည့္ေလ့လာေနတဲ့ ေရၿဂက္ (စ္) လႁပ္ရႀားမႁအဖၾဲႛက ထုတ္ဴပန္တာဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

ကီလိုမီတာ ၄ဝဝဝ နီးပၝး ရႀည္မယ့္ ဒီပိုက္လိုင္းဟာ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ ရခိုင္ဴပည္နယ္ ေကဵာက္ဴဖႃဆိပ္ကမ္းကေန မေကၾးတိုင္း၊ မႎၨေလးတိုင္းနဲႛ ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ကို ဴဖတ္သန္း႓ပီး တရုတ္ႎိုင္ငံ အေနာက္ေတာင္ပိုင္းက ယူနန္ဴပည္နယ္ကို ဆက္သၾယ္မႀာဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

ဓာတ္ေငၾႛပိုက္လိုင္း သၾယ္တန္းမႁကေန လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး ခဵိႂးေဖာက္ခံရမႁေတၾ ဴဖစ္ေပၞလာႎိုင္တာနဲႛ ပတ္သက္႓ပီး ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံေတာင္ပိုင္း မၾန္ဴပည္နယ္အတၾင္း လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး ခဵိႂးေဖာက္မႁေတၾကို ေစာင့္ဳကည့္ေလ့လာေနတဲ့ အဖၾဲႛရဲႛ ဒၝရိုက္တာ ႎိုင္ကေဆာမၾန္ က အခုလို သံုးသပ္ေဴပာဆိုပၝတယ္။

ႎုိင္ကေဆာမၾန္။

။“ပထမ အပိုင္းကေတာ့ ရခိုင္ဴပည္နဲႛ ဗမာဴပည္ အလယ္ပိုင္းကို ဴဖတ္တဲ့အခၝမႀာ

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

52

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif မဵားေသာအားဴဖင့္ အဲ့ဒီ ပိုက္လိုင္းသၾယ္တန္းတဲ့ တေလ႖ာက္မႀာ အဓမၳ ေဴပာင္းေရၿႛဴခင္း ခံရလိမ့္မယ္။ ဴခံေတၾ လယ္ေတၾ သိမ္းဆည္းဴခင္း ခံရလိမ့္မယ္။ ေနာက္႓ပီးေတာ့ အဲ့ဒီေဒသက ဴပည္သူလူထုေတၾ ကေန႓ပီးေတာ့ ဒီပိုက္လိုင္းအတၾက္ သူတိုႛ အဓမၳ လုပ္အားေပးမႁေတၾ ဴဖစ္လာႎိုင္ဖၾယ္ အေဳကာင္းရႀိတယ္။ ေနာက္ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ေဴမာက္ပိုင္းေပၝ့ေနာ္၊ အဲ့ဒီေဒသဖက္က လူေတၾက ပို႓ပီးေတာ့ ဆိုးဆိုးဝၝးဝၝး ခံစားရမယ့္ သေဘာရႀိတယ္။ အဲ့ဒီဖက္မႀာဆိုတာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အင္အားစုေတၾ ရႀိေနတဲ့အခၝမႀာ ဒီ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အင္အားစုေတၾကို သူတိုႛ ဖယ္ရႀားဖိုႛအတၾက္ စစ္တပ္ကေန႓ပီး ေဒသလံုဴခံႂေရးအတၾက္ ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ႎိုင္ဖၾယ္ အေဳကာင္းရႀိတယ္”

တရုတ္နဲႛ ဴမန္မာ ပူးေပၝင္း႓ပီး ပိုက္လိုင္း လံုဴခံႂေရးအတၾက္ ပူးတၾဲ စစ္ေရးေလ့ကဵင့္မႁေတၾ ရႀိလာႎိုင္တဲ့အတၾက္ ေဒသတၾင္းက လူေတၾကို စစ္ေရးမႀာ အသံုးဴပႂဖိုႛ အဓမၳ ေပၞတာဆၾဲတာေတၾ ရႀိလာႎိုင္တယ္လိုႛ ႎိုင္ကေဆာမၾန္က သံုးသပ္ပၝတယ္။ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ ေအာက္ပိုင္း တနသႆာရီ ကမ္းရိုးတန္းရႀိတဲ့ ရတနာ သဘာဝဓာတ္ေငၾႛစီမံကိန္းအတၾက္ ထိုင္းႎိုင္ငံကို သၾယ္တန္းတဲ့ ဓာတ္ေငၾႛပိုက္လိုင္းေတၾ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့တုန္းကလည္း ပိုက္လိုင္းသၾယ္တဲ့ လမ္းတေလ႖ာက္မႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ ကရင္ေကဵးရၾာ၊ မၾန္ေကဵးရၾာေတၾနဲႛ ထားဝယ္ေဒသအတၾင္း ေကဵးရၾာေတၾက ေဒသခံ ဴပည္သူေတၾဟာ အဲဒီလို လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး ခဵိႂးေဖာက္တာေတၾ ခံခဲ့ရ႓ပီး႓ပီလိုႛလည္း သူက ေဴပာသၾားပၝတယ္။

ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံရဲႛ ဓာတ္ေငၾႛ သယံဇာတေတၾကို ႎိုင္ငံသား ဴပည္သူလူထုေတၾအေနနဲႛ ဘယ္လိုမႀ အကဵိႂးခံစားပိုင္ခၾင့္ မရသလို ပိုက္လိုင္းဴဖတ္သန္းမယ့္ ေဒသတေလ႖ာက္က ေဒသခံဴပည္သူေတၾသာ ဆိုးကဵိႂးေတၾ ခံစားရ႓ပီး တကယ္တမ္း အကဵိႂးအဴမတ္ ရမႀာက စစ္အစိုးရ၊ တရုတ္အစိုးရနဲႛ လုပ္ငန္းရႀင္ေတၾသာ ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ဒီကေနႛ အစီရင္ခံစာ ထုတ္ဴပန္တဲ့ ေရၿဂက္စ္ လႁပ္ရႀားမႁအဖၾဲႛက ကိုဝင္းေအာင္က အာအက္ဖ္ေအကို အခုလို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ကိုဝင္းေအာင္။

။“အဓိက အကဵိႂးရႀိမႀာက ဒီ တရုတ္အစိုးရနဲႛ တရုတ္ကုမၯဏီေတၾပဲ။ သူတိုႛရဲ့

စၾမ္းအင္ လံုဴခံႂေရးအတၾက္ေတာ့ တရုတ္အစိုးရက သူတိုႛအကဵိႂးရႀိမယ္။ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ ဒီ အိႎၬိယ သမုဒၬရာ တခုလံုးမႀာရႀိတဲ့ အရင္းအဴမစ္ေတၾကို သူတိုႛအေနနဲႛ တိုက္ရိုက္ ဆက္စပ္ႎိုင္မယ္။ ေနာက္တခုက အေရႀႛအလယ္ပိုင္းနဲႛ အာဖရိကက သၾင္းလာတဲ့ ေရနံေတၾကို အရင္က သံုးခဲ့တဲ့ မာလက္ကာ ေရလက္ဳကားကို ဴဖတ္စရာမလိုဘဲနဲႛ လမ္းေဳကာင္းတိုတိုေလးက ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ ဒီ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံကို ဴဖတ္႓ပီးေတာ့ တင္သၾင္းႎိုင္မႀာဴဖစ္တယ္။၊ အဲ့ဒၝကေတာ့ တရုတ္ရဲ့ အဓိက အကဵိႂးအဴမတ္ေတၾေပၝ့။ တ႓ပိႂင္နက္တည္းမႀာပဲ နအဖ စစ္အုပ္စု လူတခဵိႂႛကေတာ့ ႎႀစ္ေပၝင္း ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

53

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif သံုးဆယ္အတၾင္းမႀာ အေမရိကန္ေဒၞလာ သန္းေထာင္ေပၝင္း ၂၉ ဘီလီယံ ရရႀိမႀာဴဖစ္တယ္၊၊ တကယ့္ တကယ္ ကုမၯဏီေတၾရဲ့ ေတာင္းဆိုတဲ့ ေစဵးႎႁန္းကိုသာ ေပးမယ္ဆိုရင္ သူတိုႛအေနနဲႛ ရလာႎိုင္တာကေတာ့ ႎႀစ္ေပၝင္းသံုးဆယ္ အတၾင္းေပၝ့၊ အေမရိကန္ေဒၞလာ ၅၆ ဘီလီယံ အထိ ရရႀိလာႎိုင္တာကို ကဵေနာ္တိုႛအေနနဲႛ ေတၾႛရႀိရမႀာ ဴဖစ္တယ္”

ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံကေန သၾယ္တန္းမယ့္ သဘာဝဓာတ္ေငၾႛ ပိုက္လိုင္းကို တရုတ္ႎိုင္ငံရဲႛ အ႒ကီးဆံုး ေရနံနဲႛ သဘာဝဓာတ္ေငၾႛ ထုတ္လုပ္တဲ့ ကုမၯဏီ ဴဖစ္တဲ့ တရုတ္အမဵိႂးသားပိုင္ ေရနံေကာ္ပိုေရးရႀင္း CNPC က အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ တည္ေဆာက္မႀာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ တရုတ္အစိုးရအေနနဲႛ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံတၾင္း ဴဖစ္ေပၞလာႎိုင္တဲ့ အႎၨရာယ္ေတၾကို မဵက္ကၾယ္ဴပႂ႓ပီး ဒီစီမံကိန္းကို ဆက္လုပ္ေနမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ႎိုင္ငံတၾင္း ေပၝက္ကၾဲမႁ အေဴပာင္းအလဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္လာႎိုင္တယ္လိုႛလည္း ကိုဝင္းေအာင္ က အခုလို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ကိုဝင္းေအာင္။

။“ဒၝေတၾ ဆက္လုပ္ေနမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ နံပၝတ္တစ္က စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ ႒ကီးစိုးမယ္၊

ေနာက္တခုက သူတိုႛ စစ္တပ္အင္အား တိုးခဵဲႛ႓ပီးေတာ့ ဴပည္သူေတၾကို ဖိႎႀိပ္ခဵႂပ္ခဵယ္မႁေတၾ ဴဖစ္လာႎိုင္တယ္။ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ ဒီဟာကို ဳကည့္ဴခင္းအားဴဖင့္ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ စက္တင္ဘာ သံဃာ့လႁပ္ရႀားမႁလို ဟာမဵိႂးေပၝ့ေနာ၊္ ဴပည္သူလူထုေတၾ မခံမရပ္ႎိုင္ ေပၝက္ကၾဲမႁေတၾ၊ ငတ္မၾဲေခၝင္းပၝးမႁေတၾ၊ ဆင္းရဲတၾင္းနက္မႁေတၾက တဆင့္ လူထုတိုက္ပၾဲလိုႛေခၞတဲ့ အစိုးရကို ဆန္ႛကဵင္တဲ့ လႁပ္ရႀားမႁေတၾ အခဵိန္မေရၾး ဴဖစ္လာႎိုင္သလို တ႓ပိႂင္နက္တည္းမႀာပဲ တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္အဖၾဲႛေတၾကလည္း သူတိုႛရဲႛ မေကဵနပ္ခဵက္ေတၾရယ္ တခဵိႂႛ တိုင္းရင္းသားေဒသေတၾမႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ သယံဇာတ အရင္းအဴမစ္ေတၾကို အလၾဲသံုးစား လုပ္ခံရတဲ့အေပၞမႀာ မေကဵမနပ္ ဴဖစ္လာတဲ့အတၾက္ အဲ့ဒၝေတၾက တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ၊ ဴပည္တၾင္းစစ္ေတၾ အဲ့လိုမဵိႂး လူထုေပၝက္ကၾဲမႁ အေဴပာင္းအလဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္လာႎိုင္တဲ့ အေနအထားမဵိႂး ကဵေနာ္တိုႛအေနနဲႛ သိသိသာသာ႒ကီး သိရႀိလာႎိုင္တာေပၝ့”

ဒီ သဘာဝဓာတ္ေငၾႛ ပိုက္လိုင္းကို ဓာတ္ေငၾႛ ေစလၾတ္ဖိုႛအတၾက္ ႎိုင္ငံတကာ ေဒဝူးကုမၯဏီ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အင္ဒို-ေတာင္ကိုရီးယား Indo-South Korean အဖၾဲႛက ကမ္းလၾန္ေရနံ ထုတ္လုပ္တဲ့ စင္ဴမင့္ေတၾ၊ ကမ္းလၾန္ပင္လယ္ဴပင္ကေန ရခိုင္ကမ္းရိုးတန္းကို သၾယ္တန္းမယ့္ ေရေအာက္ပိုက္လိုင္းနဲႛ ကုုန္းတၾင္းပိုင္း ဓာတ္ေငၾႛ အေဆာက္အဦ ေတၾကိုလည္း တ႓ပိႂင္နက္တည္း တည္ေဆာက္သၾားမႀာဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

54

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေလာေလာဆယ္ ဴပည္ပႎိုင္ငံေတၾကို သဘာဝဓာတ္ေငၾႛ ေရာင္းခဵလိုႛရတဲ့ တန္ဖိုးဟာ စုစုေပၝင္း ႎိုင္င့ံဝင္ေငၾရဲ့ ၅ဝ ရာခိုင္ႎႁန္း နီးပၝးဴဖစ္႓ပီး တႎႀစ္ကို အေမရိကန္ေဒၞလာ ၂ ဒသမ ၄ ဘီလီယံ ရႀိေပမယ့္ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရဟာ တိုင္းဴပည္ရဲႛ ကဵန္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရႀာက္မႁနဲႛ ပညာေရးကၸေတၾမႀာ ေငၾေဳကးသံုးစၾဲေနမႁဟာ ဘာမႀ မေဴပာပေလာက္တဲ့ ပမာဏသာ အသံုးဴပႂေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အခဵက္အလက္ အေထာက္ထားေတၾကို စာမဵက္ႎႀာ ၅ဝ ပၝဴပီး အဂႆလိပ္၊ ဴမန္မာ ႎႀစ္ဘာသာနဲႛ ေရးသားထားတဲ့ အာဏာစ႒ကႆန္ အစီရင္ခံစာမႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။

စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛပူးေပၝင္းသၾားတဲ့ သူ 2009-09-07 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/an_activist_in_Thailand_turned_back_to_junta09072009132450.html/story_main?textonly=1 ထိုင္းႎိုင္ငံအေဴခစိုက္ ဴမန္မာအဖၾဲႛအစည္းတခဵိႂႛမႀာ ဝင္ေရာက္လႁပ္ရႀားေနတဲ့ ကိုထၾတ္ဆိုသူဟာ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ သီတင္းပတ္ထဲမႀာ ဴမဝတီ႓မိႂႛကတဆင့္ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾဘက္ကို ဴပန္လည္ ပူးေပၝင္းသၾားတယ္လိုႛ သတင္းရရႀိပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေဳကာင့္ သူႛဆီက ရရႀိတဲ့ သတင္းအခဵက္ အလက္ တခဵိႂႛကိုအေဴခခံ႓ပီး စစ္အစိုးရက ႎိုင္ငံေရးလႁပ္ရႀားသူ တခဵိႂႛကို လိုက္လံဖမ္းဆီးေနတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ဒီကိစၤနဲႛပတ္သက္႓ပီး ဴပည္တၾင္းမႀာ လႁပ္ရႀားေနတဲ့ ေကဵာင္းသားတဦးက သူသိထားတာကို အခုလို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ဴပည္တၾင္းမႀ ေကဵာင္းသား။

။“အလုပ္သမားအုပ္စု တအုပ္စုပၝတယ္။ အရင္တုန္းက New Wave

တုိႛ ဘာတုိႛမႀာ ဆႎၬဴပတဲ့သူေတၾေပၝ့။ အဲဒီလူေတၾထဲက ႎႀစ္ေယာက္ကေတာ့ ဴပန္လၿတ္လုိက္႓ပီ၊ တေယာက္ကေတာ့ ကဵန္ေနတုန္းပဲ။ ေနာက္တဴခား ဘုန္း႒ကီးအုပ္စုေတၾ ပၝတယ္။ MDC က လူတခဵႂိႛ ပၝတယ္။ ၂ဝဝ၇ အေဟာင္းေတၾ ဴပန္ေခၞစစ္တယ္။ အဓိက ေဴမဳသဇာနဲႛ Generation အဖၾဲႛေတၾ။ တခဵႂိႛေတၾ ေခၞသၾား႓ပီး ေမးေနဳကတယ္။ ဒီမႀာ အေဴခအေန နည္းနည္း ရႀႂတ္ေထၾးေနတယ္“

စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ ပူးေပၝင္းသၾားတဲ့ ကိုထၾတ္ ဆိုသူဟာ လၾန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၄ ႎႀစ္ေလာက္က မဲေဆာက္႓မိႂႛက ဴမန္မာအလုပ္သမားတဦး ဴဖစ္႓ပီး ရပိုင္ခၾင့္ေတၾအတၾက္ ထိုင္းအလုပ္ရႀင္ကို တရားစၾဲတဲ့ အုပ္စုတခုမႀာ ပၝဝင္ခဲ့ဖူးသူ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း၊ အဲဒီေနာက္ ဴမန္မာ အလုပ္သမားအေရးေတၾ ေဆာင္ရၾက္ေပးေနတဲ့ ထိုင္းႎိုင္ငံအေဴခစိုက္ ေရာင္ဴခည္ဦး အလုပ္သမားအဖၾဲႛမႀာ ဝင္ေရာက္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

55

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif လႁပ္ရႀားဖူးေဳကာင္း၊ ေရာင္ဴခည္ဦးအဖၾဲႛက သူႛကို ထုတ္ပစ္လိုက္တဲ့ေနာက္မႀာ လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး ေဆာင္ရၾက္ေနတဲ့ HREIB အဖၾဲႛမႀာ သၾားေရာက္ လႁပ္ရႀားခဲ့ေဳကာင္း၊ အခုေတာ့ လၾန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေလးရက္ေလာက္က ဴမဝတီ႓မိႂႛမႀာရႀိတဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရ အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾဆီ သၾား႓ပီး ပူးေပၝင္းလိုက္တာ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း၊ သူႛဆီမႀာ မဲေဆာက္႓မိႂႛမႀာ လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး သင္တန္းေပးေနတဲ့ ဗီၾဒီယိုမႀတ္တမ္းတင္ ေခၾတေခၾ ပၝသၾားေဳကာင္း စံုစမ္းသိရႀိရပၝတယ္။

ဒီကိစၤနဲႛပတ္သက္ဴပီး ေရာင္ဴခည္ဦးအလုပ္သမားအဖၾဲႛဝင္တဦးကလည္း ကိုထၾတ္ စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ ပူးေပၝင္းသၾားတဲ့သတင္းကို သူလဲဳကားတယ္လိုႛဆိုပၝတယ္။

HREIB အဖၾဲႛရဲ့ ႌၾန္ဳကားေရးမႀႃး ဦးေအာင္မဵိႂးမင္းကို ဆက္သၾယ္ စံုစမ္းဳကည့္တဲ့အခၝမႀာ ဒီသတင္း ဟုတ္မႀန္ေဳကာင္း ေဴပာေပမယ့္ မႀတ္ခဵက္ တစံုတရာ မေပးပၝဘူး။

ဝ စစ္ဦးစီးအဖၾဲႛ အသက္ေပး ကာကၾယ္သၾားမည္ 2009-09-07 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/UWSA_said_junta_promises_not_to_fight__Wa_r egion-09072009110240.html/story_main?textonly=1 ရႀမ္းဴပည္ေဴမာက္ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ-၂ ပန္ဆန္း အေဴခစိုက္ UWSA ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီေရးတပ္ဖၾဲႛက ပန္ဆန္းေဒသ လံုဴခံႂေရးဆိုင္ရာ ေဳကညာခဵက္တရပ္ကို ဒု-ဥကၠႉ ဦးေရႀာက္မင္လဵန္ လက္မႀတ္ေရးထုိး႓ပီး ထုတ္ဴပန္လိုက္ပၝတယ္။ ေဳကညာခဵက္မႀာ ေဒသအတၾင္း လာေရာက္ အလုပ္လုပ္ကိုင္ေနတဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢ အပၝအဝင္ ႎိုင္ငံတကာ အဖၾဲႛအစည္းေတၾ၊ စစ္အစိုးရ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ စိစစ္ကၾပ္ကဲေရး (နစက) အဖၾဲႛ အပၝအဝင္ စိုက္ပဵိႂးေရး၊ ဖၾံႛ႓ဖိႂးေရးနဲႛ ကဵန္းမာေရးဝန္ထမ္းေတၾအေနနဲႛ ေဒသလံုဴခံႂေရးကို စိတ္ခဵ႓ပီး အလုပ္အကိုင္မပဵက္ ေနထုိင္ေစလိုေဳကာင္း၊ အေရးေပၞ တစံုတရာ ဴဖစ္ေပၞလာရင္ ဝ စစ္ဦးစီးအဖၾဲႛက အသက္ေပး ကာကၾယ္သၾားမယ့္ အေဳကာင္း အဓိက ေဖာ္ဴပထားတယ္လိုႛ ေဒသခံေတၾက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ကဵန္တဲ့ အခဵက္ေတၾထဲမႀာ ေကာလာဟလ သတင္းေတၾအရ ေဒသခံဴပည္သူမဵားအဳကား စိုးရိမ္မႁေတၾဴဖစ္ေအာင္ ေဴပာဆိုဴခင္း မလုပ္ဖိုႛ၊ တရုတ္ႎုိင္ငံဘက္ ေခတၨ ေရႀာင္တိမ္း ထၾက္ေဴပးသၾားတဲ့ ေစဵးဆိုင္၊ စတိုးဆိုင္ေတၾကို ပစၤည္း ဝင္ေရာက္ယူဴခင္း မလုပ္ဖိုႛ၊ မလိုအပ္ရင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ညဘက္ေတၾမႀာ အဴပင္ထၾက္တာမဵိႂး မလုပ္ဖိုႛနဲႛ ေဒသတၾင္း တရားဝင္ ေနထိုင္ခၾင့္မရႀိသူေတၾ ေဒသထဲက ေခတၨ ထၾက္ခၾာေပးဖိုႛ သတိေပးထားတယ္လိုႛ ဆိုပၝတယ္။

အခဵက္ ငၝးခဵက္ပၝတဲ့ ဒီေဳကညာခဵက္ကို ပန္ဆန္း႓မိႂႛေပၞမႀာ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ စေနေနႛ ညေနပိုင္းက အမဵားသိေအာင္ ေဳကညာခဲ့တာဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ပန္ဆန္းေဒသခံတဦးက အာအက္ေအကို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ပိုင္းက UWSA ရဲႛ စစ္ေရးမဟာမိတ္ဴဖစ္တဲ့ အထူးေဒသ-၁ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ေတၾကို ဴမန္မာတပ္ေတၾက ဝင္ေရာက္ တိုက္ခတ္ခဲ့အ႓ပီး ဝ ေဒသဘက္ကို စစ္ဆင္လာစရာ ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ သတင္းေတၾ ထၾက္လာ႓ပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ဝ အဖၾဲႛက တရားဝင္ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ထုတ္ဴပန္လိုက္တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

ကိုးကန္ႛတုိက္ပၾဲေတၾအတၾင္း ဝ ေဒသမႀာရႀိတဲ့ တရုတ္ႎုိင္ငံသား လုပ္ငန္းရႀင္ေတၾနဲႛ ဆိုင္ရႀင္ သံုးပံုတပံုေလာက္ဟာ တရုတ္ဴပည္ဘက္ ထၾက္ေဴပးသၾားခဲ့ဳကပၝတယ္။ ပန္ဆန္းမႀာ တရုတ္ဘာသာနဲႛ တရားဝင္ဴပသတဲ့ တရုတ္ႎုိင္ငံ Pheasant ရုပ္ဴမင္သံဳကားသတင္းမႀာ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၉ ရက္ေနႛမႀာ ဴမန္မာတပ္ေတၾ ဝေဒသကို ဝင္ေရာက္ တိုက္ခိုက္ႎုိင္တယ္လုိႛ အသံလၿင့္ထားတဲ့အတၾက္ တရုတ္ ဆိုင္ရႀင္ေတၾအေနနဲႛ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၉ ရက္ေနႛ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမႀ ဝေဒသကို ဴပန္လာမယ္လိုႛ ေဒသခံက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Photo: Courtesy of UWSA) စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲထားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖၾဲႚမဵားတၾင္ အင္အားအေကာင္းဆံုး ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရးတပ္ (UWSA) ဧ႓ပီ ၁၇ရက္ ဝဴပည္နယ္ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးေနႛ ႎႀစ္ ၂၀ဴပည့္ အခမ္းအနား ကဵင္းပေနပံု ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: Courtesy of UWSA) စက္တင္ဘာလ ၃ ရက္ေနႛက ဝေဒသ အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ေရးအဖၾဲႛရဲႛ ပံုမႀန္ လပတ္အစည္းအေဝးမႀာ ဝ ေဒသ ဒုတိယဥကၠႉ ဦးေရႀာက္မင္လဵန္က ေဒသအတၾင္း အဖၾဲႛအစည္း အသီးသီးရဲႛ အသက္အိုးအိမ္ စည္းစိမ္အတၾက္ ဝ အဖၾဲႛက လံုးဝ တာဝန္ယူေဳကာင္း ေဴပာဳကားခဲ့တယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။

ဝေဒသကို ဴမန္မာတပ္ေတၾအေနနဲႛ လံုးဝ တိုက္ခိုက္မႀာမဟုတ္ေဳကာင္းလည္း ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ နစက ႒ကီးမႀႃး ဒု ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီးရဲဴမင့္က စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁ ရက္ေနႛက သံုး႒ကိမ္တိတိ ကတိေပး ေဴပာဳကားခဲ့ေဳကာင္း ဒီအစည္းေဝးမႀာ ဦးေရႀာက္မင္လဵန္က ေဴပာခဲ့တယ္လိုႛ အာအက္ေအက စံုစမ္းသိရပၝတယ္။

ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာ KIO အဖၾဲႛက ထုတ္ပယ္ခံရတာ မဟုတ္ေဳကာင္း ဴငင္းဆို 2009-09-07 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/interview_with_Dr_TuJa_on_news_of_kicked_out_from_KIO09072009115937.html/story_main?textonly=1 KIO ကခဵင္လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရးအဖၾဲႛက ဒုတိယ ဥကၠႉ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာ အပၝအဝင္ ထိပ္တန္းေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ေဴခာက္ဦးကို အဖဲၾႛကေန ထုတ္ပယ္လိုက္တယ္ဆိုတာ မဟုတ္ေဳကာင္း၊ ႎိုင္ငံေရးပၝတီ တည္ေထာင္ေရးအတၾက္ KIO အဖဲၾႛက ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ငၝးဦးကို ႎုတ္ထၾက္ခၾင့္ ေပးလိုက္တာဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာက အာအက္ဖ္ေအကို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

နအဖစစ္အစိုးရက ေညာင္ႎႀစ္ပင္တၾင္ ကဵင္းပခဲ့ေသာ အမဵိႂးသား ညီလာခံကို တက္ေရာက္ေနသည့္ ကခဵင္ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္မဵား ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: AFP) ခုလို ႎိုင္ငံေရးပၝတီ တည္ေထာင္ဖိုႛအတၾက္ ကခဵင္အတိုင္ပင္ခံေကာ္မတီက အခု ႎႀစ္ဆန္းပိုင္းကတည္းက ဆံုးဴဖတ္ခဲ့႓ပီးဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ အတိုင္ပင္ခံေကာင္စီရဲႛ ဆံုးဴဖတ္ခဵက္အရ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကာလ ႎိုင္ငံေရးအမႁေဆာင္အဖၾဲႛကို ဖၾဲႛစည္းခဲ့႓ပီး အဲ့ဒီအဖၾဲႛမႀာ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာကို ေခၝင္းေဆာင္အဴဖစ္ တာဝန္ေပးအပ္ထားတာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာက ခုလိုေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာ။

။“ကဵေနာ့္ကို အဖၾဲႛေခၝင္းေဆာင္အဴဖစ္ ေရၾးဳကတာေပၝ့။ ကဵေနာ္က

အဲဒီတုန္းကေတာ့ ေကအိုင္အုိ အဖၾဲႛဝင္လည္း ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ကဵေနာ္တင္မကဘူး၊ ဒီအထဲမႀာ ေကအုိင္အုိကလည္း ေလးငၝး ဆယ္ေယာက္ေလာက္ပၝတယ္။ N-DAK ကလည္း ေလးငၝးဆယ္ေယာက္ေလာက္ပၝတယ္။ ကခဵင္အတုိင္ပင္ခံကလည္း ေလးငၝးဆယ္ေယာက္။ ဆယ္ေယာက္ ဆယ္ေယာက္ အဲဒီလုိပၝဳကတာေပၝ့။ ဦးလဆန္ေအာင္ဝၝတုိႛဆီကေတာင္မႀ သံုးေယာက္ပၝေသးတယ္”

အခုလို ေပးအပ္ထားတဲ့ တာဝန္ေတၾကို ထမ္းေဆာင္ႎိုင္ဖိုႛ ႎိုင္ငံေရးပၝတီေထာင္႓ပီး ေဆာင္ရၾက္ဖိုႛ အခဵိန္ကဵ႓ပီလိုႛ ဆံုးဴဖတ္တာေဳကာင့္ မိမိနဲႛ အတူ KIO အဖဲၾႛကေန ႎုတ္ထၾက္ခၾင့္ ေတာင္းခံခဲ့တာဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ဆိုပၝတယ္။

ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာ။

။“ပၝတီဖၾဲႛစည္းေရးနဲႛ ပတ္သက္႓ပီး ဴပတ္ဴပတ္သားသား ေဆာင္ရၾက္

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

59

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ဴပင္ဆင္ဖိုႛေပၝ့။ စိတ္ဓာတ္ေရးရာအရ၊ လုပ္ငန္းအရ ဴပင္ဆင္မႁကို လုပ္သၾားဖုိႛ လုိအပ္႓ပီလုိႛ အဴမင္ရႀိတယ္ဗဵ။ ဒၝေဳကာင့္မုိႛလုိႛ အဲဒီပၝတီဖၾဲႛစည္းတဲ့အခၝမႀာ ဆက္လက္ပၝဝင္သၾားမယ့္ အဖၾဲႛအစည္းက ပုဂၢိႂလ္ေတၾဟာ ႒ကိႂတင္႓ပီးေတာ့မႀ ဖၾဲႛထားရမယ္။ အဖၾဲႛအစည္းက ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္အေနနဲႛ ပၝလုိႛမရဘူး။ သူႛရဲႛ စည္းမဵဥ္းအတိုင္းဆုိရင္ မရဘူး”

ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာနဲႛအတူ KIO ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ငၝးဦး ႎုတ္ထၾက္ခၾင့္ ေတာင္းခံခဲ့တာကို KIO အဖၾဲႛကလည္း သေဘာတူတာေဳကာင့္ ႎုတ္ထၾက္ခၾင့္ ေပးလိုက္တာဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ KIO အဖၾဲႛ ဒုတိယ ဥကၠႉ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာ အပၝအဝင္ အရာရႀိတခဵိႂႛကို အဖၾဲႛကေန ထုတ္ပယ္လိုက္တယ္ ဆိုတဲ့သတင္းေတၾ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ပိုင္းက ထၾက္ေပၞခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ အာအက္ဖ္ေအက ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ လိုင္ဇာ႓မိႂႛမႀာ ေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာကို ဆက္သၾယ္ေမးဴမန္းတဲ့အခၝမႀာ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာက ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ အတိုင္ပင္ခံေကာင္စီရဲႛ ဆံုးဴဖတ္ခဵက္အရ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ အသၾင္ကူးေဴပာင္းေရးကာလ ႎိုင္ငံေရးအမႁေဆာင္အဖၾဲႛကို ဖၾဲႛစည္းခဲ့႓ပီး အဲ့ဒီအဖၾဲႛမႀာ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာကို ေခၝင္းေဆာင္အဴဖစ္ တာဝန္ေပးအပ္ထားတာ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္းနဲႛ ဒီတာဝန္အရ ပၝတီလိုင္းမႀာ တာဝန္ယူဖိုႛ KIO က ႎုတ္ထၾက္ခၾင့္ တင္ခဲ့တာ ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ေဒၝက္တာတူးဂဵာကို ဦးတင္ေအာင္ခိုင္က ဆက္သၾယ္ေမးဴမန္းထားပၝတယ္။

စစ္ေရးနည္းျဖင့္ မေျဖရွင္းခ်င္ဟု ၀ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေျပာဆုိ MONDAY, 07 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:17 ရန္ပိုင္

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 59:2009-09-07-12-19-44&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

၀တုိင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးေပါက္ယူခ်မ္းက တရုတ္ ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တြင္ စစ္ေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာေၾကာင့္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကုိ အခ်ိန္ယူ တည္ေဆာက္ရန္ လုိအပ္သည္ဟု

ေျပာဆုိလုိက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ တ႐ုတ္ ႐ုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား Phoenix တြင္ ေတြ႔ရသည့္ ၀ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးေပါက္ယူခ်မ္း ယမန္ေန႔က ထုတ္လႊင့္သြားသည့္ တရုတ္ ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား Phoenix TV ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံ ေမးျမန္းခန္း တခုတြင္ ဦးေပါက္ယူခ်မ္းက ထုိသုိ႔ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

60

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေျပာၾကားလုိက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းေရးအတြက္ အခက္အခဲမ်ားကုိ စစ္ေရးနည္းျဖင့္ ေျဖရွင္း၍ မရႏုိင္ဟုလည္း ေျပာလုိက္သည္။ “တပ္မ်ား အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကုိ လက္ခံတယ္၊ လက္ေတြ႔ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား လုပ္ကုိင္တ့ဲအခါ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဘက္ အေသးစိတ္ အျပန္အလွန္ ညိွႏႈိင္း ေဆြးေႏြးဖုိ႔ လုိတယ္၊ အခ်ိန္ယူရမယ္။

တပ္ေတြကုိ ဖ်က္သိမ္းတဲ့ ပုံမ်ိဳးေတာ့ မလုပ္ဘူး၊ စစ္ေရးအရ ေျဖရွင္းလာမယ္ ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ခုခံကာကြယ္ ရမွာပဲ” ဟု ဝ ျပည္ ေသြးစည္း ညီညြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) အႀကီးအကဲ ဦးေပါက္ယူခ်မ္းက ေျပာၾကားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

UWSA အျပင္ ကခ်င္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ကလည္း ထုိသုိ႔ေသာ သေဘာထား ရိွေနေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ရွိ စစ္ေရးႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ေျပာသည္။

“KIA ေရာ ၀ ကပါ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ကိစၥကုိ ေယဘုယ်အားျဖင့္ မူအရ သေဘာတူတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာတယ္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ဘယ္လုိ ညိွႏႈိင္းမယ္ ဆုိတာကုိေတာ့ မေျပာဘူး သူတုိ႔ေျပာတဲ့

ေအာက္တုိဘာလမွာေတာ့ လုပ္ႏုိင္မယ္ မထင္ဘူး၊ ဒီလုိ တရား၀င္ ေျပာတာဟာ တရုတ္ ဖိအား

ေပးတာလုိ႔ ထင္တယ္” ယခင္ ဗမာျပည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ ပါတီ၀င္ တဦးျဖစ္သူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက သုံးသပ္လုိက္သည္။ စစ္ဘက္ဆုိင္ရာ လုံၿခဳံေရး အရာရွိခ်ဳပ္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ရဲျမင့္က UWSAကုိ တုိက္ခုိက္မည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း စာျဖင့္ ထပ္မံ ကတိေပးထားသည္ဟု ၀တပ္ဖဲြ႔ အရာရိွ တခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ကုိးကားၿပီး ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ရွင္းျပသည္။

သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ၀ ေဒသတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား ခ်ထားၿပီး စိတ္ဓာတ္ စစ္ဆင္ေရး ပုံစံ လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေၾကာင္း၊ လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ားျဖင့္ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈမ်ား လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေၾကာင္း ထုိေဒသအေရးကုိ အထူးျပဳ ေလ့လာေနသူ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမား တဦးက ေျပာသည္။

“တပ္ တခ်ိဳ႕ကုိေတာ့ ေဖ်ာက္ထားတယ္လုိ႔ ၾကားတယ္၊ လက္နက္ႀကီးေတြ ပါတယ္၊ တခါမွ မျမင္ဘူးဘူး တ့ဲ” ဟု ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံ အေျခစုိက္ သ်ွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က ေျပာသည္။ UWSA သည္ ဗမာျပည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ ပါတီ၏ လက္နက္ကုိင္ အင္အားစု အျဖစ္မွ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ခြဲထြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ယခုအခါ စစ္သည္အင္အား ႏွစ္ေသာင္း မွ ႏွစ္ေသာင္းခဲြၾကားတြင္ ရွိသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အနီးရိွ KIA တပ္ဖဲြ႔ကလည္း ၿပီးခ့ဲသည့္ စေန ႏွင့္ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔တုိ႔တြင္ လူထု အစည္းအေ၀း ေခၚယူ က်င္းပရာ စစ္အစုိးရက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အေၾကာင္းအရာကုိ ေဆြးေႏြးခ့ဲသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

61

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးကုိ ယခင္ကတည္းကပင္ မူအားျဖင့္ သေဘာတူညီေၾကာင္း၊ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ကခ်င္လုံၿခဳံေရးတပ္ အျဖစ္သာ ဖြဲ႔လုိေၾကာင္း၊

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနည္းျဖင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္ေရးနည္းျဖင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္ေၾကာင္း လူထုအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲတြင္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့သည္။

ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ၿပီးခ့ဲသည့္ လကုန္ပုိင္းက ၃ ရက္ၾကာ ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲသည့္ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ထုိေဒသ ႏွင့္ အနီးတ၀ုိက္တြင္ အေျခစုိက္ေသာ အပစ္ရပ္

တုိင္းရင္းသားအဖဲြ႔မ်ား ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာေဒသမွ အရပ္သားအမ်ားအျပား တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ တိမ္းေရွာင္လ်က္ရိွသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား အၿပီးတြင္ ကာကြယ္ေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ဒုတိယဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လႈိင္ ႏွင့္ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ဳိ႕သည္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕သုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ၿပီး ေဒသ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနၾကေၾကာင္း စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသမွ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ တိမ္းေရွာင္သြားသူ ဒုကၡသည္ သုံးေသာင္းေက်ာ္ အနက္မွ တေသာင္းေက်ာ္ ေနရပ္ရင္းသုိ႔ ျပန္ခ့ဲၿပီးျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ကခ်င္ပါတီ အဖဲြ႔၀င္ ၈၀၀ ရၿပီဟုဆုိ MONDAY, 07 SEPTEMBER 2009 20:09 ေအးလဲ့

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 62:2009-09-07-13-10-12&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး အဖြဲ႔ (KIO) မွ ႏႈတ္ထြက္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီတခု ထူေထာင္ထားရာ ပါတီဝင္ ၈၀၀ ခန္႔ စည္း႐ုံးႏိုင္ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထုိပါတီ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ကခ်င္ ျပည္နယ္ တိုးတက္ေရး ပါတီ (KSPP) ဟု အမည္ေပးထားေသာ ၎တုိ႔၏ ပါတီသည္ တရား၀င္ မွတ္ပုံတင္ရန္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ဥပေဒကုိ ေစာင့္ဆုိင္းေနသည္ဟု ပါတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးျဖစ္သူ ေဒါက္တာ မနန္တူးဂ်ာက ေျပာသည္။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လက ေဒါက္တာ မနန္ တူးဂ်ာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေသာအဖြဲ႔ ၊ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္

အျဖစ္ လက္ခံထားေသာ ကခ်င္ ဒီမုိကေရစီသစ္ တပ္မေတာ္ (NDA-K) ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ အတိုင္ပင္ခံ ေကာင္စီ (KCC) တို႔က ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းေရး အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔ကို ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည္။

ယင္းမွ တဆင့္ ယခုႏွစ္ မတ္လတြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီအျဖစ္ KSPPကုိ ဖြဲ႔စည္းျခင္းခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

62

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေဒါက္တာ မနန္ တူးဂ်ာက သူ အပါအ၀င္ ၅ ဦးသည္ ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး အဖြဲ႔(KIO) ေခါင္းေဆာင္အျဖစ္မွ ႏႈတ္ထြက္ခ့ဲေၾကာင္း၊ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားကို ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဧရာ၀တီကုိ ေျပာသည္။

“ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီ အေရးကို အာရုံစူးစုိက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ သြားရင္ အေကာင္းဆံုး ျဖစ္မယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သေဘာထားနဲ႔ KIO အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ၅ ဦးက ဗဟိုအဖြဲ႔ကေန ႏႈတ္ထြက္ခြင့္ေတာင္းတယ္၊ KIO အေနနဲ႔ကလည္း ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို မဆန္႔က်င္ဘူး၊ ျပည္သူဘက္က ပါတီ

ထူေထာင္ၿပီးေတာ့၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကိုလည္း အားေပးတယ္” ဟု ေဒါက္တာ မနန္ တူးဂ်ာက ရွင္းျပသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ၎တုိ႔ ၅ ဦး KIO မွ ႏႈတ္ထြက္သြားျခင္း မဟုတ္ဘဲ တာ၀န္မွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္သည္ ဟူေသာ သတင္းမ်ားလည္း ထြက္ေပၚေနသည္။

ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔ကလည္း ကခ်င္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ စစ္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္

ကခ်င္ လူထု ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား အၾကား ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ တရပ္ကို KIO ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ရိွရာ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ၂ ရက္ၾကာ က်င္းပခဲ့သည္။ KIO အေနျဖင့္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကို စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ဆက္လက္ ေဆြးေႏြးသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အရ ေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးေရး အေျဖရွာသြားရန္ လုိေၾကာင္း၊ စစ္ေရးအရ အေျဖရွာျခင္းကို မေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း၊ တပ္ ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ဆိုျခင္းထက္ ကခ်င္ေဒသ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ အျဖစ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္ လိုလားေၾကာင္း လူထု အစည္းအေဝးပြဲ၌ တက္ေရာက္သူ

လူထုကုိယ္စားလွယ္ စုစုေပါင္း ၃၂၄ ဦးက ဆံုးျဖတ္သည္ဟု KIO အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ေဒါက္တာ လဂ်ာ က ဧရာဝတီကို ေျပာသည္။ ကခ်င္ေဒသ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ အျဖစ္မွ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္

အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ KIO ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ့ တပ္မေတာ္တုိ႔ ၇ ႀကိမ္ခန္႔ ေတြ႔ဆံု ညိွႏိႈင္းခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခု ရက္ပိုင္းတြင္လည္း ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ထပ္မံေဆြးေႏြးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရက ေအာက္တိုဘာလတြင္ အၿပီးသတ္ ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ ေျပာဆိုထားေသာ္လည္း KIO က လုိက္ေလ်ာရန္ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ေဒါက္တာ မနန္ တူးဂ်ာ က ေျပာသည္။

“ ဒီဘက္က အဖြဲ႔အစည္း(KIO) အေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ အဆင္သင့္ ျဖစ္ဖို႔ကေတာ့ အလားအလာ

သိပ္မေတြ႔ရဘူး၊ အခ်ိန္ကေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ မ်ားမ်ား ယူရမယ့္ သေဘာရွိေနတယ္” ဟု ေဒါက္တာ မနန္ တူးဂ်ာက ေျပာသည္။ ျမန္မာ တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း KIO ၏ သေဘာထားႏွင့္

ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ကို စစ္အစိုးရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဴပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊထံမွ မည္သို႔မွ် တုန္႔ျပန္ျခင္း ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

63

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

မရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ယခု ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ ၿပီးဆံုးၿပီဟု သံုးသပ္ေၾကာင္း ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ အေျခစိုက္ ကခ်င္သတင္းဌာန Kachin News Group အယ္ဒီတာ လဖိုင္ ေနာ္ဒင္းက ေျပာသည္။ လဖိုင္ ေနာ္ဒင္းက “ KIOနဲ႔ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ တိုင္းမႉးေတြနဲ႔ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ ေဆြးေႏြးတယ္၊ အထက္ကို မေရာက္ဘူး၊ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ၿပီးသြားၿပီလို႔ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တယ္၊ နအဖ ဘက္က

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ေတာင္းတယ္၊ KIO ဖက္က သန္းေရႊနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ၿပီး KIO သေဘာထား တင္ျပ ေတာင္းဆိုတဲ့ အပိုင္းေတြမွာ ဘာမွ အေျဖမရဘူး၊ အေျခအေနကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ

ေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔က KIO ဘက္က ၿပီးသြားၿပီ၊ နအဖ ဘက္ကသာ ဘယ္လို ျဖစ္လာမလဲ၊ အဲဒီေတာ့ နအဖဘက္က ဖန္တီးႏိုင္တဲ့ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ (တပ္ဖဲြ႔) ပဲ ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္တယ္” ဟုေျပာသည္။ ကခ်င္တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔ ျဖစ္သည့္ KIO အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။

ကခ်င္တပ္ဖဲြ႔က နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ေရး ထပ္မံ စဥ္းစားဦးမည္ FRIDAY, 04 SEPTEMBER 2009 20:05 ေအးလဲ့

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 49:2009-09-04-13-10-21&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

စစ္အစုိးရက ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ကုိ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲရန္ ဆက္လက္ နားခ်လ်က္ ရိွေသာေၾကာင့္ KIA ၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားၾကားတြင္ ထုိအေၾကာင္းအရာကုိ ျပန္လည္ ေဆြးေႏြးဦးမည္ဟု သိရသည္။ KIA ၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဦးေဆာင္မႈ အဖဲြ႔ျဖစ္ေသာ ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး အဖဲြ႔ (KIO)၏ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲကို လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕ရွိ KIO ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ စေနေန႔၌ က်င္းပမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း KIO ဗဟုိ

အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္ ေကာ္မတီ အဖြဲ႔ဝင္တဦး ျဖစ္သူ ဂ်ိမ္းစ္လြမ္ေဒါင္က ဧရာ၀တီကုိ ေျပာသည္။ ကခ်င္ေဒသ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ အျဖစ္မွ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ KIO ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ့ တပ္မေတာ္တုိ႔ ၆ ႀကိမ္ခန္႔ ေတြ႔ဆံု ညိွႏိႈင္းခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။

KIO ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား မနက္ျဖန္တြင္ ေဆြးေႏြးၾကသည့္အခါ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ မည္သည့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားကို ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ မည္သည့္ အဆင့္အထိ

သေဘာတူညီခဲ့ေၾကာင္းကို ရွင္းလင္း အစီရင္ခံမည္ဟု ျမစ္ႀကီးနား အေျခစိုက္ KIO ရုံးမွ တာဝန္ ရွိသူ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။ KIO ထိပ္သီး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ေတြ႔ဆုံပဲြ ၿပီးဆုံးသည့္အခါ စစ္အစုိးရ လုိလားသည့္ ရလဒ္မ်ား ထြက္ေပၚဦးမည္မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ထုိေတြ႔ဆုံပဲြမွ ရလာသည့္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကုိ ယူေဆာင္၍ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ ထပ္မံ ေဆြးေႏြး ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

64

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ညိွႏိႈင္းၾကမည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ ညိွႏိႈင္းျခင္းကုိ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၏ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားတြင္ ရက္ပုိင္းအတြင္း ျပဳလုပ္မည္ဟု သိရသည္။ စစ္အစုိးရက ယခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလမွစ၍ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ားကို

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္မ်ား အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ကမ္းလွမ္းခ့ဲသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ ညိွႏိႈင္း ကမ္းလွမ္းေနျခင္းမ်ားကုိ အမ်ားျပည္သူ သိရိွရန္ တရား၀င္ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာျခင္း မျပဳေသးေပ။ လာမည့္ႏွစ္တြင္ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ျပဳလုပ္မည္ ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား

တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ားကုိ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ထုိသုိ႔ လုိက္လံ ညိွႏိႈင္းေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု အမ်ားက သုံးသပ္ေနၾကသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း KIA က ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမ်ား က်င္းပၿပီး အစုိးရ တရပ္ ေပၚေပါက္လာေရးကုိသာ

ပထမဦးဆုံး ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ ဟု စစ္အစုိးရကုိ ယခင္က အေၾကာင္းျပန္ထားသည္။ KIA သည္ ၁၉၉၄ တြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲခ့ဲသည္။ အပစ္ရပ္ထားသည့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔ ၂၀ ၀န္းက်င္ရိွသည့္အနက္ အဖဲြ႔ ၂ ဖဲြ႔က စစ္အစုိးရ၏ ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကုိ သေဘာတူထားၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။ ၿပီးခ့ဲသည့္ လကုန္ပုိင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရ တပ္မ်ားက KIA ႏွင့္ စစ္ေရး မဟာမိတ္ဖဲြ႔ထားသည့္

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ အေျခစုိက္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ လူမ်ိဳးစု ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္ေပါင္းစု (MNDAA)ကုိ ၀င္ေရာက္ တုိက္ခုိက္လုိက္သည္။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကုိ လက္မခံသည့္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ားထဲမွ တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္အင္အား အနည္းဆုံး ျဖစ္ေသာ MNDAA ကုိ တုိက္ခုိက္လုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ထားသည့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ား ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ ေဒသ အထူးသျဖင့္ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ေဒသတြင္ မတည္မၿငိမ္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚေနသည္။

စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေနာက္ထပ္ပစ္မွတ္က ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ျဖစ္မည္ေလာ

MONDAY, 07 SEPTEMBER 2009 16:06 ေအာင္ေဇာ္ http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 56:2009-09-07-09-09-47&catid=2:articles&Itemid=30

စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ၏ ၿမိဳ႔ေတာ္ ေလာက္ကိုင္ကို အလြယ္တကူ သိမ္းပိုက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။ ဤျဖစ္ရပ္ၿပီးသည့္ ေနာက္ပိုင္း လူတိုင္း ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ေနၾကသည္မွာ စစ္အစိုးရက ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို တုိက္ေတာ့မည္ေလာဟူ၍ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

65

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

၀ ျပည္ ေသြးစည္း ညီညြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသမွ အင္အား ေတာင့္တင္းေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားထဲတြင္ ပါ၀င္ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံကပင္ အေလးထား စဥ္းစားေနရသည္။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက ေတာ္လွန္ေရး

အင္အားစုမ်ားကုိ လာမည့္ႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္မီတြင္ ၎တို႔၏ အာဏာရွင္

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေအာက္ က်ဳိးႏြံလာေစရန္ စီစဥ္ထားေသာေၾကာင့္ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို တုိက္မည္ဟု ယူဆၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ၀ ျပည္ ေသြးစည္း ညီညြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) ဟု တရား၀င္

သိၾကသည့္ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားလာပါက ေရရွည္စစ္ပြဲ ဆင္ႏႊဲရမည့္ အျပင္ ႀကီးမားသည့္ အက်ဳိးဆက္မ်ားလည္း ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေလ့လာ သံုးသပ္သူမ်ားက သတိေပး ေျပာဆိုၾကသည္။

UWSAက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ အင္အားအႀကီးဆံုး တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ ျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္သည္အင္အား ၂၀,၀၀၀ မွ ၂၅,၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိႏိုင္သည္။ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္မွစ၍ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံမွ လက္နက္မ်ား အဆက္မျပတ္ ၀ယ္ယူ စုေဆာင္း၍ အားျဖည့္ခဲ့သည္။

၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လထုတ္ ဂ်ိန္းစ္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးသတင္း စာေစာင္ (Jane's Intelligence Review) တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခ်က္အရ “စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ တုိက္ခုိက္ႏုိင္ေခ် ပို၍ မ်ားလာသည္ႏွင့္ အမွ် UWSA က ေလေၾကာင္းရန္ ကာကြယ္ေရး လက္နက္မ်ား အပါအ၀င္ ပို၍ ေခတ္မီေသာ

လက္နက္မ်ား ၀ယ္ယူ ျဖည့္တင္းထားသည္။ ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံလုပ္ HN5N ေလေၾကာင္းရန္ကာကြယ္ေရးစနစ္ကို ရရိွၿပီးေနာက္ လူအင္အားျဖင့္ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းႏိုင္ေသာ Streal-2 (SA-7) အမ်ဳိးအစား ေလေၾကာင္းရန္ ကာကြယ္ေရးလက္နက္ကုိလည္း ၀ယ္ယူ ထားသည္” ဟု သိရသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ပို၍အင္အားေကာင္းေသာ လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ားကိုလည္း ၀ယ္ယူ တပ္ဆင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၁၂. ၇ ႏွင့္ ၁၄. ၅ မမ ေလေၾကာင္းရန္ ကာကြယ္ေရး ေသနတ္ႀကီးမ်ား၊ ၆၀ မမ၊ ၈၂ မမ၊ ၁၂၀ မမ ေမာ္တာမ်ား ျဖစ္ၿပီး အားလုံးကုိ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံမွ ရရိွျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တရုတ္ ျပည္သူ႔ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (PLA) မွ အၾကံေပးမ်ားက ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ၀ ျပည္ ၿမိဳ႔ေတာ္ ပန္ဆန္း၏ အေနာက္ဖက္ရွိ လူဖန္း (Lu Fang) ေတာင္ေၾကာတြင္ လက္နက္ႀကီး အေျမာက္သင္တန္းမ်ား သြားေရာက္ ပို႔ခ် ေပးခဲ့သည္ဟုလည္း ဆိုသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

66

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဤအခ်က္မ်ားကို ၾကည့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ၀မ်ား အင္အား ဆုတ္ယုတ္သြားရန္ မလိုလားေၾကာင္း သိသာေနသည္။ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံက ၾကားခံဇုန္တခု ဆက္လက္ ထားရိွလုိျခင္းမွာလည္း သဘာ၀ က်ပါသည္။

ယခုအခါ ၁၃၀ မမ စစ္ေျမျပင္သံုး အေျမာက္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ၁၂၂ မမ ေဟာ္၀စ္ဇာ အေျမာက္မ်ား တပ္ဆင္ထားသက့ဲသုိ႔ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားက ပန္ဆန္းၿမိဳ႕ အနီးတြင္ ရႈပ္ေထြးနက္နဲ အဆင့္ျမင့္သည့္ အမိန္႔ေပးစနစ္ ပါ၀င္သည့္ ေျမေအာက္ဘန္ကာ တူးေဖာ္ေနေၾကာင္း သတင္းမ်ားအရ သိရွိရသည္။ ေသခ်ာသည္မွာ စစ္အစုိးရ ေလတပ္က တိုက္ခိုက္လာမည့္ အေရးကိုလည္း ကာကြယ္ ခုခံႏိုင္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ထားပံုရသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေျမျပင္ ထိုးစစ္ကို ခုခံႏိုင္ပါမည္ေလာဟု ေမးခြန္းထုတ္စရာ ရွိေနသည္။

အကယ္၍ စစ္အစိုးရက ထိုးစစ္ႀကီးမ်ား ဆင္လာလွ်င္ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက ၎တို႔၏ နယ္ေျမကို ကာလ ၾကာရွည္စြာ ထိန္းသိမ္း ခုခံႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္ဟု ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေရး ေလ့လာသူတခ်ဳိ႕က သံုးသပ္ေနၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္တြင္ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး အရာရွိတဦး ျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခု အေမရိကန္

ျပည္ေထာင္စုတြင္ ခိုလႈံခြင့္ ယူထားသူ ဗိုလ္မွဴးေဟာင္း ေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္က စစ္အစိုးရသည္ UWSA ကို ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ထားၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သူယံုၾကည္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း UWSA ႏွင့္ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ရွိ တျခား တိုင္းရင္းသား တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ားကို ကာလ ၾကာရွည္

ေထာက္ပံ့ေနသည့္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ သေဘာထားကို စစ္အစုိးရက ေစာေၾကာေနသည္ဟု သူက ယူဆသည္။ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္အတြင္း အပစ္ရပ္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖဲြ႔မ်ားထံ သြားေရာက္ ညိႇႏိႈင္းခဲ့ဖူးသူ

ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး ဗိုလ္မွဴးေဟာင္းက သံုးသပ္ရာတြင္ အကယ္၍ တရုတ္ကသာ ၀မ်ားကို ေက်ာေထာက္ေနာက္ခံ မေပးပါက ဤေဒသ အတြင္းရွိ တိုင္းရင္းသား တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ား အားလံုး အျပတ္ရွင္းခံရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။ မၾကာေသးမီကမွ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္မေတာ္အၾကား

စစ္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္ ၁၀ ၀၀၀ မွ ၃၀ ၀၀၀ အၾကား တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ေျပး၀င္ ခိုလႈံၾကရၿပီး၊ တရုတ္အစိုးရက ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကို နယ္စပ္ေဒသ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းမႈ ျပန္လည္ ရရွိေရး အတြက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ေျပာဆိုရသည္ အထိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားက 'ဟန္'တရုတ္ အႏြယ္၀င္ ကိုးကန္႔တုိ႔၏ ေဒသကုိ တုိက္ခုိက္သည့္အခါ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံက မတားဆီးႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါ။ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ အေျခစိုက္ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳး တုိးတက္ေရး အင္အားစု (NDD) မွ သုေတသနမွဴး ဦးေဌးေအာင္က ေျပာရာတြင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ အတြင္း ရင္းႏွီး ျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈမ်ား ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

67

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အႀကီးအက်ယ္ လုပ္ထားၾကသူ ၀ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား အေနႏွင့္ စစ္ တိုက္ရန္ အဆင္သင့္ မျဖစ္ေသးေၾကာင္း သံုးသပ္သည္။ ၀ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ တဖန္ ျပန္၍ တိုက္ခိုက္မည္ မဟုတ္ဟု ဆိုခဲ့ဖူးသလို၊ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ၀ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအၾကား တရုတ္ အစိုးရက ေစ့စပ္ေပးႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ဦးေဌးေအာင္က သံုးသပ္သည္။ ၀ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား အေနႏွင့္မူ ရန္ကုန္၊ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕မ်ားရွိ ဟုိတယ္ ႏွင့္ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈမ်ားစြာ ရွိေနၾကသည္။ ပန္းဆန္းတြင္လည္း စကၠဴစက္ရံု၊ စီးကရက္စက္ရံု၊ ေရသန္႔စက္ရံု တုိ႔ကုိ ေဆာက္ထားၾကေသးသည္။

ဤအေတာအတြင္း စစ္အစိုးရက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အေရွ႔ေျမာက္ေဒသတြင္ စစ္အင္အားမ်ား တိုး၍ခ်ထားသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရတြင္ ေလ တပ္မေတာ္ ရိွေနၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရ တုိက္ခုိက္ေရး တပ္မ်ား၏ အင္အားကလည္း ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားထက္ သာလြန္ေၾကာင္း ေလ့လာသံုးသပ္သူ အမ်ားစုက ေျပာၾကသည္။

မည္သို႔ပင္ျဖစ္ေစ UWSA ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ခံရလွ်င္ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံက အလြန္အမင္း စိတ္အေႏွာက္အယွက္ ျဖစ္ေပလိမ့္မည္။ ပုိ၍ မ်ားျပားေသာ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္တုိ႔ ေျပး၀င္လာသည္ကိုလည္း တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံက ၾကံဳရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ကုိ တိုက္ခိုက္လွ်င္ တျခား တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ား အထူးသျဖင့္ ကခ်င္

လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ကုိ ေနာက္ထပ္ ပစ္မွတ္ ျဖစ္လာေတာ့မည္ဟု ယူဆကာ ခုခံစစ္ပဲြ ဆင္ႏဲႊရန္ ႏႈိးေဆာ္လိုက္သကဲ့သို႔ ျဖစ္သြားေပမည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ စာအုပ္ အမ်ားအျပား ေရးသားခဲ့သူ ဆြီဒင္လူမ်ဳိး သတင္းေထာက္ ဘာေတးလ္ လင့္တနာ (Bertil Lintner) ကမူ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ဖိအားေပးခံေနရသည္မွာ ေသခ်ာသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ "အခု စစ္ပြဲမွာ အဓိက ပစ္မွတ္ကေတာ့ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မယ္" သူက ေျပာသည္။ "အရင္ ဗမာျပည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ ပါတီက ေျပာင္းလာၾကတဲ့ အပစ္ရပ္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြထဲမွာ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္က

အင္အား အနည္းဆုံးပဲ။ ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ ရွိေနတဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရ အဖို႔ တႏိုင္ငံလံုးမွာ သူ႔အာဏာ ထူေထာင္ခ်င္တယ္ ဆိုရင္ အႀကီးဆံုး အဟန္႔အတား နဲ႔ အဓိက အက်ဆုံးကေတာ့ UWSA ျဖစ္ပါတယ္" ဟု ဘာေတးလ္ လင့္တနာက ေျပာသည္။ ရွမ္းျပည္တပ္မေတာ္ (ေတာင္ပိုင္း) (SSA-S) ႏွင့္ UWSA တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားသည္လည္း ယခုအခါ

စစ္ေရးမဟာမိတ္ ဖြဲ႔ထားၾကၿပီဟု ဘာေတးလ္ လင့္တနာက ဆိုသည္။ ယခင္ကာလမ်ားက SSA-S တပ္မ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ရန္အတြက္ စစ္အစိုးရက ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို အသံုးခ်ခဲ့ဖူးသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

68

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

SSA-S က ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ မယူရေသးသည့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား တပ္ဖြဲ႔ အနည္းစုတြင္ ပါ၀င္သည့္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔တခု ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခင္က ပဋိပကၡမ်ား၊ ရန္လိုမႈမ်ားရွိခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း မၾကာေသးခင္ ႏွစ္မ်ားက စ၍ ရွမ္းႏွင့္ ၀တို႔ နားလည္မႈျဖင့္ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထားၾကသည္။ "တကယ္လုိ႔ UWSA ကို တိုက္မယ္ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ စစ္အစိုးရက ျပႆနာအိုးကို တုတ္နဲ႔ ထိုးတာပဲ။ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ အတြက္ ဒုကၡသည္ ျပႆနာသစ္ေတြ ရင္ဆိုင္ရမယ့္ အျပင္၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေဒသ အမ်ားအျပားမွာလည္း တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္ပါတယ္" ဟု ဘာေတးလ္ လင့္တနာက သုံးသပ္လုိက္သည္။

ေအာင္ေဇာ္ ေရးသားသည့္ Wa: The Regime’s Next Target? ကို ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ျပန္ဆို ေဖာ္ျပပါသည္။

ကခ်င္လူထုက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ လက္မခံ ဖနိဒါ တနလၤာေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 07 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 18 နာရီ 34 မိနစ္ ခ်င္းမုိင္(မဇၩိမ)။

။ ကခ်င္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔၏ တပ္မ်ားကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္

အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ စစ္အစိုးရက ဖိအားေပးေနေသာ္လည္း ကခ်င္လူထုက လက္မခံဘဲ ပယ္ခ်လိုက္သည္။

စက္တင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္ႏွင့္ ၆ ရက္ေန႔ထိ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ က်င္းပသည့္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေပါင္း ၃၂၄ ဦးႏွင့္ ေကအိုင္အို ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ပါဝင္ တက္ေရာက္ေသာ

အစည္းအေဝးက ေကအိုင္အိုတပ္ကို ကိုယ္ပိုင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရွိေသာ ကခ်င္ေဒသလံုၿခံဳေရး (KRGF) တပ္အျဖစ္သာ ေျပာင္းလဲမည္ဟု ဆံုးျဖတ္လိုက္ၾကသည္။ “ကခ်င္ျပည္သူလူထု အရပ္လံုးလုိလားတဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကုိ ၿငိမ္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းနဲ႔ စားပြဲေပၚမွာ ေဆြးေႏြးသြားဖုိ႔ကုိ အတူေတာင္းဆုိၾကတယ္ ဆုိတာေတြ ဆံုးျဖတ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အစား ေကအုိင္အုိတပ္ တတပ္လံုးပါဝင္တဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေျပာင္းဖုိ႔ အစုိးရတပ္နဲ႔ ညိႇႏႈိင္းဖုိ႔ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့တယ္” ဟု အစည္းအေဝး ပါဝင္တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သူ ေကအုိင္အုိ အရာရွိတဦးက မဇၩိမကို ေျပာသည္။ ထုိ႔အျပင္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကုိ ဆက္လက္ ထိန္းသိမ္းသြားလုိေၾကာင္းႏွင့္

ေနာင္တက္လာမည့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ အစုိးရအဖြဲ႔အတြင္း ေကအုိင္အုိအေနျဖင့္ အသြင္ေျပာင္း ပါဝင္လုိေၾကာင္း အစည္းအေဝးက ဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

69

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif စစ္အစိုးရလိုခ်င္ေသာ တပ္မေတာ္၏ ကြပ္ကဲမႈေအာက္ ပံုအပ္ရမည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ပံုစံကို ေကအိုင္အိုက မလုပ္လိုပါဟု ဇူလိုင္လကတည္းက ေနျပည္ေတာ္သို႔ အေၾကာင္းၾကားၿပီး

ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း စစ္အစိုးရက သူ၏ သေဘာထားကို ျပင္လိုဟန္မရွိဘဲ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ေနာက္ဆံုးထား ဆံုးျဖတ္ရန္ ကခ်င္အဖြဲ႔သို႔ သတိေပးထားသည္။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ေျပာင္းေရး ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ေသာ အျခားေသာ ျငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔တခုျဖစ္သည့္ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ကို မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါး တိုက္ဖ်က္ေရး ေခါင္းစဥ္ေအာက္မွ စစ္အစိုးရက တိုက္ခိုက္မႈျဖစ္ၿပီးေနာက္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္အနီး ေနာက္ထပ္စစ္ပြဲမ်ား ျပန္လည္ ေပၚေပါက္လာႏုိင္သည္ ဟူေသာ တြက္ဆမႈမ်ား တိုးျမႇင့္လာခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ ၁ ထက္ အင္အားသာလြန္ ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ ေကအိုင္အိုအဖြဲ႔ကို စစ္အစိုးရကလည္း သတိထား တံု႔ျပန္ေနရသည္ဟု ေနျပည္ေတာ္ စစ္႐ံုး သတင္းရပ္ကြက္အရ သိရသည္။ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံအေျခစိုက္ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးဝင္းမင္းကလည္း ”ႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံး အေလွ်ာ့အတင္း မလုပ္ရင္ေတာ့ ကုိးကန္႔လုိ တုိက္လာမွာေတာ့ စုိးရိမ္ရတယ္။ ... ေကအုိင္အုိကုိ တိုက္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ စစ္တပ္ဘက္ကလည္း အခက္အခဲ ရွိႏုိင္မယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ စစ္တပ္ကလည္း တစံုတရာ ညိႇႏႈိင္းမႈကေတာ့ ဆက္လုပ္ဦးမယ္ ထင္တယ္။ ေကအုိင္အုိဘက္ကလည္း

ညိႇႏႈိင္းမႈကေတာ့ အရင္ကထက္စာရင္ ပုိၿပီးေတာ့ အေလးအနက္ထားၿပီး လုပ္ရမယ္” က ေျပာသည္။ ထုိကဲ့သုိ႔ ျဖစ္ထြန္းေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ေကအိုင္အို ထိပ္ပို္င္းေခါင္းေဆာင္အခ်ဳဳိ႕ အဖြဲ႔မွ ႏုတ္ထြက္ၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရက ၂၀၁၀ တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္မည္ဆိုေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ရန္ ေျခလွမ္းတလွမ္းတိုးလိုက္သည္။

ယခုလဆန္း ၂ ရက္ေန႔က ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔မွ ဒုဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာ အပါအဝင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၆ ဦးအား ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔မွ ႏုတ္ထြက္ခြင့္ ျပဳခဲ့သည္ဟု ေကအိုင္အို သတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ေျပာသည္။ “ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာတုိ႔ အဖြဲ႔ကိုေတာ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္သူလူထု ကုိယ္စားျပဳတဲ့ ပါတီဖြဲ႔ဖုိ႔ လမ္းဖြင့္ေပးလုိက္တာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ လုိအပ္လုိ႔၊ သေဘာတူလုိ႔ ထြက္ခြင့္ေပးလုိက္တာပါ” ဟု သတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ဆုိသည္။

ဒုဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာ၊ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉး (၂) အင္ဂ်ာေနာ္ရပ္စ္၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး

တာဝန္ခံ ႏုတ္လဲ့၊ အေရွ႕ပုိင္း တုိင္းမႉး ခ်ေဘာင္ကရန္၊ စီးပြားေရးဌာနမွ အရာရွိ ဦးမုန္ေခါင္၊ ၾကားကာလ ေကာ္မတီအဖြဲ႔မွ အရာရွိ ဦးေဇာ္ဖန္းတုိ႔ ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔မွ ႏုတ္ထြက္ကာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီ ထူေထာင္မည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တုိးတက္ေသာပါတီ Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) အမည္ျဖင့္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

70

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ကို အဓိကထား၍ ဝင္ေရာက္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္သြားမည္ဟု ကခ်င္ႏိုင္ငံေရး အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းက ေျပာသည္။ KSPP တြင္ ေဒါက္တာ တူးဂ်ာက ဥကၠ႒ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ကခ်င္ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ တပ္မေတာ္မွ ဒုတိယ ဆက္ဆံေရး တာဝန္ခံ ဗုိလ္မႉး မန္ခ်န္ သိန္းေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ေကအုိင္အုိမွ ခြဲထြက္သည့္ လဆန္ေအာင္ဝါအဖြဲ႔မွ ဗုိလ္မႉး ဖုန္းရမ္တုိ႔ ပါဝင္မည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလတြင္ စတင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည့္ KIA အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲယူထားသည္။

တိုက္ပဲြမ်ား ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း KNU ေျပာဆို ေက်ာ္ခ စေနေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 05 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 19 နာရီ 23 မိနစ္ မဇၥ်ိမ (ခ်င္းမိုင္)။

။ DKBA တပ္ႏွင့္ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားေနရာခ်ဲ႕ထြင္လာၿပီး KNU တပ္မဟာ

၆ နယ္ေျမ၌ အခိုင္အမာေနရာခ်ရန္ စီစဥ္ေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္လာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း KNU အဆိုအရ သိရသည္။ ဒူးပလာယာခ႐ိုင္ တပ္မဟာ ၆ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းရွိ မဲ့ကသာရြာတြင္ ယခုလ ၂ ရက္ေန႔က ဗိုလ္ေအဝမ္းႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္စိုးမိုး ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည့္ အင္အား ၄ဝ ေက်ာ္ရွိ DKBAတပ္မ်ား

ဝင္ေရာက္ေနရာယူခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ၎တို႔ကို ေထာက္ကူရန္ ဗိုလ္မႉးျမတ္ထြန္းေအး ဦးေဆာင္သည့္

အင္အား ၅ဝ ခန္႔ရွိ ခလရ ၂၈၃ လည္း လိုက္ပါလာေၾကာင္း သိရျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ဗိုလ္ေအဝမ္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည့္ DKBA တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားသည္ မဲ့ကသာရြာသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိလာၿပီး ရြာသားမ်ားအား လုပ္အားေပး ေခၚေဆာင္၍ စစ္တိုက္ရာတြင္ အသံုးျပဳသည့္ ခံတုတ္က်င္းမ်ား တူးခိုင္းေနသည္။ “ဒီတခါေတာ့ သူတို႔ ခံတုတ္က်င္းေတြ တူးၿပီးေတာ့ အခိုင္အမာတည္မယ့္ပံု ရွိတယ္။ တကယ္လို႔ သူတို႔ အဲဒီမွာ အခိုင္အမာယူမယ္။ ရန္သူတပ္ကလည္း ေနာက္က ပါလာမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ သူတို႔

ထိုးစစ္လုပ္လာတဲ့အေပၚမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္ကေတာ့ တန္ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာက္က်ားနဲ႔ ခုခံပစ္မယ္။ အခြင့္သာရင္ သာသလိုေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ေခ်မႈန္းစစ္လုပ္မွာေပါ့” ဟု KNU အတြင္းေရးမႉး (၁) ဗိုလ္မႉးေစာလွေငြက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။ မဲ့ကသာေဒသ တဝိုက္တြင္ တန္းဖိုးၾကီး သဘာဝေဘးမဲ့ သစ္ေတာမ်ားရွိၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရက DKBA တပ္မႉး ဗိုလ္ႏႈတ္ခမ္းေမႊးအား သစ္တန္ခ်ိန္ ၅ဝဝဝ ထုတ္လုပ္ခြင့္ ေပးသည့္သတင္း ၾကားရေၾကာင္း သူက ေျပာသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

71

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif KNU တပ္မဟာ ၆ အတြင္း၌ ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ စစ္ျပင္ေနမႈမ်ား မျပဳလုပ္မီ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဘားအံခ႐ိုင္ တပ္မဟာ ၇ နယ္ေျမအတြင္း၌ KNU ႏွင့္ DKBA တပ္မ်ားအၾကား တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ရာ DKBA ဘက္မွ ၁ ဦးက်ဆံုးၿပီး ၂ ဦး ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့ေၾကာင္း DKBA တပ္ရင္းမႉး တဦးက ဆိုသည္။ DKBA အေနျဖင့္မူ ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ရန္ အထက္အမိန္႔ မရေသးေသာ္လည္း KNU ဘက္က စစ္ေရးသိကၡာ ျပန္ဆယ္လိုသည့္အေနျဖင့္ နယ္ေျမစိုးမိုးေရး တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျပန္ဆင္လာႏိုင္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ လက္ရွိအေနအထားတြင္ စစ္ေရးအရ တင္းမာမႈမ်ား ရွိေနေၾကာင္း သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

“သူတို႔ ပိုၿပီးလႈပ္ရွားႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ ယူဆတယ္။ သူတို႔ကလည္း နယ္ေျမ လက္လႊတ္ဆံုးရံႈးရတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီ ဆံုးရႈံးရတဲ့ နယ္ေျမကို တနည္းနည္းနဲ႔ ျပန္တိုက္ခ်င္တဲ့သေဘာ ရွိတာေပါ့။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အရင္ စၿပီးေတာ့ ျပန္ၿပီးလုပ္ဖို႔ေတာ့ အထက္ကအမိန္႔ ဘာမွမလာေသးဘူး” ဟု DKBA တပ္ရင္းမႉးက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။ KNU တပ္မဟာအမွတ္ ၇ ႏွင့္ ၆ အား စစ္အစိုးရတပ္က DKBA ႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္း၍ တိုက္ခိုက္ႏွိမ္ႏွင္းႏိုင္ရန္ ၾကိဳးစားေနျခင္းသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္လည္း ပါဝင္ေၾကာင္း ဗိုလ္မႉးေစာလွေငြက ေျပာသည္။

“ဒါက ၂ဝဝ၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုကို အတည္ျဖစ္ေစမယ့္ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာ သူတို႔ အပိုင္အႏိုင္ရဖို႔ဆိုရင္ သူတို႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုထဲမွာ ေရးထားတဲ့အတိုင္းေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ သူတို႔ကို မေႏွာင့္ယွက္နဲ႔ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အဓိက အင္အားစုေတြကိုေတာ့ ဆိုက္ဝါး Psy*-*War အရေရာ၊ လက္ေတြ႔အရေရာ ပိုၿပီးေတာ့

မလႈပ္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ သူတို႔က လုပ္မွာပဲ။ ဒါကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္လို႔ ေျပာရမွာပဲ” ဟု သူက ေျပာဆိုသည္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNU မွ ဦးသာထူးေက်ာ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည့္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္

တိုးတက္ေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ DKBA သည္ ၁၉၉၄ ခုတြင္ ခြဲထြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး လႈိင္းဘဲြ႔ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ၿမိဳင္ၾကီးငူရြာတြင္ အေျခစုိက္ထားသည္။ KNU အတြင္းသို႔ လာေရာက္ပူးေပါင္းမည့္ DKBA တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားအား ၎တို႔၏ ရာထူးတာဝန္မ်ားအတိုင္း တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခြင့္ ေပးႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ တပ္မဟာ ၆ နယ္ေျမျဖစ္သည့္ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ဒူပလာယာ ခ႐ိုင္အတြင္းရွိ KNU ၏ တပ္မေတာ္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ KNLA တပ္ရင္း ၁၆ ႏွင့္ ၁၇ ရွိ တပ္မႉးအခ်ဳိ႕အၾကား ဆက္သြယ္ညိႇႏိႈင္းမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနေၾကာင္း ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္လ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ KNLA အရာရွိတဦးက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

72

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေဒါက္တာ တူးဂ်ာ ဘာလို႔ ႏုတ္ထြက္လဲ အင္တာဗ်ဴး ဖနိဒါ တနလၤာေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 07 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 19 နာရီ 22 မိနစ္ စစ္အစိုးရက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ဖိအားေပးျခင္း ခံေနရေသာ

အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္ အဖြဲ႔တခုျဖစ္သည္ ကခ်င္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔၏ ဒုဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာ အပါအဝင္ ထိပ္ပိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၆ ဦးက ႏုတ္ထြက္သြားျခင္းက ျမန္္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးအတြင္း ဂယက္ငယ္တခု ျဖစ္သြားခဲ့သည္။ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာကို မဇၩိမသတင္းေထာက္ ဖနိဒါက ေမးျမန္းထားသည္။ ေဒါက္တာ တူးဂ်ာအေနနဲ႔ ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔ကေန ဘယ္လုိအေၾကာင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ႏုတ္ထြက္ဖုိ႔ ဆံုးျဖတ္လုိက္သလဲရွင္။ ဒါကေတာ့ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚ ႏုိင္ငံေရးကုိ ပုိၿပီး အာ႐ံုစုိက္ လုပ္ကုိင္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ေကအုိင္အုိကေန

ႏုတ္ထြက္လုိက္တာပါ။ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚ ႏုိင္ငံေရး လုပ္မယ္ဆုိရင္ အဖြဲ႔အစညး္ကေန ႏုတ္ထြက္ရမယ္။ ပါတီႏုိင္ငံေရး ေထာင္မယ္ဆုိရင္ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ျပည္သူတေယာက္ အေနနဲ႔ ၿမိဳ႕ႏုိင္ငံ ႏုိင္ငံေရး လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ မိမိအဖြဲ႔ကေန ထြက္လုိက္တာပါ။ ပါတီႏုိင္ငံေရး တည္ေထာင္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ ဘယ္လုိ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ပါလဲ။ ပါတီေထာင္ဖုိ႔က က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲဖုိ႔အတြက္ စစ္အစုိးရက လမ္းျပေျမပံု ခ်မွတ္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္ေနတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲပါဝင္ဖို႔ သူတုိ႔က ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီေထာင္ဖုိ႔ လုပ္လာမယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က တုိင္းရင္းသား ျပည္သူလူထုအတြက္ လူမ်ဳိးဘာသာ မခြဲျခားဘူး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး စိတ္ပါဝင္စားတဲ့လူေတြ အားလံုး စုေပါင္းၿပီးေတာ့မွ ပါတီတခု ထူးေထာင္ၿပီးေတာ့မွ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ပါဝင္ၾကဖုိ႔ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ အႏုိင္ရရွိတဲ့ လူေတြက ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ျဖစ္လာမယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေနာက္တက္လာမယ့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ အစုိးရတရပ္မွာလည္း

ပါဝင္သြားႏုိင္မယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီအခါက်ေတာ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ တုိးတက္ရာ တုိးတက္ေၾကာင္း၊ ျပည္နယ္သားမ်ားရဲ႕ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကုိ အဲဒီလမ္းေၾကာင္းအတုိင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားတာ အသင့္ေတာ္ဆံုးျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ ပါတီေထာင္လုိက္တာပါ။

အခုလို ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔ကေန ႏုတ္ထြက္လုိက္တဲ့အခါမွာ ေကအုိင္အုိထဲမွာ စိတ္ဝမ္းကြဲတာမ်ဳိးမ်ား ရွိလာႏုိင္မလား။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အားလံုး တုိင္ပင္ၿပီးသား ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ေကအုိင္အုိ ဗဟုိအေနနဲ႔လည္း အစုိးရက ခ်မွတ္တဲ့ နည္းလမ္းအတုိင္း ျပည္သူဘက္မွ ရပ္တည္သြားဖုိ႔ လက္ခံတယ္။ အားေပးတယ္။

မကန္႔ကြက္ပါဘူး။ စိတ္ဝမ္းကြဲတဲ့သေဘာ လံုးဝ မရွိပါဘူး။ ဗဟုိဌာနက ႏုတ္ထြက္မိန္႔ကိုေတာ့ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၃ ရက္ေန႔မွာပါ။ ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ၆ ေယာက္ ႏုတ္ထြက္လုိက္တဲ့အေပၚမွာ ေကအုိင္အုိအဖြဲ႔မွာ အင္အား ေလ်ာ့နည္းသြားတာမ်ဳိး ရွိလာႏုိင္မလား။ ဒါကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေကအုိင္အုိက အဖြဲ႔အစည္း အၾကီးၾကီး တခုပဲေလ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၄-၅ ေယာက္ ထြက္သြား႐ံုနဲ႔ အင္အား မေလ်ာ့သြားပါဘူး။

ပါတီဖြဲ႔စည္းဖုိ႔ အစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ ဖိအားေပးတာမ်ဳိး ကန္႔ကြက္တာမ်ဳိးရွိလား။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကုိ အစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ ဖိအားေပးတာလည္း မရွိဘူး။ ကန္႔ကြက္တားျမစ္တာလည္း မရွိပါဘူး။ ပါတီထဲမွာ ဘယ္လုိ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ ပါဝင္ပါသလဲရွင္။ ပါတီထဲမွာ ဦးဇခုန္တင္ယိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကရက္သစ္ တပ္မေတာ္ (NDAK) အဖြဲ႔က တခ်ဳိ႕ပါလာမယ္။ ေကအုိင္အုိခြဲထြက္အဖြဲ႔ လဆန္ေအာင္ဝါ အဖြဲ႔လည္း ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ကခ်င္

အတုိင္ပင္ခံအဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ ေကအုိင္အုိ အဖြဲ႔အခ်ဳိ႕လည္း ပါမယ္။ အမ်ားစုက အရပ္သားေတြ ပုိမ်ားမယ္။ လူထုဘက္က ျဖစ္လာမယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံေရး စိတ္ပါဝင္စားတဲ့ လူေတြ အားလံုးပါလာႏုိင္တယ္။ ေကအုိင္အုိတပ္ကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ ဖြဲ႔ဖုိ႔အစား ေကအုိင္အုိတပ္တခုလံုး ပါဝင္တဲ့ (KRGF) တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဖုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္ကို ဘယ္လုိ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါသလဲ။

အျပန္အလွန္ ညိႇႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြးၿပီးမွသာ အေျဖထြက္လာမွာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရး ေအာင္ျမင္ဖုိ႔ဆုိရင္ လုိတုိးပုိေလွ်ာ့ လုပ္ရမွာပဲ။ အစုိးရလည္းပဲ လုိက္ေလ်ာမယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ လုိက္ေလ်ာ ေပးလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ကခ်င္ျပည္သူလူထုအတြက္ ဘယ္လုိ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲတဲ့ အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ဳိး ရႏုိင္မယ္လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါသလဲရွင္။

ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲဖုိ႔အတြက္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုတခုလံုးအေနနဲ႔ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲရမွာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔

ျပည္နယ္အတုိင္းအတာအေနနဲ႔လည္း အစုိးရက လမ္းဖြင့္ေပးခဲ့တဲ့အတိုင္း လမ္းဖြင့္ေပးသေလာက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က လက္ေတြ႔က်က် လုပ္ကုိင္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပုိမုိေကာင္းမြန္လာေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၾကိဳးစားသြားမွာပါ။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Lo Hsing Han From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Lo Hsing Han aka Law Sit Han (traditional Chinese: 羅興漢; simplified Chinese: 罗兴汉; pinyin: Luó Xīnghàn; born 1935) is a former Burmese drug trafficker and present-day major Burmese business tycoon, with financial ties to Singapore. He is an ethnic Kokang.[1]

Contents [hide]     

1 Rise and fall 2 Comeback 3 Leading entrepreneur 4 References 5 External links

[edit] Rise and fall He reportedly started his opium-trafficking career as chief of a local militia called Ka Kwe Ye (KKY, meaning "defence" in Burmese) set up with the encouragement of General Ne Win to fight the Communists.[2] By the early 1970s he was an important figure in the Asian drug trade, before being arrested in Thailand in August 1973 and sentenced to death for treason on the grounds of his brief association with the insurgent Shan State Army (SSA). He was released in the 1980 General Amnesty.[2]

[edit] Comeback When the Kokang and Wa insurgent troops mutinied and toppled the Communist leadership in 1989, military intelligence chief Khin Nyunt found in Lo a useful intermediary in quickly ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif arranging cease-fire agreements, and in return, Lo was given lucrative business opportunities and unofficial permission to run drugs with impunity along with the mutineers. He wasted no time in rebuilding his former drug empire that he lost 15 years ago to Khun Sa, a rival KKY chief of Loi Maw. No fewer than 17 new heroin refineries were located within a year in Kokang State and adjacent areas.[2]

[edit] Leading entrepreneur In June 1992, he founded the Asia World Company, allegedly as a front for his drug operations. His son, Steven Law (aka Tun Myint Naing), married to Cecilia Ng of Singapore in 1996, runs the company which won many multimillion-dollar contracts in the construction and energy sectors.[2][3] The Los also hold a 10% stake in downtown Yangon's Traders Hotel.[1] In the wake of Cyclone Nargis, in February 2008, the US government included Lo, his son and daughter-in-law, along with the 10 companies they control in Singapore, in its targeted sanctions list of the military junta's business cronies. [4] According to a report in The Observer, he helped organize the opulent 2006 wedding of the daughter of the Burmese dictator Than Shwe. [5]

[edit] References 1. ^ a b Anthony Davis and Bruce Hawke. "Business is Blooming". Asiaweek, January 23, 1997 Vol.24 No.3. http://www.singapore-window.org/80123awk.htm. Retrieved 2009-01-11. 2. ^ a b c d Bertil Lintner. "The Golden Triangle Opium Trade: An Overview". Asia Pacific Media Services, March 2000. http://www.asiapacificms.com/papers/pdf/gt_opium_trade.pdf. Retrieved 2009-01-06. 3. ^ "Tracking the Tycoons". Irrawaddy, September, 2008 - Vol.16 No.9. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14151&page=2. Retrieved 2009-01-10. 76 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 4. ^ Wai Moe. "More Junta Cronies Hit By US Sanctions". Irrawaddy, February 26, 2008. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=10567. Retrieved 2009-01-10. 5. ^ Peter Beaumont and Alex Duval Smith. "Drugs and astrology: how 'Bulldog' wields power". Guardian.co.uk, October 11, 2007. http://www.guardian.co.uk/burma/story/0,,2185561,00.html. Retrieved 2007-10-11. 

"Singapore's hand in Golden Triangle" by Michael McKenna at singaporewindow.org, November 23, 2005

[edit] External links 

Public Works and Asia World Co Ltd sign agreement to construct Kyukok-MuseNanhkam road New Light of Myanmar, 7 May 2000

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အေမရိကန္ ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရးယူသည့္ စီးပြားေရးသမားစာရင္းထဲ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္ သားအဖ ထပ္တိုး 26 February 2008

ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္သိန္း - အစီအစဥ္ကုိရယူရန္ (MP3) ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္သိန္း - နားဆင္ရန္ (MP3)

ေအးရွား၀ါးလ္ဒ္ကုမၸဏီပိုင္ရွင္ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္ နဲ႔ သားျဖစ္သူအပါအ၀င္ သူတို႔ပိုင္ဆိုင္တဲ့ ပစၥည္းေတြ၊ ကုမၸဏီေတြကို အေမရိကန္

ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ဒဏ္ခတ္ပိတ္ဆို႔ အေရး

ယူလိုက္ပါၿပီ။ ဒါဟာ ဦးေတဇအပါအ၀င္ သူနဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္သူေတြ၊ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို

ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔က ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရး ယူလိုက္ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ရက္ ၂၀ အတြင္း ဒုတိ ယေျမာက္ ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရးယူတာျဖစ္ပါ

တယ္။ ဦးေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္သိန္းက အျပည့္အစံု တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။ စတီဗင္ေလာ(အေပၚ-၀ဲ)၊ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္ (အေပၚ-ယာ) ႏွင့္ ေအးရွား၀ါးလ္ဒ္ကုမၸဏီ ပုိင္ အလုံဆိပ္ကမ္း။ (ဓာတ္ပုံအေမရိကန္

ဘ႑ာေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန အင္တာနက္ စာမ်က္ႏွာ)

ခုတႀကိမ္မွာလည္း အေမရိကန္ဘ႑ာေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက အခ်က္အလက္ အေသးစိတ္ အျပည့္အစံုနဲ႔အတူ ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရးယူတဲ့ စာရင္းကို ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ဘ႑ာေရး

၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ႕ ေၾကညာခ်က္ထြက္လာၿပီး

မေရွးမေႏွာင္းမွာပဲ အေမရိကန္သမၼတရဲ႕ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္လည္း အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ကေန ထြက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သမၼတရဲ႕

ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ဗီြအိုေအက ဆက္သြယ္

ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ရာမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားလံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ မစၥတာ ေဂၚဒြန္ ဂၽြန္ဒ႐ိုး (Gordon Johndroe) က ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရး

အတြက္ စစ္အစိုးရက လုိအပ္တာေတြ မလုပ္ေဆာင္ဘူးဆိုရင္ ေနာက္ထပ္ ဒဏ္ခတ္ အေရးယူတာေတြ ထပ္လုပ္သြားမယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ “သမၼတဘုရွ္ရဲ႕ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္က အင္မတန္ရွင္းပါတယ္၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းတာကို သူက ျမင္ေတြ႔ခ်င္တာပါ။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထုအတြက္ မွန္ကန္တဲ့လုပ္ရပ္ေတြကို လုပ္ေဆာင္လိမ့္မယ္လို႔

က်ေနာ္တို႔ တကယ့္ကို ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ ကိုယ့္ျပည္သူလူထုအတြက္ လိုအပ္တာကို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

78

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

လုပ္ေဆာင္ရမွာက ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရပါ။ ျမန္မာလူထု ဘ၀တိုးတက္ဖို႔ လုိအပ္တဲ့ လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈေတြကို မလုပ္ဘူး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရး

လိုအပ္တာေတြ မလုပ္ေဆာင္ဘူးဆိုရင္ ေနာက္ထပ္ ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရးယူမႈေတြလုပ္ဖို႔ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ျပင္ဆင္ထားသလို ကုလသမဂၢမွာလည္း အေရးယူ လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားပါမယ္။”

ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထုဟာ စစ္အစိုးရရဲ႕ မွားယြင္းခၽြတ္ေခ်ာ္တဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္မွာ

ေဘးဒုကၡေရာက္ေနရခ်ိန္ စစ္အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြနဲ႔ သူတို႔ရဲ႕အေပါင္းပါေတြကေတာ့ ခ်မ္းသာသထက္ ခ်မ္းသာလာၾကတာေၾကာင့္ အဲဒီလူပုဂၢိဳလ္တဦးခ်င္းစီကို တိုက္႐ိုက္ ပစ္မွတ္ထားၿပီး အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုက အေရးယူတာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒါဟာ ျမန္မာ

ႏိုင္ငံမွာ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးေတြကို ျမႇင့္တင္ေရး အေမရိကန္ မူ၀ါဒရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတခုျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္မွာ ေဖာျ္ပထားပါ တယ္။

ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက ကိုယ့္ျပည္သူလူထုကို အၾကမ္းဖက္ ဖိႏွိပ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာကို မရပ္ဆိုင္း ဘူးဆိုရင္ေတာ့ အဲဒီလိုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈကို ခုိင္ၿမဲေအာင္ က်ားကန္ေပးေနၿပီး အဲဒီကေန အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ေတြ မတရားရယူေနတဲ့ စတီဗင္ေလာလို လူမ်ဳိးေတြကို တုိက္႐ိုက္

ပစ္မွတ္ထားၿပီး ဆက္အေရးယူသြားမယ္လို႔ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈနဲ႔ ဘ႑ာေရးဆုိင္ရာ အေမ ရိကန္ လက္ေထာက္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး စတူး၀ပ္တ္ လီေဗး (Stuart Levey) ကလည္း ဘ႑ာေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ႕ ေၾကညာခ်က္မွာ ေျပာထားပါတယ္။

အခုခ်မွတ္တဲ့ စီးပြားေရးဒဏ္ခတ္မႈေတြဟာ လူတဦးခ်င္းစီကို တိုက္႐ိုက္ ပစ္မွတ္ထား တာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ လူထုမ်ားရာစုႀကီးကို ထိခိုက္မႈမရွိဘဲ ပစ္မွတ္ထားသူေတြကိုသာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

79

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ထိခိုက္ပါတယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုအေျခစိုက္ ျမန္မာ့အေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈအဖြဲ႔ (USCB) ရဲ႕ မူ၀ါဒေရးရာၫႊန္ၾကားေရးမႉး ဦးေအာင္ဒင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ “ဒီစီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈက ပုဂၢဳိလ္တေယာက္ခ်င္းရဲ႕ ႂကြယ္၀ခ်မ္းသာမႈကို ပစ္မွတ္ထား တာကိုး။ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္တို႔ စတီဗင္ေလာတုိ႔ သူတုိ႔မွာ မသမာတဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ ရရွိထားတဲ့ ေငြေၾကးဥစၥာ အေျမာက္အျမားရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီေငြေၾကးေတြကုိလည္း ႏုိင္ငံျပင္ပမွာ၊

စင္ကာပူ၊ ထုိင္း အစရွိတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတြမွာ ဟန္ျပကုမၸဏီတည္ေထာင္ၿပီး၊ ေငြစာရင္းေတြ ဖြင့္ၿပီး ျမႇဳပ္ႏွံစုေဆာင္းထားတာရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီစုေဆာင္းမႈေတြနဲ႔ပဲ နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြ

ကို သူတုိ႔က ေငြေရးေၾကးေရး ေထာက္ပံ့တယ္။ လုိအပ္ရင္ လုိအပ္သလုိ လက္နက္ေတြ ၀ယ္ယူေပးတယ္။ စသျဖင့္ နအဖဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြအတြက္ သူတုိ႔က အလုပ္အေႂကြးျပဳေန

ၾကတာကိုး။ အခုလုိ ပုဂၢဳိလ္တေယာက္ခ်င္းရဲ႕ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကုိ ပစ္မွတ္ထားၿပီး အေရးယူပိတ္ဆုိ႔တာအားျဖင့္ အမ်ားျပည္သူကို ဘယ္လုိမွ ထိခုိက္မွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။” တုိုက္႐ိုက္ပစ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြအျပင္ ဒီစီးပြားေရးသမားေတြနဲ႔

ဆက္စပ္ေနတဲ့၊ ဒီစီးပြားေရးသမားေတြေၾကာင့္ ခ်မ္းသာႂကြယ္၀ေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာစစ္ဗိုလ္ ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကိုလည္း ဒီလို ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရးယူမႈေတြက ထိခိုက္ေစပါတယ္လို႔ ဦးေအာင္ဒင္ က ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။ “နအဖစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြရဲ႕ စီးပြားေရး၊ ႂကြယ္၀ခ်မ္းသာမႈကို အခုက ပိုၿပီး ပစ္မွတ္ ထားပါတယ္။ အခု ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္းမွာ နအဖစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕မိသားစု

၀င္ေတြ ကေလးတေယာက္ရဲ႕ တေန႔မုန္႔ဖုိးေတာင္မွ သိန္းနဲ႔ခ်ီသုံးေနၾကတာ။ အာရွႏုိင္ငံ ေတြကိုလည္း လြယ္လြယ္ကူကူ ခရီးထြက္ၿပီး ခရက္ဒစ္ကတ္နဲ႔ ထင္သလုိ ခ်ယ္လွယ္

သုံးစြဲေနတာမ်ဳိး။ ဒီေလာက္ႂကြယ္၀ခ်မ္းသာမႈ အမ်ားႀကီးကို နအဖစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈနဲ႔ ရရွိလာတာပါ။ သူတုိ႔ရရွိေနတဲ့

ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကေပးတဲ့ လခနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ ဒီလိုေနလို႔မရဘူး။ အခုလို သူတုိ႔ကို အလုပ္အေႂကြး ျပဳေနတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေတြကို က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ပိတ္ဆုိ႔ဟန္႔တားျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ဒီစီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေတြက နအဖဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕မိသားစု၀င္ေတြကို ေထာက္ပံ့ေနရတဲ့ အတုိင္းအတာက ခါတုိင္းထက္ပိုၿပီးေတာ့ ေလ်ာ့နည္းလာမွာ ေသခ်ာပါတယ္။”

အခုလို အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုကခ်မွတ္တဲ့ အေရးယူ ဒဏ္ခတ္မႈေတြကေနတဆင့္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက တညီတၫြတ္တည္းခ်မွတ္တဲ့ အေရးယူမႈေတြ ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္ပါတယ္လို႔ လည္း ဦးေအာင္ဒင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ မေန႔ကထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ဘ႑ာေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ႕ ဒဏ္ခတ္အေရးယူမႈ စာရင္းထဲမွာ ေလာ္စစ္ဟန္ (Lo Hsing Han)၊ သူ႔ရဲ႕သားျဖစ္သူ စတီဗင္ေလာ

(Steven Lo)၊ စတီဗင္ေလာရဲ႕ဇနီးျဖစ္သူ စီစီလီယာေလာ (Cecilia Lo) နဲ႔ သူတို႔ေတြ လည္ပတ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ ကုမၸဏီေတြပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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အဲဒီထဲမွာ ေအးရွား၀ါးလ္ဒ္ ကုမၸဏီလီမိတက္၊ ေအးရွားလိုက္တ္ကုမၸဏီလီမိတက္၊ ေအးရွား၀ါးလ္ဒ္ကုန္ထုတ္လုပ္ငန္း၊ ေအးရွား၀ါးလ္ဒ္ ဆိပ္ကမ္းစီမံခန္႔ခြဲမႈလုပ္ငန္းတို႔

အျပင္ စီစီလီယာေလာ စီမံခန္႔ခြဲလုပ္ကို္င္ေနတဲ့ စင္ကာပူအေျခစိုက္ ကုမၸဏီဆယ္ခု လည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ဦးေတဇပိုင္ ေအာ္ရီယမ္ပဲေလ့စ္ (Aureyn Palace) ဟုိတယ္နဲ႔ အပန္းေျဖ စခန္းနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ Treasure အပန္းေျဖစခန္းတို႔ကိုလည္း အခုဒဏ္ခတ္မႈစာရင္းထဲမွာ ထပ္မံထည့္သြင္းထားပါတယ္။

မၾကာေသးခင္ကလည္း ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္း ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးလႈပ္ရွားေနတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေတြက ဦးေတဇပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြအျပင္ ျမန္မာစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ သူတို႔မိသားစု ေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္စပ္ေနတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္ၾကဖို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သူ လူထုကို ႏိႈးေဆာ္ထားခ့ဲတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

Khun Sa From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Chang Chi-fu (traditional Chinese: 張奇夫[1]; pinyin: Zhāng Qífú) Thai Name : Chan Jangtrakul (Thai : นายจันทร จางตระกูล) [2] )(February 17, 1933 – October 26, 2007)[3] [4], more commonly known by the nom de guerre of Khun Sa, was a Burmese warlord. He was also dubbed the "Opium King" due to his opium trading in the so-called Golden Triangle. He was also the leader of the Shan United Army. According to the book by Tiziano Terzani "Un indovino mi disse" (A fortune-teller told me) page 411, Khun Sa was born on the 22nd of February, 1934. (Published by the Biblioteca Superpocket 1995. ISBN 88-462-0342-9.) Italian journalist Tiziano Terzani met with Khun Sa in December 1993-January 1994 and relates his experiences and impressions in his novel. He also used the date of Khun Sa's birth to visit an astrologist (pretending that the birthday was his own) to see what the astrologist would have to say.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Contents [hide]    

1 Biography 2 Death 3 References 4 External links

[edit] Biography Khun Sa was born to a Chinese father and a Shan mother. He adopted the pseudonym Khun Sa, meaning "Prince Prosperous". In his youth he trained with the Kuomintang, which had fled into the border regions of Burma from Yunnan upon its defeat in the Chinese Civil War, and eventually went to form his own army of a few hundred men. In 1963 he re-formed it into a Ka Kwe Ye local militia loyal to Gen Ne Win's Burmese government. Ka Kwe Ye received money, uniforms and weapons in return for fighting the Shan rebels. When Khun Sa had expanded his army to 800 men, he stopped cooperating with the Burmese government, took control of large area in Shan and Wa states and expanded into opium production. In 1967 he clashed with the Kuomintang remnants in Shan State, which resulted in his defeat, demoralizing him and his forces. In 1969, the Rangoon government captured him. He was freed in 1973 when his second-in-command abducted two Russian doctors and demanded his release. By 1976 he had returned to opium smuggling, and set up a base inside northern Thailand in the village of Ban Hin Taek. He renamed his group the Shan United Army and began ostensibly fighting for Shan autonomy against the Burmese government. He was eventually expelled by the Royal Thai Army and his base destroyed.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif In 1985, Khun Sa joined forces with the Tai Revolutionary Council of Moh Heng. Through that alliance he both gained control of the whole Thai-Burma border area from Mae Hong Son to Mae Sai and became one of the principal figures in opium smuggling in the Golden Triangle. In 1989, Khun Sa was charged by a New York court for trying to import 1,000 tons of heroin. He had proposed the USA buy his entire opium production or he would sell it on the international narcotics market. It is claimed that Khun Sa surrendered to Burmese officials in January 1996, reputedly because he did not want to face drug smuggling charges in the USA. US officials had promised $2 million reward for his arrest. Khun Sa left the Shan States for Rangoon, but he was never arrested by the government. Burmese officials refused to extradite him, and he lived the rest of his life in the Rangoon area with significant investments in Yangon, Mandalay and Taunggyi.

[edit] Death Khun Sa died on October 26, 2007 in Rangoon at the age of 73. The cause of death was not known, though he had suffered from diabetes, partial paralysis and high blood pressure.[5][6]

[edit] References 1. ^ "Khun Sa's Decline (坤萨的没落)" (in Simplified Chinese). China Central Television. 2002-06-18. http://www.cctv.com/special/4/4/702.html. Retrieved 2006-12-02. 2. ^ ปดตํานานขุนสา ราชายาเสพติดโลก คนใกลชด ิ งงสาเหตุการตาย 3. ^ Former Notorious Druglord Khun Sa Dies, Associated Press via Google News; retrieved 2007-10-30 4. ^ Federal Register/Vol. 65, No. 233/Monday, December 4, 2000/Rules and Regulations Vol. 65,No. 233, December 4, 2000 5. ^ Notorious Asian drug lord is dead 6. ^ Asian drug warlord dies in Burma, BBC; retrieved 2007-10-30

[edit] External links  

Obituary in The Times, 5 November 2007 Khun Sa: Opium Warlord (documentary) - YouTube

Source: LA Times Date: 1 November 2007

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Khun Sa, 74; headed narcotics empire in Southeast Asia By Richard C. Paddock and Barbara Demick,

Times Staff Writers From the Associated Press

Khun Sa, a former drug warlord who headed a guerrilla army once described by the U.S. government as the world's largest producer of heroin, has died in Myanmar. He was 74. Khuensai Jaiyen, a former secretary of Khun Sa with connections to Shan ethnic minority guerrilla groups, said his former boss died in Myanmar's capital, Yangon, on Oct. 26, according to his relatives. The cause of death was not immediately known, but Khun Sa had long suffered from diabetes, partial paralysis and high blood pressure. A Myanmar official in Yangon confirmed the death, saying Khun Sa was cremated Tuesday. For years, Khun Sa maintained that he was a freedom fighter for the Shan, one of many ethnic minorities who for decades have battled the central government of Myanmar, also known as Burma. He had lived in seclusion in Yangon, also known as Rangoon, since 1996 after surrendering to Myanmar's ruling military junta, which allowed him to run a string of businesses behind a veil of secrecy. However, there was ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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speculation that he was still involved in the narcotics trade, which was largely taken over by rival ethnic guerrilla groups such as the Wa. At the height of his notoriety, Khun Sa presided over a veritable narcotics empire, leading a 20,000-member private militia called the Shan United Army -- later the Mong Tai Army -- in Myanmar's northeastern Shan state. It has been said that his army supplied nearly a third of the heroin on U.S. streets. His sophisticated empire -- complete with satellite television, schools and surface to air missiles -- was carved out of jungle valleys in the drugproducing Golden Triangle region where Myanmar, Thailand and Laos meet. In a 1996 interview with PBS, Donald Ferrarone, who headed the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration office in Bangkok from 1993 to 1995, described Khun Sa's network as "an organization that has enriched itself beyond anything we'd ever seen. An organization that relied on violence and murders and assassinations and bribery to keep its whole infrastructure in place." Khun Sa claimed he only used the drug trade to finance the Shan people's struggle for liberation. He argued that only economic development in the impoverished Shan state, still a major source of heroin, could stop opium growing and smuggling to the "drug-crazed West." "My people grow opium. And they are not doing it for fun. They do it because they need to buy rice to eat and clothes to wear," he once said. But the United States rejected those assertions and offered a $2-million reward for his arrest. After his surrender in a government amnesty in 1996, officials refused to deport him to the U.S. for prosecution.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Born of a Chinese father and Shan mother on Feb. 17, 1933, Khun Sa received little education but learned the ways of warfare and the opium trade from the Kuomintang, remnants of Chinese nationalist forces defeated by Mao Tse-tung's communist army and forced to flee to Myanmar. By the early 1960s Khun Sa, also known as Chang Chi-fu, had become a major player in the Golden Triangle -- then the world's major source of opium and its derivative, heroin. He suffered a near knockout blow in the so-called 1967 Opium War, fighting a pitched battle with Kuomintang rivals in Laos. Laotian troops intervened by bombing both sides and making off with the opium. Seeking a less hostile environment in Thailand, he set up a hilltop base protected by his troops. But he was driven out by Thai forces in 1982 and lodged himself in Ho Mong, an idyllic valley near the Thai frontier inside Myanmar.

Tiger Trap (1994) Operation Tiger Trap was conceived at DEA's Bangkok Office during June of 1994 with the goal of identifying and targeting the major heroin traffickers in the region. Operation Tiger Trap was the first of its kind, a multi-agency international operation designed to dismantle or disrupt the trafficking activities of the world's largest heroin trafficking organization, the Shan United Army (SUA). Also known as the Mong Tai Army, it was located primarily in the areas of Burma adjacent to the northern border provinces of Thailand. The SUA Warlord Khun Sa claimed that his army, which was financed primarily through heroin trafficking, was fighting the Burmese for the independence for the Shan people.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The SUA controlled the cultivation, production, and transportation of heroin from the Shan State. Although other insurgent groups in Burma also trafficked heroin, the SUA had been the dominant force in worldwide distribution. Prior to Operation Tiger Trap, the percentage of southeast Asian heroin from the DEA's Heroin Signature Program rose from 9 percent in 1977 to 58 percent in 1991. Tiger Trap was divided into phases which would all target key Shan United Army (SUA) functionaries. On November 27, 1994, the operation culminated when teams of Royal Thai Police, Office of Narcotics Control Board Officers, and Royal Thai Army Special Forces Soldiers working with DEA agents lured targets in Burma into Thailand where they were then arrested. This action significantly damaged the ability of the SUA to distribute heroin. The Royal Thai Army then worked with the Thai Border Patrol Police to close the Burma border to "commercial quantities" of goods entering the Shan State. When law enforcement authorities had completed their operations, 13 senior SUA traffickers were arrested, and all were pursued for extradition/expulsion to the United States. These 13 principal defendants in Operation Tiger Trap included some of the most persistent and high-level heroin traffickers operating out of Thailand. They were all subjects of U.S. indictments in the Eastern District of New York (EDNY). The defendants were a mixture of three distinct categories: those who were eligible for expulsion (illegal aliens in Thailand); those who possessed fraudulent identification; and authentic Thai citizens.

T.R.C. Thailand Revolutionary Council Date. June 28, 1987 To: U.S. Justice Department Washington, D.C. U.S.A.

Subject

Important facts for the Drugs Eradication Program to be successful.

Sirs: ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif This letter to the US Justice Department is to make it clear about our deepest concern in wishing to help eradicate drugs and for all the American people as well as the world to know the truth that for the past (15) years they have been misled to look upon us as the main source of all the drug problems. 1. The refusal of the United States government to accept our "SIX YEARS DRUGS ERADICATION PLAN" presented at the Congressional Hearing by Congressman Mr. Lester Woff after his visit to Thailand in April 1977, was really a great disappointment for us. Even after this disappointment, we continued writing letters to President Carter and President Reagan forwarding our sincere wish to help and participate in eradicating drugs. We are really surprise and doubtful as to why the US government refuses our participation and help to make a success of the drugs eradication program. Furthermore, why the world has been misled to accuse me as the main culprit for all the drug trades..... while in reality, we are most sincere and willing to help solve the drug problems in South East Asia. Through our own secret investigation, we found out that some high officials in the US government's drugs control and enforcement department and with the influence of corrupted persons objected to our active participation in the drugs eradication program of the US government so as to be able to retain their profitable self-interest from the continuation of the drug problems. Thus, the US government and the American people as well as the world have been hoodwinked. 2. During the period (1965 - 1975) CIA Chief in Laos, Theodore Shackly, was in the drug business, having contacts with the Opium Warlord Lor Sing Han and his followers. Santo Trafficano acted as his buying and transporting agent while Richard Armitage handled the financial section with the Banks in Australia. Even after the Vietnam War ended, when Richard Armitage was being posted to the US Embassy in Thailand, his dealings in the drug business continued as before. He was then acting as the US government official concerning with the drug problems in Southeast Asia. After 1979, Richard Armitage resigned from the US Embassy's posting and set up the "Far East Trading Company" as a front for his continuation in the drug trade and to bribe CIA agents in Laos and around the world. Soon after, Daniel Arnold was made to handle the drug business as well as the transportation of arms sales. Jerry Daniels then took over the drug trade from Richard Armitage. For over 10 years, Armitage supported his men in Laos and Thailand with the profits from his drug trade and most of the cash were deposited with the Banks in Australia which was to be used in buying his way for quicker promotions to higher positions. Within the month of July, 1980, Thailand's english newspaper "Bangkok Post" included a news report that CIA agents were using Australia as a transit-base for their drug business and the banks in Australia for depositing, transferring the large sum of money involved. Verifications of the news report can be made by the US Justice Department with Bangkok Post and in Australia. Other facts given herewith have been drawn out from out Secret Reports files so as to present to you of the real facts as to why the drug problem is being prolonged till today. 3. Finally, we sincerely hope in the nearest future to be given the opportunity to actively take part in helping the US government, the Americans and people of the world in eradication and uprooting the drug problems. I remain,

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Yours Respectively Khun Sa Vice Chairman Thailand Revolutionary Council (T.R.C.)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Shan State Army-South From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

(Redirected from Shan State Army) Jump to: navigation, search The Shan State Army-South (SSA - South, sometimes called simply the Shan State Army, though there is also a Shan State Army-North) is one of the bigger rebel factions fighting against the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) regime of Burma. The commander of the SSA is Col. Yawd Serk.

Contents [hide]    

1 Territory 2 Alliances 3 Notes 4 External links

[edit] Territory The SSA-South has 5 bases along the Thai-Burma border: 1. Loi Taileng - its main base opposite Pang Mapha District, Mae Hong Son ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 2. 3. 4. 5.

Loi Moong Merng - opposite Muang District, Ma Hong Son Loi Lam - opposite Wiang Haeng District, Chiang Mai Loi Hsarm Hsip - opposite Fang district, Chiang Mai Loi Gawwan - opposite Mae Fa Luang District, Chiang Rai [1]

[edit] Alliances On May 21, 2005 the Shan State Army pledged to work with the Shan State National Army against the SPDC to achieve the autonomy of the Shan State.[2] In December, 2008, the Shan State Congress (SSC) was formed at Loi Taileng under the aegis of Yawd Serk. It includes non-Shan groups as well with members from: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) Pa-O National Liberation Organization(PNLO) Restoration Council of Shan State (SSA’s political arm) Tai Coordination Committee(TCC) and Wa National Organization(WNO).[3]

There was a Six State Military Alliance with Arakan Liberation Party (ALP), Chin National Front (CNF), Kachin National Organization (KNO), Karen National Union (KNU) and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), formed earlier but dormant for some years, and Yawd Serk expressed the need to revive this in anticipation of the 2010 elections.[3]

[edit] Notes 1. ^ "Shan army set to cast a wide net". S.H.A.N., 8 June, 2009. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2607:shan-armyset-to-cast-a-wide-net&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266. Retrieved 2009-06-12. 2. ^ "Shan rebels unite against Rangoon". BBC Burmese. May 24, 2005. http://www.bbc.co.uk/burmese/highlights/story/2005/05/050524_ssa_ssna_unite.shtml. Retrieved 2008-02-07. 3. ^ a b "Shan State Congress formed". S.H.A.N., 24 December, 2008. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2406:shan-statecongress-formed&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266. Retrieved 2009-06-12.

[edit] External links  

Photos of United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) military outposts along the border of Thailand, Chiang Rai province Geopium.org More Photos Militaryphotos.net

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Tun Myint Naing (aka Steven Law) Asia World Co

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14151&page=2 Tun Myint Naing is the managing director of Asia World Co, Burma’s biggest firm. He is also well-known as the son of former drug kingpin and militia leader Lo Hsing Han, who controlled the opium business in Shan State in the 1970s. Lo Hsing Han assisted the regime to reach a ceasefire agreement with Wa and Kokang insurgents in early 1990. Asia World was founded on June 5, 1992, and has developed into the country’s biggest business conglomerate, with interests ranging from transport to construction and retailing. The company’s Tun Myint Naing many government contracts include road (Illustration Harn Lay/The building in Shan State, the renovation of Irrawaddy) Rangoon’s international airport, and the construction of a deepwater port and toll highways. Tun Myint Naing and Lo Hsing Han were put on the US sanctions lists in February 2008, along with their companies Asia World Co Ltd, Asia World Port Management, Asia World Industries Ltd and Asia World Light Ltd. Golden Aaron Pte Ltd and nine other Singapore-based companies managed by Tun Myint Naing’s wife Cecilia Ng were also targeted, as was Ng herself. Golden Aaron Pte Ltd is associated with a contract between Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and a business group—including the China National Offshore Oil Company Myanmar Ltd—to carry out oil and gas exploration in Kyauk Phyu, Arakan State. Asia World built a port for cargo ships on the island of Ramree specifically to service China’s shipping needs. The port at Kyauk Phyu was connected to a new 1,950-km (1,220-mile) highway to be built through Burma directly to Kunming, the capital of China’s Yunnan Province. Asia World has been assigned to build hydropower projects across the country and is now involved in constructing the Myit Sone hydropower project, 42 km (26 miles) north of Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. Company business is still going strong, thanks to Tun Myint Naing’s connections in China. Beijing has no interest in imposing sanctions on Burma as long as it enjoys a special relationship with the Burmese regime and its cronies.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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The company maintains a very close relationship with the regime. Tun Myint Naing recently accompanied Snr-Gen Than Shwe on a visit to cyclone-affected areas of the Irrawaddy delta and has been given contracts for reconstruction projects in the region.

BUSINESS IS BLOOMING Is Myanmar Asia's first narco-state? Compelling evidence points to that dubious distinction By Anthony Davis and Bruce Hawke ASIAWEEK January 23, 1997 Volume 24 Number 3

IN THE COOL, OPIUM-rich hills of Myanmar's northeast, the more things change the more they seem to stay the same. Back in the early 1970s, Lo Hsing-han was a celebrated figure in the Asian drug trade. From a fortified villa in the town of Lashio, the ethnic Chinese warlord ran a powerful government-backed militia force -- as well as convoys of opium from northern Shan state south to heroin refineries along the Thai border. Across the rugged swathe of the Golden Triangle and as far south as Bangkok, Lo Hsing-han was a name to reckon with. Twenty-five years on, it still is. Since his early days as an opium-running militia boss, Lo has had his ups and downs. He joined the Shan rebel opposition and turned his guns against the government; was captured in Thailand and extradited to Myanmar; and then served time in a Yangon jail. But at 63 he's back again, no less influential a figure in the tangled skein of business-politics in northern Myanmar. If anything, he's far more powerful, infinitely more wealthy, and these days positively respectable politically. From a gracious home in Myanmar's capital Yangon, Lo runs one of Myanmar's largest business conglomerates with interests in real estate, manufacturing, export-import and construction that includes key infrastructure projects. Serving as an adviser on ethnic affairs to the military junta's chief, Lt.Gen. Khin Nyunt, his political connections go straight to the top. One recent afternoon back in that original villa on a hillside overlooking Lashio, an expansive Lo held forth on development plans for a 30,375-hectare stretch of hill country northwest of the town that is projected to involve new crops, roads and light industry. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "Retired?" he growled in Mandarin thick with the accent of his native Kokang district. "I haven't retired! The older I get, the more there seems to do!" Lo Hsing-han's zest for life and enthusiasm for "agricultural development" does nothing to reassure foreign anti-narcotics officials monitoring Myanmar's booming opium crop and the tons of high-quality heroin refined from it each year. In 1996 the northeastern poppy-belt produced a potential crop of 2,560 tons of opium sap -- compared with a mere 400 tons when Lo first entered the fray in 1968. And these days the heroin refineries are no longer only on the Thai border but conveniently dotted across the hills along the Chinese frontier in the heart of opium country. "Lo Hsing-han is not the kind of guy you're going to give the benefit of the doubt to," says a Yangon-based foreign envoy. "We're very suspicious of him." Lo Hsing-han's past and present epitomize much of Myanmar's crisis of international legitimacy. Many of the shadowy figures long associated with the drug trade have insinuated themselves into the political and business fabric of the nation. Heroin production is close to an all-time high, while narco-profits flood the economy. Given the power and connections these people wield, Myanmar seems well on its way to becoming a narco-state -- a country where officialdom, if not directly involved in trafficking, is certainly providing drug lords tacit sanction. "Those guys were once beyond the reach of the central authorities," says an anti-narcotics official. "Now they are right downtown." A senior Thai drug-suppression official recently expressed what many have been saying in private -- that a nation with Myanmar's reputation for drug production should never have been allowed to join ASEAN. HOW THE POPPIES FLOURISHED In 1989, the Communist Party of Burma collapsed and set the stage for Myanmar's insurgents to forsake the hills for the boardrooms of Yangon. The government's toughest guerrilla foe since the late 1960s, the CPB splintered along ethnic lines -- Kokang Chinese, Wa and Shan - around the country's rugged northeastern marches. Desperate to prevent a link-up between the insurgents and the Burman democratic opposition, the junta moved swiftly to neutralize the guerrillas. Enter Lo Hsing-han, who helped junta chief Khin Nyunt reach a swift ceasefire with the CPB's Kokang Chinese-dominated Northern Bureau. Overnight, the Kokang Chinese territory, wedged against the China border, was transformed into Myanmar's Special Region No. 1. Not long after, the militarily strongest portion of the CPB, the tribal Wa, concluded a similar deal, establishing Special Region No. 2 in the Wa hills to the south. Linking up with another ethnic Wa force on the Thai border, they set up the 15,000-strong United Wa State Army. In eastern Shan State, meanwhile, a third CPB component became Special Region No. 4 headed by two ex-Red Guards who joined the CPB during China's Cultural Revolution. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The ceasefire deals soon were extended into agreements with a patchwork of 12 other ethnic insurgent groups scattered across the north and east. The agreements stipulated that the insurgents would halt their attacks on government positions. In exchange they were permitted to keep their weapons, administer their areas and move into business. It was an arrangement that suited both sides, particularly the ex-CPB guerrillas who promptly opened refineries producing No. 4 heroin. At the same time, they responded enthusiastically to the government's carte blanche invitation to participate in the country's newly liberalized but ramshackle economy. In 1989, the junta dropped a policy of confiscating bank deposits and foreign currency of dubious origin. Instead it opted for a "whitening tax" on questionable repatriated funds levied first at 40% and since reduced to 25%. Equally significant, in early 1993, de facto legalization of the black-market exchange rate took place and narco-funds previously held in Bangkok, Singapore and Hong Kong flooded back into Myanmar. Construction in Yangon and Mandalay boomed, most obviously in lavish, international hotels -- most of which now stand virtually empty. "It's clear it all started with dirty money," says a diplomat. Equally clear is that "legitimate" businesses in downtown Yangon also provided ideal conduits for laundering repatriated narco-funds -- and continue to do so. A retired Myanmar banker reckons "at least 60% of private business in Yangon is drugs-related." THE MONEY WASHING-MACHINE In this lush new business environment, it was not long before the United Wa State Army had evolved into what the U.S. State Department has described as the world's largest armed narcotics-trafficking organization. Vital international connections were provided by three China-born heroin traders based along the Thai border -- Wei Hsueh-long and brothers Hsueh-kang and Hsueh-yin. In 1992, Wei Hsueh-long moved north to Wa army headquarters at Panghsang on the Chinese frontier and set up heroin refineries. More recently, the Wa have moved into large-scale amphetamine production, targeted mainly at the Thai market. They also established in Yangon an impressively diversified line of businesses under a flagship company, the Myanmar Kyone Yeom Group. It has moved into construction, real estate, mining, tourism, transport, forestry products and finance -- though the profitability of many of its ventures remains murky. With branch offices around the globe, Kyone Yeom has also established significant reach. Group chairman is a mustachioed insurgent colonel of Chinese ancestry, Kyaw Myint -- or Michael Hu Hwa -- whose management style owes more to jungle boot camp than Harvard Business School. Described as arrogant and given to explosive outbursts of temper, the colonel has attended board meetings flanked by bodyguards with a pistol strapped to his hip. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Uninitiated visitors to company headquarters on Botahtaung Pagoda Rd. have been startled to be received by the chairman in full uniform in an office with assault rifles hanging from the walls. Perhaps predictably, Kyaw Myint's transition to Yangon polite society has not been without setbacks. Efforts to secure a seat on the board of the Yangon International School where his son is enrolled were rebuffed by expatriate parents skeptical that their offspring's education would benefit from association with an organization that the U.S. State Department has put on its blacklist. Last year Kyaw Myint tried to railroad a job as chairman of Prime Commercial Bank, in which his company held a controlling stake. He showed up, pistol in hand, at the Central Bank to press his case. But his application was turned down, and, shortly after, authorities quietly closed Prime Commercial. Ventures into the murky world of Myanmar's fledgling finance industry have met with better success. Since late 1995, Kyone Yeom has established a nationwide financial operation widely viewed as a thinly disguised money-laundering vehicle. The scheme involves a subsidiary, the National Races Cooperative Society, offering a startling 7% interest per month -- or 84% per annum -- on term deposits, a rate that undercuts Chinatown's informal banking network by a full 2 percentage points. Good going in a country where finance companies have no legal standing and where only banks are permitted to offer interest, currently capped at 16% a year. But then as one Kyone Yeom employee cheerfully pointed out: "They're the Wa! They can do anything they want." PAINT, WHISKY AND HEROIN The headquarters of Peace Myanmar Group are housed in a gracious, if dilapidated, colonial mansion on Kaba Aye Pagoda Rd., where neither rifles nor military uniforms are in view. The company holds the Mitsubishi Electric franchise, runs a paint factory, a liquor distillery producing Myanmar Rum and Myanmar Dry Gin, as well as Myanmar Peace drinking water and several energy drinks. Its latest play is a joint venture bottling whisky under the brand name of Highland Pride for informal export to China. Founded in 1994, Peace Myanmar is owned by Yang Maoliang, head of Kokang's ruling Yang clan. In late 1992, a brief mini-war flared in Kokang; it was about neither liquor nor paint. Pitting the Yangs against the rival Peng clan, the fight was for control of the booming opium and heroin trade in an area where 23 refineries were set up between the 1989 ceasefire and 1991. A settlement brokered by junta chief Khin Nyunt and his adviser Lo Hsing-han restored an uneasy peace.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Several refineries run by the Yangs in Kokang continued to operate, producing between 1,800 and 2,400 kg of No. 4 heroin annually and providing working capital for the rapid expansion of Peace Myanmar. The same year the company was founded, one of the three Yang brothers, Yang Maoxian, was arrested in China and executed for smuggling massive heroin shipments into the People's Republic. The Yangs were unmoved: In April 1996, Guangzhou police intercepted 598.85 kg of No. 4 heroin -- the biggest bust in China's history. Investigations later revealed that Chinese traffickers drove the shipment from Longtan village in Kokang -- not far from Yang Maoliang's military headquarters at Xi-ou and a nearby heroin refinery. Before crossing back into China on April 7, 1996, say Chinese sources pointedly, the convoy was waved through a Burmese military checkpoint, no questions asked. THE UNDISPUTED KING OF KOKANG The real godfather of Kokang, however, is undoubtedly Lo Hsing-han. "Lo is hugely influential and powerful," says a diplomat. "The government thinks he made a major contribution to their efforts to reach ceasefires with the insurgents and in exchange they have provided a variety of economic concessions and opportunities to him." In June 1992, Lo founded the family's flagship company Asia World with his Western-educated son, Steven Law (a.k.a. Htun Myint Naing) acting as managing director. Since then, Asia World and its subsidiaries have expanded from an import-export and trading base, into bus transport, housing and hotel construction, a supermarket chain, manufacturing and major infrastructure projects, notably Yangon port development and upgrading the highway between Mandalay and Muse on the Chinese border. One of the group's highest profile ventures is the Traders Hotel in downtown Yangon, in which the Los hold a 10% stake. Put up in expectation of a tourism and business boom that never happened, like all the other prestige inns built at the time, Traders is largely empty and running at a loss. The Lo family has an enduring connection with Singaporean business figures, and Steven Law is a frequent visitor to the island republic. But the welcome enjoyed by the Lo family in drugs-tough Singapore has not been extended by the international community as a whole. In 1996, Steven was added to the list of those refused visas to the U.S. for suspected involvement in narcotics trafficking. Now older and mellower, Lo Senior has apparently stepped back from hands-on involvement in the drug trade. Nonetheless, he maintains close links to his old stomping grounds in northern Shan state. Armed Kokang loyalists are still based at Salween Village, a militia headquarters near Nampawng, south of Lashio, which was set up by Lo with government assistance on his 1980 release from jail. Today the area presents a telling reflection of the armed stand-off prevailing across the northeast. In Nampawng an army garrison maintains a government presence in -- but not beyond -- its own compound. The Shan village itself is ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif controlled byÊtroops of the Shan State Army; while Salween Village, four km away, is guarded by Lo followers. In the Kutkai region north of Lashio another insurgent group, the Kachin Defense Army, rules its own enclave in one of the richest opium-producing areas in the north. The KDA is assuming a growing prominence in the narcotics trade. Armed with government-issued "special permits," KDA trucks run consignments of opium and refined heroin on behalf of Kokang Chinese producers to the border of India's Manipur state -- an export route now preferred to the increasingly risky Chinese border. Heroin refineries also operate in the Indian border area. THE PRINCE OF DEATH'S PENSION PLAN One of the most notorious names associated with Myanmar's drug trade is that of Khun Sa. After surrendering to the government in January 1996, he also gave up the rigors of the jungle for a comfortable villa in Yangon, where he re-invented himself as something more than a "liberation-fighter." Khun Sa is far from retired, and up in opium country his armed loyalists still operate in his original Loi Maw fiefdom, as well as on the Thai border. Khun Sa's 39-year-old second son, Sam Heung, now oversees operations near his father's old Thai border base. Having arrived in Yangon with boxes of cash in various currencies, Khun Sa has not been short of start-up capital for new ventures. The man once dubbed the "Prince of Death" has bought up prime real estate in the capital's Sanchaung township, part of which is to be developed as an amusement park. But last year's eviction of locals from the site and the bulldozing of Kyun Taw cemetery amused no one and threatened to spill over into communal rioting. Elsewhere, Khun Sa is involved in two casino projects, aimed at high-spending Thais -- one outside Tachilek overseen by Sam Heung, the other on an island opposite the Thai province of Ranong. Both are joint ventures with politically well-connected Thai businessmen. If Khun Sa and Lo Hsing-han represent the old breed of Myanmar businessmen, then Kyaw Win symbolizes a new, increasingly prominent class of entrepreneurs, who are flourishing in the liberalized economy. An ethnic Chinese educated in Mandalay, Kyaw Win has since the mid-1980s been closely associated with Thai timber tycoon Choon Tangkakarn, head of Pathumthani Sawmills and a man with a dubious reputation among law enforcers. In 1989, Choon and Kyaw Win cooperated in a logging venture in a government-approved concession near the Thai border. At the time, the area was controlled by Khun Sa's army. "There is no way they could have operated there without making a deal with Khun Sa," says a narcotics agent. Also in on the logging deal was Maj.-Gen. Maung Aye, who is now Myanmar's army commander and whose association with Kyaw Win continues. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif In 1990, Kyaw Win moved to Yangon, founding May Flower Trading Company in 1991 and Myanmar May Flower Bank in 1994. Two years ago, the bank was granted a foreignexchange license, making it the only lender in Myanmar to earn such a privilege; Kyaw Win frankly attributes the honor to his influence in high places. Interestingly enough, since Khun Sa's surrender, the bank has enjoyed sudden and remarkable growth. Since near bankruptcy in late 1995, it has opened branches across the country. "May Flower was nothing just two years ago," says an intelligence source. "There has been incredible expansion in a short period of time." The latest acquisition in Kyaw Win's burgeoning business empire is Yangon Airways, one of two private, domestic carriers operating in Myanmar. Last year, he approached the airline's Thai shareholder, Adul Chayopas, with an offer to buy the loss-plagued airline. "What could possibly prompt an investor to invest in an airline when the tourist campaign has flopped?" asks a bemused narcotics agent. But Kyaw Win has both invested and added some improbably remote destinations to the airline's network, including Lashio and Mergui -neither of which are noted tourist attractions. KICKING THE HABIT GETS HARDER There is only one charitable interpretation of why narco-barons and their associates are quietly taking over Myanmar's private sector: The government is prepared to turn a blind eye to the process in the overriding interests of securing peace, integrating insurgent-held areas into the national mainstream and, at the same time, promoting economic development -- if necessary with dirty money. "The regime feels it has the upper hand on the traffickers and can force them to use their money for the good of the country," says a veteran Western narcotics official. Those who are actually prepared to credit the junta with a long-term narcotics strategy say the government may hope that over time today's drug lords, attracted by the prospect of making real money legally, may mellow into legitimate tycoons. "Just as the government wants to deal with opium cultivators by showing them a different way to make a living, so it is trying to deal with leaders by showing them too there's a different way of making a living," says a diplomat in Yangon. "We'll let you go legit, if you stop your refining and trafficking." Both Asian and Western diplomats point to the junta's more muscular approach to narcotics interdiction in the field over the past year. Military units have attacked narcotics convoys and refineries, while drug seizures have risen -- albeit from a conspicuously low base. In 1996 one ton of opium and 500 kg of heroin were seized, while in the first eight months of 1997 six tons of opium and one ton of heroin were seized. "It's still spotty and not uniformly effective, but there's increasing military pressure against the whole area," concedes one ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif diplomat. For its part, the regime -- to widespread incredulity -- has vowed to enforce "opium-free zones" in border areas by 2000. The notion that Yangon's corruption-riddled regime is able -- or willing -- to force a wellentrenched narco-mafia to become respectable businessmen is probably naive. The traffickers have evinced no interest in turning their backs on drugs in favor of legitimate business. In January 1991, Kokang warlord Peng Jia-sheng assured visiting U.N. officials of plans to end heroin production in Special Region No. 1 within one year and eradicate opium cultivation within seven. But the opium poppy still blooms in Kokang and heroin production in the region continued its relentless rise during the early 1990s. Indeed, the narco-traffickers themselves undoubtedly view their situation in Myanmar today rather differently from the junta. "They're building for the future, entrenching themselves and making investments," says the intelligence source. "They feel they have the generals in their pockets." Just how many generals is open to debate. But they certainly have quite a few colonels and majors. At unit level, military complicity in both narcotics production and transport has been long-standing, a situation aggravated by the collapse of the kyat and dire conditions in the field. There is no hard evidence that military involvement is orchestrated from Yangon as a matter of policy. However, the repatriation and laundering of narco-profits, as well as the impunity enjoyed by the traffickers has reached an institutionalized level. A diplomat, impatient over Yangon's conspicuous inaction over money-laundering, says: "There is no question that this government has a 'don't ask' policy over the source of funds or start-up capital used by these groups." Moreover, a recent anti-corruption purge does not appear to have hurt the operations of major narco-traffickers. "What they're going after is the personal squeeze typified by [purged exministers] Kyaw Ba and Tun Kyi," says the intelligence source. "The drug barons aren't hurting. It's business as usual." Significantly, on Dec. 11, an article in the state-run Yangon press announced the blacklisting of the Kyone Yeom Group for "submitting false accounts." But after meetings between Wa leaders and junta chief Khin Nyunt, the minister responsible was abruptly shunted to an inactive post. Whether Myanmar can be said to constitute a "narco-state" remains for the most part a matter of semantics and opinion. Fact is, however, that narco-capitalists and their close associates are now involved in running ports, toll roads, airlines, banks and industries, often in joint ventures with the government. And the junta is increasingly dependent on narco-dollars to keep a floundering economy above water. The danger is that the wary but mutually beneficial

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif relationship between Myanmar's military regime and drug barons becomes a habit that is ever more difficult to kick. For ultimately their survival may depend on it. Anthony Davis is an Asiaweek Special Correspondent. Bruce Hawke is a business journalist specializing in Myanmar.

Drugs and astrology: how 'Bulldog' wields power Paranoia, corruption and megalomania are the hallmarks of the brutal dictator Than Shwe   

Peter Beaumont and Alex Duval Smith The Observer, Sunday 7 October 2007 http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2007/oct/07/burma.peterbeaumont

He would not be the most obvious choice as the man to organise the catering at your daughter's wedding. But then Senior General Than Shwe, Burma's military dictator, is not a man driven by convention. They say you can judge the man by the company he keeps. In this case the wedding planner for one of the world's top 10 dictators was Lo Hsing Han, one of south east Asia's infamous opium lords, 'reinvented' as a Rangoon businessman. Welcome to the world of General Than Shwe - nicknamed, in muted whispers, the 'Bulldog'. Alliances in the tight circle surrounding him are oiled by money, influence and business opportunities, including arms and heroin dealing, and defined by paranoia, self-enrichment and astrology. Than Shwe, 74, in power since 1992, is famed in Burma for his megalomania. The junta's bunker capital, Naypyidaw - 'The King's Place' - was built on the advice of his astrologer. A common rumour - exiles and dissidents paint the picture of a mad despot - is that the superstitious Than Shwe believes he is a Buddha. He commissioned a Buddha statue, whose face is uncannily like his own, which stands in Rangoon's most sacred pagoda, Shwedagon, where opposition activists go to venerate Aung San Suu Kyi. But it was last year's extravagant wedding of Than Shwe's daughter that offered his subjects a rare glimpse inside this secretive world. A video was leaked onto the internet, showing a well-fed Thandar Shwe, perspiring under the weight of diamond-encrusted necklaces and hairbands and swathed in yards of silk as plump junta members sat on gold-trimmed chairs in front of a five-tiered wedding cake and champagne. For the Burmese, who struggle to find basic foodstuffs, the lavishness of the scene seemed surreal. Lo Hsing Han, chair of Burma's Asia World conglomerate which owns a share in Rangoon's famous hotel Traders, organised the catering, while another crony, Tay Za, head of the Htoo Trading Company, footed much of the bill. While Lo Hsing Han's relationship with the junta has focused on a joint interest in the heroin trade, Tay Za's has more personal links. The tycoon is reputed to have dated one of Than Shwe's daughters, Khin Pyone - although Htoo Trading denies the relationship. When Than Shwe and his family go on holiday, it has often been to the beach at Ngwe Hsaung where Tay Za owns a resort. He has travelled there on occasion to avoid visiting foreign delegations or UN emissaries. According to Irrawaddy - the opposition magazine - Than Shwe last year asked the businessman to procure five armoured Toyota Land Cruisers. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The quid pro quo for Tay Za's close relationship with General Than Shwe has been access to arms deals. Tay Za serves as the representative in Burma for Russia's aircraft maker Mapo and helicopter firm Rostvertol. Opposition groups say that in the 2002 Tay Za was instrumental in securing a deal that saw Russia sell 10 MiG-29 jet fighters for US$130m to the junta. The life enjoyed by Than Shwe is a far cry from his humble beginnings. Born in 1933, and failing to complete his high school education, Than Shwe was a clerk before joining the army in 1953 where he began working as a psychological warfare officer. By the age of 50 he had risen through the ranks to take command of a relatively tranquil post in the Irrawaddy delta, close to Rangoon. He spent his time reading Time magazine, playing golf or dressing up in traditional Burmese outfits. He was, as he remains, sullen and unresponsive. By the time dictator Bo Ne Win was shunted aside after the coup that followed the brutally suppressed democracy uprisings of 1988, Than Shwe was one of three in line to replace him. Profiting from the rivalry between the other two, he came out ahead. According to some, his most dreaded political weapon was his ability to bore everyone else into submission. After orchestrating the move to Naypyidaw, in 2005, Than Shwe became even more isolated from the 50 million people of Burma whose economy he is largely responsible for grinding into the dirt. When he is seen in public it is more often than not to participate in some arcane ceremony to bolster the military's grip on power.

Singapore's hand in Golden Triangle Australian November 23, 2005 Michael McKenna http://www.singapore-window.org/sw05/051123au.htm

W

HILE Singapore has an unwavering policy of hanging drug mules such as Australia's

Nguyen Tuong Van without mercy, it has for years been one of the strongest backers of Burma, the world's second-biggest producer of heroin. Despite the pariah status of the military junta-controlled country as a flagrant breacher of human rights and the engine-room of the notorious opium golden triangle, Singapore has long been one of its key trading partners. In the 10 months to October, Singapore - Burma's second-biggest source of imports - shipped more than $650 million of goods to the country. By comparison, Australia's exports to Burma last year were valued at $27 million or 0.01 per cent of total exports. And for more than a decade, the Singapore government has shrugged off evidence that some of its business backing has gone directly to Burma's drug kingpins, specifically infamous heroin trafficker Lo Hsing Han. A substantial portion of Burma's heroin finds its way directly to Australia. The Australian Institute of Criminology cites the country as the chief source of Australia's supply of the drug. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif In 1997, former US Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, Robert Gelbard, said: "Since 1988 ... over half (of the US$1 billion investments from) Singapore have been tied to the family of narco-trafficker Lo Hsing Han." Lo, 70, reportedly started out as an opium-trafficking insurgent against the Burmese government in the 1950s. He spent time on death row in Rangoon, Burma's capital, in the 1970s, for treason before he bought his liberty and expanded his business into what was described as the most heavily armed and biggest heroin operation in Southeast Asia. It is believed he now rules as "godfather" over a clan of traffickers in Burma. In 1992, Lo founded one of Burma's largest conglomerates, the Asia World Company, which allegedly acts as an upmarket front and money-launderer for the drug operation. Lo's American-educated son, Steven Law, who is married to a Singaporean woman, Cecilia Ng, is managing director of Asia World and runs three "overseas branches" of the conglomerate in Singapore. But while Law may live the high life during his regular trips to Singapore, he has been repeatedly declined a US visa due to his suspected links to the drug trade. A spokesman for the Australian Immigration Department last night said it could not comment because of "privacy reasons" on whether Lo or Law had applied for an Australian visa. Australia has an embassy in Rangoon, where two Australian Federal Police officers are stationed to gather intelligence on drug trafficking activities. Burma has received support in the past from the father of Singapore, former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, who defended the military as the "only instrument of government" in the country. Arguing that detained democracy campaigner and Nobel peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi should stay "behind the fence and be a symbol", Mr Lee said she might not be able to rule Burma without the power the military commanded. Ms Suu Kyi could not be contacted last night. But the secretary of her party, the National League for Democracy, said the Singapore Government's decision to hang small-time drug peddlers such as Van was extreme. "Singapore is a democracy. We here are living under a strict, harsh government, but we don't hang people in Burma," U Lwin said. The links between Singapore and the drug lords of Burma began to surface in the mid-1990s. In 1996, it emerged that the Singapore Government Investment Corporation had co-invested with Lo in the Traders and Shangri-La hotels in Rangoon through its 21.5 per cent stake in the US$39 million ($52 million) Myanmar Fund. Many Singapore companies are involved in the Asia World group, and $900 million-plus a year pours into Burma in private investment from Singapore. The contradiction of the Singapore Government executing those caught with more than 27g of heroin while doing business with the drug masters is not lost on some in the island state of 4 million people. Chee Soon Juan, leader of the opposition Democratic Party, said the funding made a mockery of Singapore's hardline stance on drug trafficking. "If the Singapore Government truly feels drug abuse is a scourge on society, it would not just want to catch and hang these small-time peddlers," he said.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "You would want to go for the big fish and go to what the source is. Press the Government on what it's doing in Burma to stop this production of opium and heroin."

坤萨的没落 06月18日 17:35

坤萨（khunsa）又名张奇夫。1933年出生于缅甸掸邦莱莫山区，是 中缅混血儿。20岁时继承其父的莱莫土司职位后，开始发展自己的 地方“自卫队”,并逐步铲除了一些地方武装势力。60年代初,坤萨由仰 光当局军事人员身分改投掸邦叛军。后开始在自己控制的地区种植罂 粟，并建立了海洛因提炼厂，从事贩毒活动，形成了强大的集团。

1967年坤萨贩毒集团与前"鸦片大王"罗兴汉大战一场，得胜后他控制 了"金三角"大部分地区的毒品生意。1968年正式夺得蒙泰军领导权。 1969年10月，缅甸政府诱捕坤萨成功。５年后，坤萨的部下在东枝 政府医院抓走援缅医疗队的两名苏联医生，作为人质要求交换坤萨， 在国际压力和调停下，苏联医生获释，坤萨获貌糠肿杂伞?976年２ 月，坤萨从寓所逃跑，重新回到"金三角"。

80年代，坤萨控制了长达400公里的泰缅边界线,管辖范围内的毒品年 产量最高达2500吨，在缅甸境内有10多个海洛因提炼厂，并且还控 制了掸邦境内的矿产开采权。在大约10年的黄金时代里，他身边有3 000名精兵，总部霍蒙驻兵6000人，掸邦从南至北还有约两万人的武 装也由他指挥。他本人住在离霍蒙大营约10公里处一所称为“白宫”的 豪华巨宅里。

由于缅甸境内过去有十几股反政府少数民族武装同时存在，政府难以 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 集中力量对付贩毒分子。由于缅甸政府对少数民族武装转用分化瓦解 、各个击破的策略，1989年原属坤萨的掸邦蒙泰军和与坤萨互不侵 犯的瓦族联军与缅甸政府达成停火协议，并转而攻击坤萨部队，以图 夺取掸邦地盘。同时，掸邦东部的武装力量也开始摆脱坤萨，坤萨的 势力开始削弱。

1993年11月，政府军开始对坤萨领导的蒙泰武装发动攻势，先后占 据了坤萨的一些据点。1995年12月，政府军对坤萨采取新的军事行 动。20日，迫于形势，坤萨派亲信前往仰光与政府谈判，29日双方 达成协议。缅甸政府随即派军队向霍蒙及各主要据点推进。1996年1 月5日，坤萨领导的蒙泰武装开始向政府投降，到18日，共有9749人 向政府缴械，共交出轻重武器6004件，其中包括地对空导弹。当天 ，他出席在他总部洪孟举行的受降仪式

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

วันอังคาร ที่ 30 ตุลาคม 2550 ปดตํานานขุนสา ราชายาเสพติดโลก คนใกลชิดงงสาเหตุการตาย Posted by คมชัดลึก , ผูอาน : 5743 , 16:49:17 น. หมวด : การเมือง พิมพหนานี้

ปดตํานาน"ขุนสา ราชายาเสพติดโลก" มีญาติรวมงานเผาไมถึง 20 คน ทามกลางการอารักขาทหารพมาอยางเข็มงวด ลูกชายสงสัยชนวยการตาย มิหนําซ้ํากําชับใหบอกเฉพาะญาติสนิทรวมงานเทานั้น

มีรายงานวา เมื่อเวลา 11.00น วันที่ 30 ตุลาคม ทีส ่ ส ุ านเหยเวตุตาน มณฑลยางกุง กองทัพพมาไดจัดพิธีฌาปณกิจศพ "ขุนสา" หรือจางซีฟู หรือ นายจันทร จางตระกูล วัน 73 ป อดีตผูนํากองทัพเมืองไต (เอ็มทีเอ) ที่ยอมวางอาวุธใหกับทหารพมาเมื่อตนป พ.ศ.2539 และ ที่ผานมาขุนสาถูกทางการสหรัฐระบุวาเปนราชายาเสพติดโลก โดยมีคนใกลชิดรวมพิธีไมถึง 20 คน ทามกลางการอารักขาของทหารพมาอยางเข็มงวด

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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นายจามเฮือง หรือ นายจางเหวยกัง บุตรชายคนที่ 3 ซึ่งพํานักที่จังหวัดทาเหล็ก ประเทศเมียนมาร ตรงขาม อําเภอแมสาย จังหวัดเชียงราย กลาวกับคนใกลชิดวา เชาวันที่ 27 ตุลาคม ไดรับแจงจากทหารที่ควบคุมบิดา วาใหรีบเดินทางไปที่กรุงยางกุงดวนที่สุด แตไมไดบอกวาเพราะเหตุใด เมื่อไปถึงพบวาบิดาเสียชีวิตเมื่อคืนวันที่ 26 ตุลาคม ดวยโรคปจจุบันเฉียบพลัน และทางทหารพมาไดกําชับใหบอกเฉพาะญาติที่ใกลชด ิ รวมงานเทานั้น โดยอางวาไมอยากใหขาวการตายเล็ดล็อดออกตามสํานักขาวตางๆซึ่งตนยังสงสัยวาทําไมใหบ อกเฉพาะญาติที่ใกลชิด และทําไมไมบอกสาเหตุการตายอยางละเอียดใหตนทราบตั้งแตวันที่ 27 ตุลาคม

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

สําหรับขุนสาหลังจากวางอาวุธใหทางการพมา ไดถูกทหารพมาควบคุมตัวอยูในบานพักที่ตําบลเหยจี่ไอ มณฑลยางกุง อยางเขมงวด เนื่องจากทางการสหรัฐพยายามที่จะขอตัวขุนสาไปดําเนินในสหรัฐ และ ที่ผานมาขุนสาถูกโรคอัมพฤษ ความดันโลหิตสูง และเบาหวาน คุกคามทางกองทัพพมาไดสงแพทยมาดูแลสัปดาหละ 2 หน

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ขุนสาเกิดที่เมืองตานยาง พอเปนชาวจีน แมเปนชาวไทยใหญ ตอมาพอเสียชีวิต แมไดไปแตงงานกับกํานันตําบลดอยหมอ ( Loimaw ) ซึ่งอยูในแควนเมืองใหญ(MuangYai)ของรัฐฉาน ซึ่งมีศักดิ์เปนขุน ทําใหชาวบานเรียกนิยมขุนสา ตามบิดาเลี้ยง ตอมาขุนสาไดเปนเปนหัวหนาหนวยอาสาหรือกากวยเย(KaKweYe) และคายาเสพติดควบคุไปดวย ทําใหมีอิทธิพลมากในเมืองดอยหมอทําใหทหารพมาวางแผนเรียกไปประชุมที่เมืองตองยี และจับขังคุก ตอมา"จางซูเหลียง" อดีตเสธ.ทหารกองพลกกมินตั๋ง ซึ่งไมยอมกลับประเทศจีน และทําธุรกิจคายาเสพติดรวมกับขุนสา ไดจับตัวแพทยชาวรัสเซียที่เมืองตองยี เพื่อแลกตัวกับขุนสา ซึ่งตอนแรกพมาไมยอมแตถูกรัสเซียบีบจึงตองยอมแลกตัว ป ค.ศ.1976 ตอมาขุสา ไดตั้งกลุมกูชาติ ShanUnitedArmy(SUA) เปนปรปกษกับกองทัพพมา และ กําลังของพรรคคอมมิวนิสตพมา แตขุนสา ยังพันเกี่ยวกับธุรกิจคาเสพติดในบริเวณสามเหลี่ยมทองคํา ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ซึ่งตอมาทําใหกองกําลังของเขามีอาวุธที่ทันสมัยและกําลังพลจํานวนมาก พรอมกันนี้ ขุนสาก็ไดเริ่มติดตอ กับองคกรเคลื่อนไหวทางการเมืองของชาวไทใหญ กลุมอื่นๆ และไดรวมกับกองกําลังของ SURA ของนายพลโม เฮง และกําลังสวนหนึ่งของSSA ภายใตการนําของเจาจามใหม ( Sao Sam Mai ) โดยใชชื่อองคกรทางการเมืองวาสภาปฏิวัติเมืองไต(Tailand Revolutionary Council-TRC ) และมีกองทัพเมืองไต( Mong Tai Army-MTA ) เปนองคฝายทหาร ในปค.ศ.1985 นับปค.ศ.1985เปนตันมากองกําลังของชาวไทใหญกลุมที่ใหญที่สุด มีกําลังพลมากถึง 30,000 คนและมีอาวุธยุทโธปกรณที่ทันสมัยเพราะ MTA มีรายไดมหาศาลจากกิจการดั้งเดิมของขุนสา แต คศ.1995 ขุนสายอมสวามิภักดิ์ และวางอาวุธกับทหารพมา วากันวาเนื่องจากเกิดการแตกแยกในกองทัพระหวาชาวไทยใหญ และชาวจีน ซึ่งเปนกลุมญาติและคนที่เคยรวมธุรกืจยาเสพติดกับของขุนสา และตอมา เจากันยอด ผูนําทหารเชื่อสายไทยใหญไดนํากําลังออกมาตั้งกองทัพกูชาติ SSNA. ทําใหกองทัพ MTA ลดความเขมแข็งลง ประกอบกับสหรัฐตั้งคาหัวขุนสาในฐานะราชายาเสพติด คนถัดจาก" ลอชิฮัน" จนขุนสายอมสลายกองทัพในที่สุด. *วิวัฒนชัย สมคํา* รายงาน

Wa State From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Not to be confused with Wa (Japan), Washington (the U.S. state), or Washington State University The neutrality of this article is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (December 2007)

Flag of the de facto Wa State in Myanmar Wa State (Chinese: 佤邦; pinyin: Wǎ Bāng)is an unrecognised state in Myanmar (formerly known as Burma) and is currently subsumed under the official Wa Special Region 2 of the Northern Shan State. The administrative capital is Bangkang (邦桑 formerly known as Pangshang). The name Wa derives from an ethnic group, who speaks a language in the Austroasiatic family of languages. Wa State has a population of an estimated 558,000. Wa State is an undefined area that encloses eastern Shan State. Approximately 400,000 Wa live in China, mostly in the Yunnan Province.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Many of the Wa are animists, and a small proportion of the population follows a derivative of either Buddhism or Christianity. The Wa were once known as the Wild Wa for their "savage" behavior as headhunters.

Contents [hide]     

1 Illicit drug trade 2 Communism 3 See also 4 References 5 External links

[edit] Illicit drug trade The United Wa State Army (UWSA) is the largest narcotics trafficking organization in Southeast Asia, with 20,000 soldiers. It was once allied with the Communist Party of Burma, with 4,000 soldiers. The UWSA cultivates vast areas of land for the opium poppy which is later refined to heroin. The money from the opium is used for weapons and such. Although the Burmese government has begun taking measures to decrease the production of such drugs, it is an arduous task, because of corruption at high levels in the government and lack of infrastructure to carry out operations.

[edit] Communism After the Communist Party of Burma lost control of its bases in central Myanmar in the late 1960s, it re-established itself in the northeast including Wa State, with the support of China. The Wa, like other ethnic groups were fighting for autonomy from Myanmar, and supported the CPB. They eventually rebelled along with the Kokang against the Burmese communist leadership, which was forced into exile across the Chinese border, at the time of the 8888 Uprising in mainland Myanmar. Following the subsequent collapse of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) rule under Ne Win in Myanmar, the WNO made ceasefire and peace agreements with the new military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC}.

[edit] See also 

Va people

[edit] References 

Hideyuki Takano, The Shore Beyond Good and Evil: A Report from Inside Burma's Opium Kingdom (2002, Kotan, ISBN 0-9701716-1-7)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 

Andrew Marshall, The Trouser People: a Story of Burma in the Shadow of the Empire. London: Penguin; Washington: Counterpoint, 2002. ISBN 1-58243-120-5

[edit] External links  

Wa State Government Page (Chinese) Kokang's Royal Family

Monday, Sep. 26, 1988

Burma The Armed Forces Seize Power By William Stewart/Rangoon http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,968501,00.html Red-and-gold peacock banners fluttered over much of Burma last week, symbols of a national student movement that had become an uprising. Once again, hundreds of thousands of protesting citizens poured into the streets of major cities in a concerted effort to bring down the tottering government of the ruling Burma Socialist Program Party (B.S.P.P.). To a large extent they had already succeeded. Burma's second largest city, Mandalay, was under the control of Buddhist monks: saffron-robed holy men, known as sanghas, were directing traffic. In Rangoon, the capital, the entire civil service had deserted the government. A new opposition leadership was working with students and monks to bring rice into the increasingly hungry city. With the situation deteriorating rapidly, leaders of Burma's 180,000-member military took action. Rangoon announced Sunday that General Saw Maung, Burma's minister of defense and chief of the armed forces, had ousted civilian President Maung Maung, who took office just last month. Saw Maung immediately pledged to "restore law and order" and promised to hold multiparty elections that would end 26 years of one-party rule. The coup came two weeks after Maung Maung himself had tried to deflect the revolutionary tide by announcing elections. But Maung Maung failed to set a date for the balloting, and the demonstrations went on. By last week the opposition's emerging leadership appeared to be focusing on the issue of how to negotiate a transfer of power. Three leading dissidents -- former generals Aung Gyi and Tin Oo, ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif and Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of one of Burma's great nationalist heroes and the country's newest and brightest political star -- wrote to Maung Maung formally rejecting the proposed elections. They were joined in that demand by former Prime Minister U Nu, who had been ousted from power in 1962. Later, a government election commission reportedly informed the regime that elections without the opposition's cooperation were impossible. As the confrontation grew, the military seemingly remained loyal to Maung Maung and to Burma's strongman, former B.S.P.P. Chairman Ne Win, who was widely believed to be pulling strings behind the scenes. But last week some 6,000 soldiers, sailors and airmen appeared to have joined the revolt. In Rangoon graduates of the influential Defense Services Academy, mostly majors and lieutenant colonels, issued a statement urging formation of an interim government that would include the opposition. At midweek Saw Maung appealed to the opposition on national television to avoid splitting the military. That plea was widely interpreted to mean that the government doubted the loyalty of its own troops, and its concern seemed largely justified. Of the nine regional commands in Burma, all headed by brigadier generals, about half are said to remain loyal to Ne Win. But regional command troops are locally recruited and almost certainly would not fire on their own people if ordered; nor would their junior officers. Last week a captain of one of three elite infantry divisions in Rangoon went over to the opposition, creating a new wash of speculation about the fealty of even the most trusted troops in the nation. Meantime, it appeared that surreptitious dickering over an interim government was already under way. As General Tin Oo, a former armed forces Chief of Staff, told TIME, "We expect a counterproposal from the government. What they need is an honorable exit, and they should have it." The regime was believed to have been bargaining to retain the Defense and Home ministries in any interim administration, which would leave it in control of the army and police forces.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Another proposal called for a nonpartisan government formed from leading figures representing various "interests" and "forces" in Burmese society, rather than political parties. That would please U Nu, who has always been an independent, if erratic, political figure. The nonpartisan approach would also suit Aung San Suu Kyi, a political amateur who has charisma but no organized backing. Says she: "The country accepts me because they trust me and they associate me with my father," Aung San, who was assassinated in 1947. As the maneuvering continued, Saw Maung busied himself with speeches to the military in which he promised that "good news" was on the way. That probably referred to a major concern of leading government and military officials: personal safety. They have been horrified by, among other things, public beheadings of people believed to be government agents. Many officials and their families have sought protection at Rangoon General Command, a military base some 14 miles north of the city, or at Tower House, a multistory building near Ne Win's villa at Rangoon's Inya Lake. By week's end, the stage was set for Saw Maung's coup when the government announced that members of the military and civil servants could no longer belong to the B.S.P.P. That decision effectively divorced the army from the ruling party. At the same time, the Burmese people themselves, by some metaphysical process, seemed to sense that change was imminent. Astrology plays an important role in Burma, and last week one of the country's leading astrologers, Saya Gyi Theikpan Myint, predicted that by the end of September "the present party in power will disintegrate." The astrologer may be right. Burma may now face a choice between the formation of an interim government that would represent all parties, or a tragic confrontation between the military and the increasingly assertive opposition.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Propaganda war of Burmese junta on ethnic resistance forces Tuesday, 08 September 2009 11:32 By Sai Wansai

Hardly had the firefight died down in Kokang, another kind of offensive, propaganda war, is being launched by the Burmese junta. Recently, within a week, the Kokang group, headed by Peng Jiasheng, has been highlighted as drug dealer and producer of explosive, to show the world that the junta is, in fact, against evil warlords and posturing itself as a saviour, anti-drug crusader and defender of its national sovereignty. According to junta-owned Myanma Ahlin newspaper, police and soldiers raided a compound of seven buildings and found bomb-making equipment Reports also said troops also found tens of thousands of stimulant tablets, drug-making equipment and hundreds of weapons in the region. A recent report from Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN) writes: “Overnight, Peng, who had been enjoying the status of “one of the national race leaders,” has become a drug runner after his rejection of Naypyitaw’s proposal to change his armed group a Burma Armycontrolled border security force, leading the path to be followed by other ethnic leaders who, like himself, are continuing their rejection of the proposal.” Members of the Peace and Democracy Front - Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), also known as the Chinese Kokang , United Wa State Army (UWSA), and Mongla aka National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA) - are against the overture of Burmese junta’s proposal of coming under Burma army, within the framework of border security guard force. While it is fair to conclude that all those who have guns in Shan State, that is all cease-fire armies, resistance groups and Burma army, are in one way or the other, involved in drugs, the Burma army’s occupation of Kokang has nothing to do with anti-narcotics undertaking, but trying to scare the others by pounding the weakest link within the cease-fire groups. In an interview with Khuensai Jaiyen, Director of SHAN, by Maxmilian Wechsler in Bangkok Post, Sunday, 24 May 2009, a question was posed, whether any cease-fire or noncease-fire groups are now involved in the drug trade in Shan State or other parts of Burma. Quoting and paraphrasing what a Palaung leader said a few years ago, he replied: "Everyone who has a gun is involved." Those who have more guns are more involved. In Burma, who has the most guns? The crucial fact that opium and armed struggle in Shan State are so intertwined could be detected in what General Tuan Shi-wen had said in 1967. In an interview with a British journalist General Tuan said : “ Necessity knows no law. That is why we deal with opium. We have to continue to fight the evil of communism, and to fight you must have an army, and an army must have guns, and to buy guns you must have money. In these mountains, the only money is opium.” Since then, the drug trade has diversified and expanded to include Amphetamine- type stimulants (ATS), which are much easier to produce. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif While opium and ATS trafficking might be seen as a “necessary evil” to finance the resistance and struggle to regain ethnic rights of self-determination, no doubt, in process some of the rebel armies leadership’s priority setting might have become blurred and started to embrace “wealth accumulation” increasingly, deviating from their original goal. Either way, it is fair to acknowledge the fact that the struggle for rights of self-determination is very real and alive within the non-Burman ethnic population, even if some of their military leaders might have swayed from their original commitment and become corrupted. Another point to ponder on the Burmese junta’s stance on drug issue is that it is not an antidrug crusader, as it likes to portray itself, but has always been a player and part of the illicit trade in Shan State. SHAN Drug Watch News Letter, of June 2009, writes: Burma’s military - the Tatmadaw - is complicit in the drug trade. The Tatmadaw might account for more than 40 per cent of GOB’s budget but this is mostly spent on weapons systems and the lavish lifestyle of officers. Soldier pay remains hazardously low, and so many are forced to find other ways to supplement their income. They are also required to contribute to the welfare fund of the unit to which they belong. Reasons for military involvement have been confirmed by Bouan (Xavier Bouan, from UNODC) , who said: “Everybody is involved in this trade in one way or another. Insurgents, militia, government, cease-fire groups; for all of them… it’s one of the only ways to survive and get cash.” Testimony in 2003 had incriminated at least 93 of the 128 Infantry Battalions and Light Infantry Battalions operating in Shan State in facilitating the drug trade. Their involvement includes providing loans and seeds to villagers to grow opium; allowing or ordering farmers to grow opium; taxing the poppy harvest; transporting opium powder to heroin refineries; accepting bribes to allow dealers through government checkpoints; providing security for refineries; transporting methamphetamine pills to Thai dealers at the Thai-Burma border; and allowing Army personnel to sell methamphetamine to supplement their income. The case in point here is that the Burmese junta’s real interest is to rein in all the ethnic resistance forces and take control of their areas, by hook or by crook. It is in no way an antidrugs crusader, but more of an accomplice or abettor and have, in fact, cashed in for decades. The sudden change of posture is more to do with tactical move to gain the upper hand in its propaganda war on one hand and to subdue the ethnic resistance force with international sympathy and backing, probably under the pretext of “War on Drugs”. Finally, what is wrong with the Kokang army having an explosives factory within its territory to prepare for self-defence, when the Burmese junta is building huge underground complexes and even trying to materialise its ambition of acquiring nuclear weapons, with the help of North Korea and possibly, also Russia? Propaganda churning out of junta’s mouthpiece, Myanma Ahlin newspaper should be taken with a pint of salt. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The Nation - Published on September 8, 2009 EDITORIAL

Danger of border skirmishes escalating Burmese military action against Chinese-backed ethnic armies could explode into wider conflict on its northern border It has always been said that China is Burma's closest ally. Given the fact that the junta doesn't have many friends, one like China will always stand out. But the not-so-honorific label of "closest ally" should be understood in its proper context. For the Burmese, Chinese friendship doesn't mean the world. Nonetheless, such a friend could very well come in handy, especially when the international community and the United Nations are constantly looking to clobber the generals with sanctions and criticism. For the Burmese regime, survival is everything. Where it positions its troops and weapons, and the type of legislation and reconciliation process that it proposes, reinforce the very idea that it is here to stay whether the world likes it or not. For as long as anybody can remember, China has been a factor whenever a Burma policy and strategy is drafted by the international community. Over a decade ago, when Rangoon's membership of Asean was on the table, members of the regional grouping whispered among themselves about the Chinese factor. Keeping the Burmese out of the regional loop would push the junta further into the arms of the Chinese, they said. But for the Burmese, Asean membership was not seen as a privilege but a right - simply because the country happens to be in the same geographical region. There was no "thank you" to Asean for letting the country become a member. A handful of Thai diplomats thought a free ride for Burma in Asean would deny the regional grouping the only card it had to play against the junta. Their concerns were largely ignored by most of the other Asean members, who really didn't give a hoot about the atrocities committed by the junta, or the political baggage that comes with Burma's membership. And when Asean came under an unwanted spotlight or was at loggerheads with the international community, such as the European Union, over Burma's participation, all the Burmese generals could do was shrug their shoulders. They just couldn't care less. And so when the Burmese unleashed their troops against one of the minority cease-fire groups within the country, namely the Kokang, forcing tens of thousands people - including Yunnanese Chinese who have more or less seized northern Burma over the last few years - to flee for China, Beijing was jolted. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Thai military officials with direct experience of the Chinese often called them "masters of two-track diplomacy". They pointed to China's relations with the bloody Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, up until that regime's dying days, and its historical ties with the ethnic armies that operate independently along Burma's northern border. Attacking the Kokang and turning their guns towards the 20,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA) afterwards was a rude awakening for the Chinese. If anything, the junta was telling its so-called "closest ally" that it is charting its own course. One could say that the Chinese finally got a taste of their own medicine. For decades, Burma has given China access to its ample natural resources, and the Indian Ocean, in exchange for political support. Moreover, Chinese companies are set to start construction on a US$2.5 billion (Bt85.2billion) oil-and-natural- gas pipeline project that will run from the Indian Ocean to Yunnan's capital of Kunming. But if one thinks that Burma is a Chinese lackey, think again. It is clear that the two-decade-old ceasefire with the ethnic armies no longer serves Burmese purposes. From the generals' perspective, a normal country shouldn't have small armies operating independently on its soil, especially if those armies are proxies of a powerful neighbour. Beijing expressed its concern back in June, and the ruling Burmese State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) said that it did not want to see disturbances along the SinoBurmese border. But in the end, for the junta, domestic matters overtook any diplomatic concerns. For too long Beijing turned a blind eye to the atrocities committed inside Burma, telling the world to stay out of Burma's domestic matters. Self-serving interest has always been China's political attitude towards Burma. It's different now, however, as China is directly affected by this so-called domestic matter. If Beijing thinks it has a big headache with the 30,000 refugees fleeing the Burmese attack against the Kokang, then wait until the junta turns its guns on the UWSA. It could very well have a ripple effect, turning Burma's entire northern border into a full-blown war zone if other cease-fire groups like the Chin, Kachin and Shan join the fight to keep their patches of real estate given to them two decades ago. September 8, 2009 01:53 pm (Thai local time) http://www.nationmu ltimedia. com/2009/ 09/08/opinion/ opinion_30111677 .php

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Junta engages in diversionary tactics Tuesday, 08 September 2009 13:02 S.H.A.N. The Burma Army has been deploying and redeploying troops and armor in Kachin State, Shan State North and Shan State East, but its next target after Kokang is still anybody’s guess.

In northern Shan State, one tactical command of the Sagaing-based Light Infantry Division # 33, deployed in Kokang last month, has been ordered to move to Kachin State further north, according to a border source. A tactical command from the Kalawbased LID #55 is due to replace it. (One tactical command is comprised of 3 infantry battalions) In eastern Shan State, more troops and heavy weapons are arriving in Mongkhark and Monyang, facing the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and its southeastern ally National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA). However, a representative from Naypyitaw, Col Kyaw Kyaw, who used to be commander of the Infantry Battalion #279 based in Mongyang, told the local populace on 4 September, “There is no way the government is going to attack either the Wa or Mongla.” He therefore urged the people to recall their relatives who have fled the area. “Which is contrary to exhortations by local TV channels in neighboring Yunnan to all Chinese nationals working on the Burmese side of the border to return to their homeland for their safety and welfare,” said a source close to the Mongla authorities. On the Thai-Burma border, a Lahu militia source claimed yesterday that his unit was instructed to do everything it could to provoke the Wa fighters to shoot first. “My boss told me that the idea is for the Burmese army to have an excuse to attack the Wa, as it did in Kokang,” he explained. Kokang, a ceasefire group north of Wa, was taken three days after an advancing police column was fired upon by the defenders on 27 August. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Sao Yawdserk

The Burma Army has also reinforced its troops at Namzarm, the village east of Monghsat, where the road branches off to the Wa strongholds in Mongyawn, opposite Thailand’s Mae Ai district. “There used to be only the LIB (Light Infantry Battalion) 333,” said a local. “But now we are seeing at least 200 more troops, with 10 armored cars.” West of the Salween in southern Shan State, all units have been ordered to have both civilian trucks and porters requisitioned and be ready to move 24 hours. “Even Taunggyi and Kalaw, requisition of trucks and porters were unheard of in the past, are not spared,” a local source explained. “Each unit has to have at least 10 trucks and 100 porters to its disposal.” Bewildered, many people are consulting the local spirits through the known mediums, he added. Shan State Army leader Sao Yawdserk had predicted that Naypyitaw’s next target would be Mongla, followed by Kachin, Wa and then the SSA. “The Burma Army is in a high state of readiness,” commented a Thai security official. “What it needs is a good excuse (to attack the ceasefire groups).”

CONTRIBUTOR

Prelude to a Civil War? By HARN YAWNGHWE

Monday, September 7, 2009

Many were surprised by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) attack against the Kokang forces. Some had been so preoccupied with the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi that they were not even aware of the impending crisis. Others could not understand why the Burmese military would turn against their allies who have had a cease-fire agreement for more ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif than 20 years. Yet others thought that the Burma Army would never dare to incur the wrath of China. After all, had the Chinese not, in June, requested Vice-Snr-Gen Maung Aye to maintain stability on the border? This development was especially surprising to those who were convinced that Burma is a client state of China. This failure to anticipate events underscores the weakness of the Burmese democracy movement, in particular, and the international community, in general. We have often failed to understand the strategy and plans of the ruling military government. We have looked at their actions through our own prisms and misinterpreted their intentions. We have tended to see SPDC pronouncements as propaganda and have not paid enough attention to what it is planning to do. Nobody is happy with military rule in Burma so we dismiss the SPDC “road map” to democracy and its constitution. But how many of us have actually studied the constitution in detail, not to criticize it, but to see how the military actually plans to implement its “road map” policies and how we can use its plans to our advantage? In 2004, the SPDC announced the “road map,” and last year it announced plans for an election in 2010. We were outraged when the referendum was held two weeks after Cyclone Nargis had devastated the delta and Rangoon. We would not have been surprised had we realized that Snr-Gen Than Shwe takes the “road map” seriously. He will not allow anything to stand in its way. A series of recent events has also taken some of us unaware—he release of U Win Tin; the first ever post-1990 congress of the National League for Democracy (NLD); Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial, the unseasonable attack on the Karen National Union; the attack on Kokang and now possibly an attack on the Wa. These seem to be the random acts of a paranoid and unpredictable leader—he image ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif we like to portray of Snr-Gen Than Shwe. But in reality, all these events have a common goal: the success of the 2010 elections. They are the rational outworking of a well-calculated and orchestrated operation plan of the SPDC. The proposal to the ethnic cease-fire groups to transform themselves into Border Guard Forces (BGF) under the control of the Burma army is also an attempt to clear the decks before the 2010 elections. It was meant to either provoke the cease-fire groups to reject the proposal and be destroyed or frighten them into submission and acceptance of the SPDC road map. It is clear that the BGF proposal was a provocation. This is because during the past 20 years, nothing of this matter was ever discussed with the cease-fire groups. They were told they could keep their arms and could negotiate with the newly elected government on the political terms they wanted. Suddenly, in April they were told they had until October 2009 to decide. Analyzing the ceasefires, it is clear that the SPDC never meant to negotiate. The plan was to stop hostile action, provide incentives to entice individual commanders to split from the main groups and slowly weaken the ethnic groups to the point where they could be easily eliminated. The cease-fire groups cannot accept the BGF because it is actually a plan to destroy the groups by attrition. But if they refuse to accept the proposal, they will be destroyed now, before the elections. The Kokang (MNDAA), the Wa (UWSA) and the Mongla (NDAA) groups rejected the BGF proposal and also refused to accept the SPDC’s road map and constitution. They do not want any changes. Therefore, if nothing changes, the SPDC will move against the UWSA and the NDAA. Which group will be attacked first will depend on the tactical advantage. What about China? Is the SPDC not beholden to China? The short answer is—no. Whatever we may think about the SPDC, the Burma Army is very proud of the fact ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif that it is “patriotic.” The SPDC has never danced to the tune of a foreign power. It has, rather, made foreign powers big and small dance to its tune. Since the SPDC has been largely ostracized internationally, it has had to depend on China. But it was never happy about it. When Burma was discussed at the UN Security Council and it had to depend even more on China, the SPDC began to cultivate Russia, so that it would not be at China’s mercy. But Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s problem was solved when John Yettaw decided to take a swim. He enabled the SPDC to ensure that Aung San Suu Kyi would have no role in the election, and he also enabled Than Shwe to raise the stakes and create a direct link with the Obama administration. This in turn gave Than Shwe the card he needed to ignore China’s wishes and move against the Kokang and Wa. If Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s calculations are correct, the SPDC will be able to wipe out the Wa and Mongla groups, and the 2010 elections can be held on a less contentious playing field according to schedule. The unpredictable factor, of course, is how much resistance the Wa army will offer. And what the reaction of the other cease-fire groups will be. Some like the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the New Mon State Party (NMSP) are in the process of negotiating with the SPDC over the BGF issue. Other groups like the KNU and the Shan State Army (South) are watching closely to see how the battle develops. If Than Shwe’s calculations are wrong, Burma could face a period of serious instability and the 2010 elections will be jeopardized. But on the other hand, the SPDC may have decided that the elections could actually lead to democratization, and it is trying to create a pretext to postpone the elections indefinitely.

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Harn Yawnghwe is executive director of the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Former KIO Leaders Prepare for 2010 Election By SAW YAN NAING

Monday, September 7, 2009

Five leaders of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) including Tu Ja have resigned from their posts to prepare for the 2010 national election.

“We have separated from the KIO,” said Tu Ja, “and we will just focus on organizing our party.”

He named his party the Kachin State Progressive Party when it was formed in March 2009.

Tu Ja, who was vice chairman No 2, said he formed the party because political reform is needed in Burma, and it is being initiated by the military regime through its “seven-step roadmap” to democracy.

Tu Ja said that his party has the support of Kachin civilians.

The current KIO general secretary, La Ja, said the former leaders asked for permission to resign from the KIO because they wanted to focus on the election.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The KIO central committee approved the resignations during a meeting on Aug 5 at KIO’s headquarters in Laiza that was attended by more than 300 Kachin civilians.

He said the KIO plans to propose that a “state government” be formed to represent Kachin State after the 2010 general election and the formation of a national government.

In a meeting in Myitkyina on July 8 between KIO leaders and regime officials led by Maj-Gen Soe Win, the commander of the Northern Regional Command and head of the regional transformation committee of the border guard force, the KIO told the military government it planned to keep its military wing, the KIA, autonomous and it rejected the order to join a junta-dominated border guard force.

La Ja said the KIO will attempt to maintain its 1994 cease-fire agreement with the military government.

Aung Wa, who is close to the KIO, said that Tu Ja’s political party will probably retain close links with the KIO.

“If they [Tu Ja’s party] don’t have a connection with the KIO, it’s not clear that the party would succeed,” said Aung Wa.

The KIO military wing has between 4,000 to 5,000 soldiers in five brigades and one infantry division. KIA troops are stationed in Kachin State and northern Shan State.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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The Politics of Building a Gas Pipeline By J J KIM

Tuesday, September 8, 2009

While the Western world continues to debate whether economic sanctions can make change in Burma, the sale of gas to China from the offshore Shwe gas fields in Arakan State threatens to raise the junta’s revenue from foreign investment to new heights and strengthen business ties throughout Asia. Furthermore, the parallel gas and oil pipelines, which are reportedly starting construction this month from Arakan State to Yunnan Province, China, via Magwe Division, Mandalay Division and Shan State, have been criticised by human rights groups as a major contributing factor to the recent conflict in northern Shan State. According to a report titled “Corridor of Power” released by the Shwe Gas Movement (SGM), the pipeline will make the junta at least US $29 billion over the next 30 years. Much of this is expected to be spent on military expansion, despite the current famine in Arakan State and poverty across the country.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Source: Shwe Gas Movement

Moreover, the report claims, construction of the pipelines, which are being built primarily by the China National Petroleum Company (CNPC), is likely to lead to human rights abuse across the country and a “re-ignition of fighting between the regime and ceasefire armies stationed along the pipeline.”

According to Khur Hseng from Shan Sapawa, who has been researching the impact of the pipeline in Shan State since 2007, these fears were confirmed during the armed confrontation between the military government and the ethnic Kokang Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in late August. The fighting took place just 50 km from the proposed pipeline route, killing 200 people and leading to a mass exodus of up to 30,000 civilians to China. “The main objective of the SPDC is to clear all opposing forces from the area for development projects, including the Shwe Gas pipeline,” said Khur Hseng. “They are trying to clear the people who will be against the plans and control the area so the true information about the project can’t get out. China needs this as well because ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif they limit their media too.” According to Wong Aung, the international coordinator of SGM, despite reports from the Chinese media about the project’s commencement, in fact the risk of local opposition and conflict is too great for the project to make much progress this year. “It is impossible to start now; maybe just some foundations in Arakan State or Magwe. Before they start they will have to clear out all political, ethnic and conflict issues on the border. They will have to deploy propagation in so many places along the pipeline first, to ensure security.” The sale of gas and oil is currently the junta’s biggest earner, bringing in almost US $3.5 billion annually. According to the report, from 2013 onwards the Shwe Gas Project, which is headed by the South Korean company Daewoo International, will bring in close to another US $1 billion. This has raised concerns among pro-democracy campaigners and analysts, who say the deal will entrench military rule in the country by financing the regime and strengthening their political clout in the region. Wong Aung said “It will harm the democratic process if the regime continues to receive the revenue from this sector… . The regime is receiving that money and creating conflicts in the ethnic areas. Basically, institutional investors and companies who are supporting the regime's projects are damaging the stability of the region.” According to Larry Jagan, a long-term observer of Sino-Burmese relations, “One of China's main concerns is natural resources, so any major project is important to them from an economic point of view.” This is of particular significance with the pipeline agreement as it offers China an alternative trade route for oil and gas from Africa and the Middle East too. Until now, such imports have had to pass through the US-Navy controlled Malacca Strait taking ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif seven days longer than they would through Burma. “One thing that is apparent [from the recent conflict in northern Shan State] is that Burma holds the cards. The opposition thinks that China could influence Burma if they want to, but these projects give Burma the upper hand” “Although economically important to China, Burma is also strategically crucial to China as it is its staunchest ally in Southeast Asia [and] opposed to US interests in the region.” “There is no doubt that Chinese investment and Burma’s trade with the rest of Asia reduces the impact of Western sanctions,” Larry said. Experience from past gas and oil developments in Burma have led SGM to believe that the pipelines will cause “forced labour, forced relocation, land confiscation and a host of abuses by soldiers deployed in the area.” According to SGM's report, there are currently an estimated 13,200 soldiers stationed along the pipeline route, mostly in areas that haven’t seen significant armed conflict for decades. According to Naing Win of Kyauk Phyu Township in Arakan State, where the pipeline will begin, “Most people depend on fishing for survival, but they are prohibited by the navy to fish within 10km of the gas fields. The Navy often steal their fish and gas and oil and [harass] them outrageously.” Because of this, local people find it difficult to survive and provide an education for their children. Another major concern is the threat of forced relocation of civilian families to make way for the pipeline and other related infrastructure. Stretching around 1,000 km in Burma, the pipeline will cut through many densely populated areas. According to Khur Hseng, “Thousands of people will be forced to leave their homes in Shan State alone.” Recent projects in the region, such as the Tasang Dam, have forced hundreds of thousand of men, women and children into the jungle and to other countries to start a new life. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif As the report highlights, while the regime’s profits from the export of electricity and fossil fuels become increasingly lucrative, civilian energy needs are persistently neglected. The national per capita energy consumption currently amounts to less than 5 percent of that in Thailand or China. Arakan State, the source of the gas, is not connected to the national grid and over 90 percent of the population still use candles for light and firewood for cooking. While the junta continues to make war in ethnic regions and display no regard for civilian needs, many campaigners feel that change can only come when all foreign companies and financial institutions halt investment in such projects. Despite sanctions and Western rhetoric, both CNPC and Petrochina, who will distribute the gas in China, have received significant financial backing from the West in recent years, from banks such as Morgan Stanley, Deutsche Bank and Goldman Sachs. According to Wong Aung “The USA and EU need to re-impose stronger sanctions and consider a practical way to get a positive outcome because the regime has so many channels to oppose the sanctions compared with 10 years ago. While locally registered companies continue to gain financial backing from the USA and EU, sanctions are becoming just a notion for these governments.” “I would like to raise this issue among foreign governments, companies and the various institutional investors involved in this project: they should support the democratic process for Burma,” he said. JJ Kim is a freelance writer based in Thailand.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Shwe Gas Calls on Corporations, Govts to Suspend Pipeline Project By LAWI WENG

Monday, September 7, 2009

Shortly ahead of the beginning of construction of gas and oil pipelines from the Bay of Bengal to southwest China, a prominent rights group has called on corporations and governments involved in the project to suspend their activities. The Shwe Gas Movement, an oil and gas watchdog based in Thailand, on Monday released a report titled “Corridor of Power” in which it claimed to expose how China is “plunging ahead with construction of nearly 4,000 kilometers [6,400 miles] of dual oil and gas pipelines across the heartland of Burma despite financial and political risks from social unrest,” as well as “impending human rights abuses and environmental destruction.” The group said the pipelines will pass through cozens of villages in Burma, causing forced relocations, environment damage and human rights abuses. “We are very worried about the human rights abuses that will happen along the route of the pipelines, because this is what happened in the past,” said Wong Aung, a spokesman for the Shwe Gas Movement. “During the construction of the Yadana gas pipeline in Mon State, there was a broad range of human right abuses.” According to Wong Aung, there are 44 military battalions based along the pipeline route from Kyaukpyu Port in Arakan State to northeastern Shan State. “We want China to stop this project because the pipeline will destroy the ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif environment, the Burmese troops will confiscate people’s land and it will result in forced relocations and human rights abuses along the route of the pipeline,” he said.

The proposed route for the oil and gas pipelines will pass through Kunming in Yunnan Province and continue through Guizhou Province to Chongqing municipality in southwest China. The project will include construction of railways, roads and waterways, as well as upgrading the port at Kyaukpyu. Beijing has also secured a 30-year deal with the Burmese military government for natural gas tapped off the Burmese coast. Monday’s report said that the project will provide the military junta a minimum of US $29 billion over 30 years. Meanwhile, China is reported to have set up oil refineries in Chongqing in Sichuan Province to process crude oil from the SinoBurmese pipeline. “People across Burma are facing severe energy shortages. These resources belong to our people and should be used for the energy needs of our country,” said Wong Aung. Observers say that China intends to use the pipeline to avoid shipping oil through the Malacca Strait, which is slow and expensive, and tankers are prone to attacks by pirates. China currently imports 85 percent of its oil from the Middle East and Africa. Several analysts said they believed that the recent attacks by Burmese government forces against ethnic Kokang troops was a clear attempt to clear the area for the pipeline project. The fighting in the region forced an estimated 37,000 refugees across the Sino-Burmese border. Last week, China warned the Burmese military leaders to solve the ethnic conflict on ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif the border peacefully. The Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization and the Salween Watch rights group have claimed that the Burmese government forces wanted to dispose the Kokang army from its stronghold in order to secure a 2,400-megawatt capacity hydroelectric dam project at Kunlong in northeastern Shan State. Burma’s abundant offshore oil and natural gas reserves have attracted a great deal of interest from foreign investors. The country is estimated to have 3.2 billion barrels of recoverable crude oil. The oil and gas sector receives the second-largest share of foreign investment in Burma, after hydropower projects.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

War Is Not Answer: Wa Leader By WAI MOE

Monday, September 7, 2009

Speaking in an interview on China’s Phoenix TV broadcast on Monday, Bao YouXiang, the leader of the United Wa State Army (UWSA), said, “We absolutely do not want fighting to break out in Wa State [Wa Special Region]. Only peaceful negotiations can defuse the tension. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “The Wa State hopes to become a democratic self-ruled autonomous region within a Burmese federal republic. Only peaceful means can solve the problem, not the use of force,” he said.

United Wa State Army leader Bao You-Xiang appears on China's Phoenix TV.

Phoenix TV pictures clearly showed pictures of Gen Aung San, the founder of the Burmese army, and Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the leader of the Burmese junta on the wall of the Wa leader’s office.

Tension has risen dramatically on the Sino-Burmese border after the UWSA, the Kachin Independence Army, the Kokang armed group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDDA) and the Mongla-based National Democratic Alliance Army(NDAA) refused to transform their militias into border

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif guard forces as ordered by the Burmese junta in April. The armed ethnic groups rejected the plan saying it ignores ethnic minority rights. By transforming their troops into border guard forces, the armed ethnic ceasefire groups would effectively put their troops under control of the Burmese army. The junta has set October as the deadline to begin training and forming the border guard force. Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the head of Military Affairs Security [Burmese military intelligence] and the secretary of the Transformation Committee for the Border Guard Force repeatedly said in a letter to the UWSA that the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces] would not attack Wa troops.

With an estimated 25,000 soldiers, the UWSA is the biggest ethnic ceasefire group in military-ruled Burma. It signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta in 1989 after the MNDDA agreed to a ceasefire with the Burmese army.The US Congressional Research Service describes the UWSA as “the largest of the organized criminal groups in the region,” due to its involvement in the drug trade.The status of the Burmese military junta’s ceasefire agreements with 17 ethnic armed groups has been uncertain after Burmese government troops seized the Kokang capital, Laogai, on August 24.After the fall of Laogai, there were skirmishes between government forces and MNDDA troops. At least 30 people, including Chinese citizens, were killed and more than 30,000 people fled to China. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The Kokang’s resistance to the junta’s troops ended abruptly after more than 1,500 Kokang fighters crossed the Sino-Burmese border and surrendered their arms to Chinese officials on August 29.

After the collapse of the MNDAA, observers have been openly wondering who the next target for the Burmese army will be. Many say the UWSA is the Burma army’s main target among the ceasefire groups because it is the leading group resisting junta plans to neutralize the armed militias.

Observers on the ongoing ethnic conflict in Shan State said Beijing would play an important role in maintaining stability along the Sino-Burmese border through negotiations with both sides as the Sino-Burmese overland oil and gas pipelines are scheduled to start this month.

The Chinese government is a close ally of the Burmese regime and is influential with the ethnic armed groups along the border.

During a meeting with Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye in June, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao made it clear that the Chinese favor pushing forward the democratic process in Burma to achieve national reconciliation, safeguard national stability and promote economic development.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “What the Chinese do is paramount,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former Communist fighter who is monitoring the situation from the Chinese border town of Ruili.

“However, the junta’s No1 Snr-Gen Than Shwe, No 2 Maung Aye and Secretary 1 Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo have paranoia over Beijing’s relationship with the ethnic groups along the Sino-Burmese border,” he said. “They fought against communist troops backed by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army. These troops became the militias of the UWSA, MNDAA and NDAA.”

On Sunday, a report about Burmese politics in a popular Chinese language news website, news.qq.com, said: “The Burmese people have been promised an improvement in their lives after the elections [in 2010]. However, analysts believe that if the new government fails to meet peoples’ needs, then this could lead to popular discontent.”

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif http://www.atimes.com

On the march to do business in Myanmar By Brian McCartan http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KH26Ae01.html BANGKOK , August 26, 2009 - The debate over United States and European Union-led sanctions against doing business in Myanmar is set to intensify in the wake of US Senator Jim Webb's recent high-profile meeting with Senior General Than Shwe and detained prodemocracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Webb spoke out against the sanctions and Myanmar's junta echoed that call through state media. As US policymakers weigh the pros and cons of economically re-engaging the ruling junta, the process will necessarily take into account that a handful of military linked businessmen, many allegedly involved in illegal activities, including drug trafficking, dominate Myanmar's underdeveloped economy. For US investors eyeing business opportunities that the cessation of sanctions would present, dealing with Myanmar's top military and business leaders would be key to gaining market access. Myanmar is one of the world's most corrupt countries, according to Transparency International, an independent corruption watchdog, and US businesses would enter Myanmar at great risk to their corporate reputations. In Myanmar business circles, the most talked about businessman is Tay Za, who owns the Htoo Trading Company Ltd, also known as the Htoo Group of Companies. Htoo maintains large logging, construction, property development, import-export, aviation, transportation, shipping and mining operations. Tay Za has also made recent forays into telecommunications and banking, and established Myanmar's first privately invested airline, Air Bagan. The US Treasury Department placed five of those companies, along with Tay Za, his wife, and eldest son, Pye Phyo Za, on a sanctions list in October 2007 because of their financial connections to the regime and Tay Za's alleged role as an arms broker. In February 2008, the US stepped up those sanctions by putting several more companies and Tay Za's business associates in both Myanmar and Singapore on a black list, including Tay Za's brother and business partner Thiha. Htoo Trading Company Ltd, which includes Ayer Shwe Wah Company Ltd, Myanmar Avia Export Company Ltd and Pavo Aircraft Leasing Company Ltd, are all currently under US sanctions. US sanctions, first imposed broadly in 1995, have since 2007 targeted specific generals and ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif their associated business interests by freezing their assets in American financial institutions. The restrictions also prohibit any commercial or financial transactions between American individuals and Myanmar firms named in the sanctions order and ban named individuals from travel to the US. Tay Za and Htoo Trading have also been targeted by the European Union, which imposed sanctions against them in December 2007. Similar to the US sanctions, the EU also targeted Tay Za's wife, eldest son and brother. Canada also put Tay Za and his family on their Canadian Special Economic Measures Regulations list in December 2007. (Tay Za could not be reached for comment for this article.) Sprawling empire Despite those impediments, Tay Za's businesses continue to thrive, including through contracts with China. In 2008, he negotiated a concession from Alcatel Shanghai Bell to cooperate on projects in the new Yadanabon cyber-city currently under construction in central Myanmar. He also built the old capital Yangon's top shopping complex, the Myanmar Shopping Center, which is stocked with international brands. Htoo Trading was also one of two main companies granted contracts to construct the new capital city at Naypyidaw. Tay Za's rise is directly connected to his close relations with Myanmar's generals, especially Senior General Than Shwe, the country's authoritarian ruler. He is also well-connected to General Thura Shwe Mann, currently the junta's third-ranking officer and often tipped to be Than Shwe's eventual successor. Shwe Mann currently holds a position on Htoo Trading's board, while his son, Aung Thet Mann, is director of Htoo Trading subsidiary Ayer Shwe Wah Company Ltd, which is involved in construction, palm oil products and import-export activities. Those relationships, analysts and opposition groups say, have helped him win many lucrative government contracts and trade concessions. In the months following the destruction wrought by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, Htoo Trading claimed it spent some US$3 million on rescue and rehabilitation. Myanmar watchers say Tay Za was granted lucrative reconstruction contracts from the generals for his donations to the relief effort. He has come under criticism, including from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, for a project to build a 150-room hotel and 60-meter-high tower in the historical town of Bagan which some say damages the religious site's aesthetics. His timber businesses stand widely accused of unsustainably cutting large swathes of Myanmar's remaining forests. But of special concern to the US is Tay Za's alleged role in brokering past arms purchases. Tay Za has consistently denied he is an arms broker for the military regime. The US Treasury claims that Tay Za's Myanmar Avia Export Company Ltd has been used to buy aircraft and helicopters for the Myanmar Air Force, including the 2001 purchase from Russia of 10 MiG 29 fighters and several Mi-8 helicopters. Established in 1993 to supply spare aircraft parts to the military, the company is now the representative for MAPO, Russia's major state-owned military aircraft manufacturer and a subsidiary of MiG. It also represents ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Russian helicopter company Rostverol, which in 2006 merged with Mil and Kamov to become Oboronprom Corporation. More worrying to US and regional security interests is his alleged role in brokering Russian and North Korean aid for Myanmar's suspected nuclear program. Tay Za was part of the delegation led by Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the junta's second-ranking official, to Russia in 2006, reportedly to discuss weapons purchases as well as the construction of a nuclear reactor. Testimony from a defector claiming to be a former bookkeeper for Tay Za was recently made public by Desmond Ball, a professor at Australian National University. The self-professed accountant claimed that Htoo Trading was directly involved in discussions with officials from North Korea and Russia "concerning contracts and memoranda of understanding for the provision of nuclear assistance, as well as the logistic arrangements for the export of uranium and the importation of equipment and materials for various elements of [Myanmar's] nuclear program". Htoo Trading is also allegedly involved in contracting for construction at the sites of the two reactors. According to the defector's testimony, Tay Za is also responsible for shipping equipment to the sites, often under cover of night. According to Ball's notes, the defector was with Tay Za when he played golf with Kyaw Thein, the deputy director of the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence, and an Iranian intelligence officer and nuclear expert. Controversial enterprise Two other top businessmen with top connections to the regime are Lo Hsing Han and his son Steven Law, also known as Tun Myint Naing. Together they run Asia World Ltd, Myanmar's biggest and most diversified conglomerate with interests in industrial development, construction, transportation, import-export and a chain of local supermarkets. Ten more companies are owned under the group in Singapore by Law's wife, Cecilia Ng. Both Lo Hsing Han and Steven Law have been on a US visa blacklist since 1996 for suspected drug trafficking activities. In February 2008, they were also put on the Treasury Department's sanctions list, along with Asia World Company and subsidiaries Asia World Co Ltd, Asia World Port Management, Asia World Industries Ltd and Asia World Light Ltd for their financial connections to the regime. Asia World currently holds the contract to run Yangon's main port, which handles 40% of Myanmar's container traffic and operates a cargo and shipping business from the same facility. The company was the second main contractor for the construction of the new capital now located at Naypyidaw and earned government reconstruction contracts in the Irrawaddy Delta in the wake of the cyclone disaster. Asia World currently has contracts to build several hydropower projects, including the Myit Sone dam on a tributary of the Irrawaddy River north of Mytikyina. It is known to have strong links to China. For instance, the company was contracted by the Myanmar government ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif to develop a port at Kyaukpyu on Ramree Island off Myanmar's western Arakan coast, which is intended to facilitate shipping goods between the coast and China's southwestern Yunnan province. There is strong speculation that Lo Hsing Han's business empire was originally built on narco-profits - though he has consistently denied the widespread drug trafficking allegations. Starting as a local militia leader in the northern Kokang region in 1960, Lo Hsing Han was dubbed the "King of Opium" by US drug enforcement authorities in the 1970s because of large amount of heroin his alleged networks were sending through Thailand. Arrested by Thai police in 1973 and deported to Myanmar, he was sentenced to death for rebellion but granted an amnesty in 1980. He promptly moved back to northern Myanmar in a known drug cultivation area. Lo Hsing Han's usefulness to the regime became evident in 1989 when then-chief of intelligence, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt, used him as a go-between for ceasefire agreements with several ethnic insurgent groups, including the Kokang and the United Wa State Army, recognized as the world's largest narco-producing militia. According to a 1993 Thai Office of Narcotics Control Board report, in exchange he was granted the right to smuggle heroin from northern Myanmar to the Thai border. By 1994, his organization was widely considered among the most heavily armed drug trafficking organizations in Southeast Asia. Law enforcement officials say he might have stepped back from the trade in the mid-1990s, soon after he established Asia World. He also made strong efforts to cultivate relations with Myanmar's senior generals, especially Than Shwe; in 2006, Lo Hsing Han was known to have catered the extravagant wedding of Than Shwe's daughter. Lo Hsing Han is now one of the most prominent persons foreign investors seek out to establish joint venture arrangements. Golden Aaron, an Asia World subsidiary, has been linked to China's National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) since 2004 in a productionsharing contract for oil and gas deposits in Arakan State's controversial Shwe gas project, which has been linked with land confiscation and human rights abuses by monitoring groups. While Tay Za, Lo Hsing Han and Steven Law are the more well-known businessmen connected to the regime, a handful of other lesser-known and controversial entrepreneurs have also parlayed their relationships with senior generals into lucrative business empires. Brothers Nay Aung and Pyi Aung are the sons of powerful Ministry of Industry [1] head Aung Thaung, who is known to be close to both Than Shwe and Maung Aye. Pyi Aung is married to Nandar Aye, Maung Aye's daughter. The brothers founded Aung Yee Phyo Company Ltd and IGE Company Ltd in 1994, which in 2001 was registered in Singapore. IGE has since evolved into one of Myanmar's leading oil and gas companies, while also providing spare parts for electrical generation projects, the agriculture industry and timber trade. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif In March 2007, IGE signed a contract with Rimbunan Petrogas Ltd, making it a partner in a joint venture with the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise in offshore oil and gas exploration in the Shwe gas field. Both men are banned from travel to Australia and the EU, but are not on the US's sanctions list. Khin Shwe, owner of the Zaykabar Company, is the country's leading property developer and has played a leading role in the tourism industry through his chairmanship of the Myanmar Hotelier Association. He was placed on the US sanctions list in 2007 for his close ties to the generals, including his daughter's marriage to Shwe Mann's youngest son. He has also served as chairman of the Myanmar-Japan Friendship Association, MyanmarKorean Friendship Association and the Myanmar Thai Development Company. He maintains strong connections to the regime and hired US public relations firm Bain and Associated in 1997 in a failed attempt to improve the junta's image on Capitol Hill. Also on the US sanctions list is Htay Myint, founder of the Yuzana Company which has interests spanning real estate, transportation, construction, hotels and tourism, fisheries, palm oil production and rubber plantations. He also owns the Yuzan Supermarket and Yuzana Hotel in Yangon and an oil refinery in Thaketa township near Yangon. These are some of the businessmen who will be rehabilitated and free for joint ventures with Western partners if the US and EU drop or relax their sanctions against Myanmar's rightsabusing regime. They are also the business groups foreign investors will likely need to seek out to gain access to Myanmar's various underinvested industries and markets. While dropping sanctions would no doubt ease the suffering of the general population, the policy shift would simultaneously further enrich and entrench some of the region's most controversial business groups. Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at

[email protected].

Dam forces relocation of 60 villages Aug 26, 2009 (DVB)–Over 60 villages in northern Burma have been ordered by the government to relocate to make way for a new dam on the country’s major river, the Irrawaddy. Local sources allege that the township council in Kachin state’s capital, Myitkyina, on August 5 summoned authorities from over 60 villages north of the town and told them to move their villages. The combined population of this area, at the confluence of the Irrawaddy and the N'mai Hka rivers, is estimated at 10,000. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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“They didn’t say exactly when we are to move but assured that we would definitely have to move,” said a villager who attended the meeting with the township officials. “They are now collecting statistics of the villages for the relocation plan.” He added that there are about 2000 acres of farmland in the area about to be destroyed when the building of the Myitsone dam starts. Authorities are said to be making a list of those to pay compensation to, although villagers have complained that no compensation has yet been received. According to advocacy group International Rivers, the dam would create a reservoir the size of New York City, submerging historical sites such as churches and temples. The dam project is being jointly run through an alliance dominated by Chinese firms, including China Power Investment Corporation, China Southern Power Grid Co. Ltd, and the Yunan Machinery Export Import Company. Also involved in the project is Asia World Co. Ltd, which is owned by Lo Hsing Han, a Burmese business tycoon and former drug trafficker. Most electrical power generated from the dam’s hydropower plant will go to China, despite campaigning groups complaining of regular electricity shortages in many of Burma’s major cities. Reporting by Thiri Htet San

緬甸炮打中國一死數傷 2009-08-30

(綜合報道)(星島日報報道)緬甸政府軍與果敢特區的果敢同盟軍繼續交 戰，一枚炮彈周五從緬甸落入中國國境，造成一人死亡，數人受傷。由於 另一個少數民族佤邦聯合軍（UWSA）已加入果敢軍，政治分析家警告緬 甸可能爆發全面內戰。 緬甸政府軍與果敢軍周六早上繼續爆發激戰，衝突地點主要圍繞鄰近中國 邊界的果敢戰略要塞楊龍寨，據報果敢特區政府主席彭家聲及其部分部下 也躲在該處。交戰雙方動用了輕機槍、步槍、衝鋒槍及迫擊炮等武器，目 前仍未知道傷亡情況。路透社報道，果敢的街頭有軍警巡邏，商店仍然營 業。但中國《環球時報》稱當地局勢緊張，數千人被困城內，缺水缺糧急 需援助。 彭家聲周六接受《環球時報》訪問時則表示，在周四和周五的戰事中，果 敢軍打死三十多名政府軍，俘虜五十多人，但政府軍已經增援，軍事衝突 對果敢造成的經濟損失已達上百億人民幣。他還稱目前仍在緬甸境內指揮 作戰，強調自己處境比較安全。 政府軍周五強攻果敢要塞時，一枚炮彈落在中國國境，造成一人死亡，數 人受傷。迄今已有約三萬名緬甸邊境居民湧入雲南，當局已設置七個地點 安置難民。華人難民李姣(音譯)說：「當地(果敢)一片混亂，是真正的戰 爭。雖然他們聲稱停火，但戰爭又再爆發。」 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 緬甸的果敢特區九成以上人口是華人。中國已表示希望緬甸妥善解決有關 問題，維護中緬邊境地區穩定，並保護當地中國公民的安全和合法權益， 軍方並已加強中緬邊境的防衞。 緬甸軍政府希望加強控制國內的少數民族，以便明年大選能順利進行。不 過，這次武力對抗可能成為軍政府與少數民族衝突的爆發點，撣邦先驅新 聞社總編輯坤賽表示，佤邦聯合軍（UWSA）已加入果敢軍，其他已與政 府軍達成停火的少數民族組織可能加入戰團。他說：「如果緬甸軍隊重返 和解姿態，情況可能會好轉，否則可能會引起全面內戰。」

炮弹落入中国境内致一死数伤 http://www.sina.com.cn 2009年08月30日

果敢地区发生武装冲突引发缅方边民恐慌并大量涌入中国境内。 据《环球时报》报道 缅甸政府军与果敢同盟军的战斗29日仍在继续，云南省红十字会副会长何 永春在接受媒体采访时证实，一枚炮弹28日从缅甸落入中国境内，造成1 人死亡，数人受伤。 炮弹落点距边境5米

8月29日，缅甸政府军继续与果敢同盟军展开激战，截至记者发稿时，交 火还在继续，双方伤亡情况不详。 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 据记者了解，8月29日的战斗主要围绕紧邻中国边境的果敢杨龙寨展开， 这里是果敢的战略要地，据称果敢特区政府主席彭家声以及部分手下就躲 藏在这里。记者亲眼看到其中一枚炮弹落在了距中缅边境线大约五米的缅 方一侧。彭家声的官邸附近也遭到了炮击。

云南省红十字会副会长何永春在接受媒体采访时证实，一枚炮弹28日从缅 甸落入中国境内，造成1人死亡，数人受伤。 政府军增兵两个师

缅甸政府军和果敢同盟军29日发生激烈交火，据果敢特区政府主席彭家声 的家人向记者透露，同盟军投入了精锐力量与政府军交战，缅甸政府军的 两个师正向这一地区增援。 到目前为止，交火还在继续。

据消息人士透露，目前缅甸政府军有大约一个营480人的兵力驻扎在果敢 一个山包上。昨天上午，政府军一个小分队从山包上往下冲锋，并与果敢 同盟军发生激烈交火。站在中缅边境的记者甚至可以看清政府军士兵的模 样。

根据枪声判断，双方使用了轻机枪、步枪和冲锋枪等武器。目前还不清楚 伤亡情况。 两天毙俘近百名政府军？

果敢特区政府主席彭家声29日接受记者的电话采访时说，他目前处境比较 安全，正在缅甸境内指挥作战，但具体地点不便透露。彭家声还称，在8 月27、28日两天的作战中，果敢同盟军共打死30多名政府军士兵，俘虏50 多人。他还表示，政府军的行动已经给果敢造成了上百亿人民币的损失。 但记者目前还无法从其他消息来源证实上述数字。 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 记者在南伞口岸遇到了多名从果敢逃出的难民。据难民描述，目前还有几 千人被困果敢城内，不敢出门，粮食和饮水补给已经到了极限，急需外界 救援。 缅甸或爆发全面内战

据新加坡《联合早报》29日报道，随着缅甸果敢战事的持续，媒体和分析 家担心，缅甸可能爆发全面内战。

掸邦先驱新闻社总编辑坤赛说，另一个少数民族佤邦联合军(UWSA)已加 入果敢军。其他同政府军达成停火协议的少数民族组织也可能加入战围。

他说：“如果缅甸军队重回和解姿态，情况可能会好转，否则有可能会引 发全面内战。”

缅甸事务分析家马蒂森赞同坤赛的看法。他说：“这可能是爆发点，令其 他几个少数民族武装组织加入公开冲突。” 记者亲历 中方妥善安置缅甸边民

8月28日下午，记者从云南宁沧经过7个小时的泥泞路程，抵达与果敢接壤 的中国云南镇康县南伞镇。

记者所租的面包车司机恰巧是南伞当地百姓。这位司机说，27日下午大家 正围坐在一起打麻将，突然从果敢方向传来剧烈的“像打雷似的轰鸣声”。

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 后来许多当地人就喊“是炮声”、“开战了”，大家纷纷爬到楼顶上，才看到 从杨龙寨口岸处腾起硝烟。

记者在采访中也深切地感受到了在南伞镇的中国老百姓们对缅甸冲突的担 心。

为了严防缅甸境内冲突蔓延过境，我边防武警也加强戒备。记者在云南宁 沧去往南伞的途中，前后路遇不下5拨前往增援的武警队伍，其中有一拨 队伍还带有12辆车，增援任务和形势都很紧迫。

随着战事的恶化，果敢老街目前几乎成“空城”，不少缅甸边民也跑到中国 躲避。云南省外事办新闻处于春燕副处长27日向记者证实，缅甸国内局势 导致边境民众产生惊恐，大批人员自8月初从果敢拥入了云南南伞地区， 其中大多数为缅甸公民，也包括一些在那边做生意的中国人。

记者28日站在一处楼房的楼顶上，看到中国政府为缅甸边民设立的安置点 —— 一处在建的居民小区。据了解，当地政府为缅甸边民提供了被子、毯子， 每天还给予他们8元的生活补助和两斤米。另有一些边民住在政府提供的 救灾帐篷中，中方还委派了医护人员。

据法新社28日消息，联合国难民署当天称，跑到中国的边民可能在3万人 左右。记者了解到，这些边民在出走时大多没有携带任何行李，只是随身 拿了些细软就匆匆逃离。有些人从8月初听闻战争消息开始，来来回回折 返果敢和中国境内有4、5次之多。 据《环球时报》报道

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Wa State founder passes away WEDNESDAY, 09 SEPTEMBER 2009 12:51 S.H.A.N. The man who led the founding of the United Wa State Party (UWSP) in 1989, following the successful mutiny against the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), passed away in Lanxang, Yunnan province, China, yesterday (8 September), according to one of his relatives. Chao Ngi-lai aka Ta Lai, 70, had been crippled by a stroke since 1995. Born in 1939 in Hsaopha, Pangwai township, he had set up an armed force in 1965 which later merged with the CPB’s People’s Army. In 1985, he was elected as a candidate member of the Party’s Central Committee. According to those who knew him, he was cool-headed and fought alongside his men in battles. Brought up by his stepfather Ta Khun Nyi, he had converted to Christianity, a minority religion (0.1%) in Wa area, according to Lahu National Development Organization (LNDO), that published Unsettling Moves: The Wa Forced resettlement program in Eastern Shan State in 2002. His successor Bao Youxiang has also been suffering from trichinosis, which he got from eating uncooked pork, according to Merchants of Madness, by Bertil Lintner and Michael Black. The date of his funeral is yet to be fixed, according to the relative.

ဝ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ေကဵာက္ညီလိုင္ ကၾယ္လၾန္ 2009-09-08 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/former_wa_leader_deceased09082009151815.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဝ ဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ့ ဳကည္ညိႂလးစားဴခင္းခံရ႓ပီး ထင္ရႀားတဲ့ ဝ အမဵိႂးသားေခၝင္းေဆာင္ နာယကေဟာင္း ေကဵာက္ညီလိုင္ဟာ ဒီကေနႛမနက္ပိုင္းမႀာ တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံက ေဆး႟ံုမႀာ လူ႒ကီးေရာဂၝနဲႛ ကၾယ္လၾန္သၾားတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္၊ သူကၾယ္လၾန္တဲ့အေဳကာင္းကို ဝ အရာရႀိတေယာက္က RFA ကို ေဴပာဴပပၝတယ္။ ဝ အရာရႀိ။

။ “၂၀၀၉၊ ၉လ ၈ ရက္ေနႛ ၁၂ နာရီအခဵိန္ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ လန္ခဵန္းခ႟ိုင္

ဴပည္သူႛေဆး႟ံုမႀာ ဆံုးသၾားပၝတယ္။ ဒီေနႛ သူႛရဲ ႟ုပ္ကလာပ္ကို မိုင္းေမာခ႟ိုင္ ပန္ဝယ္႓မိႂႚကို ယူလာ႓ပီ၊ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ ၇ ရက္တိတိ ထားမယ္၊ ဗဟိုေကာ္မီတီေတၾ၊ ခ႟ိုင္ေတၾ အားလံုး ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အသီးသီးလာမယ္၊ ရဲေဘာ္ေတၾလာမယ္၊ အခမ္းအနားကို စည္စည္ကားကားနဲႛ ကဵင္းပသၾားမယ္။ ေနာက္ ဝဴပည္နယ္တခုလံုးရဲ့ အလံကို တဝက္ေလ႖ာ့ခဵပၝတယ္။ ဝမ္းနည္းတဲ့ အထိမ္းအမႀတ္အေနနဲႛ။” ဦးေကဵာက္ညီလိုင္ဟာ ကၾယ္လၾန္ခဵိန္မႀာ အသက္ ၇ဝ ရႀိ႓ပီ ဴဖစ္႓ပီး ၁၉၉၄ ခုႎႀစ္ကတည္းက ေလဴဖတ္ေဝဒနာ ခံစားေနခဲ့ရတာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္၊ ၁၉၆၈ မႀာ ဗမာဴပည္ ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ပၝတီမႀာ ေဴပာက္ကဵားစနစ္ကို စတင္ခဲ့႓ပီး၊ ၁၉၇၀-၇၄ အထိ တပ္ရင္းမႀႃး၊ ၁၉၇၅ ခုႎႀစ္မႀာ ဗကပ အေရႀႚေဴမာက္ပိုင္း စစ္ေဒသ တပ္မဟာ ၁၂ ဒုတိယ ႎိုင္ငံေရးမႀႃး၊ အဲဒီေနာက္ မိုင္းေမာခ႟ိုင္ ခ႟ိုင္မႀႃးတၾဲဖက္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့ပၝတယ္၊ ၁၉၇၆၊ ၇၇ မႀာေတာ့ ဗမာဴပည္ ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ပၝတီမႀာ အရန္ဗဟိုေကာ္မီတီ ဴဖစ္ခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၈၉ ဧ႓ပီလ ၁၇ ရက္ေနႛ ဝ ဴပည္နယ္ ယာယီစစ္ေကာ္မီရႀင္ ဥကၠႉ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့႓ပီး၊ ၁၉၉ဝ မႀာ ဝဴပည္နယ္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရးပၝတီ အေထၾေထၾ အတၾင္းေရးမႀႃးခဵႂပ္ ဴဖစ္လာခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႎႀစ္မႀာ ဦးေကဵာက္ညီလႁိင္ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ဝအဖၾဲႚနဲႛ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတိုႛ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူခဲ့တာပၝ။ ၁၉၉၇ ကေန ၉၈ ခုႎႀစ္အထိ ဝဴပည္နယ္ နာယကအဴဖစ္ တာဝန္ ယူခဲ့တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ အခုလို ဝေခၝင္းေဆာင္တေယာက္ ဆံုး႟ႁံးတဲ့အခဵိန္ဟာ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾ ဝ ေဒသထဲမႀာ ရႀိေန႓ပီး ႎႀစ္ဖက္ဆက္ဆံေရး တင္းမာေနတဲ့ အခဵိန္နဲႛလည္း တိုက္ဆိုင္ေနပၝတယ္၊ နာေရးကိစၤနဲႛ စစ္ေရးကိစၤကို သီးဴခားစီ လုပ္ေဆာင္သၾားမယ္လိုႛ ဝ အရာရႀိတေယာက္က RFA ကို ခုလို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဝ အရာရႀိ။

။ “ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ အခမ္းအနားလုပ္တဲ့အဖၾဲႚကေတာ့ အခမ္းအနား

ဆက္လုပ္သၾားမယ္ေလ စစ္ေရး ဴပင္ဆင္တာတိုႛကေတာ့ သူႛဟာနဲႛသူ လုပ္ေဆာင္သၾားမႀာပၝ၊။ ေနာက္ နဝတ ကလည္း လာ႓ပီးေတာ့ ေဆၾးေႎၾးမယ္လိုႛလည္း ေဴပာပၝတယ္၊ ဒီကိစၤေပၝ့ေနာ္ မနက္ဴဖန္လား သန္ဘက္ခၝလား မသိဘူး၊ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛကေတာ့ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးကို လိုလားတယ္ေလ ၊ သိုႛေသာ္သူတိုႛက ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ နယ္ေဴမကို လာ႓ပီးေတာ့ ဖဵက္ဆီးမယ္ ေစာ္ကားေမာ္ကား လာလုပ္ရင္ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛရဲ့ အခၾင့္အေရး ကဵေနာ္တိုႛက ကာကၾယ္သၾားမႀာပဲ။” အခုလို ဝ အမဵိႂးသားေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ဦးေကဵာက္ညီလိုင္ ကၾယ္လၾန္သၾားတဲ့အတၾက္ ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္နဲႛ ပၝတီက ရဲေဘာ္ေတၾနဲႛ ဴပည္သူလူထုအမဵားကလည္း ဝမ္းနည္းဳကတယ္လိုႛလည္း သိရပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

UWSA နာယကၾကီး ေက်ာက္ညီလႈိင္ ကြယ္လြန္ မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန အဂၤါေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 08 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 21 နာရီ 33 မိနစ္ နယူးေဒလီ။

။ ဝ'ျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးပါတီ UWSA ၏ နာယက ဦးေက်ာက္ညီလိႈင္သည္

ယေန႔ နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ အသက္ ၇၀ ႏွစ္အရြယ္၌ လူၾကီးေရာဂါျဖင့္ ကြယ္လြန္သြားၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။ ရွမ္းျပည္ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ တည္ရွိသည့္ ဝ' အထူးေဒသ (၂) တဖက္ကမ္းရွိ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ လန္ခ်ားခ႐ိုင္ ေဆး႐ံု၌ ဆံုးပါးသြားျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

''ဒီေန႔ မနက္ ၁၁ နာရီမွာ ဆံုးသြားတာပါ။ ဝျပည္တဖက္ကမ္း လန္ခ်ားခ႐ိုင္ ေဆး႐ံုမွာ ဆံုးသြားတာပါ'' ဟု တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ေန စစ္ေရးႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။ ဦးေက်ာက္ညီလႈိင္သည္ ၁၉၆၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဝ'ေဒသသို႔ ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ - ဗကပ မေရာက္ရွိခင္ ေဒသခံ ဝ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကို စုစည္းကာ ေဒသတြင္း၌ ေသာင္းက်န္းေနေသာ

တ႐ုတ္ျပည္သူ႔တပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဝ' လူမိုက္ဂိုဏ္းမ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည္။ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ဗကပႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး၊ ပူးတဲြတိုက္ပဲြဝင္ခဲ့သည္။ ထုိ႔ေနာက္ သူသည္ ဗကပ ၏ တပ္မဟာ ၁၂ တပ္မႉး၊ ဝ' ေျမာက္ခ႐ိုင္၏ ခ႐ိုင္မႉးအျဖစ္

တာဝန္ယူခဲ့သလို၊ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ လက္ရွိ UWSA ဥကၠ႒ ေပါက္ယူခ်န္းႏွင့္ ပူးတဲြ၍ ဗကပမွ ခဲြထြက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ ခဲြထြက္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖဲြ႔ ၇ ဖဲြ႔ကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္တပ္ဦး (PDF) အျဖစ္ ေခါင္းစဥ္တခုေအာက္၌ စုစည္းကာ အာဏာရ နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုစဥ္က အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ က်ခံေနရသူ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးရန္ႏွင့္ ၁၉၉ဝ ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ အႏုိင္ရ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖဲြ႔ခ်ဳပ္ထံ အာဏာလဲႊေျပာင္းေပးရန္လည္း ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ေသးသည္။

ကိုယ္တျခမ္း စတင္ေလျဖတ္သည့္ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္မတိုင္ခင္က UWSA ၏ UWSA ၏ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့ကာ၊ ကြယ္လြန္ခ်ိန္၌ နာယက တာဝန္ကို ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုအခါ သူ၏ ႐ုပ္အေလာင္းကို ဝ' ေဒသသို႔ ျပန္လည္သယ္ယူလာၿပီး သၿဂိဳဟ္သြားမည္ဟု ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

150

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif သိရသည္။

UWSA နာယကၾကီး ေက်ာက္ညီလႈိင္ ကြယ္လြန္ မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန အဂၤါေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 08 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 21 နာရီ 33 မိနစ္ နယူးေဒလီ။

။ ဝ'ျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးပါတီ UWSA ၏ နာယက ဦးေက်ာက္ညီလိႈင္သည္

ယေန႔ နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ အသက္ ၇၀ ႏွစ္အရြယ္၌ လူၾကီးေရာဂါျဖင့္ ကြယ္လြန္သြားၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။

ရွမ္းျပည္ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ တည္ရွိသည့္ ဝ' အထူးေဒသ (၂) တဖက္ကမ္းရွိ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ လန္ခ်ားခ႐ိုင္ ေဆး႐ံု၌ ဆံုးပါးသြားျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

''ဒီေန႔ မနက္ ၁၁ နာရီမွာ ဆံုးသြားတာပါ။ ဝျပည္တဖက္ကမ္း လန္ခ်ားခ႐ိုင္ ေဆး႐ံုမွာ ဆံုးသြားတာပါ'' ဟု တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ေန စစ္ေရးႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။

ဦးေက်ာက္ညီလႈိင္သည္ ၁၉၆၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဝ'ေဒသသို႔ ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ - ဗကပ မေရာက္ရွိခင္ ေဒသခံ ဝ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကို စုစည္းကာ ေဒသတြင္း၌ ေသာင္းက်န္းေနေသာ

တ႐ုတ္ျပည္သူ႔တပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဝ' လူမိုက္ဂိုဏ္းမ်ားကို တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည္။ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ဗကပႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး၊ ပူးတဲြတိုက္ပဲြဝင္ခဲ့သည္။

ထုိ႔ေနာက္ သူသည္ ဗကပ ၏ တပ္မဟာ ၁၂ တပ္မႉး၊ ဝ' ေျမာက္ခ႐ိုင္၏ ခ႐ိုင္မႉးအျဖစ္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့သလို၊ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ လက္ရွိ UWSA ဥကၠ႒ ေပါက္ယူခ်န္းႏွင့္ ပူးတဲြ၍ ဗကပမွ ခဲြထြက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထိုကဲ့သို႔ ခဲြထြက္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖဲြ႔ ၇ ဖဲြ႔ကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္တပ္ဦး (PDF) အျဖစ္ ေခါင္းစဥ္တခုေအာက္၌ စုစည္းကာ အာဏာရ နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုစဥ္က အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ က်ခံေနရသူ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးရန္ႏွင့္ ၁၉၉ဝ ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ အႏုိင္ရ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖဲြ႔ခ်ဳပ္ထံ အာဏာလဲႊေျပာင္းေပးရန္လည္း ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ေသးသည္။ ကိုယ္တျခမ္း စတင္ေလျဖတ္သည့္ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္မတိုင္ခင္က UWSA ၏ UWSA ၏ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့ကာ၊ ကြယ္လြန္ခ်ိန္၌ နာယက တာဝန္ကို ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

151

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ယခုအခါ သူ၏ ႐ုပ္အေလာင္းကို ဝ' ေဒသသို႔ ျပန္လည္သယ္ယူလာၿပီး သၿဂိဳဟ္သြားမည္ဟု သိရသည္။

တာ၀န္မွအပ ေဒသတြင္းလာေရာက္ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားအား ၀တပ္ဖဲြ႔က လက္မခံ ခိုင္လင္း / ၈ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ ၀ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ရိွရာ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ အထူးေဒသ (၂) ပန္ဆန္းၿမိဳ႕အပါအ၀င္ ၀ေဒသအတြင္း ၀င္ေရာက္အေျခခ် ေနထိုင္ၾကသည့္ တ႐ုတ္ႏွင့္ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား အားလံုးအား ေနရပ္သို႔ ေခတၱျပန္ၾကရန္ ၀တပ္ဖဲြ႔က အမိန္႔ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္။ နယ္စပ္ေဒသတိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန (နတလ) ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၊ ကုလသမဂၢလက္ေအာက္ခံ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမွ အစိုးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းမ်ား၏ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားမွအပ ကုန္သည္မ်ား၊ က်ပန္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ား၊ အလုပ္အကိုင္မရိွသူမ်ားအား ေနရပ္သို႔ျပန္ၾကရန္ ၀တပ္ဖဲြ႔မွ ယခုလ (၅) ရက္တြင္ ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္ဟု ပန္ဆန္းၿမိဳ႕ရိွ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႕မွ အရာရိွတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “ႏိုင္ငံတကာအစိုးရက ေစလႊတ္တဲ့၀န္ထမ္းေတြ၊ ေဆး႐ံုေတြ၊ ေက်ာင္းေတြ၊ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရး႐ံုး အဲဒီက ၀န္ထမ္းေတြေတာ့ ေနလို႔ရတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ဘက္ကလာၿပီး ဒီမွာ ဆိုင္လာဖြင့္တာ၊ စီးပြားလာရွာေနတာ၊ ကုန္သည္ေတြကိုေတာ့ ခဏျပန္ၾကဖို႔ တရားေရးဌာနက ေၾကညာခ်က္ထုတ္ထားတယ္။ အေစာကတည္းက သူတို႔ေတြလည္း အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ျပန္သြားၾကၿပီ။ အဓိကေတာ့ အလုပ္အကိုင္မရိွတဲ့ သူေတြ၊ ေန႔စားလုပ္ေနတဲ့သူေတြကို ျပန္ခိုင္းလိုက္တာ” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ပန္ဆန္းအပါအ၀င္ ၀ေဒသအတြင္း ျပင္ပမွ လူ၀င္ေရာက္မႈ မ်ားျပားလာေနၿပီး ေဒသအတြင္း၌ ေကာလာဟလမ်ားႏွင့္ အေရႊ႕အေျပာင္း မၿငိမ္မသက္မႈမ်ား ရိွလာေန၍ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ အမိန္႔ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု အဆိုပါ၀အရာရိွက ေျပာသည္။ ထိုအမိန္႔ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ၀ေဒသ၌ ေနထိုင္ခြင့္ရိွသူမ်ားကိုသာ ေနထိုင္ခြင့္ျပဳမည္၊ ၀နယ္တြင္းလာေရာက္ အလုပ္လုပ္ကိုင္ေနၾကသည့္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီးမွ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၊ ေဒသခံမ်ားသည္ လုံၿခံဳေရးဂ႐ုစိုက္ကာ စည္းကမ္းရိွရိွ ေနထိုင္ၾကရမည္၊ ေဒသတည္ၿငိမ္ေရး၊ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

လုံၿခံဳေရးကို ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ထိပါးလာသူမွန္သမွ်အား ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ အေရးယူသြားမည္ဟုလည္း ေဖာ္ျပပါရိွသည္။ ယခုလအေစာပိုင္းကလည္း အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီမဟာမိတ္တပ္မေတာ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္၊ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္အေရွ႕ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ(၄) မိုင္းလားၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေရာက္ရိွေနသည့္ အလုပ္အကိုင္မရိွ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားႏွင့္ က်ပန္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို မိုင္းလားတပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးကာ က်ိဳင္းတံုၿမိဳ႕သို႔ ကားျဖင့္ ျပန္ပို႔ခဲ့သည္ဟု မိုင္းလားေဒသခံတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “လူစိမ္းေတြ အရမ္းမ်ားလာတာ၊ အလုပ္က မရိွဘူး။ အႏိွပ္ခန္းနဲ႔ အရက္ဆိုင္ စားေသာက္ဆိုင္ေတြမွာပဲ ေနေနၾကေတာ့ ဒီကေတြလည္း သံသရိွလာတာ ေနမွာေပါ့။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ညမွာပဲ လိုက္ဖမ္းၿပီး ကားေတြနဲ႔ က်ိဳင္းတံု ပို႔လိုက္တာ (၁၀၀) ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ ရိွမယ္နဲ႔တူတယ္။ ဒီမွာရိွတဲ့ ဗမာေတြအားလံုးေလာက္ ပါသြားတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ လကုန္ပိုင္းက ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္၊ အထူးေဒသ (၁) ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသအတြင္း ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တိုက္ပဲြမ်ားေနာက္ပိုင္း တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ရိွ အျခားအပစ္ခတ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔မ်ား၏ နယ္ေျမမ်ားတြင္ စစ္ျဖစ္ပြားမည္ကို စိုးရိမ္ၿပီး ပစၥည္းေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းမႈ မ်ားႏွင့္ မၿငိမ္မသက္မႈမ်ား ေပၚေပါက္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ ျပင္ပမွ ၀င္ေရာက္လာသူမ်ားကို ျပန္လည္ ႏွင္လႊတ္ေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ၎တို႔၏ နယ္ေျမမ်ားအတြင္းသို႔ နအဖစစ္တပ္မွ စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးမ်ား ၀င္ေရာက္ကာ နယ္ေျမမတည္မၿငိမ္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ ေသြးထိုးလံႈ႔ေဆာ္မႈႏွင့္ နယ္ေျမေထာက္လွမ္းမႈမ်ား လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ၾကာင္း အဆိုပါ အပစ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔မ်ားက ယူဆ၍ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ ျပဳလုပ္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း စစ္ေရးအကဲခတ္မ်ားက ေ၀ဖန္ေနၾကသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Myanmar says Kokang to become autonomous region after 2010 general election YANGON, Sept. 9 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar's Kokang ethnic region in the northeast will become an autonomous region after 2010 general election in accordance with the new state constitution, Deputy Home Minister Brigadier-General Phone Swe told a diplomatic corp and Yangon-based foreign newsmen during their about 48-hour invited visit to northern Myanmar, mainly Kokang. The combined group's visit to the Kokang region, which is also known as Shan State Special Region-1 (North), was the first organized by the government after the Kokang incident and the 48-hour exclusive trip from Monday to Wednesday mainly covered 3-hours' in Laukkai, capital of the Kokang region. Phone Swe told the visiting group on Tuesday that starting Aug.29 at 6 p.m. (local time), the Myanmar security forces have totally controlled the Kokang region, restoring law and order and maintaining social stability there. He briefed that a "Leading Committee for Development in Kokang Region", led by Prime Minister General Thein Sein, was formed on Sept. 1 along with the establishment of the "Working Committee for Development in Kokang Region", headed by the Deputy Home Minister. According to earlier government announcement, a "Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee", led by the government, was also set up in Laukkai on Aug. 30. The above administrative machinery will work until the emergence of administrative and judicial bodies in the Kokang autonomous region after the general election, local sources said. The Bai Xuoqian group, breaking away from the Kokang ethnic army and cooperating with the government, told foreign media in Kokang that they accepts the government leadership and will take part in the general election in 2010 The combined group, under heavy escort, also visited the sealed arms factory in Kokang's Laukkai as well as the locations where drugs were seized. The group looked around Laukkai area witnessing that Laukkai is a developing border town but few number of shops are kept open for business and factories are closing. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif According to official compiled statistics, of the Kokang local inhabitants, who fled last month-end's fightings to the Chinese Yunnan border area, a total of 15,607 had returned to their native homes as of Tuesday. With an area of 5,200 square-kilometers, Kokang, bordering China's Zhen Kang, Geng Ma, Meng Ding and Long Ling areas, has a population of about 150,000. http://news. xinhuanet. com/english/ 2009-09/09/ content_12021970 .htm

Posts Tagged ‘Khun Sa’ gandar.bloggoo.com/tag/khun-sa/page/2/

Two notorious men being wanted by U.S DEA Wa chief Pao U Ho and Pao U Shan, the brothers, who in their young aged has been longtime in the Bumese Communist Party as armed troops commander, known as Red Wa Faction and attacked the Burmese soldiers frequently in the Shan State while the communists tried to penetrate into Burma plain via northern Shan Sate where the strong S.S.A force had been basing. At that time the Communist leaders and the S.S.A had already agreed for joint-military operations against the Governmentis invasion. About 1987, when the Communist defuncted, the Wa regroped and became the Reginal Defence Force strength about 1,400 troops under agreement of the Government. But they rejected to surreder their arms because of not the political activists. From that time on Wa had been able to expanded their opium-growth and porduced tonns of raw opium but did not have experience in refined heroin. In 1980, Wa leaders met Wai Xu Gong, Wai Xu Lin and Wai Xu Yin, three are dubbed as “Wai Brothers” among the drug traffickers. They fled Khun Sa’s MTA and joined the Wa through a middle man for the drug refinery, since then Wa youths are sent to Chinna to learn Chinese curriculum. The youths have konwledge of Chinese traditional culture, civilizationas and well society. They later became the businesesslike to work for the group. Wai Xu Gong had been imprisoned in Bangkok charged him as drug trafficker, but he in luck managed to escape from the jail by his assistants. Using a lot of money for the escape. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif So that he dad been wanted among the Drug traffickers. Pao U Shan has been also wanted. Pao U Ho died of decease in August 2007. Their permanent Headquartes is located in Pang Sang closed China border. The top leaders in the Wa group speak Burmese, Shan and Chinese well. Their partner Hoo ChoonTeing,also the drug mafia, was captured in Hong Kong last year. The war on drug would nerver be broken again in the region of opium fields as the Burmese regiments are basing throughout the Shan State and have stopped stagging opium crackdowns and never taken action against major peddlers in their midst. The Burmese special regiment is protecting Wai Xu Gang’s stockpiled million of methamphetamine pills in Doi Phoong hilltop linking to Tardon, Mae Ai boder of Fang district. The Wai Brothers have vast lichee-orchard in Fang district. Tin Guan Min was gunned down in a hotel in Kun Min City, China, and Sy Pao was shot dead in front of a hotel in Chieng Mai, Thailand, both are Wa tribes and Wai Xu Gong’s trusted drug agents. They are believed to have been killed by Khun Sa’ gunmen about 3 or 4 years before the MTA surrendered in 1996.

Written by Gandar Mount July 11, 2008 at 6:52 pm

He has been under good security by the Government authorities and not allowed to visit the Shan State and outskirt of Rangoon but allowed to do any business including Hotel, import, export and other legal business. Khun Sa has been long time suffering from diabetes and blood pressure since in the jungle and used to be under medical treatment, therefore he has to be careful about his health. He has to become the Business Guru in his partnerships Co. and it invests largely. The Company named ASIA DA NA corporation which competes with ASIA WORLD co. belong to Lo Shin Han and Lo Shin Min (Go Gang Chinese and the brothers). Lo Shin Han and Khun Sa had been the bitter rivals since in 1972 as the both tried to control strategic area around the northern Shan State. Khun Sa abandoned the area later after moving to control vast area of Eastern until Thai Border due to Opium trafficking. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Khun Sa at that time disagreed any Chinese’s influence in the Shan State although Lo Shin Han’s armed force was named as defence force to protect the Burmese Communist aggression in the northern area between Goon Long district (closed the Chinese border) and La Shio district (the northern City). Skirmish and heavy gun fightings had been frequently broke out be tween the both groups. In 1972, British film producers Adrian Cowel and Chris were able to make a movie of heavy battles btween the opium groups in the jungle area of La Shio district. The both withdrew armies when suffered serious casualty in 3 day fighting. Adrian named the fighting as OPIUM WARLORDS and had already shown in 25 countries. In Rangoon, Khun Sa and his collaborators are agreed to do drug business by the Governmernt (related story will be continued)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ထုိင္း ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ ၀ ေတာင္ပုိင္းတြင္လည္း စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား တုိးခ်ဲ႕ထား TUESDAY, 08 SEPTEMBER 2009 18:43 ရန္ပိုင္ http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 71:2009-09-08-11-44-06&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ရွမ္းျပည္ အေရွ႕ေတာင္ပုိင္းရွိ ေ၀ေရွာက္ခမ္း ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ ၀ စစ္ေဒသ ၁၇၁၈ နယ္ေျမတြင္ ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ စစ္အစုိးရ တပ္မ်ား ႏွစ္ဘက္စလုံး စစ္ေရးျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား ပုိမုိျပဳလုပ္လာေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံတခ်ိဳ႕ က ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။ “ေတာင္ပုိင္း ၀နယ္ဘက္ကိုသြားတဲ့ မုိင္းဆတ္လမ္းမွာ စစ္တပ္က လက္နက္ႀကီးေတြ ၁၂၀ မမအေျမာက္ႀကီးေတြ၊ ၃လက္ ေလာက္ သံခ်ပ္ကာကားေတြ ၁၀စီးေက်ာ္ေလာက္ ေတြ႕ေနရတယ္၊ ေတာင္ပုိင္း၀ေတြလည္းအသင့္ျပင္ထားတယ္” ဟု မုိင္းဆတ္ ေဒသခံ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။

သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ေတာင္ပုိင္း၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ အတြင္းရွိ တပ္မႉး တခ်ိဳ႕မွာ ေပါက္ယူခ်န္း ၏ ပန္ဆန္း ၾသဇာကုိ ခံယူခ်င္ၿပီး၊ တခ်ိဳ႕မွာ ေ၀ေရွာက္ခမ္း ကုိ သေဘာက်မႈမ်ား ရွိေနေၾကာင္း၊ ေ၀ေရွာက္ခမ္းမွာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ နာမည္ဆုိးရွိ ေနေသာေၾကာင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးစိတ္ဓာတ္ ျပင္းထန္ေသာ ၀ တပ္မႉး တခ်ိဳ႕က မေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိေၾကာင့္ ေတာင္ပုိင္း ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားအတြင္း သေဘာထားကြဲလြဲမႈမ်ား ရွိလာႏုိင္ၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရ က ထုိသုိ႔ေသာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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သေဘာကြဲလြမႈမ်ားကုိ အသုံးခ်လာ ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း အတည္မျပဳႏုိင္ေသာ သတင္းမ်ား အရသိရသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္သည္ ၀တုိင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ နယ္ေျမ အတြင္းသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ သြားေသာေၾကာင့္ စစ္အစုိးရမွ ၀အဖြဲ႔သုိ႔ စာေရးေတာင္းဆုိထားရာ ၀ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕မွ မည္သည့္ အေၾကာင္းျပန္ခ်က္မွ မေပးေသာေၾကာင့္ စစ္အစုိးရ ႏွင့္ ၀အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားၾကား စစ္ေရးတင္းမာမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဝ အဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္ေသာ အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းက ေျပာသည္။

ထုိင္းျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ၿမိဳ႕ျဖစ္ေသာ တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕ တာေလာ့ရပ္ကြက္ရွိ တရုတ္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ အိမ္မ်ားကုိ ဗုံးခြဲတုိက္ ခုိက္မည္ဟု သတင္းမ်ားထြက္လာေသာေၾကာင့္ တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ လုံၿခဳံေရး တုိးျမွင့္ခ်ထားေၾကာင္း၊ မုိင္းတုံၿမိဳ႕ ေတာင္ ဘက္ နားေကာမုံး ရြာရွိ က်ပီးကြယ္

ဦးေဆာင္ေသာလားဟူျပည္သူ႔စစ္မ်ားကုိ စစ္အစုိးရက အသင့္အေနအထား ျပင္ဆင္ ထားရန္၊ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ သတင္းေပးရန္ညြန္ၾကား ထားသည္ဟု တာခ်ီလိတ္ေဒသခံ တဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။

မၾကာေသးမီက ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတုိက္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ရွိ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲမ်ားက စစ္ေရးအရ သုံးသပ္မႈမ်ားလုပ္ရာတြင္“အထိအခုိက္မမ်ားေပမယ့္၊ အခ်ိန္တုိအတြင္းမွာ လက္နက္ေတြအမ်ားႀကီးဆုံး႐ႈံး တယ္၊ နယ္ေျမေတြက

ဆုတ္ေပးလုိက္ရတယ္၊ဒါေတြကုိ သင္ခန္းစာယူၿပီး စစ္ေရးျပင္ဆင္မႈကုိ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြက အေသအခ်ာ ျပင္ဆင္ထား တယ္လုိ႔သိရတယ္”ဟု ယခင္ ဗမာျပည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ ပါတီ၀င္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ေျပာသည္။

ေျမာက္ပုိင္း ၀တုိင္းရင္းသားအပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းတြင္ ေဒသခံမ်ားကုိ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ပုံစံျဖင့္ စစ္သင္တန္းေပးထားၿပီး၊ အင္အား ၄၀၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိေၾကာင္း ၊ မုိင္းလားေဒသတြင္လည္း ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ ၈၀၀၀ ခန္႔ကုိ စစ္သင္တန္ေပးထားေၾကာင္း ရွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က ေျပာသည္။ ယေန႔ထုတ္ စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ဥပေဒေဘာင္ အတြင္းသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာခဲ့သည့္ ကုိးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔သည္ တဘက္မွ ၀င္ေငြေကာင္းလွသည့္ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကုိ

လက္မလႊတ္ႏုိင္ဘဲ တိတ္တိတ္ပုန္း ဆက္လုပ္ေနခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ၊လက္ နက္ခဲယမ္းမ်ားကုိပါ တရားမ၀င္ထုတ္လုပ္ေရာင္းခ်ၿပီး ေဒသတခုလုံးမတည္မၿငိမ္ျဖစ္ေအာင္လုပ္ေနေၾကာင္း ေရးသား ထား သည္။ “၀တုိ႔ ကိုးကန္႔တုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြရဲ႕ အားနည္းခ်က္က မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ေနမႈျဖစ္တယ္၊ စစ္အစုိးရက အဲ့သည္လုိ လုပ္ခ်င္လုိ႔ သူတုိ႔ကုိလႊတ္ေပးထားတာ” ဟု ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက သုံးသပ္သည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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လက္နက္ကုိင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မည္သည့္ ႏုိင္ငံတြင္မွ ႏုိင္ငံတပ္မေတာ္ အျပင္ ျပည္နယ္တပ္မေတာ္၊ ေဒသ တပ္မေတာ္ဖြဲ႕ခြင့္ ျပဳရုိးထုံးစံ မရွိေၾကာင္း၊ Paramilitary ဟု ေခၚသည့္ ေဒသႏၱရ လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားကုိလည္း ဗဟုိ အစုိးရ၏ တုိက္ရုိက္

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္တြယ္မႈေအာက္တြင္ ထားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ယေန႔ထုတ္ စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာ ေဆာင္းပါး တြင္ေဖာ္ျပထားသည့္ အတြက္ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားသည္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္

အျဖစ္ေျပာင္းေရးကုိသာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ရလိမ့္မည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးအကဲခတ္မ်ားက သုံးသပ္ ၾကသည္။

Junta Says Chinese Tip-off Led to Border Clash By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Thursday, September 10, 2009

RANGOON — Burmese troops were acting on a tip-off from China when they seized an illegal arms factory last month, triggering several days of clashes with an ethnic militia that sent more than 30,000 refugees fleeing across the border into China, an official said. Burma's ruling military junta secured the northeastern region of Kokang late last month and thousands of refugees have since returned to their homes. On Tuesday, it held a government-organized tour of the region for diplomats and reporters.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Burma's Deputy Home Affairs Minister Brig Phone Swe told participants that government troops seized the A Burmese policeman stands guard in Laogai, capital of the Kokang region, on September 8. (Photo: Reuters)

weapons factory near the Chinese

border on August 8 after being informed about it during a ministerial meeting with China on combating transnational crime. Burma's junta earlier said the ethnic militia then raided a police checkpoint and took 39 police officers hostage. Fifteen officers were later killed, leading to full-scale fighting that state media say killed 11 soldiers and eight militia members, it said. Phone Swe's comments appeared to be an attempt to show that relations with China—the junta's top ally—were on a steady keel, after speculation about strains following the refugee influx and a rare public request from Beijing that Burma calm the situation. Burma's border regions have for decades been the site of clashes between ethnic armies and the ruling military that have displaced hundreds of thousands of people. Burma, also known as Myanmar, is largely estranged from the West, but China has maintained close economic and diplomatic ties with the junta, ensuring Beijing's access to its neighbor's vast mineral wealth. Major Chinese state companies are big investors in Burma's oil and gas industries. The new leader of the ethnic group, meanwhile, said it will participate in elections next year, the first in nearly two decades. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Phe Sauk Chen, who was appointed head of the newly formed Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee after the former leaders fled, told reporters during the same trip Tuesday that his group also agreed to join the government's border security guards. The issue of whether to take part in national elections, the first in nearly 20 years, has been a point of contention among ethnic groups, which are being asked to put down their weapons and join the border guards.

Weapons seized from Kokang ethnic rebels are displayed by Burmese police in Laogai. (Photo: Reuters) So far the larger ethnic groups, including the Kachin and the Wa, which has a militia estimated at over 20,000 fighters, have refused to take part in elections. The issue, however, has caused division. A group of five senior Kachin leaders resigned from the Kachin Independence Organization earlier this month, saying they planned to take part in the polls, said Aung Din, executive director of the US Campaign for Burma. Critics call the elections a sham designed to cement the military's grip on power. Burma has been under military rule since 1962. The current junta took power in 1988 after violently crushing a pro-democracy uprising.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The Kokang were the first among 17 armed ethnic groups to reach a peace agreement with the government in March 1989.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Chinese Pipelines in Burma to Push Ahead Amid Criticism By ANTOANETA BEZLOVA / IPS WRITER

Thursday, September 10, 2009

BEIJING — Despite fresh international criticism of Beijing’s backing for an unpopular regime as the Burmese junta, China sees its alliance with the country’s military as a matter of simple economic expediency and is determined to forge ahead with controversial joint dual oil and gas pipelines that will ensure greater energy security for its robust economy. This month sees the first digs on the mammoth infrastructure project that will connect China’s northwestern province of Yunnan with Burma’s western coast. The proposed gas pipeline will transfer gas from the offshore Shwe gas fields in Arakan state all the way to the capital Kunming of Yunnan province and possibly further inland in China. The twin oil pipeline will be used to transfer oil shipped from the Middle East and Africa bypassing the strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait shipping route. After Burmese activists released a detailed report Monday on the project forecasting it will trigger social unrest and create a public relations fiasco for the Chinese ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif company involved, a state-run newspaper in Beijing rejected the allegations, saying the project was unlikely to be stopped. The Shwe Gas Movement, a group of Burmese exiles in Bangladesh, India and Thailand, also said the junta's recent offensive against ethnic rebels near the pipeline route showed that the regime had no concerns about providing stability for investors, which could translate into great security risks for the project undertakers. "China is not afraid of the threat and criticism," the ‘Global Times’—a paper published by the state news agency—quoted an anonymous Chinese official familiar with the issue. "When Myanmar (Burma’s official name) was constructing a pipeline to Thailand in the 1990s, Myanmar activists also criticized the government, but the voice is barely heard now." Outside observers though believe the new pipeline project carries greater potential risks than the pipeline conveying gas to Thailand, which they described as a "vehicle for a proliferation of human rights abuses" during its construction and after—such as the widespread use of forced labor and forced evictions. "Such practices, in the likelihood they would re-occur with respect to this latest pipeline, could very well be the spark to set off a broader conflict," said Sean Turnell, a Burma expert at Macquarie University in Australia. "Of course, exacerbating matters is the fact that Chinese energy firms have a less than stellar record themselves when it comes to the ruthlessness with which they pursue energy deals." China's largest oil and gas producer, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), is due to start the construction of the dual pipelines at a total length of nearly 4,000 kilometres in September. The deal is expected to provide the Burmese military, which has ruled the country with an iron grip since a 1962 coup, with at least US$ 29 billion over 30 years. Although Burma ranks 10th in the world in terms of natural gas reserves, its per ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif capita electricity consumption is less than 5 percent of neighboring Thailand and China, as its government exports most of the country’s energy resources. The Shwe Gas Movement report, titled ‘Corridor of Power’, charges that gas revenues in the past have been lavishly spent by the junta on building a new capital and satisfying the extravagant wishes of its ruling generals. "People across Burma are facing severe energy shortages, and this massive energy export will only fuel social unrest," said Wong Aung, spokesperson of the Shwe Gas Movement. "These resources belong to our people and should be used for the energy needs of our country." China—the exclusive buyer of Burma’s Shwe offshore gas reserves—sees the pipelines as one of the pieces in a greater energy domino played by Beijing to secure its energy supplies. Burma’s pipelines constitute part of CNPC’s four-fold strategy to avoid China’s dependence on imported oil shipped by sea. Since 2004 Beijing has negotiated the construction of overland pipelines in four different directions, connecting Chinese energy buyers with suppliers in Russia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Burma. "The greatest significance of Burma’s pipelines for China lies with the possibility for solving our reliance on the Malacca shipping route," said Long Changwei, expert at China University of Petroleum. "Once it is built, the pipeline will be a reliable alternative for oil flowing in from the Middle East and Africa. Even if there is a crisis in the Malacca Straits, China’s exposure to it will be greatly minimized." In addition, the development of a deep sea port on Burma’s western coast will provide China with access to the Bay of Bengal—a strategic advantage in its attempts to expand its sphere of influence over the Indian Ocean.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Yet there are flip sides to this new energy corridor. The proposed pipelines run through the northeastern Shan State, where as recently as late August, ceasefire ethnic minority armies fought against the regime. The clashes between the Burmese military and the Kokang rebels that sent tens of thousands of refugees fleeing across the Chinese border have raised the possibility that there might be more social strife and armed conflicts if the pipelines project gets underway. CNPC is going to have to be "very careful," said Macquarie University’s Turnell. "What was once a simple deal to extract cheap gas for China could blow up into a diplomatic crisis should the pipeline aggravate the incipient conflict between ethnic groups long backed by China, and a regime in Burma that was long thought of as likewise a client of China." In a longer term, China’s willingness to help an unpopular regime stay in power could turn out to be short-sighted as it encourages latent anti- Chinese sentiment. Chinese communities that have worked very closely with military regimes in Southeast Asia and become immensely rich in the process have been targeted before, as evidenced by violent anti-Chinese riots in Indonesia when the Suharto regime fell in 1998. The Shwe Gas Movement report suggests that China would be in a better position to trade with Burma under a stable government. It also argues that the current military rulers’ political roadmap does not aim at bringing peace and political stability to the country.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Wa Units in Southern Shan State Build Defenses By SAW YAN NAING

Wednesday, September 9, 2009

Wa leaders have ordered their people to be on alert and dig bunkers for protection in case fighting breaks out, according to sources on the border. Troops of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) have been building strategic outposts in the mountains. Shan sources said UWSA units in southern Shan State will reportedly ally with the ethnic rebel Shan State Army - South in fighting government troops if necessary. Ten thousand UWSA toops led by Wei Hsueh-Kang, who is blacklisted in the US for drug trafficking, are stationed in southern Shan State. The UWSA has a total of about 25,000 soldiers. The US Department of State has offered a US $2 million reward for information leading to the arrest of Wei Hsueh-Kang. Border sources said Burmese government forces will likely launch an offensive against Wa units in southern Shan State, because the junta has been beefing up its troops in the area since the fall of Kokang’s capital, Laogai, on August 24. The Burmese military junta reportedly wrote to Wa leaders demanding that they surrender the Kokang leader, Peng Jiasheng, who is believed to have taken shelter in a UWSA-controlled area. Source said the UWSA did not respond to the junta’s request.

Troops from the Burmese regime’s light infantry divisions (LID), including LID 99, 55, 33 and 22, have been moving into Shan State since Aug 24, according to border and Burmese military sources. About 10 battalions under Military Operation Command 16, based in Theindi in northern Shan State, have also been deployed ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif south of Laogai, military sources said. Speaking to The Irrawaddy, one resident who asked for anonymity said he witnessed three 120mm mortar launchers and 10 armored cars going to southern Shan State, where UWSA units are based. Government troops have blocked the route connecting UWSA units in northern Shan State with those based in southern Shan State, and junta forces have deployed along the road, sources said. Some observers said the junta’s patience with ceasefire groups rejecting its order to transform their armed militias into Burmese-controlled border guard forces is wearing thin. They said the junta may have no option but to launch offensives against the ceasefire militias to get them to comply.

Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books on Burma, said the Wa will be the main target of the present offensive.

It is estimated that more than 120,000 ethnic Wa live in southern Shan State near the border with Thailand, which has become a lucrative business area. The area has an improved infrastructure because of development projects and trade. Thousands of Wa civilians may flee into Thailand if fighting breaks out in the region, sources said. As the Burmese military government gears up for major conflict with ethnic groups along the Thai-Burmese border ahead of elections scheduled for 2010, more laborers and refugees will come to Thailand, the Bangkok-based English newspaper, Bangkok Post, said in its editorial on Wednesday.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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CONTRIBUTOR

The Failure of China’s Foreign Policy? By NYO OHN MYINT/MOE ZAW

Thursday, September 10, 2009

The recent breakdown of a two-decade-old ceasefire between Burma’s military junta and ethnic militias in the country’s north demonstrates the failure of China’s outdated foreign policy, according to Burmese political analysts. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Beijing has aggressively pursued a path of rapid economic development as the surest way to avoid a similar fate. Although it has dramatically expanded its trade ties with the rest of the world, the principle of noninterference in other countries’ political affairs remains the cornerstone of its foreign policy. However, as the situation in Burma attests, this principle may no longer be sufficient to protect China’s national interests. Beijing certainly enjoys the economic benefits of being the Burmese junta’s best friend. Since 1989, China has been the regime’s most important supplier of military aid, providing jet fighters, armored vehicles and naval vessels, as well as extensive training to Burmese military personnel. In exchange, it has been given access to Burma’s abundant natural resources. A joint statement on “Future Cooperation in Bilateral Relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Federation of Myanmar,” issued in June 2000, indicated the future direction of Sino-Burmese relations, which were to be based on the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence” and the consolidation of mutual relations for

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif wider regional stability and development. Despite Beijing’s willingness to be more direct in persuading Burma to enhance its economic reforms and to push for political reconciliation at home, China still regards Burma’s poor human rights record as an “internal affair.” At the same time, the United States has continued to denounce the Burmese generals’ human rights records and refusal to honor the 1990 election results. Washington’s harsh criticism, especially during the Bush administration, gave the Burmese generals no other choice but to turn to the Chinese government for support. In 2003, when the US imposed tougher sanctions against the regime under the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, Beijing was highly critical of the move. China’s foreign policy is completely divorced from the harsh realties of life under military rule in Burma. Without taking this suffering into consideration, Beijing has used its veto at the United Nations Security Council to block resolutions designed to push Burma toward genuine political reform. This has allowed the junta to simply move forward with its efforts to orchestrate a political transition from an absolute dictatorship to a faux democracy within the framework of a militarized constitution. China has continued to back the Burmese regime as part of its policy of extending its influence within the region. However, Burma’s long history of ethnic conflict and political dissent presents serious challenges to Chinese policy, which may not be viable in the long run. Another problem facing Beijing is that the Burmese regime is deeply distrustful of China. In the 1970s and early 1980s, Burma’s armed forces fought hard against the Burmese Communist Party, which was backed by China’s ruling Communist Party. This experience has left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Burmese generals and continues to affect the thinking of the current military leadership. China’s current dual-track policy of supporting both the junta and the ethnic groups ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif living along the Sino-Burmese border has helped to keep these memories alive. It has also raised the specter of renewed conflict with China. In a 2006 quarterly report, Burma’s ruling military council said that it needed to brace for an invasion from the northeast—obviously referring to China. According to a reliable source, officials from China’s Yunnan Province have recognized the significance of developments inside Burma and are seeking to minimize the negative impact of Beijing’s policy. However, China can’t change its foreign policy within a few years; it will take decade, said a high-ranking diplomat from Beijing. However, other China watchers have argued that Beijing is less interested in dealing with the Burmese junta since it purged Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief, in 2004. Chinese leaders know that the current rulers in Naypyidaw have little interest in engaging with the outside world, but believe that the generals would not dare to turn their guns against China. China may also feel that it is paying too high a price for backing Burma politically. Some analysts suggest that Beijing could move away from its long-held position on Burma in international forums to protect its broader geopolitical interests. China realizes that defending Burma may have triggered a more aggressive US policy in the Asia-Pacific region. Beijing is carefully observing the current US administration’s reengagement in the region to decide whether Burma should be a center of China’s foreign policy. China is aware that regional countries have supported a new Burma policy by the US government in terms of their constructive engagement and economic interests. China could be isolated by its Burma policy, proving its policy is still inferior to that of the US. In the post-Cold War era, China should have more pro-active and tangible fairness to ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif the citizens of the region, rather than putting its emphasis on ruthless authoritarian rulers. Beijing’s ignorance may have impacted the understanding of the Burmese generals. All the socialist states in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) are willing to yield to the US political engagement while they enjoy China’s limited favor in economic prosperity. In recent years, Burma has moved to develop strategic and commercial relations with India, with which it shares a long land border and the Bay of Bengal. Increasing trade and military cooperation with India and developing bilateral relations with Japan within Asean shows a shift in Burma’s foreign policy to avoid excessive dependence on China. Chinese analysts closely observed the Kokang incident in August and questioned whether the Sino-Burmese relationship was really impacted. In line with the 2008 constitution, the regime was attempting to ensure the stability of border areas by neutralizing armed forces that are independently standing outside the framework of the constitution. “They (the Burmese military) don’t always heed China’s advice. China has so little leverage against them because China, in some sense, depends on them,” said Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations at Renmin University in Beijing. Chinese officials were not only extremely upset over the lack of forewarning about the border clash but were also worried about the future political consequences. China-Burma relations may be at a crossroads. Only demanding ethnic rights and showing concern about the situation at the border cannot reflect China’s foreign policy in terms of its status in the international arena. China should bring the role of Aung San Suu Kyi and a settlement of the general political crisis to the forefront of its Burma policy in order to show China’s role in finding a solution along with the US and the international community. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Nyo Ohn Myint is a chairperson and Moe Zaw Oo is secretary of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) Foreign Affairs Committee.

ကိုးကန္႔ (သို႔မဟုတ္)

အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္တုိက္ခုိက္ေရးျပယုဂ္ ေက်ာ္ဗလ ၁၀ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/Sep09/100909.php ႏွစ္ေပါင္းႏွစ္ဆယ္ၾကာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတည္ၿငိမ္ေနခဲ့တဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသရဲ႕ ေလာက္ကိုင္ကြင္းျပင္က်ယ္ႀကီးထဲမွာ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၂၈) ရက္ေန႔ကေတာ့ ေသနတ္သံေတြ၊ ဗံုးအေျမာက္သံေတြ ဆူညံစြာ ျပန္လည္ေပါက္ကြဲထြက္ေပၚလာခဲ့ျပန္ပါၿပီ။ ေလာက္ကိုင္ကြင္းထဲက စတင္ထြက္ေပၚလာတဲ့ ေသနတ္သံေတြဟာ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္နယ္စပ္အထိ ကိုးကန္႔တခြင္တျပင္လံုး ကူးစက္ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႔သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဓိကေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔ရွမ္းျပည္အထူးေဒသ (၁) ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္တပ္ေပါင္းစု (MNDAA) ရဲ႕ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ရဲ႕ ဂိုေဒါင္ကို ရဲအဖြဲ႔ လက္နက္တက္ရွာရာက စတယ္လို႔ဆုိပါတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဒါဟာ နအဖက အစိီအစဥ္ရွိရွိ ျပႆနာရွာတာပါ။ ဒီလိုျပႆနာရွာႏိုင္ေအာင္လည္း အခုတေလာ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ပလူးပလဲလုပ္တာမ်ားေနတဲ့ နအဖကို တ႐ုတ္က မ်က္ႏွာလိုအားရ သတင္းေပးခဲ့လို႔ပါ။ ေျပာရရင္ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံသား ယက္ေတာကိစၥလိုပဲ ျပသာနာရွာခ်င္လို႔ ဇာတ္လမ္းဆင္ခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း ကိုးကန္႔ MNDAA အဖြဲ႔ ဒု-ဥကၠ႒နဲ႔ လက္နက္ကိုင္အင္အားတခ်ဳိ႕က အစိုးရတပ္နဲ႔ လာေရာက္ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္အဖြဲ႔ကို ျပန္လည္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနၿပီဆိုတဲ့ နအဖရဲ႕ ထိုးဇာတ္၊ လုပ္ဇာတ္ေတြ ထြက္ေပၚလာေနတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အခုလို နအဖတပ္ေတြနဲ႔ ဒု-ဥကၠ႒အဖြဲ႔တို႔က ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းတိုက္ခိုက္ေနၾကၿပီဆိုေတာ့လည္း သူနဲ႔ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထားတဲ့ UWSA တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြကလည္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ဘက္က ပါ၀င္ကူညီတိုက္ခုိက္ၾကေတာ့မွာေပါ့။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ တိုက္ပြဲအရွိန္အဟုန္ က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပင္းထန္လာခဲ့ၿပီး ကိုးကန္႔နဲ႔၀ နယ္စပ္အထိ ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႔သြားခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ အၾကမ္းဖ်င္း စာရင္းခ်ဳပ္လိုက္ေတာ့ စစ္သားနဲ႔ ရဲ (၃၀) ထက္မနည္းက်ဆံုးၿပီး (၁၀၀) ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ခန္႔ ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့ၾကတယ္လို႔ဆိုပါတယ္။ ျပင္းထန္တဲ့ တိုက္ပြဲေတြေၾကာင့္ ကိုးကန္႔လူထု (၃) ေသာင္းေက်ာ္ တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ထဲကို ထြက္ေျပးခုိလံႈသြားခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ဒီအထဲမွာ ရဲသား (၇) ေယာက္လည္း ပါ၀င္တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသမွာ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္လိုက္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဓိပၸာယ္ကေတာ့ နအဖနဲ႔ MNDAA တို႔အၾကား အႏွစ္ႏွစ္ဆယ္ခန္႔ ထိန္းသိမ္းတည္ေဆာက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ပ်က္ျပားသြားခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျဗာင္အတိအလင္း ေၾကညာလုိက္တာပါပဲ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသဟာ န၀တေခတ္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုနွစ္မွာ ပထမဆံုး စစ္ရပ္စဲလိုက္ၿပီး ပထမဆံုး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရယူခဲ့တဲ့ ေဒသပါ။ န၀တရဲ႕ အမ်ဳိးသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲမ်ားနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရယူခဲ့တဲ့ သမိုင္းခရီးစဥ္ဟာ ကုိးကန္႔ကစၿပီး တာထြက္ခဲ့ရ တာပါ။ ၁၉၈၉ ခု ႏွစ္ဆန္းပိုင္းမွာ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္အဖြဲ႔ဟာ န၀တအဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ လွ်ဳိ႕၀ွက္ဆက္သြယ္ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ခဲ့ၿပီးမွ ၀အဖြဲ႔၊ မိုင္းလားအဖြဲ႔တို႔နဲ႔ ညိႇႏိႈင္းသေဘာတူညီမႈရယူၿပီး ဗကပကို ပုန္ကန္ေတာ္လွန္ခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ရယူသြားခ်ိန္မွာ သံလြင္ျမစ္အေနာက္ကမ္းမွာ တပ္ခ်ထားတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္မဟာက ဗကပ ေျမာက္ပုိင္းဗ်ဴ႐ိုကိုသိမ္းၿပီး ‘မုန္းကိုး’ ေဒသကိုပါ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ရယူေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဧၿပီလထဲမွာ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြကလည္း ဗကပေတြကို ေမာင္းထုတ္လုိက္ၿပီးေနာက္ မၾကာခင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရယူခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၀ အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ မေရွးမေႏွာင္းဆိုသလို ဦးစိုင္းလင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ မိုင္းလားအဖြဲ႔ကလည္း န၀တနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရယူခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ေဒသတခုလံုးမွာ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔က စတင္ထြန္းညိႇလိုက္တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပြဲေတာ္ႀကီးကို ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ပါးပါး က်င္းပႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမယ့္ နအဖ အဖြဲ႔အေနနဲ႔ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအသက္၀င္လာခ်ိန္မွာ လက္နက္စြန္႔ၾကဖို႔ ကိုးကန္႔၊ ၀ အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ မို္င္းလားေဒသ စတဲ့ ဗကပ ခြဲထြက္အဖြဲ႔ေတြကို ေခ်ာ့တခါ ေျခာက္တလွည့္နဲ႔ ဖိအားေပးလာခဲ့တာ တႏွစ္နီးပါးရွိေနပါၿပီ။ နအဖ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံမွာ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေဆြးေႏြးတင္ျပခြင့္ေတာင္မရခဲ့တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေတြအေနနဲ႔ လက္နက္မရွိရင္ ဘာအမ်ဳိးသားအခြင့္အေရးမွ မရွိဘူးဆိုတာ သေဘာေပါက္ေနၾကပါၿပီ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကိုးကန္႔၊ ၀ နဲ႔ မိုင္းလားအဖြဲ႔အားလံုးက လက္နက္စြန္႔ေရးဆိုတာကို ခါးခါးသီးသီး ျငင္းဆန္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီအခါမွာ နအဖအဖြဲ႔က “နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔” အမည္နဲ႔ အသြင္ေျပာင္းၿပီး စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္ကို ဆြဲသြင္း၀ါးၿမိဳပစ္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးစားၾကျပန္ပါတယ္။ နအဖရဲ႕ ဒီလိုအႀကံယုတ္၊ ပရိယာယ္အစုတ္ပလုတ္ေတြကို ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ (၃) ဖြဲ႔စလံုးက တညီတၫြတ္တည္း ပုတ္ခါခ်လိုက္ၾကၿပန္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့လည္း နအဖ အေနနဲ႔ “ျပႆနာရွာ အင္အားသံုး-ၿဖိဳခြဲေခ်မႈန္းေရး” ေပၚလစီက်င့္သံုးဖုိ႔ ဆံုးျဖတ္လိုက္ပံုရပါတယ္။ ဒီေပၚလစီကို လက္ေတြ႔ခ်ၿပီး က်င့္သံုးဖုိ႔အတြက္ အဓိကပစ္ကြင္းကိုရွာရာမွာ နအဖအတြက္ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသဟာ အသင့္ေလ်ာ္ဆံုးပါပဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသဟာ နအဖရဲ႕ ပထမဆံုးပစ္မွတ္ ျဖစ္လာရပါသလဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔၊ ၀၊ မိုင္းလားေဒသ (၃) ခုထဲမွာ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသဟာ အားအနည္းဆံုး၊ အေပ်ာ့ဆံုးေနရာ ျဖစ္ေနလို႔ပါပဲ။ လူဦးေရအရ ၀ နယ္မွာ (၅) သိန္းနီးပါးရွိၿပီး မုိင္းလားမွာ တသိန္း၀န္းက်င္ရွိေနေပမယ့္ ကိုးကန္႔မွာေတာ့ တသိန္းနီးပါးပဲရွိခဲ့တယ္။ တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးအင္အားအရလည္း ၀ နယ္ေျမမွာ (၂ - ၃၀၀၀၀) ခန္႔ရွိေနၿပီး မိုင္းလားမွာ (၃,၅၀၀) ခန္႔ ရွိခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ကိုးကန္မွာေတာ့ အင္အား (၂) ေထာင္၀န္းက်င္ေလာက္ပဲရွိပါတယ္။ ဗကပေခတ္မွာကတည္းက ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ မိုင္းလားအဖြဲ႔ေတြဟာ တိုက္ရည္ခိုက္ရည္ေကာင္းၿပီး မိုင္းယမ္း၊ မိုင္းေယာင္းတိုက္ပြဲႀကီးေတြမွာ စစ္ေရစြမ္းရည္ျပႏိုင္ခဲ့တဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ေတြပါပဲ။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသကေတာ့ အဓိက အေရာင္းအ၀ယ္ေကာင္းၿပီး စီးပြားေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားတဲ့ နယ္ေျမျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း စီးပြားေရးအခြင့္အာဏာကို အေၾကာင္းျပဳၿပီး ကိုးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းထဲမွာ မၾကာမၾကာဆိုသလို အာဏာလုပြဲေတြ၊ ဂုိဏ္းခြဲမႈေတြ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနေတြေၾကာင့္လည္း ကုိးကန္႔နယ္ေျမဟာ နအဖရဲ႕ “အမ်ဴိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကာလ” က ပထမဆံုး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး မဟာမိတ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့သလို အခု နအဖရဲ႕ “အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္ တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးကာလ” မွာလည္း ပထမဆံုး ရန္သူျဖစ္လာခဲ့ရတာပါပဲ။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ကိုးကန္႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔ကလည္း တေန ့နအဖနဲ႔ ဒီလိုျပန္လည္တိုက္ခုိက္ရဦးမယ္ဆိုတာ ခါးသီးနာၾကည္းစရာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအေတြ႔အႀကံဳအရ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

175

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif သေဘာေပါက္ထားၿပီးသားျဖစ္လို႔ ႀကိဳတင္ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားၿပီးသားပါ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ဟာ နအဖရဲ႕ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအရသာကို ပထမဆံုး ျမည္းစမ္းခြင့္ရခဲ့သလို နအဖရဲ႕ “သပ္လွ်ဳိၿဖိဳခြဲ-အင္အားသံုး-ေခ်မႈန္း” ဆိုတဲ့ “အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္တိုက္ခိုက္ေရး” ေပၚလစီကို ပထမဆံုး နာနာၾကည္းၾကည္း ခါးစည္းခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔လည္းျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ ျမန္မာကေရာ ကမာၻကပါ သိခဲ့ၾကမွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဗကပေတြကို ေတာ္လွန္ပုန္ကန္ခ်ိန္က ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ဟာ သံလြင္အေနာက္ဘက္ကမ္းရွိ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္မဟာမႉး လီနမင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနခဲ့တဲ့ တပ္မဟာလက္ေအာက္ရွိ မုုန္းကိုးေဒသကိုပါ အပိုဆုအျဖစ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ မုန္းကိုးေဒသကို ကိုးကန္႔ေတြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရေနခဲ့ၾကေပမယ့္ ေဒသခံျပည္သူလူထုအမ်ားကေတာ့ ဂ်ိန္းေဖာနဲ႔ မ႐ူ၊ လရွီးမ်ဳိးႏြယ္ေတြသာ ျဖစ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီအားနည္းခ်က္ကို နအဖက အသံုးခ်ကာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူ ကိုးကန္႔ေတြနဲ႔ ေဒသခံ ကခ်င္မ်ိဳးႏြယ္ေတြအၾကားမွာ ပဋိပကၡေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားေအာင္ တို႔မီးလွ်ဳိ႕မီးေတြ ေမြးေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အက်ဳိးဆက္ကေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူေတြနဲ႔ ေဒသခံေတြအၾကား၊ အခ်င္းမ်ားခဲ့ၾကၿပီး နအဖ အကူအညီနဲ႔ မုန္းကိုးေဒသဟာ ကိုးကန္႔လက္ေအာက္က ခြဲထြက္သြားခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ နအဖ ကလည္း ခ်က္ခ်င္းဆိုသလို ေဒသခံ ဦးမုန္ဆာလ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ မုန္းကိုးၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအဖြဲ႔ကို လက္ခံအသိအမွတ္ျပဳလိုက္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ မုန္းကိုးေဒသေလးဟာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတည္ၿငိမ္မႈ မရခဲ့ရွာပါဘူး။ ဦးမုန္ဆာလရဲ႕အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ ကိုးကန္႔လက္က်န္တပ္မေတာ္တို႔အၾကား ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ပဋိပကၡေတြေၾကာင့္ အျပန္အလွန္အာဏာသိမ္းမႈေတြ၊ နယ္ေျမလုပြဲေတြ ဆက္ၿပီးေပၚေပါက္ေနခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနကို နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဓားျပႀကီးေတြက လား႐ိႈးၿမိဳ႕ကေန အလစ္ေခ်ာင္းၿပီး အခ်ိန္အခါေကာင္းကို ေစာင့္ေနခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၃ ႏို၀င္ဘာ ယာလည္းညက္ ၾကက္လည္းပန္းခ်ိန္ေရာက္မွ နအဖ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္တုိင္းရဲ႕တပ္ရင္း (၉) ရင္းက အေၾကာင္းမၾကား သတင္းမပါးဘဲ မုန္းကိုးေဒသထဲကို ႐ုတ္တရက္ ထိုးေဖာက္၀င္ေရာက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တပ္ရင္းတခ်ဳိ႕က မုန္းကိုးကြင္းကို စီးနင္းသိမ္းပိုက္လိုက္ၿပီး ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ ဒု-ဥကၠ၏ ဦးမုန္ဆာလကို ဖမ္းဆီးလုိက္ၾကပါတယ္။ ေတာင္ေပၚက “ေဟမုန္လံု” ရြာႀကီးမွာ ေအးေဆးစြာ တပ္ခ်အနားယူေနတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္မေတာ္ေဟာင္းကိုေတာ့ နအဖရဲ႕ တပ္ရင္း (၄) ရင္းက ႐ုတ္တရက္ အလစ္အငိုက္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

176

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ၀င္ေရာက္စီးနင္း တုိက္ခိုက္ေခ်မႈန္းလုိက္ၾကတယ္။ နအဖရဲ႕ “သုံ႔ပန္းမယူ၊ အရွင္မထားေရး” ေပၚလစီအရ တပ္မဟာမႉး လီနမင္ အပါအ၀င္ အနည္းဆံုး ကိုးကန္႔သား (၃၅၀) ေက်ာ္မွ် လွံစြပ္ထိုး ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ ခံလုိက္ၾကရတယ္။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္မဟာႀကီးက ေဟမုန္လံုေသြးအိုင္ထဲမွာ နစ္မြန္းေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားခဲ့ရၿပီး မုန္းကိုးၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ဥကၠ႒ ဦးမုန္ဆာလကေတာ့ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ႏွစ္ (၆၀) ေက်ာ္မွ် က်ခံခဲ့ရရွာပါတယ္။ မုန္းကိုးၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အဖြဲ႔ႀကီးကေတာ့ နအဖရဲ႕ ကာကြယ္ေရးဘ၀ကို ကူးေျပာင္းေရာက္ရွိသြားခဲ့ပါၿပီ။ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ကို ကာကြယ္ေရးအသြင္ေျပာင္းရာမွာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္စီမံမႈေကာင္းတဲ့ ရမခတိုင္းမႉး သီဟသူရ တင္ေအာင္ျမင့္ဦးကေတာ့ တြင္း (၁) အျဖစ္ သူေကာင္းျပဳျခင္းခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဆင့္ေနရာနဲ႔ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားအဆိပ္ေတြ ထိပ္တက္ေနၾကတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔ ၿငိမ္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြအၾကားမွာ အမွတ္သည္းေျခ ႀကီးႀကီးမားမား ရွိၾကပံုေတာ့မရပါဘူး။ ကိုးကန္႔ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြထဲမွာလည္း ဖုန္ဂိုဏ္းနဲ႔ ရန္ဂုိဏ္းရဲဲ႕ ပဋိပကၡက အလြန္ႀကီးမားျပင္းထန္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဖုန္ဂုိဏ္းရဲ႕ အဓိကပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြက ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္နဲ႔ ဖုန္ၾကားဖူးတို႔ ညီအစ္ကိုျဖစ္ၿပီး ရန္ဂုိဏ္းရဲ႕ အဓိက ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြကေတာ့ ရန္မိုးလွ်ံနဲ႔ ရန္ေမာ္အန္းတို႔ပါပဲ။ ဖုန္ဂုိဏ္းညီအစ္ကိုတို႔က အဓိက စစ္ေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈမွာ ထူးခြၽန္ၿပီး နအဖနဲ႔ ပထမဆံုး ဆက္သြယ္ကမ္းလွမ္းခဲ့သူမ်ားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ရန္ဂုိဏ္းညီအစ္ကိုကေတာ့ စီးပြားေရးကြၽမ္းက်င္ၿပီး ဗကပ လက္ထက္ကတည္းက ကိုးကန္႔မွာ အႂကြယ္၀အခ်မ္းသာဆံုး ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ေျပာရရင္ သူ႔နည္းသူ႔ဟန္နဲ႔သူ ကိုးကန္႔မွာ အရွိန္အ၀ါၾသဇာႀကီးေနတဲ့ ဖုန္ဂိုဏ္းနဲ႔ ရန္ဂိုဏ္းတို႔ဟာ ဂူတဂူထဲမွာ ႏွစ္ေကာင္မေအာင္းႏိုင္ၾကပါဘူး။ ဒီအေၾကာ၊ ဒီအထာကို နားလည္ေနတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခင္ၫြန္႔တို႔အဖြဲ႔က သပ္လွ်ဳိမီးတို႔ေပးလုိက္တာနဲ႔ ဂုိဏ္းႏွစ္ဂုိဏ္းၾကားမွာ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေပါက္ကြဲမႈေတြ ထျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကတာပါပဲ။ ကြၽဲႏွစ္ေကာင္ အေသအေက် ခတ္ၾကခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ နအဖလည္း ေတာင္ေပၚက ထုိင္ၾကည့္ေနတာေပါ့။ ေနာက္ဆံုးေတာ့ စစ္ေရးအရ ‘ဖုန္ဂိုဏ္း’ ကို မယွဥ္သာလို႔ ကိုးကန္႔က ထြက္ခြာလာရတဲ့ ‘ရန္ညီအစ္ကို’ ကို ဗိုလ္ခင္ၫြန္႔က ႀကိဳဆိုၿပီး ေနာင္ခ်ိဳၿမိဳ႕နားမွာ ‘ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး’ ရြာ တည္ထားပါတယ္။ ရြာနာမည္က ‘ေရႊျပည္ၫြန္႔’ ပါ။ အခုလို နအဖနဲ႔ ဖုန္တုိ႔အဖြဲ ့လက္နက္ကိုင္ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ၾကၿပီဆုိမွေတာ့ ‘ေရႊျပည္ၫြန္႔မွာ’ အခြင့္အခါေစာင့္ေနခဲ့တဲ့ ရန္အဖြဲ႔ကလည္း စစ္အစိုးရဘက္က ပါ၀င္တိုက္ခိုက္မွာ ေျမႀကီးလက္ခတ္မလြဲပါဘူး။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အမွန္ပါပဲ။ အင္အားေထာင္ဂဏန္းမွ်သာရွိတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔အေနနဲ႔ တပ္ရင္းေပါင္း (၃၀) ေက်ာ္ပါ၀င္တဲ့ နအဖ ထိုးစစ္ကို ဘယ္လိုမွ ယွဥ္ႏွိင္မွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အခ်ိန္တိုအတြင္း ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ထဲက ဆုတ္ခြာေပးၾကရမွာပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တိုက္ပြဲကေတာ့ ၿပီးဆံုးၿငိမ္းေသသြားမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ေျပာက္က်ားစစ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြ၊ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြ ဆက္ျဖစ္ေနဦးမွာပါ။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ကိုးကန္႔ၿပီးရင္ သူတို႔အလွည့္ပဲလို႔ သေဘာေပါက္ေနတဲ့ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ ့ေထာင္ဂဏန္းအခ်ဳိ႕လည္း ဖုန္အဖြဲ႔ဘက္က ပါ၀င္တိုက္ခိုက္တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ရဲ႕ သမက္ အရင္းႀကီးျဖစ္တဲ့ စိိုင္းလင္းရဲ႕ မိုင္းလားက တပ္ရင္း (၃) ရင္းလည္း ၀ နယ္ေျမထဲမွာ အသင့္ရွိေနၾကပါၿပီ။ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထားတဲ့ KIA ကလည္း အေတာ္အလွမ္းေ၀းတာေတာင္ ပါ၀င္ကူညီ တိုက္ခိုက္ဖုိ႔ တပ္ရင္း (၂) ရင္း ေစလႊတ္ထားတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ ေသခ်ာတာ ဗမာျပည္အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္သံသရာ ျပန္လည္ေတာ့မွာပါ။ ဒီလိုျဖစ္ရတာ အဓိကအားျဖင့္ နအဖမွာ တကယ္တမ္း တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးသေဘာထား မရွိလုိ႔ပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း နအဖက ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေတြၾကားမွာ “ေသြးခြဲသပ္လွ်ဳိ အင္အားသံုးေခ်မႈန္းေရး” ေပၚလစီကို တေလွ်ာက္လံုး က်င့္သံုးခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ နအဖရဲ႕ ဒီမူ၀ါဒေၾကာင့္ ရလလဖအဖြဲ႔ အစိတ္စိတ္အႁမႊာႁမႊာၿပိဳကြဲခဲ့ရၿပီး SSA အဖြဲ႔လည္း (၄) ဖြဲ႔ ကြဲခဲ့ၾကရၿပီ။ KNU ေတာင္ (၄) မ်ဳိးေလာက္ျဖစ္ေနပါၿပီ။ နအဖ ေမြးထားတဲ့ ပေဒါင္ကာကြယ္ေရးကလည္း (၃) ဖြဲ႔ေလာက္ရွိေနပါၿပီ။ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ငယ္ေလးေတြအေပၚ ဒီေပၚလစီက်င့္သံုးၿပီး ၿဖိဳခြဲဖ်က္ဆီးေနသလို အင္အားႀကီးမားတဲ့ KIA၊ ၀ အဖြဲ႔ စတာေတြကိုေတာ့ နအဖက ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုေဘာင္အတြင္း၀င္ေအာင္ အဓမၼအတင္း႐ိုက္သြင္းေနပါတယ္။ ဗမာျပည္မွာ အမ်ဳိးသားျပႆနာကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေျဖရွင္းဖို႔ မႀကိဳးပမ္းဘဲ အခုလို အင္အားသံုး ေျဖရွင္းေနသမွ် ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ အဓြန္႔ရွည္တည္တံ့မယ့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ရမွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္သံသရာသာ ဆက္လည္ေနပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အဓိကအေၾကာင္းရင္းကေတာ့ နအဖအဖြဲ႔မွာ ဗမာအမ်ဳိးသားအခ်င္းခ်င္းအတြင္းေရာ၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအေပၚမွာပါ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးသေဘာထားလံုး၀မရွိဘဲ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးစိတ္ဓာတ္သာ ထက္သန္ျပင္းထန္ေနလို႔ပါပဲ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔အေရးအခင္းဟာ နအဖ “အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္တိုက္ခိုက္ေရးမူ၀ါဒ” ရဲ႕ အေကာင္းဆံုး ျပယုဂ္တခုသာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Border war rattles China-Myanmar ties By Larry Jagan BANGKOK, September 1, 2009 - Myanmar military operations against an ethnic insurgent group have forced tens of thousands of refugees across China's southern border and ratcheted up bilateral tensions between the usually allied neighboring nations. Now there are growing fears that Myanmar army actions against the ethnic Kokang Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) could explode into a wider conflict as other ceasefire groups, including the heavily armed United Wa State Army (UWSA), are dragged into the fighting. The 20-year-old ceasefire agreement between the ruling junta and MNDAA has fallen victim to the government's attempts to exert its authority over border areas before democratic elections are held next year. Some analysts believe the guerilla MNDAA has suffered heavy casualties and that at least one-half of their estimated 1,500 armed forces have fled into China. In response, Beijing has deployed extra troops and armed policemen to the area to guard against a possible spillover of the violence across its border. A senior Chinese envoy has been dispatched to the Myanmar capital at Naypyidaw to convey Beijing's "serious concerns" about the situation, according to a senior Chinese government official who spoke on condition of anonymity. By the weekend, an estimated 50,000 refugees had fled from northeastern Myanmar into China, a local Chinese government official in the Yunnan province city of Kunming told Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity. The first wave of refugees crossed the border nearly three weeks ago, he said. "First, they came in dribs and drabs, and then in much larger numbers," according to a resident on the Chinese side of the border. Up to 30,000 people earlier this month streamed into the Yunnan provincial town of Nansan and other nearby villages from ethnic Kokang areas in Myanmar's northeastern Shan State, according to Kitty McKinsey, regional spokesperson for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees based in Bangkok. "Chinese authorities are providing emergency food, shelter and medical care," she said. Over the weekend, the apparently defeated remnants of the Kokang army fled across the border, a Kokang military leader told Asia Times Online. At least 700 soldiers handed over their weapons to Chinese authorities as they crossed the border, discarded their green military uniforms and donned blue overalls supplied by their Chinese hosts. They are being held close to the border in a separate camp from the other refugees by heavily armed Chinese security forces, the Kokang military leader said. Chinese refugees ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Some of those who have fled the fighting are believed to be Chinese citizens, including businessmen and workers who in their thousands have migrated to Myanmar's Kokang areas over the past decade. Most businesses, including money changers, restaurants, casinos and entertainment venues in Kokang areas are either owned or run by Chinese citizens. Hundreds of traders also cross the border every week to do business and trade in the Kokang capital. They have been advised to suspend their activities until the situation stabilizes, according to Chinese sources. One Chinese official, who requested anonymity, said that Chinese central authorities were "extremely upset" by the spillover effects of the Myanmar military's actions and were "furious" that they had not been forewarned about the offensive. After a flurry of diplomatic contacts, both in Beijing and Naypyidaw, Myanmar has "apologized" for the instability caused across the Chinese border, according to a Myanmar Foreign Ministry official. It appears the military operations were aimed primarily at capturing a Kokang arms factory, Myanmar leaders told their Chinese counterparts. But Myanmar analysts remain skeptical and believe this was a pretext at best. "The junta knows it must move to disarm these ethnic rebel groups, and the Kokang are the weakest militarily," a Burmese academic and military specialist at Chiang Mai University in Thailand, Win Min, told Asia Times Online. "Before the military launched this attack the authorities have been trying to portray the Kokang leaders as drug dealers." The Kokang are ethnically Chinese and speak a dialect of Mandarin, but have lived for many decades inside Myanmar. They have their own armed militia and fought against the Myanmar army for several decades demanding autonomy. They were part of the Burma Communist Party and agreed to a ceasefire in 1989, which until now had held. The Kokang were also heavily involved in the narcotics trade and were known until recently to be major opium producers. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, their area has been poppy-free since 2003, though some analysts have contested that assessment. Well-planned assault Tensions had been rising in Myanmar's border areas for months as the military junta pressured various ethnic rebel ceasefire groups - including the Kachin, Kokang and Wa - to surrender their arms before democratic elections planned for next year. The Myanmar government wants to integrate these groups under the national government as border police guard units, but these and other ethnic groups along the Chinese border have resisted integration. Thousands of Myanmar troops took up positions in the Kokang area in early August before launching their major offensive last week. Security along the way to the Kokang headquarters at Laogai had been tightened by the Myanmar military, while rice and food supplies were prevented from entering the area, according to one resident. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif On August 8, a local Myanmar officer sent soldiers into the area to investigate reports that the Kokang forces were operating an arms factory. They also reportedly entered the home of Kokang military leader Peng Jiasheng in search of narcotics. He has reportedly since fled into the neighboring area controlled by the UWSA, which is believed to have more than 15,000 troops under arms. Since the fighting subsided, the Myanmar army is in total control of the Kokang capital, Laogai. Once a bustling border town, full of bars, discos, karaoke clubs and gambling dens, the town center is now virtually deserted except for Myanmar soldiers. Most of the refugees fled with only the clothes on their back and a suitcase and left most of their possessions behind, according to aid workers. Some refugees are now weighing whether to return to their homes for fear that their property will be looted by the soldiers. But they are also worried about living under Myanmar army rule. "We fear that the soldiers will not treat us well," a 53-year old Kokang woman told Asia Times Online. "We have heard how the army rapes women and children, forces the men folk to carry supplies and executes anyone who refuses to obey them," she said. But with the Kokang promising to retaliate, and with the more powerful UWSA coming to their aid, the prospect for an orderly return of displaced persons is distant. "More confrontation and military encounters are expected in the following days and thousands of villagers are fleeing to the China-Burma border to avoid the war, and subsequent humanrights abuses," said a statement from the Kokang group. Analysts believe other ceasefire groups could be targeted next. "This does not augur well for the other ceasefire groups like the Kachin and Wa," said the academic Win Min. "This may be a preview of what's to come," he added. Earlier this month, the Kachin, Kokang and Wa leaders all formed an alliance, known as the Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front, in which they mutually agreed not to surrender their arms before the scheduled elections. Now there is a very high risk of a return to widespread armed conflict along the ChinaMyanmar border, according to a Chinese government official who closely follows events in Myanmar. "The problem is that the Wa are very close to the Chinese government and it would be very hard for them to desert them at this crucial point in time," he added. At the same time, China wants to restore peace to border areas before it destabilizes areas of China. Beijing has advised Myanmar to stop fighting and encouraged a new ceasefire settlement with the Kokang, an arrangement China has offered to mediate, according to Chinese government sources. Beijing wants the refugees to return to Myanmar as soon as possible, but has no intentions of pushing them back, said the official. At the same time, Chinese authorities are guarding against the refugees traveling and attempting to settle further inland. The military offensive bears out recent suggestions that Myanmar is bidding to assert itself against China, widely seen as the reclusive regime's main international backer. In the past few ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif months, the ruling junta had reportedly become disillusioned with Beijing's lack of support for its attempts to disarm the rebel groups, including those that enjoy a special relationship with China. Some say the enthusiastic reception the junta recently gave to United States Senator Jim Webb - usually only reserved for heads of state - was a clear sign of the junta's attempt to move away from its diplomatic reliance on China. In another jab at Beijing, this week's edition of the Myanmar Times ran a short agency news story on Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, visiting Taiwan, after it was approved by government censors. It represented the first time Myanmar's tightly controlled media had even mentioned the Dalai Lama in more than 20 years, according to Yangon-based diplomats. Larry Jagan previously covered Myanmar politics for the British Broadcasting Corp. He is currently a freelance journalist based in Bangkok. (Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

China, Myanmar border on a conflict By Brian McCartan http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KI10Ae01.html BANGKOK September 10, 2009- An ominous lull has fallen over northern Myanmar since the military government's defeat last week of Kokang ethnic insurgents. All sides appear to be preparing for the next round, which, depending on the scale of the offensive or counteroffensive, could plunge other ceasefire regions into renewed civil war. It is unclear whether Myanmar's generals are willing to challenge the better-armed ethnic Wa and Kachin - and by proxy potentially China - or if recent moves are part of an elaborate strategic bluff. By taking out the Kokang, which in their tens of thousands fled across the border into northern China, the junta has tested both Beijing's resolve to back Myanmarbased insurgent groups and the willingness of the ceasefire groups to militarily support each other. Many analysts believed that past Chinese support for ceasefire groups along its border would discourage the junta from carrying out its threats to force them to transform into border guard units under the government's command in advance of next year's democratic elections. That analysis was bolstered by reports that Chinese officials told their Myanmar counterparts that they would brook no instability along their shared 2,185-kilometer border in the run-up to this October's 60-year celebrations of the communist victory in China. Myanmar's junta has demanded that the main ceasefire groups in northern Myanmar, ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif including the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA) and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) reduce the size of their forces and join a Myanmar army-administered Border Guard Force. The transformation of autonomous militias to state-controlled border guards would require the various ethnic political organizations battling for autonomy in their regions to lose their armed wings and effectively diminish their negotiating leverage vis-a-vis the regime. All of the mentioned groups rejected the proposal. Instead they requested to continue with the current ceasefires until after elections and work out new arrangements with a democratically elected government. China has been supportive of the ceasefire groups through calls for national reconciliation, by mediating in disputes between the groups and Myanmar's military and by putting pressure on the regime to refrain from using force to press its demands. Those overtures suit Beijing's broad aim of maintaining stability in border areas while simultaneously providing Beijing military and political proxies in case of instability inside Myanmar, as witnessed in the massive civil unrest in 1988 and 2007. Myanmar's stability is important to China because of its hefty investments in natural resource extraction and the country's strategic geography as a conduit to the sea for trade from China's landlocked southwest Yunnan province. Construction of an oil and gas pipeline is slated to begin this month and finish in 2012 which will allow China to receive shipments of Middle Eastern fuel without having to travel through the Malacca Straits. China is known to fear the potential of a naval blockade there in any potential conflict with the United States. The recent offensive against the Kokang resulted in China reinforcing its police and military units along the border and a rare rebuke from the Foreign Ministry. A statement released from Beijing on August 28 said China "hopes that Myanmar can appropriately solve its relevant internal problems and safeguard the stability of the China-Myanmar border". It went on to request that the government "protect the safety and legal rights of Chinese citizens in Myanmar". Myanmar in turn apologized for any Chinese casualties that occurred during the hostilities and thanked Beijing for its assistance in caring for refugees. According to Chinese officials in Yunnan province, around 37,000 refugees streamed across the border in the wake of the recent fighting. Security analysts are now eyeing the outcome of meetings between Chinese and Myanmar officials and the impact they could have on regional security. Dropping the gauntlet Many were surprised by Myanmar's apparent willingness to challenge China on the ceasefire groups. Opposition sources claim that two meetings between high-level officials already took place on August 31, entailing one in Yunnan between Myanmar Deputy Home Affairs Minister Brigadier General Phone Swe and Chinese Minister for Public Security Meng Jian, and another in the northern Myanmar town of Lashio between senior officers of the Chinese ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif People's Liberation Army and the Myanmar Army, including Lieutenant General Min Aung Hlaing, commander of all units in Shan State. An alliance of ceasefire groups known as the Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front (MPDF) and encompassing the MNDAA, UWSA, NDAA and the KIA was established in March to show a united front against the military regime and its autonomy eroding Border Guard Force proposal. The alliance was only announced in August when tensions between the Kokang-led MNDAA and the Myanmar military began to mount. Another ceasefire group, the Shan State Army (North) located in central Shan State, is also believed to be linked to the grouping. The MNDAA were recognized by the Myanmar military as the weakest link in the loose alliance. By exploiting a split among the Kokang leadership over its position on the Border Guard Force proposal, the regime was able to move quickly against the MNDAA on August 27 and drive them from their capital across the border into China or into the surrounding mountains in only two days. The offensive tested the resolve of the 20,000-strong UWSA to come to the aid of their neighboring alliance partners. The alliance was previously touted as a mutual security guarantee, but that is not how it played out on the battlefield. Although a force of around 500 UWSA soldiers from its northern Namteuk-based 318 Division initially reinforced the Kokang, they pulled back the next day to Wa-controlled territory south of the Namting River. Some Myanmar watchers saw the tactical retreat as a lack of resolve on behalf of the UWSA, an assessment the Myanmar army may now share. At the same time, Myanmar's generals now have some idea of what China's response would be to potential offensives against other ceasefire groups. It is unclear what battlefield advantage Myanmar military's may have gained by its successful assault against the Kokang, but its reinforcement of units facing other insurgent positions, including the placement of more artillery and tanks against the NDAA and Wa troops along the China and Thai borders, suggests it believes it has won an upper hand. At the same time, strategic analysts doubt whether the military could launch a full-scale offensive against ceasefire groups and maintain security over next year's elections. The UWSA and KIA represent stronger adversaries than the MNDAA. The UWSA has 20,00025,000 soldiers backed by mortars, artillery and anti-aircraft weapons. The KIA has another 5,000 soldiers under arms and were previously able to hold the Myanmar army at bay for nearly two decades. Security experts, including a Thai intelligence officer who spoke on condition of anonymity, believe it could take a decade or more of heavy fighting to finally subdue the groups. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the Wa fought bloody pitched battles with the Myanmar Army as part of the Burmese Communist Party. The Wa are even better armed now than they were then. Even without Chinese aid, the KIA, UWSA and NDAA could adopt guerrilla strategies that prolong the fighting. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The insurgent forces of the Karen, Karenni and Shan on the Thai-Myanmar border are also a thorn in the regime's side, despite losing substantial territory and largely disowned since the 1980s by Thailand. Bangkok previously supported ethnic groups along its border as a buffer against Myanmar but now commercially engages with the regime, including the import of crucial natural gas supplies. Wider conflict With the predictions of possible protracted warfare and by showing its hand against the MNDAA, it is unlikely that Myanmar's military will be able to exert control over the ceasefire regions in time for the 2010 elections. The large number of troops it would take to defeat the insurgents would also weaken the regime's hold over security in other parts of the country. Myanmar's junta still clearly fears the possibility of widespread urban civil unrest, as seen in the 2007 Buddhist monk-led Saffron Revolution and which some Myanmar watchers believe is still simmering below the surface. The regime thus requires a large security presence in and around Myanmar's cities as a deterrent against future protests. Ceasefire groups in other parts of the country are similarly peeved with the border guard proposal and provisions in the new constitution and may see renewed hostilities in the north as chance to resume their armed struggles. Such groups, analysts say, could include the New Mon State Party in the southeast, which was the first group to reject the border guard proposal, as well as groups representing smaller ethnic minorities such as the Karenni and PaO in eastern Myanmar. The need for the army to shift troops to the north would also give beleaguered non-ceasefire groups such as the Karen National Union and the Shan State Army (South) breathing room and an opportunity to rebuild their beleaguered forces. A worst case scenario for the regime could see these groups joining with the northern insurgent groups in a new, wider alliance. Although these alliances have not fared well in the past and for the time being seem unlikely, it is a scenario that would quickly over-stretch the regime's ground forces. China may eventually call Myanmar's bluff. While China has willingly accepted Kokang refugees onto its soil, Beijing would no doubt be less tolerant of the sustained disruption in trade and investment caused by large and persistent refugee flows driven by more open warfare. Ramped up Chinese support for the ethnic groups would limit the impact of Myanmar military assaults on border regions and potentially spark a protracted war that Myanmar's cash-strapped regime clearly cannot afford. That could mean the generals allow other ethnic groups to retain their arms and ceasefire status until after the elections and then push them to negotiate a new deal with an elected government under the new constitution. That scenario, however, would require the generals to swallow their military pride, something they have shown a strong aversion to in the past. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at [email protected]. (Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

Mixed progress for Yangon's drug war By Larry Jagan http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/EE09Ae01.html MUSE, Myanmar , May 9, 2003 - Myanmar's leaders are angry at the international community, especially the United States, for failing to acknowledge the government's efforts to stamp out illicit drug production. But Washington says Myanmar is not doing enough to end the trafficking of drugs from its Golden Triangle, which borders China, Laos and Thailand. Thai antinarcotics agents say more than a billion yaba - amphetamines - will be produced in Myanmar in the coming months and flood across the border. Myanmar's government says it has halved opium production throughout the country in the last poppy-growing season, which ended earlier this year. "Poppy production is down by more than 50 percent across the whole of Shan state, while in some areas, poppy cultivation has been reduced by nearly two-thirds," said Colonel San Pwint, one of the Myanmese intelligence officers in charge of ensuring an end to the country's drug production. Traveling throughout Shan state along the country's border with China - Muse is a Myanmese town on the border - and Myanmar's section of the Golden Triangle, there is little evidence of poppy production. The major poppy plantations here have been replaced by endless fields of alternative cash crops - mainly oranges, mangoes, lychees, longans, coffee and tea. Former poppy farmers have also been encouraged to concentrate on ensuring food security by growing rice and corn (maize). There have even been attempts to introduce integrated farming, where orchards are broken up with vegetable plots and fish ponds, and chickens are allowed to roam freely around the fruit plantations. Some are also experimenting with intensive livestock projects, predominantly chicken and pig farms, but crocodile farms as well. The military authorities insist ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif these crop-substitution projects have enabled the local ethnic groups to stop growing poppy and improve their standard of living at the same time. "The whole region will certainly be drug-free by the year 2005," said Colonel San Pwint. In the past two years, while the main rebel group in the region, the Wa, have been steadily reducing their opium production, another rebel group in this region adjacent to China, the Kokang, have largely ignored the government's drive against drugs. "The Kokang have completely stopped poppy production this year and had started crop substitution projects through their region," said the Kokang leader, Phon Kya Shin. Increased pressure from China was the decisive factor in convincing the Kokang leaders that there was no option but to end opium production, according to diplomatic sources in Yangon. The United Nations' anti-drugs organization in Yangon, which conducts extensive surveys throughout Myanmar's drug-production areas, says initial impressions from this year's research support the Kokang's claim. It is all part of the government's strategy to transform Shan state from a major world producer of opium into a prosperous agricultural and industrial center. These industries are meant to supplement the extensive cash-crop substitution projects that are meant to help the poor farmers find alternative sources of income to poppy. "Everybody in Shan state is aware that the government plans to eliminate opiumpoppy production within the next two years," said Jean-Luc Lemahieu, the head the UN Drug Control Program (UNDCP) office in Yangon. "Poor farmers and local officials alike are in no doubt that poppy production will no longer be tolerated. Even the remotest villages, where poverty drove the farmers to grow poppy as a cash crop, know the deadline." But there are concerns about the long-term viability of the government's plans. The top Wa and Kokang leaders who have forced the farmers to stop poppy production are hoping that China will buy most of the produce that is now being grown. Some of the alternative crops being grown are clearly meant to capitalize on the Chinese market. Longans are being grown throughout Shan state as dried longans are highly sought after across the border for medicinal purposes. The Wa have been growing prime-quality Chinese green tea for several years and the Kokang have started to grow Sichuan pepper. Most of these deals are being done on a local bilateral basis and rely heavily on ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Chinese goodwill. But there are fears that this will not be sustainable in the long run. "Our new crops are already inferior to the same products that are grown in China," said the Kokang leader, Phon Kya Shin. "And I fear we'll not be able to sell them there." He wants international aid and government support to improve the viability of the new agricultural ventures in his region. He complained that government interference had stopped an earlier substitution project - producing cigarettes exported to Bangladesh. The UNDCP office in Yangon says the Myanmar government is being over-ambitious in its plans to stop poppy production within the next two years. "If it is to be successful in the long run, [Yangon] needs substantial international financial support, especially for these alternative-cash-crop projects," said Lemahieu. But this is unlikely to be forthcoming while Myanmar remains one of the world's largest producers of methamphetamines. While Myanmar's military rulers are taking concerted steps to eradicate poppy cultivation, they appear to be far less rigorous in stamping out the production of methamphetamines in the Golden Triangle. In the past three years, the production of yaba has remained at the same relatively high level. Privately, UN and US anti-narcotics agents agree with Thai military estimates that some 1 billion tablets are manufactured in Myanmar every year. Until recently, most of this was produced in mobile laboratories along Myanmar's border with Thailand. Since the summit between Myanmar's Senior General Than Shwe and Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in February, some of these have moved inland. Over the past two years, there has also been a migration of mobile factories up to the border with Laos. US intelligence sources believe this is where majority of methamphetamine production is now taking place, and some laboratories have been established across the border. The explosion of methamphetamine production in Myanmar six years ago was largely fueled by the demand for yaba in Thailand. In the past two years, demand for the synthetic drugs has also risen in China. There is no doubt that most amphetamine production takes place in areas under Wa control, but Wa leader Bao Yuxiang said: "We do not tolerate the production of synthetic drugs in areas under our control. "Anyone caught in Wa territory using narcotics or involved in the illicit drugs trade will ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif be executed," he said. So far no one has been executed, but there are more than 50 people in prison for drug-related offenses. One thing that the Wa leaders, Myanmar's military chiefs and the Thai government seem to agree on now is that it is criminal gangs that are behind the production and trafficking of yaba and not the Wa. UN officials agree and say they are mainly Chinese criminals, some with connections to Hong Kong and Macau. But Thailand, which no longer officially blames the Wa but criminal gangs for the flood of yaba into the country, are anxious that Yangon takes more rigorous action against the production of the synthetic drugs in Myanmar. "The next few months will be a real test" for Yangon, said a Thai government official. "The flood of drugs into Thailand has been stemmed in the last few months during the prime minister's war against drugs - so any major increase in the coming months will reflect badly on Burma's commitment to the battle against drugs," he said. The message is clear: Myanmar must take more effective action against the production of methamphetamines if the international community is to take Myanmar's efforts to make the country drug free by 2005 seriously. "At present yaba seems to be the most effective crop substitution program in the Golden Triangle," remarked a senior Western diplomat in Yangon.

By Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy

Myanmar's Wa: Likely losers in the opium war January 24, 2004 Illicit opium production occurs predominantly in Asia, although opium and heroin are also being increasingly produced in Colombia and Mexico. While post-Taliban Afghanistan has regained its position as the first producer of illicit opium in the world (see The ironies of Afghan opium production, September 17, 2003), the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has monitored a decline of production in Myanmar in 2003. For decades, Myanmar, known as Burma before the military junta in power in Yangon renamed the country in 1989, has ranked either first or second in global opium production. Although opium production in Myanmar has long been estimated by both the UN and the US Department of State, their respective annual figures have 189 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif never been concordant and debates on whether the production was increasing or decreasing have been controversial. However, in 2003, the UNODC was able to conduct a ground survey in some areas of the Shan State of Myanmar and therefore to extrapolate the interpretation of satellite images to the rest of the Shan State. The Myanmar Opium Survey 2003 of the UNODC estimates that 92 percent of opium production in Myanmar occurs in the Shan State, a mountainous and rather isolated area covering 155,000 square kilometers along the borders of China, Laos and Thailand. Going by that estimate, 810 tonnes of opium would have been harvested from 62,000 hectares of opium poppy cultivated in Myanmar, down from 828 tonnes and 81,000 hectares in 2002. However, although the US Department of State also reported a decline in Myanmar's opium production in 2003 (quoting even lower figures), some critics contend that such a decrease only happened in the Shan State and much less in Myanmar as a whole. Indeed, a recent report emanating from an independent media group asserted that the decrease in the north of the Shan State had been more than made up by a marked escalation in the south and east of the area, thereby contesting the validity of the UN report. Is the UWSA committed to opium suppression? Concurrent with the controversy over the estimate, or even the increase or decrease, of last year's opium production in Myanmar is the broader geopolitical problem of the country itself. Partial discourses and representations that are characteristic of any geopolitical problem drive the current arguing on the drug issue in Myanmar. Indeed, drug production has played and still plays a fundamental role in the protracted conflict of Myanmar: opium has long been at stake in its armed conflicts and also became the sinews of these conflicts that its trade allowed and developed. During the decades of armed conflict in Myanmar, all groups have benefited at least to some extent from the illicit drug trade, whether by reaping direct financial benefits from it, by taxing it like any other traded commodity, or by condoning it in order to affect the fragile balance of power that exists among various groups. The military junta holding power in Yangon also participated in playing the opium card to achieve some of its short-term geostrategic objectives, notably by signing ceasefires with former armed opponents but also as a method of subsidizing its army expenditures at the field level, as well as providing personal financial incentives. The highly controversial debate about opium production in Myanmar has a lot to do with evaluation of the scope of responsibility of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) in the drug trade, but also with the implementation by the UN of its Wa Alternative Development Project (WADP) in Wa Special Region No 2 (WSR2) of Shan State. While the UNODC gives credit to the commitment of the UWSA leadership to suppress opium production completely by 2005, and while it tries to soften the brutal impact that such a suppression would have on the Wa people themselves, critics of the military junta and local ethnic-based groups opposed to both the junta and the UWSA believe that neither Yangon nor the UWSA are sincere in their opiumဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif suppression agenda. They also argue that the UNODC is being abused and that its very presence legitimates both Yangon's ruthless dictatorship and its ally the UWSA, sensationally dubbed "the world's biggest drug trafficking army" by the US Department of State. The WSR2, the territory administered by the UWSP and controlled by the UWSA in the Shan State, was estimated by the UNODC to have produced 34 percent of all Myanmar's opium in 2003, up 21 percent since 2002. Also according to the UNODC, the largest decrease of opium production last year took place in the northern Shan State (Kokang), while significant decreases also occurred in the southwestern and southeastern areas of the Shan State. UNODC officials explain this production upsurge in the WSR2 by a drastic 50 percent drop that occurred in the Kokang area and caused a north-south drift of opium farmers and production into the northern WSR2 area. Kokang authorities had issued an opium ban in 1997 to make the Kokang Special Region No 1 an opium-free zone by 2001. The most virulent critics of the UWSA achievement in suppressing opium production and of the projects implemented by the UNODC in the Shan State emanate from the Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN), an "independent media group" that recently published a "Show Business" report on Yangon's "war on drugs" in the Shan State. SHAN is a media group related to the Restoration Council of Shan State, the political setup of the Shan State Army (SSA) - one of the last armed groups still fighting Yangon's military junta. Thus, while clearly contributing to a better understanding of the situation in the Shan State through its valuable field surveys and reports, SHAN views are also necessarily tainted by the Shan's political objectives that are at stake in the protracted Myanmar crisis. While the UWSA authorities state their unconditional commitment to opium suppression, SHAN argues that they lack sincerity in implementing such an agenda, mentioning for example that one of the brothers of UWSA commander Bao Youxiang was involved in opium production and had caused the temporary closing of one of UNODC's field offices in the WADP area. Also, SHAN regrets that there has been no debate about the means by which the UNODC obtained its figures, something very much understandable as the survey was carried out in conjunction with Yangon's Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control and thus not in the most independent way. Thus SHAN, but also many Myanmar watchers, raises serious questions about both the sincerity of the UWSA leadership and the validity of the UN survey. However, what is currently at stake in Wa Special Region No 2 is not only the sincerity of the UWSA or the validity of the UN survey but the fate of the Wa people. Wa peasants are the ones who will indisputably suffer from the implementation of an opium-suppression agenda that is already under way and going fast - perhaps too fast. Considering the fact that only genuine peace and sustainable political development can resolve the Myanmar crisis, it is obvious that neither international ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif aid nor economic sanctions will succeed in solving either the drug problem or the overall military crisis of the country. However, while economic sanctions have never proved successful to achieve regime changes (except maybe in South Africa), international aid should not be denied to people already suffering from political oppression and economic underdevelopment, and who will thus be in even more dire need of humanitarian aid if opium suppression were to be fully implemented. The Wa, from geohistory to geopolitics To understand better the role played by the UWSA in the current geopolitics of illicit drugs in Myanmar, one has to resort to both geohistory and geopolitics. Geopolitical analysis requires untangling a situation in which different actors deal with one another through representations that are mostly partial, biased and contradictory, as previous observations on the Wa and the Shan have exemplified. Thus, to understand the UWSA better, against which heavy prejudices exist, one has to resort to both geohistory and geopolitics of the Wa ethnic group itself. The Wa are one of the least-known peoples of Asia, although 400,000 of them are said to inhabit the Shan State of Myanmar, and 600,000 the Yunnan province of China. Indeed, very little has been written on the Wa, except in Chinese, between Sir J George Scott's 1900-01 Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States and Magnus Fiskesjo's 2000 unpublished PhD dissertation, "The Fate of Sacrifice and the Making of Wa History". In fact, most of what has been written on the Wa has to do with the UWSA. The 20,000-strong UWSA is the military wing of the United Wa State Party (UWSP) and was formed after the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma in 1989. The Wa altogether, and not only the UWSA, have been said to challenge regional stability in Southeast Asia, something that Thailand, the main consuming market of methamphetamine pills (ya ba) produced among other areas in UWSA-held territory, has long been keen to advocate. Indeed, Thailand has repeatedly denounced the UWSA as being the main threat to its national security. Although one cannot deny the fact that some elements of the UWSA are involved in illicit drug production and trafficking (opium, heroin and methamphetamines), one also has to acknowledge the bias that the outside world holds against the Wa ethnic group who, as a people, are of course no more natural-born traffickers than any other. Myanmar's tribal peripheries have always been difficult to access, by the Burmans, the Chinese, and even to the British and the Japanese. Of course, the protracted Myanmar conflict has only made isolation worse by making physical accessibility even harder through political unrest. This explains to some extent the current lack of reliable information on the Wa, one remote hill tribe among others. Hence, still reflected in today's literature on the Wa of the UWSA is the tendency to observe them from the outside. Thus, when it comes to describing the Wa and their current responsibilities in the drug trade, one may wonder to which extent representations, both cultural or political, take over factual evidence. Indeed, as mentioned by anthropologist Magnus Fiskesjo, the Wa have always been ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif looked at from the outside, their territory being referred to as a periphery, although when "looking out from the Wa center, we encounter first the galaxy of Shan Buddhist principalities found along the China-Burma frontier, and second, the Chinese and Burmese states, located at a still farther distance". It quickly appears, then, that not much has changed in terms of geopolitics when one looks at the power struggles still going on among Myanmar, Chinese, Shan, and even Thai political and military outfits. Indeed, the Wa, the former cannon fodder of the Chinese-backed Communist Party of Burma, formed the UWSA and allied themselves to Yangon in 1989 (after signing a ceasefire with then Lieutenant-General and now Prime Minister Khin Nyunt), then militarily contributed to the defeat of the Shan army (Mong Tai Army) of former "opium king" and warlord Khun Sa, gaining in the meantime a foothold along the Thai border. Now, the UWSA frequently clashes with the Shan State Army (SSA), constituted by remnants of Khun Sa's military outfit, located along the Thai border and most likely, if unofficially, backed by Bangkok. As a matter of fact, the Shan "rebellion" has long been used as a proxy by Bangkok in its rather conflictual relationship with Yangon. Wa geohistory then meets Wa geopolitics when one considers that the former Shan States of Burma "served both as primary adversaries and first buffers against the shocks of the cosmic-scale events of the penetration of the Chinese state and civilization, as well as (if to a lesser extent) that of Burma", as stressed by Fiskesjo. Thus the Wa of the UWSA have been brought from a somehow obscure geohistory to complex geopolitics and are now in the midst of an increasingly controversial debate about the scope of their responsibility in the illicit drug trade. As far as geohistory is concerned, what we know for sure is that the Wa are part of the MonKhmer people, one of the indigenous and oldest peoples of Southeast Asia and also one of the world's least-known. Historically, it is estimated that the central Wa territories made up 150 square kilometers in a very mountainous area between the Salween and Mekong rivers, where the UWSP/UWSA established Wa Special Region No 2 after signing its ceasefire with Yangon's military junta. As emphasized by Fiskesjo, the Wa consider themselves autochthonous of northeastern Myanmar and southern Yunnan, something that can be argued for by the persistence, during the past few centuries, of an autonomous Wa center, both politically and economically independent. In the region, the Wa precedence is hardly contested: for instance, their Shan (Tai ethnolinguistic group) neighbors acknowledge that the Wa first inhabited the area, and, farther north, the Chinese of Yunnan also agree to be themselves later immigrants. Fiskesjo stresses that in southern Yunnan, "local Chinese still refer to the Wa as the benren, the 'original' or 'autochthonous people'". The Lahu, from the Tibeto-Burman stock, know of course they are the latecomers in the Wa territory, having moved there only in the 18th and 19th centuries. Also agreed by both the Wa and the Shan is that the former were expelled from their old lands by the latter, their displacement from former Kengtung ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif State (in current Shan State) and relocation farther north around Mongkha being mentioned both in the Wa oral traditions and in the Shan chronicles. Mentions of the Wa being defeated and displaced by Shan immigrants are common all over the area, from the Kengtung area in Myanmar to the Menglian area in China. Common discourses on the Wa are still shaped by geohistorical perceptions and biases. As underlined by Fiskesjo, the surrounding "civilized" polities or ethnic groups saw the Wa as an external "barbarian" people, "wild", or even, in late imperial Chinese terms, "raw" (Wa who were not under Chinese administration as opposed to those who were, the "cooked" Wa). But economically, the Wa are not very different from other highland ethnic tribes. Indeed, as is commonly the case with such populations in Southeast Asia, the Wa relied mainly on hill rice species grown under regimes of shifting slash-and-burn cultivation. Irrigated rice paddies were and still are scarce, even in those rare valleys where irrigation is possible. While Wa people in China have resorted to irrigation since the 1950s only, it is only during the past few years that they employed it within Myanmar. As for the main cash crop of the Wa, it has been, and still is to a large extent, opium, which became widespread in mainland Southeast Asia's northern uplands by the late 19th century. As is still the case (only 0.8 percent of the population of the WSR2 were found addicted to opium in 2003), very little opium was consumed in the historical central Wa country, except for medical purposes. One has to acknowledge that Myanmar's overall opium economy is clearly the outcome of a long-lasting political crisis and a protracted internal armed conflict, where the illicit economy is fueled by the war economy in the same time that it fuels it. However, opium production still appears to many as the only viable way to compensate for structural shortfalls in food security at the small-scale level of the peasant economy. Indeed, 75 percent of the population of WADP area suffers from rice shortages during four to six months of the year, a dire situation that UNODC wants to address by providing both alternative income (cash crops) and more intensive agricultural techniques, mostly through the double cropping of rice (better land use, irrigation, improved varieties of rice, etc). The Wa have launched a large-scale rubber-tree plantation around Pangshang, and China, whose border runs along the outskirts of the city and where most Myanmar heroin is trafficked, has promised the tax-free import of Wa rubber in an effort to help with opium suppression. Caught between opium suppression and sanctions The Wa of the UWSA would seem to have an unmatched opportunity in Myanmar. Indeed, the central government has granted them de facto autonomy that no other tribal group or political or military organization has ever gained in Myanmar. However, this huge opportunity that the Wa have in Myanmar, where a ruthless military dictatorship still clings to power and makes concessions only when it has no other choice, is to be used most cautiously by its leadership if it does not want to ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif jeopardize its stability and very existence. Seemingly willing to change both its image and its status, the Wa leadership still claims that it is committed to getting rid of opium production by 2005, something that, if achieved at such a pace and in such material conditions, would prove extremely detrimental to its population. Although the UN and various non-governmental organizations are working in WSR2 to improve the people's economic and health conditions, such a quick and drastic change - most likely aimed at proving their alleged sincerity to the outside world could threaten both Wa socio-political stability and the status quo that the Wa enjoy with Yangon. UNODC, whose very presence in the area (working both in dictatorial Myanmar and with the so-called "world's biggest drug-trafficking army") is highly criticized by many democracy advocates, also tries to guide and advise the Wa leadership toward achieving what is a self-imposed goal. For example, UNODC tries to soften the humanitarian impact of the Wa authorities' policy of forced relocation of opium-poppy growers from uplands to lowlands within the WADP area. Whether the UWSP/UWSA leadership will succeed or not in its goal to rid its territory of opium production, the determination of its senior leadership to achieve such a goal is evident. The Wa leadership declares itself fully committed to suppressing opium production and hopes to receive international help to sustain a move that could jeopardize the regional balance of power by threatening the fragile social, political, and military stability of the Wa Special Region. The risk is that, whether it succeeds or not, the UWSA will not get any help from an international community that imposes sanctions on Myanmar and views the UWSA mostly as a drug-trafficking organization. However, as stated in the recent report on Myanmar from the Transnational Institute, one has to remember that in such geopolitical issues, "demonizing one specific player in the field, as often occurs, usually has stronger roots in politics than in evidence". And although Myanmar's crisis is rooted in politics and will only be solved politically, the international community tends to forget about realities and issues at the local level as it is increasingly confronted with calls for stricter economic sanctions on Yangon as well as with the military junta's struggle to cling to power. One has to acknowledge, when looking at the political and military deadlock that has characterized Myanmar's recent history, that current sanctions, both political and economic, have not yielded the expected results. As more sanctions are imposed, it seems, fewer levers become available to the international community to influence Yangon's policy. This is especially true when sanctions are imposed without being followed by neighboring states. For the main regional players, Thailand and China of course, but also India, there seems to be too much economic and geostrategic influence at stake in Myanmar to go ahead with sanctions advocated and implemented mainly by Western countries. In Myanmar, in the Shan State and in the Wa Special Region, one has to remember ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif that, beyond highly respectable and important political and moral principles, millions of people struggle to survive on a daily basis. The main threat to the Wa people is a major humanitarian crisis after 2005 due to the opium ban enforced by the UWSA in spite of insufficient and inadequate developmental help. Considering such a tight deadline for such an effort, combined with international sanctions that will forbid the necessary aid from reaching either dictatorial Myanmar or the so-called "world's biggest drug-trafficking army", the pace of opium suppression will not be matched by the ability to create alternative ways of living and rural communities risk being sacrificed. And since the ongoing opium suppression is clearly not sustainable without outside aid, it is the Wa people who will suffer the most from both the ban and the economic sanctions while opium production may only be displaced to elsewhere in Myanmar. Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy, PhD, is a geographer and research fellow at CNRS in Paris. (Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact [email protected] for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

On the march to do business in Myanmar By Brian McCartan http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KH26Ae01.html BANGKOK, August 26, 2009 - The debate over United States and European Unionled sanctions against doing business in Myanmar is set to intensify in the wake of US Senator Jim Webb's recent high-profile meeting with Senior General Than Shwe and detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Webb spoke out against the sanctions and Myanmar's junta echoed that call through state media. As US policymakers weigh the pros and cons of economically reengaging the ruling junta, the process will necessarily take into account that a handful of military linked businessmen, many allegedly involved in illegal activities, including drug trafficking, dominate Myanmar's underdeveloped economy. For US investors eyeing business opportunities that the cessation of sanctions would present, dealing with Myanmar's top military and business leaders would be key to gaining market access. Myanmar is one of the world's most corrupt countries, according to Transparency International, an independent corruption watchdog, and US businesses would enter Myanmar at great risk to their corporate reputations. In Myanmar business circles, the most talked about businessman is Tay Za, who owns the Htoo Trading Company Ltd, also known as the Htoo Group of Companies. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Htoo maintains large logging, construction, property development, import-export, aviation, transportation, shipping and mining operations. Tay Za has also made recent forays into telecommunications and banking, and established Myanmar's first privately invested airline, Air Bagan. The US Treasury Department placed five of those companies, along with Tay Za, his wife, and eldest son, Pye Phyo Za, on a sanctions list in October 2007 because of their financial connections to the regime and Tay Za's alleged role as an arms broker. In February 2008, the US stepped up those sanctions by putting several more companies and Tay Za's business associates in both Myanmar and Singapore on a black list, including Tay Za's brother and business partner Thiha. Htoo Trading Company Ltd, which includes Ayer Shwe Wah Company Ltd, Myanmar Avia Export Company Ltd and Pavo Aircraft Leasing Company Ltd, are all currently under US sanctions. US sanctions, first imposed broadly in 1995, have since 2007 targeted specific generals and their associated business interests by freezing their assets in American financial institutions. The restrictions also prohibit any commercial or financial transactions between American individuals and Myanmar firms named in the sanctions order and ban named individuals from travel to the US. Tay Za and Htoo Trading have also been targeted by the European Union, which imposed sanctions against them in December 2007. Similar to the US sanctions, the EU also targeted Tay Za's wife, eldest son and brother. Canada also put Tay Za and his family on their Canadian Special Economic Measures Regulations list in December 2007. (Tay Za could not be reached for comment for this article.) Sprawling empire Despite those impediments, Tay Za's businesses continue to thrive, including through contracts with China. In 2008, he negotiated a concession from Alcatel Shanghai Bell to cooperate on projects in the new Yadanabon cyber-city currently under construction in central Myanmar. He also built the old capital Yangon's top shopping complex, the Myanmar Shopping Center, which is stocked with international brands. Htoo Trading was also one of two main companies granted contracts to construct the new capital city at Naypyidaw. Tay Za's rise is directly connected to his close relations with Myanmar's generals, especially Senior General Than Shwe, the country's authoritarian ruler. He is also well-connected to General Thura Shwe Mann, currently the junta's third-ranking officer and often tipped to be Than Shwe's eventual successor. Shwe Mann currently holds a position on Htoo Trading's board, while his son, Aung Thet Mann, is director of Htoo Trading subsidiary Ayer Shwe Wah Company Ltd, which is involved in construction, palm oil products and import-export activities. Those relationships, analysts and opposition groups say, have helped him win many ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif lucrative government contracts and trade concessions. In the months following the destruction wrought by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, Htoo Trading claimed it spent some US$3 million on rescue and rehabilitation. Myanmar watchers say Tay Za was granted lucrative reconstruction contracts from the generals for his donations to the relief effort. He has come under criticism, including from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, for a project to build a 150-room hotel and 60meter-high tower in the historical town of Bagan which some say damages the religious site's aesthetics. His timber businesses stand widely accused of unsustainably cutting large swathes of Myanmar's remaining forests. But of special concern to the US is Tay Za's alleged role in brokering past arms purchases. Tay Za has consistently denied he is an arms broker for the military regime. The US Treasury claims that Tay Za's Myanmar Avia Export Company Ltd has been used to buy aircraft and helicopters for the Myanmar Air Force, including the 2001 purchase from Russia of 10 MiG 29 fighters and several Mi-8 helicopters. Established in 1993 to supply spare aircraft parts to the military, the company is now the representative for MAPO, Russia's major state-owned military aircraft manufacturer and a subsidiary of MiG. It also represents Russian helicopter company Rostverol, which in 2006 merged with Mil and Kamov to become Oboronprom Corporation. More worrying to US and regional security interests is his alleged role in brokering Russian and North Korean aid for Myanmar's suspected nuclear program. Tay Za was part of the delegation led by Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the junta's second-ranking official, to Russia in 2006, reportedly to discuss weapons purchases as well as the construction of a nuclear reactor. Testimony from a defector claiming to be a former bookkeeper for Tay Za was recently made public by Desmond Ball, a professor at Australian National University. The self-professed accountant claimed that Htoo Trading was directly involved in discussions with officials from North Korea and Russia "concerning contracts and memoranda of understanding for the provision of nuclear assistance, as well as the logistic arrangements for the export of uranium and the importation of equipment and materials for various elements of [Myanmar's] nuclear program". Htoo Trading is also allegedly involved in contracting for construction at the sites of the two reactors. According to the defector's testimony, Tay Za is also responsible for shipping equipment to the sites, often under cover of night. According to Ball's notes, the defector was with Tay Za when he played golf with Kyaw Thein, the deputy director of the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence, and an Iranian intelligence officer and nuclear expert. Controversial enterprise ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Two other top businessmen with top connections to the regime are Lo Hsing Han and his son Steven Law, also known as Tun Myint Naing. Together they run Asia World Ltd, Myanmar's biggest and most diversified conglomerate with interests in industrial development, construction, transportation, import-export and a chain of local supermarkets. Ten more companies are owned under the group in Singapore by Law's wife, Cecilia Ng. Both Lo Hsing Han and Steven Law have been on a US visa blacklist since 1996 for suspected drug trafficking activities. In February 2008, they were also put on the Treasury Department's sanctions list, along with Asia World Company and subsidiaries Asia World Co Ltd, Asia World Port Management, Asia World Industries Ltd and Asia World Light Ltd for their financial connections to the regime. Asia World currently holds the contract to run Yangon's main port, which handles 40% of Myanmar's container traffic and operates a cargo and shipping business from the same facility. The company was the second main contractor for the construction of the new capital now located at Naypyidaw and earned government reconstruction contracts in the Irrawaddy Delta in the wake of the cyclone disaster. Asia World currently has contracts to build several hydropower projects, including the Myit Sone dam on a tributary of the Irrawaddy River north of Mytikyina. It is known to have strong links to China. For instance, the company was contracted by the Myanmar government to develop a port at Kyaukpyu on Ramree Island off Myanmar's western Arakan coast, which is intended to facilitate shipping goods between the coast and China's southwestern Yunnan province. There is strong speculation that Lo Hsing Han's business empire was originally built on narco-profits - though he has consistently denied the widespread drug trafficking allegations. Starting as a local militia leader in the northern Kokang region in 1960, Lo Hsing Han was dubbed the "King of Opium" by US drug enforcement authorities in the 1970s because of large amount of heroin his alleged networks were sending through Thailand. Arrested by Thai police in 1973 and deported to Myanmar, he was sentenced to death for rebellion but granted an amnesty in 1980. He promptly moved back to northern Myanmar in a known drug cultivation area. Lo Hsing Han's usefulness to the regime became evident in 1989 when then-chief of intelligence, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt, used him as a go-between for ceasefire agreements with several ethnic insurgent groups, including the Kokang and the United Wa State Army, recognized as the world's largest narco-producing militia. According to a 1993 Thai Office of Narcotics Control Board report, in exchange he was granted the right to smuggle heroin from northern Myanmar to the Thai border. By 1994, his organization was widely considered among the most heavily armed drug trafficking organizations in Southeast Asia. Law enforcement officials say he might have stepped back from the trade in the mid-1990s, soon after he established ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Asia World. He also made strong efforts to cultivate relations with Myanmar's senior generals, especially Than Shwe; in 2006, Lo Hsing Han was known to have catered the extravagant wedding of Than Shwe's daughter. Lo Hsing Han is now one of the most prominent persons foreign investors seek out to establish joint venture arrangements. Golden Aaron, an Asia World subsidiary, has been linked to China's National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) since 2004 in a production-sharing contract for oil and gas deposits in Arakan State's controversial Shwe gas project, which has been linked with land confiscation and human rights abuses by monitoring groups. While Tay Za, Lo Hsing Han and Steven Law are the more well-known businessmen connected to the regime, a handful of other lesser-known and controversial entrepreneurs have also parlayed their relationships with senior generals into lucrative business empires. Brothers Nay Aung and Pyi Aung are the sons of powerful Ministry of Industry [1] head Aung Thaung, who is known to be close to both Than Shwe and Maung Aye. Pyi Aung is married to Nandar Aye, Maung Aye's daughter. The brothers founded Aung Yee Phyo Company Ltd and IGE Company Ltd in 1994, which in 2001 was registered in Singapore. IGE has since evolved into one of Myanmar's leading oil and gas companies, while also providing spare parts for electrical generation projects, the agriculture industry and timber trade. In March 2007, IGE signed a contract with Rimbunan Petrogas Ltd, making it a partner in a joint venture with the state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise in offshore oil and gas exploration in the Shwe gas field. Both men are banned from travel to Australia and the EU, but are not on the US's sanctions list. Khin Shwe, owner of the Zaykabar Company, is the country's leading property developer and has played a leading role in the tourism industry through his chairmanship of the Myanmar Hotelier Association. He was placed on the US sanctions list in 2007 for his close ties to the generals, including his daughter's marriage to Shwe Mann's youngest son. He has also served as chairman of the Myanmar-Japan Friendship Association, Myanmar-Korean Friendship Association and the Myanmar Thai Development Company. He maintains strong connections to the regime and hired US public relations firm Bain and Associated in 1997 in a failed attempt to improve the junta's image on Capitol Hill. Also on the US sanctions list is Htay Myint, founder of the Yuzana Company which has interests spanning real estate, transportation, construction, hotels and tourism, fisheries, palm oil production and rubber plantations. He also owns the Yuzan Supermarket and Yuzana Hotel in Yangon and an oil refinery in Thaketa township ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif near Yangon. These are some of the businessmen who will be rehabilitated and free for joint ventures with Western partners if the US and EU drop or relax their sanctions against Myanmar's rights-abusing regime. They are also the business groups foreign investors will likely need to seek out to gain access to Myanmar's various underinvested industries and markets. While dropping sanctions would no doubt ease the suffering of the general population, the policy shift would simultaneously further enrich and entrench some of the region's most controversial business groups. Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at [email protected]. (Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

BOOK REVIEW

No speed limit Merchants of Madness by Bertil Lintner and Michael Black R http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KA31Ae01.htmleviewed by David Scott Mathieson January 31, 2009 International drug experts and Myanmar's military regime have for years trumpeted the terminal decline of opium cultivation in the notorious Golden Triangle area. Selfcongratulatory predictions of opium's last gasp in Southeast Asia, however, were recently met with a harsh reality: production actually increased by 46% in 2007, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Alarming as this sounds, including the explosion of amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS), better known as speed, there can be no confidence that drug control in Myanmar will any time soon turn successful. Dramatic ATS production from northern Myanmar (some estimates claim hundreds of millions of pills a year) have since the mid-1990s enriched narco-entrepreneurs and their ethnic insurgent allies and exposed the ineffectiveness of Myanmar's United Nations-backed drug control program. Bertil Lintner, one of the world's most-respected analysts of Myanmar's Byzantine drug trade, with co-author Michael Black, a security writer with Jane's Intelligence Review, have written a short, sharp book on the dynamics of Myanmar's ATS trade. Merchants of Madness has the fast pace and almost unbelievable dramatics of a thriller. That is, except that it's all true. In several brisk chapters, the authors outline the history of global ATS consumption, increased production in Myanmar from 1989, and its gradual spread through regional trafficking networks. There is also a detailed analysis of the main players, the business of making and distributing ATS, and the connivance of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in allowing the illicit trade to flourish. A 2003 study by the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) argued that ATS are attractive to criminal enterprises because of their differences to agricultural drug production, such as opium, coca leaf or marijuana. As the book puts it, "There is no dependence on growing seasons; no large workforce is required; necessary chemicals are easily obtained; it is easy to locate laboratories near consumer markets; and there is a high profit return on their investment." This could read like a template for the activities of Myanmar's major ATS producers, including the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and other actors who are at least nominally allied to the ruling military regime. There is an ironic symbiosis: the main markets for Myanmar manufactured ATS - Thailand and China, and increasingly India and Vietnam - also provide the essential precursor chemicals needed to produce the drug. Merchants conveys a strong message about the destructive effects that ATS trafficking and consumption have had on mainland Southeast Asia and its bordering states. According to UNODC's 2008 Global ATS Survey, 6% of the world's population between the ages of 15 and 64 are regular ATS users. Even though this figure has dropped since 2001, when 8% of the world's population was estimated to habitually use amphetamines, it is still much higher than other drug consumption figures: 3% for heroin, 4% for cocaine and 2% for ecstasy. Despite some optimism that a global epidemic has seemed to plateau in recent ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif years, UNODC Executive Director Antonio Maria Costa recently claimed that the situation in Asia had actually "worsened" and that overall drug consumption in the region is on the rise. In Thailand, which conducted a controversial "war against drugs" in 2003, consumption and trafficking patterns are reportedly starting to reach levels not seen for a decade. The rise can at least partially be attributed to Myanmar drug merchants' innovative marketing. There are more than 100 "brands" of ATS identified by the Thai Office of Narcotics Control Board, appealing through variety to everyone from dance club ravers to young teenagers. Syndicates inside Myanmar have also expanded their product mix into MDMA, or ecstasy, which is known in Thailand as yaa-ee. The authors feature 16 major players from various ethnic non-state armed groups and criminal syndicates, some of whom freely attend major state functions in Myanmar. At the top of the trade, according to the book, is ethnic Chinese drug-lord Wei Xuegang, scion, in narco-lineage terms, to the country's biggest drug empire. He has worked as a drug trade contractor for every known major narco-business in Myanmar, first with the Kuomingtang, then in cahoots with Sino-Shan warlord General Khun Sa, and, from 1989, the UWSA. Wei was indicted in absentia on heroin-trafficking charges in 1993 by a New York federal court. Wei has ingeniously leveraged his official and underworld contacts and access to capital to run the finances for the UWSA's political wing, which is currently controlled by Bao Youxiang and his four brothers. The authors write that Bao and the UWSA appear to have a genuine desire to help their own people, seen in their provision of public services and requests for international assistance, but that in the final analysis those gestures don't eclipse their pivotal role in the human destruction wrought by the ATS trade. Like any good illicit enterprise, drug production requires clearly defined and wellprotected territory. In urban settings this is usually negotiated by gang violence or through local ethnic or clan hegemony in which family crime groups operate and turn a profit within the protection of their community. But in Myanmar, the authors contend, the government has sorted it all out. Following the breakup of the Communist Party of Burma in 1989, the heavily armed mutineers of the Wa and Kokang areas near the Chinese border reformed into nominal political groups. The regime, then situated in Rangoon, made the following arrangements: hold your territory, get rich, don't fight us and we'll get back to you. The result was the creation of various "special regions" in the remote Shan State, which first became opiumcultivation havens and later evolved into ATS production zones. Drug profits have been plowed into roads, hotels and casino towns, giving rise to a sort of narcodevelopment model. The UWSA-controlled Special Region Two also happens to host a number of UN ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif drug eradication officials and other international aid agencies, somewhat ironically considering the sustained export of narcotics from the area. For countries and organizations pouring financial assistance into Myanmar, or for any private company considering doing business in the underdeveloped country, the rogue's gallery and their often hidden neighborhood business empires outlined in this volume are certainly worth a close read. One of the most entertaining, if shocking, sections in Merchants is the description of the town of Mong La, home to jungle casinos, glitzy transvestite shows, Eastern European sex workers and an "anything goes" frontier spirit. Run by one of the ATS trade's main players, Lin Minxian (aka Sai Leun), a Chinese-born Red Guard volunteer who later became a Burmese Communist Party cadre, Mong La became known as Shan State's Special Region Four. A mixture of Medellin and Las Vegas, Mong La's fortunes have over the years waxed and waned. The town gained notoriety from 1999 as a surreal manifestation of the free-wheeling, extra-legal, state-building alternative witnessed in northern Myanmar's drug production zones, and was simultaneously presented by Myanmar and Western drug eradication officials as the supposed showpiece of progress in opium eradication. An estimated 500,000 Chinese vice tourists also visited annually to gamble, eat endangered animal species and soak in the seedy night life. Several Western journalists also visited the area and published stories that often contradicted the "opium free" zone claims made beginning in 1997 by Myanmar and UN officials. This writer visited Mong La in early 2003, when it was still run as an extreme version of the ribald film Porky's for Chinese day-trippers. The town declined dramatically beginning in 2005, after Chinese border security guards raided the area and forced Chinese citizens back across the border. They also shut off the town's main electricity source. But as Lintner and Black argue, the town has recently experienced a resurgence and is now complimented by a satellite facility at the nearby town of Mong Ma, which has emerged as a sort of Internet gambling hub. Drug-lord Wei bid to carve out his own little zone of drug-fueled peace and prosperity at Mong Yawn in Eastern Shan State. From 1999 to 2001, more than 100,000 ethnic Wa and Lahu were forcibly relocated from the northern Special Region Two to new settlements straddling the Thai border. This ill-conceived opium eradication project displaced nearly 50,000 original inhabitants in the area, creating a displaced population that died in droves from malaria, starvation, anthrax and extra-judicial killings. It was all a disastrous cover for Wei's mobile methamphetamine labs, which around then started to crank out millions of pills for the burgeoning Thai market. The destitute and desperate civilians around Mong Yawn were also used as convenient "ants" to carry the drugs into Thailand, an incredibly perilous task as Thai border security capabilities were beefed up with United States' counter-narcotics assistance. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif By 2001, Mong Yawn had become so notorious that Wei eventually decamped to build a massive new mansion near Panghsang. Lintner and Black claim the reclusive drug merchant actually prefers the quiet life: he apparently likes to watch television, doesn't drink or smoke and often works all night protected by hundreds of bodyguards. He is also an enterprising investor in new areas of vice in Laos, including the massive Boten complex on the Chinese border, a haven of gambling, prostitution and smuggling. The book's detailed exposure of the Wei-controlled Hong Pang Group and its various subsidiaries makes for disturbing reading and raises hard questions about whether the current international approach to pushing for change in Myanmar can succeed as long as the ruling regime benefits from the drug trade. Its release is also well timed: on January 15, the US Treasury Department Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) identified and sanctioned two individuals and 14 companies linked to the SPDC and drug trade. They included businesses close to Steven Law, son of infamous drug lord Lo Hsing Han, and his Asia World company, as well as 10 affiliated companies operated by Law's wife, Cecilia Ng, of which at least one is registered in Singapore. The US has maintained a US$2 million price tag on Wei's head for nearly a decade. In 2005, the DEA indicted the UWSA's top eight leaders on drug trafficking charges in the US. And in November 2008, OFAC tightened measures against the UWSA by designating 26 individuals, including the brothers and subordinates of the militia's top leaders, and 17 linked companies - many of which are exposed in great detail in Merchants. The authors also challenge the assertion made by some researchers - and the oftennaive assumption held by many Myanmar-based development experts - that the UWSA is not involved in the drug trade and that the blame should be pinned solely on Chinese crime syndicates known to be active in the area. Lintner and Black outline in great detail a system of production and transit involving ethnic Chinese financers (Wei) with armed muscle (Bao) and a cooperative transit environment (provided by the SPDC) into receptive markets (Thailand and China) that handle the retail and franchise end of ATS. The system of ATS production, and its complementary product, No 4 heroin, simply could not proceed without at least the connivance, if not active participation, of the Myanmar military, the authors argue. Underscoring that point, they note that current Myanmar Prime Minister General Thein Sein was formerly in charge of the army's Triangle Command, which is located in the heart of known narcotic production zones. In 2001, he gave a speech in Mong La in which he said, "U Wei Xuegang and U Bao Youn are real friends." Merchants should be read as a shocking, vicarious overview of the ATS trade as it ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif originates in Myanmar. With all its excellent details and documentation, it serves as a more detailed account of the phenomenon than the previous study published in 2004 by French geographer Pierre-Arnoud Chouvy and his sociologist co-author Joel Messonier. It also nicely complements a major new study of the Golden Triangle by Sino-Burmese criminologist and Rutgers University professor Ko-Lin Chin. And it's a better read than the often-somnolent UNODC reports. Given the recent developments in Myanmar and the Golden Triangle - including a resurgence of opium cultivation, burgeoning ATS production and conflicting international approaches of economic sanctions and counter-narcotics assistance Lintner and Black make the simple but salient point that, at its core, Myanmar's drug problem is a political issue that will ultimately require a political solution. Merchants of Madness cogently reminds the reader that this is as true today as it ever was. Merchants of Madness. The Methamphetamine Explosion in the Golden Triangle by Bertil Lintner and Michael Black. Silkworm Press, 2009. ISBN-10: 974951159X. Price US$34.95t, 180 pages. David Scott Mathieson is the Myanmar consultant for New York-based Human Rights Watch.

စစ္အစိုးရ ဒု ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီး ရဲဴမင့္ႎႀင့္ ဝ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾႚဆံုမည္ 2009-09-09 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/wa_leaders_to_meet_junta_general09092009133010.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာ လံုဴခံႂေရးအဖၾဲႚ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီးရဲဴမင့္နဲႛ အဖၾဲႚ ေကအိုင္အို ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾနဲႛ ေတၾႚဆံုဖိုႛ ဴမစ္႒ကီးနားမႀာ ေရာက္တယ္လိုႛ ေကအိုင္အိုနဲႛ နီးစပ္တဲ့ သတင္းေတၾအရ သိရပၝတယ္၊ အလားတူပဲ မဳကာခင္မႀာ UWSA ဝ အဖၾဲႚနဲႛ ေတၾႚဆံုေဆၾးေႎၾးဖိုႛ ရႀိေဳကာင္းနဲႛ ဝ အမဵိႂုးသားေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ေကဵာက္ညီလိုင္ ကၾယ္လၾန္သၾားတာနဲႛ ပတ္သက္လိုႛလည္း ကူညီေငၾေတၾ ေပးေဳကာင္း ဝ အရာရႀိတေယာက္က ေဴပာဆိုပၝတယ္။ ဝ အရာရႀိ။

။ “ဒီလိုပဲ သတင္းဳကားတယ္၊ လာမႀာေတာ့ လာမယ္ထင္တယ္၊ အခု

ဦးေကဵာက္ညီလိုင္ရဲ့ အလႀႃေငၾေတာင္မႀ သူတိုႛ ဒီေနႛပိုႛ လာမယ္လိုႛ ေဴပာတာပဲ၊ လား႟ိႁးက ရမခ တိုင္းမႀႃး ၁ဝ သိန္းေပၝ့။ အသုဘ အတၾက္ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ ရဲဴမင့္က ၅ သိန္းပဲ ဴဖစ္မႀာေပၝ့၊ ပန္ဆန္းက နတလ ဗိုလ္မႀႃး ကုိယ္စားဴပႂ႓ပီးေတာ့ ပန္ဝယ္ကို တက္လာဖိုႛ အစီအစဥ္ရႀိတယ္။” ဘာေတၾေဆၾးေႎၾးမယ္ဆိုတာ အတိအကဵ မသိရေသးေပမဲ့ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ ေဴပာဆိုေနတဲ့ အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္အဴဖစ္ ဴပင္ဆင္ဖၾဲႚစည္းခိုင္းတာနဲႛ ပတ္သက္ႎိုင္႓ပီး အခုလို 206 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ႎႀစ္ဖက္ေတၾႚဆံုဖိုႛ ဴဖစ္လာတာဟာ တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရရဲ့ ဖိအားေတၾလည္း ပၝႎိုင္တယ္လိုႛ ေလ့လာသူေတၾက ယူဆေနဳကပၝတယ္၊ လၾန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဳသဂုတ္လကုန္ပိုင္းေလာက္က ကိုးကန္ႛ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖၾဲႚကို ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက အလံုးအရင္းနဲႛ တိုက္ခိုက္ သိမ္းပိုက္႓ပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မႀာ UWSA ဘက္က စစ္ေရးဴပင္ဆင္မႁေတၾ လုပ္လာသလို ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ တပ္ေတၾကလည္း ဝနယ္ထဲကို စစ္အင္အားေတၾ တိုးခဵဲ့လာခဲ့ပၝတယ္၊ လက္ရႀိအေဴခအေနအရ ဴမန္မာဘက္က တပ္တခဵိႂႚ ဴပန္ဆုတ္သၾားတာ ေတၾႚရတယ္လိုႛ ဝ အရာရႀိက ေဴပာပၝတယ္၊ ဝ အရာရႀိ။

။ “အခုဟာက ကဵေနာ္တိုႛတပ္ကေတာ့ ကဵေနာ္တိုႛ မ႟ုပ္သိမ္းေသးဘူးေလ၊ သူတိုႛက

ကား ၆ စီးေတာ့ ဴပန္႟ုပ္သိမ္း သၾားတယ္လိုႛေတာ့ ဳကားတယ္ဗဵ။ ေမာ္ဖ၊ ပန္ဆန္းဘက္ေပၝ့၊ ကဵိႂင္းတံုနဲႛ တန္ႛယန္းဳကားေပၝ့၊ တဴဖည္းဴဖည္းနဲႛ သူတိုႛ ႟ုပ္ဖိုႛရႀိတယ္ထင္တယ္

ဝဴပည္နယ္ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးေနႛ ႎႀစ္၂ဝဴပည့္ အခမ္းအနား ဧ႓ပီ ၁၇ရက္ေနႛက ပန္ဆန္းတၾင္ ကဵင္းပစဥ္ စစ္ေရးဴပေနေသာ ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရး (UWSA) တပ္ဖၾဲႚမဵား ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo Courtesy of UWSA) အခုလ အေစာပိုင္းမႀာ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ ဝ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ တိုက္ပၾဲဴဖစ္ပၾားမဲ့ သတင္းေတၾေဳကာင့္ ဝ ေဒသအတၾင္းက တ႟ုတ္ စီးပၾားေရးသမားေတၾနဲႛအတူ လူအေတာ္မဵားမဵား တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဘက္ကို တိမ္းေရႀာင္ေနဳကပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ အခုအခၝေတာ့ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆး ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္လိုႛ ဝ အရာရႀိက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဝ အဖၾဲႚေတၾအေနနဲႛ တိုင္းရင္းသား ဴပႍနာေတၾကို ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းတဲ့နည္းနဲႛ ေဆၾးေႎၾးအေဴဖရႀာခဵင္ေပမဲ့ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရဘက္က စစ္ေရးနဲႛ အတင္းအကဵပ္ တိုက္ခိုက္ လာမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ခုခံကာကၾယ္မယ္လိုႛ သူက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဒီအေတာအတၾင္း ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသကုိ သံတမန္ေတၾကုိ ဒီကေနႛ ဖိတ္ဳကားဴပသခဲ့တဲ့ ဴပည္ထဲေရးဝန္႒ကီးဌာန ဒုဝန္႒ကီး ဗုိလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ ဘုန္းေဆၾက ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသဟာ လာမဲ့ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႟ၾးေကာက္ပၾဲအ႓ပီးမႀာ ကုိယ္ပုိင္အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ခၾင့္ရေဒသ ဴဖစ္လာပၝလိမ့္မယ္လုိႛ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဒၝ့ဴပင္ သူက ဴမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဟာ ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသကုိ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၉ ရက္ေနႛကစ႓ပီး အဴပည့္အဝ ထိန္းခဵႂပ္ထားႎုိင္ခဲ့ေဳကာင္းလည္း ေဴပာဆုိတယ္လုိႛ သိရပၝတယ္။

ကိုးကန္ ့ေဒသ စစ္အစိုးရ တိုက္ရိုက္ ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ 09 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-09-voa5.cfm

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္နယ္စပ္က ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသဟာ ၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္

ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ၿပီးရင္ေတာ့ ဖဲြ႔စည္းပံုအတုိင္းဆုိရင္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရတဲ့ ေဒသျဖစ္လာပါလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ျမန္မာ ဒုတိယျပည္ထဲေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဖုန္းေဆြက ေျပာလုိက္ ပါတယ္။ မေန႔က ရန္ကုန္ အေျခစုိက္ ႏုိင္ငံျခား

သတင္းေထာက္ေတြနဲ႔ သံတမန္ေတြကို ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ ေလာက္ကိုင္ၿမိဳ႕ကို ေခၚယူၿပီး ျမန္မာအစုိးရ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြက သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပဲြတရပ္ ျပဳလုပ္ရာမွာ သူက ေျပာသြားတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဖုန္က်ားရွင္ရဲ႕ တပ္ေတြနဲ႔

ျမန္မာအစုိးရတပ္ေတြ တုိက္ပဲြျဖစ္ၿပီးေနာက္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၉ရက္ေန႔ ညေနပိုင္းမွာ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ တခုလံုးကို ျမန္မာ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ေတြက လုံး၀

ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားႏုိင္ခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဖုန္းေဆြက ရွင္းလင္း ေျပာဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁ရက္ေန႔မွာေတာ့ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သိန္းစိန္ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ ဖြင့္ၿဖိဳးေရးဦးစီးေကာ္မတီ တရပ္ကို ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့တယ္လို႔ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒီအလုပ္အဖဲြ႔ကို ျပည္ထဲေရး ဒုတိယ ၀န္ႀကီးက ဦးေဆာင္သြားမယ္လုိ႔

ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။ ဒီအဖဲြ႔ဟာ အေထြေထြ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြအၿပီး ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ တရားေရးဌာနေတြ မေပၚထြက္လာခင္အထိ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသကို တာ၀န္ယူ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ သြားမယ့္သေဘာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ စင္ဟြာသတင္းမွာ ေရးသားထားပါတယ္။

ကိုးကန္႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဖုန္က်ားရွင္ထံက စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းလုိက္တဲ့ ပိုင္ေစာက္ခ်ိန္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

208

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အုပ္စုကေတာ့ သူ႔အေနနဲ႔ လာမယ့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကို ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပဳိင္မွာ

ျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ေတြကိုလည္း ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရ ေတာင္းဆုိထား တဲ့အတုိင္း နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရး တပ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖို႔ လက္ခံထားတယ္လုိ႔ ပိုင္ေစာက္ခ်ိန္

ကိုယ္တုိင္က သတင္းေထာက္ ေတြကို ေျပာဆုိ ခဲ့တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဒီဘီေအ သတင္းမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။

တရုတ္က သတင္းေပးသျဖင့္ နယ္စပ္မွ ကုိးကန္႔လက္နက္စက္ရုံကုိေတြ႔ AP သတင္းဌာန

စက္တင္ဘာ ၉၊ ၂၀၀၉

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္မည္ဟု အာဏာသိမ္းကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးပယ္ေဆာက္ခ်ိန္ ေျပာၿပီ (ဓာတ္ပံု-AP)

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံက သတင္းေပးသျဖင့္ စစ္အစုိးရ တပ္မ်ားက ျပီးခ့ဲသည့္ လတြင္ တရားမ၀င္

တည္ေဆာက္ထားသည့္ လက္နက္စက္ရုံကုိ သိမ္းဆည္းရမိျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အရာရိွတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ယမန္ေန႔က အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔သည္ သံတမန္ ႏွင့္ သတင္းေထာက္တခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသသုိ႔ လုိက္လံ ပုိ႔ေဆာင္ ျပသခ့ဲသည္။ ၎တုိ႔အား ျပည္ထဲေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ဒု၀န္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ဖုန္းေဆြက ရွင္းျပရာတြင္

လက္နက္စက္ရုံကုိ

တရုတ္နယ္စပ္အနီး

ေတြ႔ရျခင္း

ျဖစ္သည္ဟု

ဆုိသည္။ နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ မႈခင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္ ၀န္ႀကီးအဆင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြ ျပဳလုပ္ခ့ဲရာမွ ထုိသုိ႔ သိရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္

ဆက္ဆံေရး

ေကာင္းမြန္ေနသည္ဟု

အသိေပးလုိသျဖင့္

ထုိသုိ႔

ေျပာၾကားျခင္း ျဖစ္မည္ဟု ယူဆရသည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွ ကုမၸဏီႀကီးမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာျပည္၏ ေရနံ ႏွင့္ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ျမွဳပ္ႏွံထားသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

209

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဤအေတာအတြင္း ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သစ္က လာမည့္ႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြတြင္

ပါ၀င္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္မည္ဟု ေျပာလုိက္သည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ေကာ္မတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးပယ္ေဆာက္ခ်ိန္ (Phe Sauk Chen)

က

သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားကုိ

ေျပာၾကားရာတြင္

သူ၏

တပ္မ်ားက

စစ္အစုိးရ၏

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အစီအစဥ္တြင္ ပါ၀င္မည္ဟု ေျပာလုိက္သည္။

ေလာက္ကုိင္႓မိႂႚတၾင္ နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲလုပ္ နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရ ဴပည္ထဲေရး ဝန္႒ကီးဌာန ဒု-ဝန္႒ကီး ဗုိလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ ဘုန္းေဆၾႎႀင့္ အေရႀႚေဴမာက္တုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခဵႂပ္ တုိင္းမႀႃး ဗုိလ္ခဵႂပ္ ေအာင္သန္းထၾဋ္တုိႛက ႎုိင္ငံဴခား သံ႟ုံးမဵားမႀ သံအမတ္မဵား စစ္သံမႀႃးမဵားႎႀင့္ သတင္းေထာက္မဵားအား ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့သည့္ တုိက္ပၾဲမဵားႎႀင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲ တခုကုိ ေလာက္ကုိင္႓မိႂႚတၾင္ ယမန္ေနႛက ဴပႂလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။

ဦးဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္၏ ကုိးကန္ႛ တပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵား ထံမႀ သိမ္းဆည္း ရမိထားေသာ လက္နက္မဵားႎႀင့္ methamphetamine စိတ္႔ကေဆးမဵားကို သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲတၾင္ ခင္းကဵင္း ဴပသထားပံုႎႀင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛ တပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္ တဦးကို ေလာက္ကိုင္မႀာ ေတၾႚဴမင္ရပံု။

ဧရာဝတီ ၊ ၁၀ ၊ စက္တင္ဘာ ၊ ၂၀၀၉ ယင္းသတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲတၾင္ ဦးဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္ႎႀင့္ မိသားစုဝင္မဵား၏ အိမ္မႀ သိမ္းဆည္းရမိေသာ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝးမဵား၊ လက္နက္စက္႟ုံႎႀင့္ ရန္လုံကဵိႂင္းရႀိ ရဲတပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵားအား ကိုးကန္ႛ တပ္ဖၾဲႚမဵားက သတ္ဴဖတ္ခဲ့သည့္ ေနရာမဵားကုိ ဴပသခဲ့ေဳကာင္း သိရသည္။ "မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝးနဲႛ ပတ္သက္႓ပီးေတာ့လည္း ဴပထားတယ္၊ လက္နက္စက္႟ုံကေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္႒ကီးတယ္၊ လက္နက္႒ကီး မပၝဘူး၊ AK 47 ပုံစံ ေဴပာင္းေတၾနဲႛ 9 mm ပစၤတုိေတၾပဲ ပၝတယ္" ဟု သတင္းေထာက္မဵားႎႀင့္ နီးစပ္သူ တဦးက ဧရာဝတီသုိႛ ေဴပာသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

210

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif စက္႟ုံ အကဵယ္အဝန္းမႀာ ေပ၂၀၀ ပတ္လည္ခန္ႛ ရႀိေဳကာင္း၊ စက္႟ုံထဲတၾင္ အေဆာင္ ၈ ေဆာင္ခန္ႛရႀိ႓ပီး သံရည္ကဵိႂစက္မဵား၊ တၾင္ခုံမဵား ၊ ေသနတ္ဒင္လုပ္ေသာ စက္႟ုံမဵားရႀိေဳကာင္း သိရသည္။ ႒ကီးမား႓ပီး လက္နက္မဵားစၾာ ထုတ္လုပ္ေသာ စက္႟ုံတ႟ုံကုိ ေနႛခဵင္းညခဵင္း တည္ေဆာက္၍ မရႎုိင္ေဳကာင္း ၊ ဤကဲ့သုိႛ စက္႟ုံမဵိႂး တည္ရႀိေနမႁႎႀင့္ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝးမဵား ထုတ္လုပ္ေနသည္ကုိ နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရ အေနဴဖင့္ မသိရႀိဴခင္း အေပၞ သံတမန္ တဦး က ေမးခၾန္းထုတ္ေဳကာင္း၊ "အစုိးရ အေနဴဖင့္ မသိပၝဘူး၊ တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံမႀ သတင္းေပးေသာေဳကာင့္သာ သိရေဳကာင္း" ဟု ဴပည္ထဲေရး ဒု-ဝန္႒ကီး ဗုိလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ ဘုန္းေဆၾက ေဴဖဳကားေဳကာင္း ၎က ေဴပာသည္။ ႓ပီးခဲ့သည့္ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေနႛတၾင္ အာဏာပုိင္တုိႛက ကုိးကန္ႛ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္၏ အိမ္တၾင္ လက္နက္စက္႟ုံ ရိႀသည္ဟု အေဳကာင္းဴပ႓ပီး ဝင္ေရာက္ စီးနင္းခ့ဲသည္။ ထိုႛေနာက္ ကုိးကန္ႛ အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚအတၾင္း စစ္အစုိးရ အကူအညီဴဖင့္ ဒု-ဥကၠႉ တာဝန္ ယူခ့ဲသူ ပယ္ေစာက္ခဵိန္ ဦးေဆာင္၍ အာဏာသိမ္းခဲ့႓ပီး ယာယီ ဦးစီးေကာ္မတီကုိ အသစ္ ဖၾဲႚစည္းခဲ့သည္။ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္သည္ ၎၏ တပ္ဖၾဲႚမဵားႎႀင့္ အတူ ဝ နယ္ဘက္သုိႛ ေရႀာင္တိမ္းသၾားေဳကာင္း သိရသည္။ ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသ ယာယီဦးစီး ေကာ္မတီ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ဦးပယ္ေစာက္ခဵိန္က စစ္အစိုး၏ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသၾင္ေဴပာင္းေရးကုိ သေဘာတူ႓ပီး၊ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႎႀစ္တၾင္ ဴပႂလုပ္မည့္ ေ႟ၾးေကာက္ပၾဲကုိလည္း စစ္အစုိးရ စီစဥ္မႁဴဖင့္ ဝင္ေရာက္မည္ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲတၾင္ သတင္းေထာက္မဵားကို ေဴပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။ "ဦးပယ္ေစာက္ခဵိန္က ဴမန္မာစကား သိပ္မေဴပာတတ္ေတာ့ ဴပန္မေဴဖႎုိင္ဘူး၊ အစုိးရရဲႚ အစီအမံ အတုိင္းပဲလုိႛ ေဴပာတယ္၊ ဒု-ဝန္႒ကီးတုိႛ တုိင္းမႀႃးတုိႛကလည္း ေမးတာကုိ သိပ္မ႒ကိႂက္ဘူး" ဟု ေဴပာဆုိေဳကာင္း သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲ သၾားေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္ သတင္းေထာက္ အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းက ေဴပာသည္။ သံတမန္မဵားႎႀင့္ သတင္းေထာက္မဵားကုိ ေလာက္ကုိင္႓မိႂႚအား လႀည့္လည္ ဴပသရာတၾင္ လက္နက္စက္႟ုံ၊ မူးယစ္ေဆး ထုတ္လုပ္ေသာ စက္႟ုံ၊ ဖုန္ဳကားဖူးအိမ္ႎႀင့္ ရဲတပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵားအား အသတ္ခံရေသာ အခဵႂပ္ခန္း ေနရာမဵားကုိသာ ဴပသေဳကာင္း သိရသည္။ "အဲ့ဒီ ေနရာေတၾကုိပဲ ဴပတယ္၊ ကဵန္တာကေတာ့ ကားေပၞကေန႓ပီး အဴမန္ ဴပသၾားတယ္၊ ခရီးစဥ္ တခုလုံးမႀ ၃ နာရီ ေကဵာ္ေကဵာ္ဳကာတယ္တဲ့" ဟု သတင္းေထာက္ တဦးက ေဴပာသည္။ ယေနႛထုတ္ အစိုးရသတင္းစာတၾင္ ကုိးကန္ႛေဒသ နယ္ေဴမ တည္႓ငိမ္လာ႓ပီး ေဒသခံဴပည္သူ ၁၇,၁၁၄ ဦး ဴပန္လည္ ဝင္ေရာက္လာသည္ဟု ေဖာ္ဴပထားေသာ္လည္း၊ စီးပၾားေရး လုပ္ငန္းမဵား ဴဖစ္သည့္ ေစဵးဆုိင္မဵား၊ စတုိးဆုိင္မဵားႎႀင့္ ကာစီႎုိ ေလာင္းကစားဝုိင္းမဵား ဖၾင့္လႀစ္ထားသည္ကုိ မေတၾႚရေသးေဳကာင္း ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚသိုႛ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

211

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေရာက္ရႀိခဲ့သည့္ ၎က ေဴပာဴပသည္။ သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲ၌ ဗုိလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ ဘုန္းေဆၾက ဤဴဖစ္စဥ္မဵားႎႀင့္ ပတ္သက္႓ပီး သတင္းစာမဵားႎႀင့္ ေရဒီယုိမဵားတၾင္ ေဖာ္ဴပထား႓ပီး ဴဖစ္သည္ဟု ေဴပာဆုိေဳကာင္း၊ ဴဖစ္စဥ္ အေသးစိတ္ကုိ ဴမန္မာ အဂႆလိပ္ ႎႀစ္ဘာသာဴဖင့္ ေရးထားေသာ စာ႟ၾက္မဵားအား တဴခားေသာ အစိုးရ တာဝန္ရႀိသူမဵားက လုိက္လံ ေဝငႀခဲ့ေဳကာင္း၊ အေသးစိတ္ ေမးဴမန္း၍ မရေဳကာင္းလည္း ဆိုသည္။ ဤသတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းပၾဲသုိႛ သံတမန္မဵားႎႀင့္ ဴပည္တၾင္း ဴပည္ပ သတင္းေထာက္မဵား စုစုေပၝင္း ဦးေရ ၆၀ ခန္ႛ လုိက္ပၝ တက္ေရာက္ခဲႛ႓ပီး ဴပည္တၾင္း စာနယ္ဇင္းမဵားမႀာ လ႖ပ္တဴပက္ဂဵာနယ္၊ ဴမန္မာတုိင္းမ္ ဂဵာနယ္၊ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းမ္ ဂဵာနယ္၊ ဝီကလီး အလဲဗင္း (Weekly Eleven) ဂဵာနယ္ႎႀင့္ ဖလားဝၝးနယူးစ္ ဂဵာနယ္တုိႛ ပၝဝင္သည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ျမန္မာအေပၚ တ႐ုတ္ၾသဇာ ICG ေလွ်ာ့တြက္ 14 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-14-voa8.cfm ဘယ္လ္ဂ်ီယံႏုိင္ငံ ဘရပ္ဆဲလ္ၿမိဳ႕ အေျခစုိက္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား ေလ့လာေရးအဖြဲ႕ (ICG) က စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔ ရက္စြဲနဲ႔ တ႐ုတ္ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ အက်ပ္အတည္းဆိုတဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာ တေစာင္ကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္က ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအေပၚမွာ ၾသဇာေညာင္းတယ္လို႔ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက ယုံၾကည္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ ၾသဂုတ္လက

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲကို ကိုးကန္႔တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ ေသာင္းနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ေျပး၀င္လာရတဲ့ အျဖစ္မ်ဳိးေတြ မေပၚေပါက္ရေအာင္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရကုိ တ႐ုတ္က မတားဆီးႏုိင္ခဲ့ဘူးလို႔လည္း ICG

အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ဆုိထားပါတယ္။ ဒီအစီရင္ခံစာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တာေတြ၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ တ႐ုတ္ရဲ႕ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈအေပၚ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အျမင္ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တာေတြကို တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ေနထုိင္ေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေလ့လာသူ ေဒါက္တာ လွေက်ာ္ေဇာကို ဦးေရာ္နီညိမ္းက ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းၿပီး တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ တ႐ုတ္ ဗဟုိအစုိးရက ထားရွိတဲ့ မူ၀ါဒနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ့အိမ္နီးခ်င္း တ႐ုတ္ဘက္က ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ အက်ဳိးစီးပြားေပၚမွာ အေျခခံထားတဲ့ မူ၀ါဒေတြအေပၚမွာ ICG အဖြဲ႕က ဆန္းစစ္ သုံးသပ္ထားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအရ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ ျဖစ္ေပၚေရးမွာ

တ႐ုတ္က အဓိက အခရာက်တယ္လို႔ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းမွာ ေျပာဆုိလာၾကခ်ိန္မွာ ဒါဟာ ပုံႀကီးခ်ဲ႕ၿပီး ထင္ျမင္လြန္းတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ICG က ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒီေနရာမွာေတာ့ ICG နဲ႔ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ေနထုိင္တဲ့ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေလ့လာသူ ေဒါက္တာ လွေက်ာ္ေဇာတုိ႔ အျမင္သေဘာထားခ်င္း တုိက္ဆုိင္ၾကပါတယ္။

“တ႐ုတ္ကေတာ့ ဗမာျပည္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ စိတ္ပ်က္ေနတာ ၾကာပါၿပီ။ ဥပမာ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား

ဆုိပါေတာ့၊ ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယား အဏုျမဴကိစၥဆုိ သူလည္း ေတာ္ေတာ္ ေခါင္းကုိက္ရတာပဲ။ အမွန္ဆုိ ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားနဲ႔ တ႐ုတ္ ဆက္ဆံေရးက ဗမာနဲ႔ တ႐ုတ္ ဆက္ဆံေရးထက္ေတာင္ ပိုၿပီး

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

212

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ရင္းႏွီးေသးတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လဲဆုိေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ ပါတီခ်င္းလည္း ရင္းႏွီးၾကတာ ျဖစ္တာကုိး။ အစုိးရခ်င္းေရာ၊ ပါတီခ်င္းေရာ။ အဲဒါေတာင္မွ သူ ေျပာလို႔ ဆုိလို႔ သိပ္မရဘူး။ “တ႐ုတ္ကလည္း အခ်ဳပ္အျခာ အာဏာပိုင္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံတခုကို ဆက္ဆံတဲ့ေနရာမွာ သူက တန္းတူရည္တူထားၿပီး ဆက္ဆံတာပဲေလ။ အဲေတာ့ သူ႕အျမင္၊ ကုိယ့္အျမင္ မတူႏုိင္တဲ့

အခါၾကေတာ့ သူ အရမ္း ဘယ္သူ႕ကိုမွ ဖိေျပာေလ့ေျပာထ မရွိဘူး။ သူက သြယ္၀ိုက္တဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္တာေတြ မ်ားတယ္။” အရင္က အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံေတြက ျမန္မာ့အေရးကို ဦးေဆာင္ လုပ္ကုိင္လာၾကၿပီး မေအာင္ျမင္ေတာ့မွ တ႐ုတ္က ဒီကိစၥကို လုပ္သင့္တယ္ဆုိၿပီး ICG အပါအ၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းက ေျပာလာၾကတဲ့ အေပၚမွာေတာ့ ေဒါက္တာ လွေက်ာ္ေဇာက အခုလို သုံးသပ္ပါတယ္။ “အဲဒါကေတာ့ တရားခံရွာတာပါ။ တ႐ုတ္လည္း မႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိတာ သူတို႔လည္း သိေနႏုိင္တဲ့ကိစၥပဲ။ အခုဟာ က်မၾကည့္တာေတာ့ ကမၻာ့ရဲ႕ အေနအထားေပါ့၊ ကမၻာ့ရဲ႕ World Order ေပါ့၊

International Political Order ေရာ Financial Order ေရာ အမ်ားႀကီး ေျပာင္းေနတယ္။ အဲလိုေျပာင္းေနတဲ့ ကာလမွာ တ႐ုတ္က တင္ေနတဲ့အခန္း ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒါ ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့ Multilateralism လုိ႔ေခၚတယ္။ ဗဟုစုံ၀ါဒလို႔ ဗမာလို ျပန္မယ္ထင္တယ္။ သူက ႏုိင္ငံတုိင္း

ႏုိင္ငံတုိင္း ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးေတြ အားလုံး ကိုယ့္ႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ကုိယ္ အၿပိဳင္းအ႐ုိင္း ျဖစ္လာဖို႔ေပါ့။ တဦးတည္း ဗုိလ္၀ါဒ၊ ယူနီပိုလာရစ္ဇင္နဲ႔ မာလ္တီပုိလာရစ္ဇင္ တုိက္ပြဲပါပဲ၊ အခုပြဲက။ “အဲဒီေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္က တင္ေနတာ အဲဒါ တင္ေနတယ္။ တင္ေနတဲ့ဟာကို လူေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကလည္း ႀကိဳက္ေနၾကတယ္။ ဥပမာ ဘရာဇီးတုိ႔လို တုိင္းျပည္ေတြကလည္း ႀကိဳက္တယ္။ Developing Country မ်ဳိးကလည္း ႀကိဳက္တယ္။ မႀကိဳက္တာက Developed Country၊ အဆင့္ေတြ အျမင့္ေရာက္ထားၿပီးသား လူေတြက မႀကိဳက္တာ။ ဒါလည္း သဘာ၀ က်ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တက္လာတဲ့လူကို ေနရာမေပးခ်င္တာေပါ့။

“အဲဒီလိုကာလမွာ တ႐ုတ္ကုိ ရမယ္အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ရွာလာတဲ့အခါ ဒါ ရမယ္တခုလို႔ပဲ က်မ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ ဗမာျပည္တင္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ သတင္းကို ၾကည့္လုိက္ရင္ ဇင္ဘာေဘြကိစၥပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊ ဆူဒန္ကိစၥပဲ ၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊ တ႐ုတ္ကိုပဲ ၀ုိင္းပုံေနသလုိ ျဖစ္တယ္ေလ။” ဒါ့အျပင္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံေတြက ကုိယ့္ဘာသာကိုယ္ အဆက္အဆံ

လုပ္ခ်င္ၾကတဲ့ ကိစၥမွာ တ႐ုတ္ဘက္ကို ျမန္မာက ယိမ္းသြားမွာစုိးလို႔ဆုိတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ကို အသုံးခ်ၾကတယ္လို႔ ေဒါက္တာ လွေက်ာ္ေဇာက အခုလိုေျပာပါတယ္။ “တျခားဟာမၾကည့္နဲ႔၊ ဟိုတေလာက ဆီနိတ္တာ ဂ်င္မ္ ၀က္ဘ္ (Jim Webb) သြားတာပဲၾကည့္ေပါ့။ သူတုိ႔ အေမရိကန္ေတြ အေနနဲ႔က တကယ္ေတာ့ ဗမာျပည္နဲ႔ အမ်ားႀကီး ဆက္ဆံခ်င္ေနၾကၿပီ။ အဲေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ဟာကို ဆက္ဆံခ်င္ရင္ ဆက္ဆံတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ သူက ဘာကို အေၾကာင္းျပလဲဆုိေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္က ဗမာျပည္မွာ ၾသဇာလႊမ္းသြားမွာစုိးလို႔၊ ဒါနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ဦး၀င္းတင္လည္း ေဆာင္းပါးေရးၿပီးၿပီ၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကလည္း ျပန္ေျပာလုိက္ၿပီ။ ဒါ တ႐ုတ္က ရမယ္ရွာစရာလို ျဖစ္တယ္ေလ။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

213

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

“တျခားဟာ မၾကည့္နဲ႔၊ အိႏၵိယက အဏုျမဴဗုံး ေဖာက္တယ္၊ ကိုယ့္ဟာကို ေဖာက္တာေတာင္ ႐ုိး႐ုိး မေဖာက္ဘူး၊ အဲဒီတုန္းက ကာကြယ္ေရး၀န္ႀကီး ေဂ်ာ့ခ်္ ဖာနန္ဒက္စ္က ေျပာဖူးတယ္၊ တ႐ုတ္ရဲ႕ အႏၲရာယ္ေၾကာက္လုိ႔ ေဖာက္ရတာပါဆုိၿပီး။ အဲဒါမ်ဳိးေတြက သူတို႔အတြက္ လက္သုံးစကားလို ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒါအားလုံးဟာ ကမၻာ့အခင္းအက်င္း တခုလုံးရဲ႕ အေျပာင္းအလဲရဲ႕ ဂယက္ပဲ။” ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့လက ကိုးကန္႔တုိင္းရင္းသား အေရးအခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ အက်ပ္အတည္း ျဖစ္ရတယ္လို႔ ICG က သုံးသပ္ထားေပမယ့္ တ႐ုတ္ဟာ သူ႕အက်ဳိးစီးပြား သူ ဦးစားေပး လုပ္ေဆာင္မွာ ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ကိုးကန္႔အေရးေၾကာင့္

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကိစၥမွာ တ႐ုတ္ဟာ ဘာအက်ပ္အတည္းမွ ျဖစ္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ေဒါက္တာ လွေက်ာ္ေဇာက အခုလုိ ႐ႈျမင္သုံးသပ္ထားပါတယ္။

“ဗမာျပည္ကလည္း သူ႕အက်ဳိးစီးပြားေတြအတြက္ အမ်ားႀကီး ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးထားတာကိုး။ အခု

ဒီေရာက္မယ့္ ေရနံပိုက္လုိင္းကဆုိ ယူနန္တင္မကဘူး၊ ယူနန္ကတဆင့္ စီခၽြမ္းအထိကုိ သြားမွာ။ တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ရဲ႕ အေနာက္ေျမာက္ ေဒသမွာရွိတဲ့ နယ္ႀကီးေတြရဲ႕ ဖြံ႕ၿဖဳိးတုိးတက္ေရးအတြက္ ဒါက ေတာ္ေတာ္အေရးပါတာကုိး။ ဒါကို ဗမာျပည္က ေပးထားတဲ့အတြက္ တ႐ုတ္က ဒါကို အမ်ားႀကီး

ေထာက္ထားစရာေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒီ့အတြက္ က်မတုိ႔က တ႐ုတ္ကုိလည္း ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနလို႔ မျဖစ္ဘူး။ ဗမာျပည္ႀကီး ေျပာင္းလဲဖုိ႔အတြက္ တ႐ုတ္က ဘာမ်ားေျပာေပးမလဲ ဆုိတာ ဘာမွ မေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါနဲ႔။ ဘာမွလုပ္မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။”

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ အေျခစုိက္ေနထုိင္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေရးကို ေလ့လာသုံးသပ္ေနတဲ့ ေဒါက္တာ လွေက်ာ္ေဇာ ရွင္းျပခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တုိင္းရင္းသားအဖၾဲႚမဵား လက္နက္စၾန္ႛေရး စစ္အစိုးရသတင္းစာေဖာ္ဴပ 2009-09-14 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/junta_said_ethnic_groups_agree_to_surrender09142009164954.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ လက္နက္ကုိင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတၾ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲခဵိန္က အေဴခခံဥပေဒ အတည္ဴပႂ႓ပီးတဲ့အခဵိန္မႀာ လက္နက္စၾန္ႛလၿတ္ဖုႛိ သေဘာတူ ေဆၾးေႎၾး႓ပီး ဴဖစ္တယ္လုိႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၃ ရက္ တနဂႆေႎၾေနႛထုတ္ ဴမန္မာ့အလင္း ေဆာင္းပၝးတပုဒ္မႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။၊ ဒၝေပမဲ့ အဲဒီလုိ တိတိကဵကဵ သေဘာတူခဲ့တာ မဟုတ္ဘူးလုိႛ တခဵိႂႚ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲထားတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚေတၾကလည္း RFA ကုိ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။၊

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

214

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif တုိင္းရင္းသားေတၾ လက္နက္စၾန္ႛရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့ အေဴခခံဥပေဒ အတည္ဴပႂရမဲ့အခဵိန္ ဘယ္အခဵိန္လဲ၊ စစ္အစိုးရဖက္က ဘာေဳကာင့္ ကုိးကန္ႛတုိက္တာကုိ ရႀင္းခဵက္ထုတ္ေနရသလဲ ဆုိတာေတၾနဲႛ ပတ္သက္႓ပီး ဦးစိန္ေကဵာ္လိႁင္က သုံးသပ္ထားပၝတယ္။

တျခား တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖဲြ႔မ်ားလည္း အတုိက္ခံရမည္ဟု ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ သတိေပး MONDAY, 14 SEPTEMBER 2009 17:43 ဧရာဝတီ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသကုိ မူးယစ္ေဆး ႏွင့္ လက္နက္စက္ရုံ အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီး ၀င္ေရာက္ တုိက္ခုိက္ခ့ဲေသာ စစ္အစုိးရသည္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ားကုိလည္း အေၾကာင္း အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ျပၿပီး

၀င္ေရာက္ တုိက္ခုိက္ေတာ့မည္ဟု ယူဆေၾကာင္း တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔အဖဲြ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ဧရာ၀တီကုိ ေျပာသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္က အင္အား အေတာင့္တင္းဆုံး လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖဲြ႔

ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ မည္သည့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔ကုိမဆုိ ေခ်မႈန္းႏုိင္မည္ဟု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ဆုိသည္။ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ (ဓာတ္ပံု - Tom Kramer) “စစ္အစုိးရက ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသကုိ ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္ထားလုိက္ၿပီ၊ တရုတ္အစုိးရက ဘယ္လုိ တုံ႔ျပန္သလဲ ဆုိတာလည္း စစ္အစုိးရက ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္း သိသြားၿပီ။ ဒီေတာ့ ေနာက္ထပ္ လွမ္းမယ့္

ေျခလွမ္းကေတာ့ နယ္စပ္မွာ ရိွတ့ဲ လူနည္းစု အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြကုိ ေခ်မႈန္းေရး ဆုိတ့ဲ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ မူ၀ါဒကုိ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဖုိ႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ဧရာ၀တီႏွင့္ သီးသန္႔ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းခန္းတြင္ ေျပာၾကားလုိက္သည္။ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က သူ ေလာေလာဆယ္ ေရာက္ရိွေနသည့္ ေနရာကုိ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆုိျခင္း မရိွေပ။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

215

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ရိွေသာ လက္နက္ျပင္ဆင္သည့္ စက္ရုံသုိ႔ ယခင္က အစုိးရ အရာရိွမ်ား သြားေရာက္ လည္ပတ္ဖူးေသာ္လည္း ယခုမွ ထုိအခ်က္ကုိ ဆင္ေျခေပးကာ ၀င္ေရာက္ တုိက္ခုိက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။

“ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရက ရုိင္းရုိင္းစုိင္းစုိင္း၊ ၾကမ္းၾကမ္းတမ္းတမ္း လုပ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ ထိန္းမႏုိင္ သိမ္းမရ ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ” ဟု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ဆုိသည္။ စစ္အစုိးရက အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႏွင့္ ဆက္ဆံေရး တုိးခ်ဲ႕လုိသျဖင့္ ၎တုိ႔သည္ တရုတ္အစုိးရ၏ ၾသဇာခံ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း ျပသရန္ ကုိးကန္႔ ေဒသကုိ ၀င္ေရာက္ တုိက္ခုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟုလည္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က သူ၏အျမင္ကုိ ေျပာသည္။

ၾသဂုတ္လကုန္ပုိင္းက ၃ ရက္ၾကာ ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား အၿပီးတြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္က ထုိေဒသကုိ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားလုိက္သည္။ လြန္ခ့ဲသည့္ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ကပင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္က ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသအတြင္း အေျခစုိက္ တပ္စဲြထားထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္

နယ္ေျမ စုိးမုိးမႈ၊ ကြ်မ္းက်င္မႈ ရိွသည္ ဟူေသာ အခ်က္ကုိလည္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ေထာက္ျပသည္။ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္က လုယက္မႈ၊ မုဒိမ္းမႈ၊ အရပ္သားမ်ားကုိ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခ့ဲသည္ဟူေသာသတင္းမ်ားကုိၾကားရသည္ဟု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ေျပာသည္။

တုိက္ပဲြမ်ားအၿပီးတြင္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသကုိ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္လုိက္ေသာ စစ္အစုိးရက ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၃ ဦးသည္ ဥပေဒ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အသစ္ ေပၚေပါက္လာသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ ယာယီဦးစီးေကာ္မတီ ႏွင့္ လက္တဲြ သြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာခ့ဲသည္။

သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ကမူ အသစ္ဖဲြ႔လုိက္သည့္ အဆုိပါ ကုိးကန္႔ ေကာ္မတီ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားသည္ လူထုကုိ သစၥာေဖာက္ၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရထံ အည့ံခံလုိက္သူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေျပာၾကားလုိက္သည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ ယာယီဦးစီးေကာ္မတီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးပယ္ေစာက္ခ်ိန္က

စစ္အစုိးရကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အစီအစဥ္ကုိ သေဘာတူသည္ဟု ယခုရက္ပုိင္းအတြင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ေျပာၾကားခ့ဲသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ က်င္းပရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ထားသည့္ စစ္အစုိးရက တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖဲြ႔မ်ားကုိ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္မ်ားအျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းၾကရန္ အဆက္မျပတ္ ဖိအားလ်က္ရိွသည္။

ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ၎တုိ႔အေနျဖင့္ တပ္မ်ား အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အစီအစဥ္ကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္ျခင္း မရိွေသာ္လည္း စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားကုိ သေဘာတူျခင္းမရိွဟု ဆုိသည္။ “ဥပမာဗ်ာ အသက္ ၅၀ အထက္ အရာရိွေတြကုိ အနားေပးလုိက္ရမယ္၊ သူတုိ႔ကုိယ္တုိင္ လုပ္ကုိင္ရွာေဖြ စားေသာက္ရမယ္။ ေဒသ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးပုိင္း အေရးပါတ့ဲ အရာရိွ နဲ႔ တပ္မႉးေတြကုိ စစ္အစုိးရက ခန္႔ထားမယ္။ ဒီကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ေတြက ဘယ္အပစ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔ေတြအတြက္မဆုိ လက္ခံႏုိင္စရာမရိွဘူး” ဟု သူက ဆုိသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရိွ သူ၏ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈမ်ားကုိ စစ္အစုိးရက သိမ္းယူလုိက္သက့ဲသုိ႔ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံရိွ သူ၏ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈမ်ား၊ စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကုိလည္း တရုတ္အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ထိန္းသိမ္းလုိက္သည္ဟု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ရွင္းျပသည္။

ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္သည္ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားခ်ိန္မွ စၿပီး ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ၀ တုိင္းရင္းသား တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ား ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ ေဒသတြင္ ခုိလႈံေနသည္ဟူေသာ သတင္းမ်ား ထြက္ေပၚလ်က္ ရိွသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း သူက ထုိအခ်က္ကုိ ျငင္းဆုိလိုက္သည္။

“က်ေနာ့္မွာ အခု အခ်ိန္ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ရိွလာၿပီမုိ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲက ၿမိဳ႕ႀကီးေတြကုိ သြားၿပီး လည္ပတ္ေနပါတယ္” ဟု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ေျပာသည္။

ဤအေတာအတြင္း ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသသုိ႔ ျပန္ရန္ အစီအစဥ္မရိွဟု ဆုိသည္။

ဦးဖုန္းၾကားရွင္ႏွင့္ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းခန္း အျပည့္အစုံကုိ ဧရာ၀တီက အဂၤါေန႔တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဦးဝင္းတင္ကို အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ေခၚေဆာင္သြား

SATURDAY, 12 SEPTEMBER 2009 16:06 ကိုစိုး

အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္(NLD) ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးျဖစ္သည့္ သတင္းစာ ဆရာႀကီး ဦးဝင္းတင္ကို ယေန႔နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ေက်ာက္ကုန္းေနအိမ္မွ

လာေရာက္ေခၚေဆာင္သြား ေၾကာင္း NLD က ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

217

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေျပာသည္။

“မနက္ ၉ နာရီေလာက္က ေက်ာက္ကုန္းအိမ္ကေန ေခၚသြားတယ္ဆုိတာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း သတင္း ၾကားတယ္၊ တျခားအက်ိဳးအေၾကာင္းေတာ့ မသိရေသးဘူး၊ ေခၚယူေမးျမန္းတာမ်ိဳးလည္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္”ဟု NLD ေျပာခြင့္ရ ဦးဉာဏ္ဝင္း က ဧရာဝတီသို႔ ေျပာသည္။ ဦးဝင္းတင္ (ဓာတ္ပံု - Tom Parry) ယခု ဦးဝင္းတင္အား ေခၚေဆာင္သြားမႈသည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ စက္တင္ဘာ ၉ ရက္ေန႔က အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံထုတ္ ဝါရွင္တန္ပို႔စ္ သတင္းစာတြင္ ဦးဝင္းတင္ ေရးသားေသာ “ျမန္မာလူထု အလိုမရွိသည့္ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ” An ‘Election’ Burma’s People Don’t Need ေဆာင္းပါးႏွင့္ သက္ဆိုင္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ေလ့လာသူမ်ားက ယူဆေန ၾကသည္။ ယင္းေဆာင္းပါးတြင္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ ပြဲ၀င္ရန္ တိုက္တြန္းခဲ့သည့္ အေမရိကန္ အထက္လြတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ မစၥတာ ဂ်င္မ္၀က္ဘ္ ၏ သေဘာထားကို ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့ၿပီး ေစ႔စပ္ ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ အသင့္ရွိေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီအတြက္ ဆက္လက္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္သြားရန္ရွိေၾကာင္း ေရးသားခ်က္မ်ား ပါရွိသည္။ အသက္ ၈၀ ဝန္းက်င္ရွိ ဦးဝင္းတင္သည္ လတ္တေလာတြင္ ႏွလုံး ေသြးေၾကာ က်ယ္ေနသည့္ ေဝဒနာျဖစ္ ေပၚေနၿပီး ေဆးကုသမႈခံယူရန္ ဆရာဝန္မ်ားႏွင့္ တိုင္ပင္ညႇိႏႈိင္း ေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္ဟုလည္း သိရသည္။

“ႏွလုံးစက္သြင္းထားတဲ့အခါမွာ သူသိပ္မေမာေတာ့ဘူး၊ ဒါေပမယ့္လို႔ ႏွလုံးေသြးေၾကာ က်ယ္ေနတယ္ေျပာ တယ္၊ အဲဒါအတြက္ ဘယ္လိုကုသရမလဲ ဆုိတာ ဆရာဝန္ေတြနဲ႔ တိုင္ပင္ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတာ့ ရွိတယ္” ဟု ဦးဉာဏ္ဝင္းက ေျပာျပသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ဇူလိုင္လအတြင္းက ဦးဝင္းတင္သည္ ႏွလံုးခုန္ႏႈန္းမမွန္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ေမာပန္းသည့္ ေဝဒနာကို ခံစား ေနရသျဖင့္ ႏွလံုးေရာဂါ အထူးကုႏွင့္ ျပသ၍ ခြဲစိတ္ကုသမႈခံယူကာ ႏွလုံးတြင္ စက္တပ္ထားရသည္။ ဦးဝင္းတင္သည္ ၁၉ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားဘဝျဖင့္ ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ့ရၿပီး အက်ဥ္းက်ေနခ်ိန္ တေလွ်ာက္လံုး အစာအာဟာရ ျပည့္ဝစြာ မစားရသည့္အျပင္ က်န္းမာေရးအတြက္ ေဆးဝါး ကုသမႈ မခံယူခဲ့ရေပ။

၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလတြင္ အင္းစိန္ေထာင္မွ ျပန္လြတ္လာၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း မၾကာခဏ က်န္းမာေရး ညံ့လ်က္ ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလတြင္ ပန္းနာ ရင္ၾကပ္ေရာဂါ ခံစားခဲ့ရၿပီး

ဒီဇင္ဘာလတြင္ ေသြးေပါင္က်မႈ ေၾကာင့္ ရက္အနည္းငယ္ၾကာ ေဆး႐ုံး တက္ခဲ့ရေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

218

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ဟံသာဝတီ သတင္းစာ ဆရာႀကီး ဦးဝင္းတင္သည္ ၁၉၈၈ခုႏွစ္က ဒီမုိကေရစီအေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖင့္

၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္ တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရက ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပုဒ္မျဖင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ရာ ၁၉ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ ေနခဲ့ရၿပီး ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလတြင္ ျပန္လည္ လြတ္ေျမာက္လာျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

တာခ်ီလိတ္တြင္ စိတ္ႂကြေဆး ၃ သန္းနီးပါး ဖမ္းမိ MONDAY, 14 SEPTEMBER 2009 17:39 ေအးလဲ့

HTTP://WWW.IRRAWADDY.ORG/BUR/INDEX.PHP?OPTION=COM_CONTENT&VIEW=A RTICLE&ID=1800:2009-09-14-10-41-18&CATID=1:NEWS&ITEMID=2

ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္၊ တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕ ေနရာ ႏွစ္ခုတြင္ စိတ္ႂကြေဆးျပား ၃ သန္းနီးပါးကို တရက္အတြင္း ဖမ္းဆီးရမိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ယေန႔ထုတ္ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

စက္တင္ဘာ ၁၁ ရက္ေန႔ နံနက္ပိုင္းက တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ လြယ္ေတာ္ခမ္း စစ္ေဆးေရးဂိတ္၌ မိုင္းဆတ္မွ တာခ်ီလိတ္သို႔ ေမာင္းႏွင္လာေသာ ဟိုင္းလတ္ကားတစီး၏ စပယ္ယာကားဘီးအတြင္းမွ WY စာတန္းပါ စိတ္ႂကြေဆးျပား ၂ သိန္း ၂ ေသာင္း ႏွင့္အတူ

ကားေမာင္းသူ အိုက္ညီး အပါအဝင္ ၂ ဦး ကိုပါ ဖမ္းဆီး ရမိထားသည္ဟု ၎သတင္းက ဆိုသည္။ အဆိုပါေန႔ ညေနပိုင္းတြင္ ေဟာင္လိတ္အုပ္စု ပါလွ်ံ (၁) ရပ္ကြက္ရွိ ေနအိမ္တအိမ္တြင္ ဝင္ေရာက္ ရွာေဖြခဲ့ရာ အိပ္ခန္းအတြင္းႏွင့္ ေရခ်ိဳးခန္းအိမ္သာ နံရံ အတြင္း ႏွစ္ေနရာမွ WY စာတန္းပါ စိတ္ႂကြေဆးျပား ၂ သန္း ၆ သိန္းေက်ာ္ႏွင့္အတူ ေဒၚေရွာက္ေမ အပါအဝင္ လူသံုးဦး ကိုပါ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပထား သည္။

အဆိုပါ အိမ္မွ စိတ္ႂကြေဆးျပားမ်ားအျပင္ လက္ပစ္ဗံုးတလံုး၊ က်ည္ဆံမ်ား၊ ထိုင္းဘတ္ေငြ ၂ သိန္းေက်ာ္၊ တ႐ုတ္ယြမ္ေငြ ၄ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ တို႔ကိုပါ သိမ္းဆည္းရမိခဲ့သည္ဟု သတင္းစာက ဆိုသည္။

အိမ္ရွင္ျဖစ္သူ ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသား ဦးအိုက္က်ိဳးသည္ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ေနၿပီး သူ၏ ဇနီးျဖစ္သူ ေဒၚေရွာက္ေမ၊ အိမ္ေဖၚျဖစ္သူ နန္းအီနန္းႏွင့္ ဧည့္သည္ ေဒၚယဥ္ေရႊတုိ႔အား တာခ်ီလိတ္ရဲစခန္း၌ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးမႈ၊ တရားမ၀င္ေငြေၾကး ကုိင္ေဆာင္မႈတို႔ျဖင့္ ဖမ္းဆီးထားေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံ တဦးကေျပာသည္။

စိတ္ႂကြေဆးျပား ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သတင္းႀကိဳတင္ ရရွိခဲ့သျဖင့္ အဆိုပါအိမ္သို႔ ဝင္ေရာက္ ရွာေဖြရာမွ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕ခံ ရဲတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ တျခားေသာၿမိဳ႕ခံ ရဲ တဦးကလည္း “သတင္းေပးတဲ့သူရွိလို႔ သြားရွာတာ။ အိမ္ထဲ ဝင္ရွာလိုက္တာနဲ႔ ကုတင္ေအာက္မွာ တန္းေတြ႔တာပဲ” ဟုေျပာသည္။ နံနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ လြယ္ေတာ္ခမ္းဂိတ္၌ ရွာေဖြစစ္ေဆးရာမွ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိခဲ့သူ ႏွစ္ဦးမွာလည္း ဝ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

219

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သူက ဆိုသည္။

ယခုႏွစ္အတြင္း စစ္အစိုးရက မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ပိုက္စိပ္တိုက္ရွာေဖြ ဖမ္းဆီးလ်က္ရွိရာ ယခုအခါ ဖမ္းဆီးရမႈမွာ အမ်ားဆံုးျဖစ္သည္။ ဇူလိုင္လကုန္ ပုိင္းကလည္း မိုင္းဆတ္မွ တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕သို႔ ေမာင္းႏွင္လာေသာ ဆိုင္ကယ္ နွစ္စီးေပၚတြင္ ပါလာသည့္ စိတ္ႂကြေဆးျပား ၂ သိန္းခန္႔ကုိ လြယ္ေတာ္ခမ္း ေက်းရြာ အနီးတြင္ ဖမ္းဆီးမိခဲ့ေသးသည္။

တာခ်ီလိတ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ယခုႏွစ္အတြင္း မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိမႈမ်ား ၅ ႀကိမ္ ေက်ာ္ၿပီျဖစ္ၿပီး လြယ္ေတာ္ခမ္းအနီးတြင္ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိမႈ အမ်ားဆံုး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

စစ္လည္းမဟုတ္၊

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလည္းမဟုတ္တဲ့ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ ရဲေဘာ္ဖိုးသံေခ်ာင္း ၁၄ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/Sep09/140909.php ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ကိုးကန္႔အေရးအခင္းမွာ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရက အစြယ္ၿဖဲျပခဲ့ၿပီ။ ေသနတ္ေဖာက္ျပခဲ့ၿပီ။ ဒါဟာ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေတြကိုသာမက တတိုင္းျပည္လံုးကိုပါ သတိေပးၿခိမ္းေျခာက္လိုက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ သံသယရွိစရာမလိုပါဘူး။ အိမ္နီးနားခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံမ်ားနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအသိုင္းအဝိုင္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ၾကားလိုက္ၾကရဲ႕မဟုတ္လားလို႔ ေမးေနတဲ့အလားပါပဲ။ နအဖ အခုလို ကိုးကန္႔က MNDAA ကို အျပတ္ေခ်မႈန္းတဲ့အထိ လုပ္လိုက္တာဟာ သူတို႔စီစဥ္တဲ့ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အစီအစဥ္ကို လက္မခံတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းရင္းတခုတည္းေၾကာင့္ေျပာရင္

နအဖစကားကို အလြယ္နဲ႔ယံုၾကည္ရာက်ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ တကယ္က ဒီေန႔အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ေတြထဲမွာ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္တို႔လိုပဲ လက္မခံႏိုင္ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာေနတဲ့ တျခားအဖြဲ႔အစည္း ႀကီးငယ္ေတြ မနည္းရွိေနပါေသးတယ္။ ေနာက္အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ လက္နက္စက္႐ံုကိစၥဟာလည္း ေတာ္ေတာ္ရယ္စရာေကာင္းတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ျဖစ္ ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ဗမာနယ္စပ္က

တခ်ိဳ႕ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြမွာ လက္နက္ခဲယမ္းထုတ္လုပ္တဲ့ စက္႐ံုငယ္ေလးေတြ ရွိတတ္တယ္။ ရွိတယ္ဆိုတာကို နအဖ မသိတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အဲဒီအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကလည္း ေျဗာင္သာထုတ္မေျပာတာ သိပ္ဖံုးကြယ္ ထားၾကတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ဒီစက္႐ံုးေတြ

တည္ရွိေနတာဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းကိုၾကာလွပါၿပီ။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ေျပာျဖစ္ေအာင္ ေျပာရမယ့္အခ်က္တခုက ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

220

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

နဝတနဲ႔ဒီအဖြဲ႔ေတြ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးဆိုတာကို လုပ္ခဲ့ၾကတုန္းက လက္နက္ခဲယမ္းမစုေဆာင္းရ၊ မထုတ္လုပ္ရလို႔ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မရွိခဲ့ပါဘူး။ အခုမွ

သူတို႔ရဲ႕တပ္ေတြကို ျပင္ဆင္ၿပီးၿပီ ဆိုေတာ့မွ ဒီကိစၥကို လက္ညိႇဳးထိုးျပၿပီး ရမယ္ရွာတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါး။ ဒီအေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ကေတာ့ ပိုလို႔ေတာင္ ရီစရာေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ဒီေဒသေတြမွာ ဗိုလ္ခင္ၫြန္႔နဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးလုပ္လိုက္ၿပီးမွ

မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးထုတ္လုပ္မႈဟာ အေရအတြက္အရ၊ အရည္အေသြးအရ၊ အမ်ိဳးအစားအရ အကုန္တိုးပြား လာတယ္ဆိုတာ ကမာၻအသိပါ။ ဒါကို စစ္အစိုးရက မသိက်ိဳးႏြံျပဳထားသလို ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအပါ စစ္တပ္တခ်ိဳ႕ဟာလည္း

ဒီလုပ္ငန္းေတြကိုမွီၿပီး ဝင္ေငြေကာင္းေနခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ၂၁ ရာစုဝင္ၿပီးေနာက္ကစၿပီး ဒီေဒသေတြမွာ မူယစ္ေဆးဝါး ထုတ္လုပ္မႈ က်ဆင္းသြားတယ္ဆိုတာလည္း ကမာၻက

အသိအမွတ္ျပဳၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရဟာ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္တို႔ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါး လိႈင္လိႈင္ ထုတ္ေနတုန္းက သူတို႔ရဲ႕ “အမ်ိဳးသားညီလာခံ” မွာ တိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးလို႔

ဖူးဖူးမႈတ္ဗန္းတင္ထားခဲ့တာကို ဘယ္သူက ေမ့ပါ့မလဲ။ ေနာက္ၿပီး အခု ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္တို႔ကို ဗကပထဲကေန ခြဲထြက္ေစတုန္း ကေရာ၊ အခုၿဖိဳခြဲတိုက္ခိုက္တဲ့အခါမွာေရာ နအဖစစ္အစိုးရဟာ လား႐ိႈးမွာ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးရာဇာႀကီးေတြကို တမင္ပင့္ဖိတ္ အႀကံဉာဏ္ေတြ ယူခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတာ ကမာၻကမသိဘူးမွတ္လို႔လား။ ဒီတခါ နအဖက ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္တို႔ရဲ႕ ေခါင္းေပၚကိုျဖတ္ၿပီး ေသနတ္ေဖာက္ျပလိုက္တာဟာ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ၊ ေစ့ေစ့စပ္စပ္ စီမံျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့တဲ့ တျပည္လံုး၊ တကမာၻလံုးၾကားေအာင္

တမင္ပစ္ေဖာက္လိုက္တဲ့ ေသနတ္သံလို႔ပဲ နားလည္ရပါတယ္။ သူတို႔နဲ႔ မတူသူေတြကို ေသနတ္စာေကၽြးမယ္လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္တာျဖစ္သလို သူတို႔ရဲ႕ေနာက္လိုက္ သဗၺနံေပါင္းစံုကိုလည္း “ယ-ရက္” နီးၿပီလို႔ တပ္လွန္႔အခ်က္ေပးလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တပါတည္း “မင္းတို႔ရဲ႕ေနာက္မွာ ေသနတ္ရွိတယ္၊ လုပ္ခ်င္တာသာ လုပ္ၾက” လို႔ က်ားစြယ္တိုက္ေပးလိုက္တာလည္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥကို အခုလို တတိုင္းျပည္လံုး ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ဆက္စပ္လိုက္ေတာ့ ထပ္ေတြ႔ရတဲ့အခ်က္တခုက ဒီကိစၥျဖစ္ေပၚတဲ့အခ်ိန္ကာလ ပါပဲ။ ယက္ေတာကိစၥ၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို အိမ္ခ်ဳပ္ထပ္ခ်တာေတြ ၿပီးစီးသြားတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာျခင္းပါပဲ။ တၿပိဳင္

နက္တည္းမျဖစ္ဘူးဆိုတာ သတိျပဳရပါမယ္။ ၾကပ္ေျပးက ဒါ႐ိုက္တာ စီစဥ္ၫႊန္ၾကားေနတဲ့အတိုင္း အစီအစဥ္တက် ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတာခ်ည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္မတလွည့္၊ ျပည္နယ္တလွည့္၊

လက္နက္မကိုင္သူေတြတလွည့္၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္သူေတြ တလွည့္ တလွည့္စီ ေသြးတိုးစမ္းေနတာရဲ႕ ေနာက္ကြယ္မွာ ဘာရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိတယ္ဆိုတာ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ စဥ္းစားသင့္ပါ တယ္။

တပါတည္းမွာ ေနာက္ေျခလွမ္းရဲ႕ ပစ္ကြင္းဟာ ဘာျဖစ္မလဲဆိုတာလည္း ေတြးေတာသင့္ပါတယ္။ ဝျဖစ္မလား၊ မုန္းလားျဖစ္မလားဆိုၿပီး လြယ္လြယ္စဥ္းစားလို႔ မျဖစ္ပါဘူး။ နအဖဟာ ထင္မထားတဲ့ပစ္မွတ္ေတြ ေဖာ္ထုတ္တတ္တယ္ ဆိုတာကို သတိျပဳရပါမယ္။ ေသခ်ာတာကေတာ့ သူတို႔အေနနဲ႔ ဒီေနရာ၊ ဒီအဆင့္မွာတင္ ရပ္ထားလို႔မရပါဘူး။ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္မီ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ လမ္းျပေျမပံုအတြက္ ခလုတ္ကန္သင္းမွန္သမွ်ကို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

221

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ရွင္းရပါေတာ့မယ္။ အႏုနည္းနဲ႔ရရင္ရ၊ မရရင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္တို႔ကိုလုပ္သလို အၾကမ္းနည္းနဲ႔ ရွင္းပါလိမ့္မည္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဆိုတာ အာဏာျပႆနာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ အာဏာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ရင္ နည္းနည္းမွ ဟန္မေဆာင္ဘူးဆိုတာ အားလံုးသိၾကၿပီးသားပါ။

အခု သူတို႔ဟာ ဝနဲ႔မိုင္းလားကို မတိုက္ဘူးလို႔ေျပာတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သံခ်ပ္ကာကားမ်ားအပါအဝင္ အင္မတန္မ်ားျပားတဲ့တပ္ ေပါင္းစံုကို အဲဒီေဒသေတြကို လာဆိုင္ထားတယ္။

ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ထားတယ္။ ျပန္မဆုတ္ဘူး။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ျပစ္ဒဏ္ခ်မွတ္ရာမွာ ဆိုင္းငံ့တႏွစ္ခြဲလို႔ လုပ္ထားလိုက္တာနဲ႔ တူလိုက္ေလလို႔ေတြးမိတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္

ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္မွာလည္း နအဖတပ္ေတြက အားျဖည့္ေနရာယူၿပီးျဖစ္ေနတယ္။

ဒီလိုအေနအထားကိုျမင္ရေတာ့ တကယ္လို႔သာ တတိုင္းျပည္လံုးမွာ လႈပ္ရွားမႈႀကီးတခုခု ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ရင္၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ နအဖဘက္ကေန လူထုဖိႏွိပ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈႀကီးတခုလုပ္ခဲ့ရင္ နအဖအစိုးရဟာ သူတို႔တပ္ေတြကို ဒီလိုပဲ ခ်ထားမွာ၊ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔ေတြကို ရင္ဆိုင္

ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားမွာပဲလို႔ ေတြးမိစရာျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ နအဖအစိုးရ အေနနဲ႔ မုန္းလားနဲ႔ဝကို မတိုက္ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာတယ္ဆိုတာကို နအဖရဲ႕သတင္းစာေတြ၊ အသံလႊင့္႐ံု၊ ႐ုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားတို႔ကေန မေဖာ္ျပဘူးဆိုတဲ့ အခ်က္ဟာလည္း သတိထားစရာပါ။ သူတို႔ဘက္က ဒါကို

တရားဝင္ကတိအာမခံခ်က္ မျဖစ္ေအာင္ တမင္လုပ္ထားတဲ့သေဘာလို႔ ယူဆစရာ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ တဖက္မွာက်ေတာ့လည္း “ဝတို႔၊ မုန္းလားတို႔ကိုသာတိုက္ရင္ “လက္နက္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ တိုက္ေလယာဥ္ေတြသံုးမယ္” လို႔ တရားမဝင္ေျပာဆို သတင္းလႊင့္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒီေန႔ ဗမာျပည္ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို ျပန္ၾကည့္လိုက္ေတာ့လည္း နအဖဟာ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ စတဲ့အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေရးမွာလည္း “စစ္လည္းမျဖစ္၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလည္းမဟုတ္” ဆိုတဲ့ လိပ္ခဲတည္းလည္းအေနအထားပဲ ထိန္းသိမ္းထား တာပါ။ အခ်ိန္မေရြးေခ်မႈန္းပစ္မယ့္

ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈကို စစ္အစိုးရက တရားဝင္ ထုတ္မေျပာေပမယ့္ လူတိုင္းခံစားမိေနပါတယ္။ နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြဟာ ျပည္သူလူထုနဲ႔ အတိုက္အခံအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးကို ‘ကုတ္ေပၚဓားဝဲ’

အေနအထားမ်ိဳး ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္ ျဖစ္ေနေအာင္ တဖက္မွာဖန္တီးထားၿပီး တဖက္မွာ သူတို႔ကိုယ္တိုင္ကေတာ့ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတြက္ နယ္ဆင္းစည္း႐ံုး တာေတြအပါ

ေျခလွမ္းအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးကို ႀကိတ္လွမ္းေနၾကပါတယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းႏိုင္ငံေရးကို အဓိကထားတယ္ဆိုရင္ နအဖရဲ႕ ေျခလွမ္းေတြကို မ်က္ျခည္မျပတ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္တာ၊ ေဖာ္ထုတ္တာ၊ ဆန္႔က်င္တာေတြ ေတာက္ေလွ်ာက္လုပ္ေနရမွာပါ။

ကိုးကန္႔အျဖစ္အပ်က္ကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္သေဘာထားက ဘယ္လို၊ အေမရိကန္သေဘာထားက ဘယ္လို၊ အာဆီယံသေဘာ ထားက ဘယ္လိုဆိုတာေတြ တြက္ေနလို႔ ခရီးမေပါက္ပါဘူး။ နအဖရဲ႕သေဘာထားကဘယ္လို၊ နအဖရဲ႕အႀကံအစည္က ဘယ္လို၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္

ငါတို႔ကဘယ္လိုဆိုတာမ်ိဳးကို တိတိပပစဥ္းစားရ၊ ျပင္ဆင္ရေတာ့မယ့္ အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

222

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေကအိုင္အိုက လူထုထံမွ ရန္ပံုေငြေကာက္ခံ ေဒသခံလူထု ပိုမိုစိုးရိမ္မႈ ျဖစ္ပြား ခိုင္လင္း / ၁၁ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/110909a.php ကခ်င္ျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ (ေကအုိင္အုိ) က သက္ဆိုင္ရာ တပ္ရင္း၊ တပ္ဖဲြ႔နယ္ေျမမ်ားအတြင္း မၾကာေသးမီရက္ပိုင္းကစ၍ လူထုထံမွ စစ္စရိတ္ ရန္ပံုေငြ (ဆက္ေၾကး) ေကာက္ခံေနသကဲ့သုိ႔ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚေန တပ္ဖဲြ႔ဝင္မိသားစုမ်ား ေနရာေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းမႈ ရိွေန၍ ေကအိုင္အိုႏွင့္ နအဖအၾကား စစ္ျဖစ္ေတာ့မလားဆိုသည့္ စိုးရိမ္မႈမ်ား တိုးလာေနသည္။ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ (၂၄) ရက္တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ေကအိုင္အိုအၾကား အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ေကအိုင္အို တပ္ရင္းတပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ားက ေဒသအတြင္း စစ္စရိတ္ရန္ပံုေငြမ်ား ေကာက္ခံျခင္း မျပဳေတာ့ဘဲ ေနခဲ့ရာမွ ယခုမွစတင္ေကာက္ခံလာ ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သူ ဖားကန္႔ေဒသခံတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “နာမည္ရိွတဲ့ ေက်ာက္သူေဌးေတြဆီမွာ ေကအိုင္အိုတပ္ဖြဲ႔က ေကာက္ေနတာ။ ဖားကန္႔၊ ဆိုင္းေတာင္ထဲက ကုမၸဏီေတြ၊ ပိုက္ဆံရိွတဲ့သူေတြဆီက ေကာက္ေနတာ။ အသိတေယာက္ဆို ေငြ (၄) သိန္းနဲ႔ ဆန္ (၄) တင္း တေန႔ကပဲ ေပးလိုက္ရတယ္။ ဟိုတုန္းကလို ေမွာ္ထဲသြားတဲ့ လမ္းေတြမွာ ဂိတ္ေတြဖြင့္ၿပီး တရားဝင္ေတာ့ မေကာက္ေသးဘူး” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ၁၉၉၄ ခုႏွစ္ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး မျပဳလုပ္ခင္က ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔သည္ ဖားကန္႔ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္းသြားရာ လမ္းမ်ားတြင္ ဂိတ္မ်ားဖြင့္၍လည္းေကာင္း၊ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္း၊ ေရႊတြင္းမ်ားတြင္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ေကအိုင္အို တပ္ရင္းတပ္ဖဲြ႔ နယ္ေျမအနီးရိွ ဆန္စက္၊ ဆီစက္ပိုင္ရွင္မ်ားသို႔လည္းေကာင္း အခြန္ေငြေကာက္ခံမႈမ်ား လုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးသေဘာတူညီခ်က္တြင္ ျပည္သူမ်ားအား ဝန္ထုပ္ဝန္ပိုးျဖစ္ေစမည့္လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား ေရွာင္ၾကဥ္ရန္ဆိုသည့္ နားလည္သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ရိွခဲ့၍ ဆက္ေၾကးေကာက္ခံျခင္း ရပ္ဆိုင္းထားရာမွ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ ျပန္လည္ေကာက္ခံေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔အား ေထာက္ခံအားေပးေနသည့္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ား၏ ရန္ပံုေငြ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ားသာျဖစ္သည္ဟု အမည္မေဖာ္လိုသည့္ ေကအိုင္အိုအရာရိွက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “က်ေနာ္တို႔မွာ တရားဝင္ေကာက္တာမ်ိဳး လုပ္ခြင့္မရိွပါဘူး။ သူတို႔သေဘာနဲ႔ သူတို႔ လာလႉတာ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အတင္းအက်ပ္သေဘာ မရိွပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆီမွာ အေကာက္ခြန္ဌာနရိွတယ္ေလ။ ကုန္သြယ္ေရးလုပ္တဲ့ခါ အေကာက္ခြန္ဌာနက ေကာက္တာမ်ိဳးပဲရိွပါတယ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစုိးရပိုင္းကလည္း ခြင့္ျပဳထားပါတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ယမန္ႏွစ္အေစာပိုင္းက ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသား စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားထံမွ အလႉေငြ လွ်ဳိ႕ဝွက္ေကာက္ခံျခင္းမ်ိဳး ရိွခဲ့ၿပီး ဗမာ၊ ရွမ္း တုိ႔ထံမွလည္း ယခု ေငြေကာက္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဖားကန္႔ေဒသခံက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “အခုကေတာ့ ေကအိုင္ေအက ဆက္ေၾကးေငြလည္း ေကာက္လာ၊ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားမွာရိွတဲ့ ေကအိုင္အို မိသားစုေတြလည္း တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္ဘက္ကို ေရႊ႕ေန၊ သူတို႔ကေလးေတြကို စာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြကပါ ႏုတ္ၿပီး ဒီတ႐ုတ္ဘက္ ေရႊ႕ေနၾကတာဆိုေတာ့ ဘယ္ေန႔ တိုက္ၾကမလဲဆိုၿပီး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနရေတာ့တာ။ အရပ္သားေတြက ပစၥည္းေတြ တ႐ုတ္ဘက္ ေရႊ႕ၾကတာလည္း ဒီလိုကိစၥေတြေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ေနတာ” ဟု ေျပာသည္။ ယခုလ (၉-၁ဝ) ရက္မ်ားတြင္ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕၌ စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာအရာရိွခ်ဳပ္ ဒု-ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ ေကအိုင္အို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးအတြက္ ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနၿပီး ယခုအႀကိမ္သည္ ၂ဝဝ၉ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဧၿပီေနာက္ပိုင္း (၇) ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈျဖစ္သည္။ နအဖဘက္က နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ေျပာဆိုေနသကဲ့သုိ႔ ယခုလ (၅) ရက္ေန႔၌ ေကအိုင္အိုထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ၊ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ ကခ်င္လူထုအစည္းေဝးက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အစား ကခ်င္ေဒသ ကိုယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးတပ္အေနျဖင့္သာ လက္ခံရန္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ထား၍ ထြက္ေပၚလာမည့္ေဆြးေႏြးပဲြရလဒ္အေပၚ ေဒသခံမ်ား စိတ္ဝင္တစားေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနၾကသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Chinese Blood on Burmese Soil Monday, September 14, 2009

Peng Jiasheng is the Kokang leader whose residence was raided by government troops on August 8, setting off a regime offensive and leading to the loss of the Kokang region to junta troops. He was interviewed by The Irrawaddy on the reasons for the offensive, the role of China, the allegations of illegal drug trafficking, the borders guard force and the future of ethnic minorities in Burma. Question: How would you describe the current situation in the Kokang region? Answer: The incident on August 8 was the junta’s excuse. It wanted to do away with the local ethnic minority army a long time ago. A larger nationality wants to eliminate a smaller one. This is typical nationalistic chauvinism. This was a massacre. In order to avoid further harm to the Kokang people, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) retreated. This is not what we wanted and also it is not what the people in the international community who support our people would like to see. Now the situation in Kokang is even more complicated. Currently, the situation is very bad. The government troops took over the Kokang area for about 10 days, but there were many reported cases where their soldiers committed robbery, rape and killed civilians. Many people are still afraid to go back home. Most of the shops ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif owned by Chinese businessmen were either destroyed or robbed. This is a calamity. The prosperous environment of Kokang of only a few months ago no longer exists. People are living in deep distress. This conflict has brought great trauma to the Kokang people. The war will be long. It will be impossible to end soon. Q: The ceasefire agreement you signed with the regime in 1989 has collapsed. What do you believe was the motive behind the offensive and the regime’s attempt to arrest you? A: In March 1989, the Kokang people agreed to peace and development. In the same year, 17 other local ethnic armed forces also started peace talks with the Peng Jiasheng (Photo: Tom Kramer)

junta. This brought to an end the large scale of armed conflict in the country.

The alliance army is also one of the legal ethnic armed forces that were recognized by the military government. Over the past 20 years of peace and development, the Kokang was the first group in the country to promise the international community that we would stop drug production. We enforced the ban on poppy cultivation in 2002 in our area. The anti-drug production effort and success were recognized by the UN and the international communities. With help from the World Food Programme, the Chinese government and other international aid agencies, we implemented a lot of poppy substitution projects, mainly to grow sugar crane, tea, walnuts and other crops. We achieved very good progress in the poppy substitution. Step by step, the people in our area began to work their way up from poverty. This ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif can be seen by everybody. However, as the military government wants to achieve their goal of controlling the whole country, it felt it needed to take action against the peace and the ceasefire groups. Q: Soon after the government troops captured Laogai, the state-run-media repeatedly accused you of involvement in illegal arms factories and drugs. How do you respond to those allegations? A: Burma is still a country without a real government. The army cannot represent the government. After the election in 1990, the junta usurped power in the country. Ever since then, there has been no proper government in our country. The international community has never officially acknowledged them as the government. Burma is currently a country managed by a temporary council that was set up by the junta. It was called the State Law and Order Restoration Council and was later changed to the State Peace and Development Council. The government army is also an ethnic armed force, so it can not represent this country. In 1989, for the sake of the peace and welfare of the country, the Kokang people took the initiative to approach the junta-controlled council. This was to protect peace in the country, and to let the people live in peace. Over the past 20 years, we trusted the junta and have been respectful of them. Our political proposition is always the same: support the central government, take the road to peace and development, maintain nationality unification, guard national unity and strive for the autonomous rights of the Kokang people. We never wanted to separate from the country; we only wanted a recognized position for the Kokang people among all of Burma’s nationalities. Q: How many people were killed in the latest conflict? A: In this conflict, the Kokang people suffered great loss. We had 14 alliance army soldiers killed in battle, but what we do not know is the number of civilians killed. For example, some na?ve young people joined with the traitor Bai Suocheng and his ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif army. In the battles, they were to be used by the government troops to fight against us. These young people refused because they were Kokang and could not kill their own people. The government troops took their weapons away and shot them with machine guns. On Aug. 27, 27 Kokang youth were killed together. Q: Why did the junta decide to single out your group? Was there any reason other than the regime’s allegation of your involvement in opium and illegal drugs? A: A lot of things happened over the past month that we never thought could happen. The Kokang alliance army is one of the legal armed forces in the country. All our weapons are old and the ammunition is left over from the days of the Burmese Communist Party. Many of these weapons are in need of repair. It is reasonable to have a factory to repair weapons. This factory is well known by all the SPDC officials in Kokang. They have visited it before. But now they used it as an excuse to take action against us. The motivation behind this is obvious. They want to eliminate the Kokang and other ethnic armed forces and achieve their goal of a junta-managed “unified” country. It goes without saying that the junta will not stop with the Kokang. They will take the war to other groups with all kinds of excuses. If you want to condemn something, you can always find a charge. The government army is the strongest in the country. It can crack down on whichever ethnic groups it wishes. It can accuse any ceasefire group of drugs, or weapons…anything. The current situation on drugs, for example, in the four special regions in Shan State is that there is no poppy cultivation, according to investigations by the international agencies. However, in SPDC-controlled areas, there is more than 250,000 mu [Chinese land unit: 667 square meters] of poppy cultivation. This is the work of the junta, and this is how it behaves. Q: Several ethnic ceasefire groups including the MNDAA rejected the junta's proposal for a Border Guard Force (BGF). Why did you reject the BGF plan?

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif A: We are not really against the idea of transferring the army to a BGF, but the terms and conditions were too rigorous. For example, all the officers above 50 would be forced to retire and find their own livelihood. The key leaders of the local government and the commanders of the army would also be appointed by the junta. These proposals are not acceptable to any of the ceasefire groups. It is also not acceptable to the local people. Our requirements were simple: we want to have a high level of national autonomy to protect the interests of the Kokang people. Q: The Kokang and other ethnic groups are unhappy with the 2008 constitution. What do you see as its faults? A: Regarding the constitution proposed by the junta in 2008, it is all about the power and interest of the junta. We do not believe that any rights and interests of the minorities are ensured in the constitution. How can we accept such a constitution that does not represent the people of the country? on the approval of this constitution, there are things that happened that few people know about. For example, in some of the Kokang villages, the junta sent people to vote in the referendum. The local people did not want to participate, so the junta officials themselves wrote [out] all the votes. There were villages where about 100 people voted No, but on their ballots it was reported that more than 3,000 people voted Yes. This is how it was approved. Q: You merged with the CPB in the past and led the successful mutiny in 1989. You went to Beijing and you were closely associated with Chinese officials in the past. Today, China is the closest ally of the regime as well as a good friend of ethnic groups along the Sino-Burmese border. What was China's role in the recent conflict in the Kokang region? A: During the Aug. 8 incident planned by the junta and the armed conflict afterwards, the Chinese government did not give us assistance. We could not talk to the Chinese government about protection and asylum. However, as the Kokang are in ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif fact Chinese, when the refugees fled to China the local authorities took very good care of them. That we really appreciate. Q: What is your message to Chinese leaders who plan to build a gas pipeline through the Kokang region? A: What I want to say here is no matter what happens in Burma, we are ethnic Chinese and our roots are in China. This we will never forget. For the sake of the rights and position of the Chinese in Burma, we will continue our struggle. Q: How do you see the future of Burma and the ethnic minorities? A: Regarding the future of the ethnic minorities in Burma, this is a complicated issue. If Burma does not set up a democratic government that is elected by the people and therefore really represents the people, the future of the minorities in Burma will get worse. Q: Did you receive any political backing or military support from other ethnic groups along the border? Are they united in their goals? A: All the minority ceasefire groups along the China-Burma border areas have good relations with each other and have supported each other over a long period of time. Our fate and experiences are the same. But due to certain difficulties, our alliance is not as strong as it should be. Therefore the junta had its opportunity, and now the Kokang area is under junta control. Q: Are you worried about losing your personal property and your businesses in Burma and China? A: Currently, all my personal property has been confiscated by the junta. My property in China was also taken away by the relevant department of the Chinese government. This is a problem that I can not solve by worrying about it.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Q: Please describe the refugee situation. There were reports of government officials and soldiers attacking Chinese nationals? Was the recent attack designed to demonstrate that the government is not a puppet of China? A: I think the reason why the junta attacked the Kokang is because of the following: First, the junta wanted to develop better relationships with America, India and some Western authorities, in particular with America. In order to improve the relationship with America, the junta is eager to prove that the junta is not a puppet government supported by the Chinese government. That is why the junta chose the Kokang to fight against. They also wanted to test the response of the Chinese government. The Kokang and the Chinese have a blood relationship. The Kokang people are basically Chinese; they are part of the Chinese family. The Chinese in Burma were not officially recognized by the Burmese and therefore for centuries they lived in a very low economic and social position. Only after the meeting in Ninakan in 1947, after the national government’s recognition, were the Chinese living in these areas called Kokang. But as a matter of fact, the Kokang people are Chinese. We are the descendants of the Yellow emperor. The anti-Chinese movement in 1967 in Burma feels like yesterday. Even today, many Chinese living in Burma still do not dare to declare that they are Chinese. In 1989, when the Kokang Alliance Army was established, all the Chinese in Burma looked at the Chinese armed forces as the “lighthouse.” Now the ‘”lighthouse” has gone off. The second reason I think is that the SPDC forces were already in Kokang for more than 10 years, and they understood the situation in Kokang, including the relationships among the Kokang leaders. They therefore bought off the traitors Bai Suocheng and Wei Chaoren. This resulted in an internal split in Kokang before the war broke out. Bai Suocheng and Wei ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Chaoren betrayed their people and surrendered to the junta. Now the junta has taken over the Kokang area, and it is clear about the response of the Chinese government. So their next step will be to reinforce the policy of cracking down on other minority groups along the border. The junta will act recklessly and become more unbridled. Q: Where are you living now? A: For many years, I worked in Kokang. I never had a chance to travel to the big cities in Burma. Now that I have more time, I am travelling in the big cities in Burma. I really feel that my country is beautiful, and it deserves a government that can represent the people by building and developing the country. I currently have no plans to go back to Kokang.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

CONTRIBUTOR

China’s Failed Foreign Policy By NYO OHN MYINT/MOE ZAW OO

Thursday, September 10, 2009

The recent breakdown of a two-decade-old ceasefire between Burma’s military junta and ethnic militias in the country’s north demonstrates the failure of China’s outdated foreign policy, according to Burmese political analysts. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Beijing has aggressively pursued a path of rapid economic development as the surest way to avoid a similar fate. Although it has ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif dramatically expanded its trade ties with the rest of the world, the principle of noninterference in other countries’ political affairs remains the cornerstone of its foreign policy. However, as the situation in Burma attests, this principle may no longer be sufficient to protect China’s national interests. Beijing certainly enjoys the economic benefits of being the Burmese junta’s best friend. Since 1989, China has been the regime’s most important supplier of military aid, providing jet fighters, armored vehicles and naval vessels, as well as extensive training to Burmese military personnel. In exchange, it has been given access to Burma’s abundant natural resources. A joint statement on “Future Cooperation in Bilateral Relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Federation of Myanmar,” issued in June 2000, indicated the future direction of Sino-Burmese relations, which were to be based on the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence” and the consolidation of mutual relations for wider regional stability and development. Despite Beijing’s willingness to be more direct in persuading Burma to enhance its economic reforms and to push for political reconciliation at home, China still regards Burma’s poor human rights record as an “internal affair.” At the same time, the United States has continued to denounce the Burmese generals’ human rights records and refusal to honor the 1990 election results. Washington’s harsh criticism, especially during the Bush administration, gave the Burmese generals no other choice but to turn to the Chinese government for support. In 2003, when the US imposed tougher sanctions against the regime under the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, Beijing was highly critical of the move. China’s foreign policy is completely divorced from the harsh realties of life under military rule in Burma. Without taking this suffering into consideration, Beijing has used its veto at the United Nations Security Council to block resolutions designed to ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif push Burma toward genuine political reform. This has allowed the junta to simply move forward with its efforts to orchestrate a political transition from an absolute dictatorship to a faux democracy within the framework of a militarized constitution. China has continued to back the Burmese regime as part of its policy of extending its influence within the region. However, Burma’s long history of ethnic conflict and political dissent presents serious challenges to Chinese policy, which may not be viable in the long run. Another problem facing Beijing is that the Burmese regime is deeply distrustful of China. In the 1970s and early 1980s, Burma’s armed forces fought hard against the Burmese Communist Party, which was backed by China’s ruling Communist Party. This experience has left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Burmese generals and continues to affect the thinking of the current military leadership. China’s current dual-track policy of supporting both the junta and the ethnic groups living along the Sino-Burmese border has helped to keep these memories alive. It has also raised the specter of renewed conflict with China. In a 2006 quarterly report, Burma’s ruling military council said that it needed to brace for an invasion from the northeast—obviously referring to China. According to a reliable source, officials from China’s Yunnan Province have recognized the significance of developments inside Burma and are seeking to minimize the negative impact of Beijing’s policy. However, China can’t change its foreign policy within a few years; it will take decade, said a high-ranking diplomat from Beijing. However, other China watchers have argued that Beijing is less interested in dealing with the Burmese junta since it purged Gen Khin Nyunt, the former intelligence chief, in 2004. Chinese leaders know that the current rulers in Naypyidaw have little interest in engaging with the outside world, but believe that the generals would not ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif dare to turn their guns against China. China may also feel that it is paying too high a price for backing Burma politically. Some analysts suggest that Beijing could move away from its long-held position on Burma in international forums to protect its broader geopolitical interests. China realizes that defending Burma may have triggered a more aggressive US policy in the Asia-Pacific region. Beijing is carefully observing the current US administration’s reengagement in the region to decide whether Burma should be a center of China’s foreign policy. China is aware that regional countries have supported a new Burma policy by the US government in terms of their constructive engagement and economic interests. China could be isolated by its Burma policy, proving its policy is still inferior to that of the US. In the post-Cold War era, China should have more pro-active and tangible fairness to the citizens of the region, rather than putting its emphasis on ruthless authoritarian rulers. Beijing’s ignorance may have impacted the understanding of the Burmese generals. All the socialist states in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) are willing to yield to the US political engagement while they enjoy China’s limited favor in economic prosperity. In recent years, Burma has moved to develop strategic and commercial relations with India, with which it shares a long land border and the Bay of Bengal. Increasing trade and military cooperation with India and developing bilateral relations with Japan within Asean shows a shift in Burma’s foreign policy to avoid excessive dependence on China. Chinese analysts closely observed the Kokang incident in August and questioned whether the Sino-Burmese relationship was really impacted. In line with the 2008 constitution, the regime was attempting to ensure the stability of border areas by ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif neutralizing armed forces that are independently standing outside the framework of the constitution. “They (the Burmese military) don’t always heed China’s advice. China has so little leverage against them because China, in some sense, depends on them,” said Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations at Renmin University in Beijing. Chinese officials were not only extremely upset over the lack of forewarning about the border clash but were also worried about the future political consequences. China-Burma relations may be at a crossroads. Only demanding ethnic rights and showing concern about the situation at the border cannot reflect China’s foreign policy in terms of its status in the international arena. China should bring the role of Aung San Suu Kyi and a settlement of the general political crisis to the forefront of its Burma policy in order to show China’s role in finding a solution along with the US and the international community. Nyo Ohn Myint is a chairperson and Moe Zaw Oo is secretary of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) Foreign Affairs Committee.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Ceasefire groups ponder whose side Beijing is on TUESDAY, 15 SEPTEMBER 2009 15:29 S.H.A.N. “We used to think whatever happened, China’s our friend,” said a middle-aged officer from one of the ceasefire groups located on the Sino-Burma frontier. “After Kokang, I’m not sure.” Kachin, Kokang, Wa and Mongla have always believed that they, together with Shans, would be collectively treated as a buffer, as North Korea is, to successive Burmese governments’ efforts to establish détente with the west especially the United States. That was until Kokang, the ethnic Chinese dominant territory of Burma, was not only invaded but resoundly beaten last month by the Burma Army that prompted only a few complaints from Beijing. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Many of those questioned by SHAN admitted they “can’t help but feel that we have been let down by the provincial government, if not the central government.” Deposed Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng

The following, they say, are the reasons for their suspicions: • When tensions between Naypyitaw and Kokang mounted triggering people to flee across the border, there were already temporary camps where they could stay complete with mats and blankets (The International Crisis Group meanwhile says Beijing “was not even forewarned”) • “During the fighting, we heard the Burma Army had requested that the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) to move back a few hundred meters from the boundary,” said an officer, “The PLA just ‘obeyed’.” • One of the Wa sources said when they went across the common border with Kokang to help defend Qingshuihe against the Burma Army attack, they were ‘advised’ to wait resulting in the Kokang stronghold’s fall • The deposed Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng’s assets inside China are also being seized • Both Panghsang and Mongla were also ‘advised’ to keep their territories off limits not only to Peng and his family but also to anyone associated with his Kokang army • Most recently, banks along the border were ordered to set a limit to how much the depositor could withdraw. “One of my friends went to withdraw Ұ100,000 ($14,300) a few days ago,” said an officer, “and he was told the bank first needed to know how he was going to spend that kind of money.” “This is the last straw,” said an officer. “Now only the Burma Army can buy as much as it wants without fear of its assets being freezed.” On the other hand, there have been an increase in the frequency of drug seizures along the Thai-Burma border recently. Interviewed by the Irrawaddy on the latest haul of almost 3 million meth pills on 11 September, the Burmese police in Tachilek said the drugs originated in Panghsang. “That’s the damnedest thing I’ve heard in 20 years,” a veteran Thai security officer in Maesai, opposite Tachilek. “In the past, the Burmese officials always immediately came to the Wa’s defense, whenever we leveled our accusations at them.” These days, according to a businessman in Kengtung, 160 km north of Maesai, the only way to survive and get ahead as a drug entrepreneur is to be “politically correct,” that is, to support the military junta. “From now on, the Wa are not going to be allowed to sell drugs and buy weapons to be used against Naypyitaw.” The New Light of Myanmar, on Sunday, 13 September, had warned all the ceasefire armies to be ready to transform themselves into Burma Army-controlled border ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif guard forces (BGFs). Kokang was attacked and its 1,500 strong force routed after it turned down the BGF proposition.

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ေဆြးေႏြးေနစဥ္ ေကအိုင္အို အေျမာက္ႀကီးပစ္ခတ္

တနလၤာေန႕၊ 14 စက္တင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္

စက္တင္ဘာ ၉ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္လြပ္လပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ ေကအိုင္အိုက ၄င္းတို႔တပ္ဖြဲ႔ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ အေျမာက္ႀကီး ပစ္ခတ္္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ႏွစ္ဘက္္ လိပ္ခဲတင္းတင္းျဖစ္ေနၾကသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ဗိုလ္ ခ်ဳပ္ရဲျမင့္ ႏွင့္ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ ေကအိုင္အို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႔ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕သို႔ ထြက္ခြာသြားခ်ိန္ႏွင့္ တိုက္တိုက္ ဆိုင္ဆိုင္ပင္ ယခုလို အေျမာက္ႀကီးမ်ား ပစ္ခတ္စမ္းသပ္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ၎ေန႔နံနက္ပိုင္းက ေကအိုင္ေအ ဂိုေဒါင္အတြင္း၌ သိမ္းဆည္းထားသည့္ အေျမာက္ႀကီးတစ္လက္အား စစ္တပ္ စခန္းရိွရာ ေတာင္ကုန္းမ်ားသို႔

ကားျဖင့္ယူေဆာင္သြားသည္ကို ျမင္ေတြ႔လိုက္ရသည့္ မ်က္ျမင္ေဒသခံ တစ္ဦးက အခုလိုေျပာသည္။

“ဟာ၀ိုင္ဇာအေျမာက္လားမသိဘူး ကားေပၚမွာမိုးကာနဲ႔အုပ္ၿပီး

ေတာင္ကုန္းေပၚေမာင္းတက္သြားတာ ေတြ႔လို္က္ တယ္ သူတို႔လည္း လာေျပာထားတယ္ လက္နက္ႀကီးပစ္စမ္းမယ္ အထိတ္တလွန္႔မျဖစ္ၾကဖို႔ ” လို႔သူကေျပာသည္ ။

ေနာက္ထပ္ေဒသခံတစ္ဦးကလည္း ေကအိုင္အိုက လိုင္ဇာေဒသခံမ်ားအား လက္နက္ႀကီးပစ္ရန္ ႀကိဳတင္ အေၾကာင္းၾကား မႈရိွခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ထပ္ေျပာသည္။ “ေကအိုင္ေအက လိုင္ဇာမွာရိွတဲ့ ေဒသခံေတြကို ႀကိဳတင္ၿပီးအေၾကာင္းၾကားတယ္ေလ အခုလို လက္နက္ႀကီး ပစ္မဲ့အေၾကာင္းေပါ႔ မေၾကာက္ၾကဖို႔ေပါ႔ လိုင္ဇာမွာဆိုေပမဲ့ လိုင္ဇာနဲ႔ေတာ့ေ၀းတယ္ စစ္တပ္ေတြထိုင္တဲ့ တပ္စ ခန္းမွာပစ္ခတ္မယ္ထင္တယ္ အသံေတာ့မၾကားလိုက္ရဘူး ” လို႔ ေဒသခံေနာက္တစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ေကအိုင္အိုတပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားအေနျဖင့္ တဘက္ကေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားျပဳလုပ္ေနသလို တဘက္ကလည္း စစ္ေရးအရ ျပင္ဆင္မႈ ျပဳလုပ္ေနသည္ကို ယခုလုပ္ရပ္က ေဖၚျပေနသည္။

အလားတူ နအဖစစ္တပ္မ်ားက ေကအိုင္အို ဌာနခ်ဳပ္လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕ အနီးတ၀ိုက္ ေနရာမ်ားအထိ စစ္အင္အား အလံုးအရင္းျဖင့္ တပ္စြဲေနရာယူမႈမ်ားရိွေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ယခုေနာက္ဆံုး သတင္းအရ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕တြင္ နအဖစစ္ဘက္ေရးရာအရာရိွခ်ဳပ္

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ေဆြးေႏြး ခဲ့ၾကသည့္ ေကအိုင္အို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႕၀င္အခ်ိဳ႕ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္လိုင္ဇာသို႔ ယေန႔ျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရိွလာေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ႏွစ္ဘက္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ နအဖဘက္မွ

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး ျပဳလုပ္ရန္သာ ေဇာင္းေပးေျပာဆိုခဲ့ ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ေကအိုင္အိုဘက္မွ မည္သို႔ဆက္လုပ္မည္ဆိုသည္ကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ၾကရန္သာရိွၿပီး နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရး ကိစၥအား လာမည့္ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ေနာက္ဆံုးအေၾကာင္းျပန္ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ေကအိုင္အိုကမူ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အစား ကခ်င္ေဒသလံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရးကို တင္ျပေတာင္းဆိုထားသည္။

လတ္တေလာတြင္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္းအေျခအေနသည္ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈရိွေနေသးေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံမ်ားကဆိုသည္။

Kokang Crisis Disrupts Border Trade By KYI WAI

Friday, September 11, 2009

Rangoon — The conflict in the Kokang area near the Sino-Burmese has disrupted border trade and caused shortages of Chinese goods in markets as far away as Rangoon and Mandalay. The shortages will lead to price rises, according to local traders. A shopkeeper who sells popular brands of Chinese-made snacks at Rangoon’s Yuzana Plaza in Rangoon said: “If we don't get fresh supplies by the end of this month, prices will jump.”

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Other major Rangoon markets such as Mingala, Nyaung-bin Lay and Thein-gyi also report shortages of Chinese goods. One trader said supplies of food, medicine and electronic equipment had dropped in the past 10 days by one-third. A Chinese trader in Nyaung-bin Lay market said supplies of Chinese-made formula milk powder, biscuits and dry noodles had run out. Suppliers were reluctant to travel to the Kokang area, he said. "No one dares to go to the border, because we are still receiving information that the situation in that area is still not good,” said a Mingala market trader. “So, there are no new imports. We are buying supplies from other local traders from Muse and Mandalay. I am sure prices will rise.” In Mandalay, a trader said 70 percent of the consumer goods in local markets came from China. "We still have some consumer goods in storage to last the next two or three months,” he said. “But we don't know when we can get fresh supplies. So, we have to sell things very carefully." The trader also thought prices were bound to rise. Some traders with long experience of market conditions fear that the Kokang conflict could have long-term effects on the Burmese economy. One Mandalay trader said the Kokang crisis was being followed with concern by Burmese-born Chinese. "If the Wa group gets involved in this conflict, it will get much worse,” he said. “My relatives in Lashio live in fear, because Burmese government troops are collecting people at night and forcing them to be army porters. Half the population in Lashio are Kokang and Wa.”

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The trader said government forces in Northern Shan State are selectively conscripting only Chinese, Kokang and Wa people as porters to be used in the front line. Meanwhile, the state-run newspaper Myanma Alin reported on Thursday that the Kokang area is now peaceful and stable. The refugees who fled into neighboring China are returning and 14,253 had so far crossed back into Burma, the newspaper said. Myanma Alin also reported that the authorities are selling chicken and fish cheaply to residents of Laogai, the Kokang capital. Local stores, shops and market are open for business as usual. The newspaper said government troops were digging new drains and working on other municipal projects for Laogai.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Wa Units in Southern Shan State Build Defenses By SAW YAN NAING

Wednesday, September 9, 2009

Wa leaders have ordered their people to be on alert and dig bunkers for protection in case fighting breaks out, according to sources on the border. Troops of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) have been building strategic outposts in the mountains. Shan sources said UWSA units in southern Shan State will reportedly ally with the

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ethnic rebel Shan State Army - South in fighting government troops if necessary. Ten thousand UWSA toops led by Wei Hsueh-Kang, who is blacklisted in the US for drug trafficking, are stationed in southern Shan State. The UWSA has a total of about 25,000 soldiers. The US Department of State has offered a US $2 million reward for information leading to the arrest of Wei Hsueh-Kang. Border sources said Burmese government forces will likely launch an offensive against Wa units in southern Shan State, because the junta has been beefing up its troops in the area since the fall of Kokang’s capital, Laogai, on August 24. The Burmese military junta reportedly wrote to Wa leaders demanding that they surrender the Kokang leader, Peng Jiasheng, who is believed to have taken shelter in a UWSA-controlled area. Source said the UWSA did not respond to the junta’s request.

Troops from the Burmese regime’s light infantry divisions (LID), including LID 99, 55, 33 and 22, have been moving into Shan State since Aug 24, according to border and Burmese military sources. About 10 battalions under Military Operation Command 16, based in Theindi in northern Shan State, have also been deployed south of Laogai, military sources said. Speaking to The Irrawaddy, one resident who asked for anonymity said he witnessed three 120mm mortar launchers and 10 armored cars going to southern Shan State, where UWSA units are based. Government troops have blocked the route connecting UWSA units in northern Shan State with those based in southern Shan State, and junta forces have deployed along the road, sources said.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Some observers said the junta’s patience with ceasefire groups rejecting its order to transform their armed militias into Burmese-controlled border guard forces is wearing thin. They said the junta may have no option but to launch offensives against the ceasefire militias to get them to comply.

Bertil Lintner, a Swedish journalist who has written several books on Burma, said the Wa will be the main target of the present offensive.

It is estimated that more than 120,000 ethnic Wa live in southern Shan State near the border with Thailand, which has become a lucrative business area. The area has an improved infrastructure because of development projects and trade. Thousands of Wa civilians may flee into Thailand if fighting breaks out in the region, sources said. As the Burmese military government gears up for major conflict with ethnic groups along the Thai-Burmese border ahead of elections scheduled for 2010, more laborers and refugees will come to Thailand, the Bangkok-based English newspaper, Bangkok Post, said in its editorial on Wednesday.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Junta insists KIA be transformed to BGF Written by KNG Friday, 11 September 2009 15:24

Regular military exercise of KIA soldiers in Laisin Bum on China-Burma border in northern Burma.

The Burmese junta is insistent that the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the largest ethnic Kachin armed group, transform to the Burmese Army controlled Border Guard Force (BGF), said KIA officers. Lt-Gen Ye Myint, head of the executive committee of transition and junta’s Chief of Military Affairs Security (MAS), reiterated the regime’s demand of transforming KIA to the BGF to delegates of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political-wing of the KIA during the meeting in Kachin State's capital Myitkyina on September 9, said KIO delegates. During the meeting, KIO delegates led by Vice-president No. 1 Lt-Gen Gauri Zau Seng brought up other issues not related to the BGF. However, the delegates were confined to the issue of transformation by Lt-Gen Ye Myint, also Naypyitaw negotiator for all ethnic ceasefire groups in the country, KIO delegates said.

Regular military exercise of KIA soldiers in Laisin Bum on China-Burma border in northern Burma. In principle, the KIO has accepted the transformation of its armed wing, the KIA but not to the junta-proposed Border Guard Force. It wants to change KIA to a self controlled Kachin Regional Guard Force (KRGF). A KIO delegate told KNG today, no decision was arrived at or any positive result surfaced in the negotiation. However, both sides agreed to meet next time after inter-organizationa l 244 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 3

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif discussions over the latest negotiation process. On the other hand, the junta supremo Senior General Than Shwe has rejected KIO's demands and has refused to meet KIO's civilian peace mediators led by Rev. Dr. Lahtaw Saboi Jum twice. This is because the KIO had approved the junta-drafted new constitution in May, 2008, said Naypyitaw sources. Lt-Gen Ye Myint and Maj-Gen Soe Win, commander of Myitkyina-based Northern Command repeatedly told KIO delegates that the junta is negotiating with the KIO because of the goodwill of Snr-Gen Than Shwe and the military government, when it is really not needed because the KIO approved the new constitution, said sources close to KIO delegates. If the KIO does not want any more meaningless negotiations with the junta they may release a statement, sources close to KIO delegates in Laiza headquarters on the Sino-Burma border in Kachin State said. The KIO delegates returned to Laiza headquarters yesterday evening after a two-day meeting with Lt-Gen Ye Myint. The KIO will respond to the chief negotiator’s appeal on the transformation issue after organizational meetings, said KIO officials in Laiza. In a move to clarify the future policy of KIO, it dismissed six high ranking officers from the party including Vice-president No. 2 Dr. Manam Tu Ja and Deputy General Secretary N'Ja Naw Rip on September 2. They are preparing to participate in the 2010 elections planned by the junta. The KIO and KIA have a manpower of over 20,000 and it also has an alliance with three ethnic ceasefire groups in Shan State – the Kokang group also called the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the Mongla-based National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS) and the United Wa State Army (UWSA). KIA soldiers in Kachin State and Northeast Shan State are on high alert. They have been ordered to fire at Burmese troops who intrude into their territories since the junta captured the Kokang's capital Laogai on August 24. http://www.kachinne ws.com/index. php/news/ 1096-junta- insists-kia- be-transformed- tobgf-.html

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ဗိုလ္သန္းေ႟ၿ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ေ႟ၾးမလား၊ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ေ႟ၾးမလား Aung Kyaw Myo မႀ — ေနာက္ဆံုး ဴပႂဴပင္မၾမ္းမံခဲ့တဲ့ ေနႚစၾဲနဲႚ အခဵိန္ 2008-02-26 19:58 ၂၀၀၈ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီလ ၂၄ ရက္ေနႚမႀာ ဒီမိုကေရစီႎႀင့္ ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂး တိုးတက္ေရး အင္အားစု Documentation and Research Department (NDD)၊ သုေတသနႎႀင့္ မႀတ္တမ္းတင္ ဌာနမႀ ထုတ္ေဝ ဴဖန္ႚခဵိတဲ့ အပတ္စဥ္ ဴပည္တၾင္း သံုးသပ္ခဵက္ အမႀတ္စဥ္ (၃၂၄) "ဗိုလ္သန္းေ႟ၿ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ေ႟ၾးမလား၊ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ေ႟ၾးမလား" ကို ဴပန္လည္ ကူးယူ လၿင့္တင္ လိုက္တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရက သူတိုႛရဲႚ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ စနစ္ကို တရားဝင္ အတည္ ဴဖစ္ေစဖိုႛ အတၾက္ ဖၾဲႚစည္းပံု အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒ အေဴခခံမူေတၾ ေရးဆၾဲ ခဵမႀတ္ရာမႀာ တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾကို ပၝးပၝးနပ္နပ္နဲႛ အသံုးခဵ ခဲ့သလို၊ အခုလည္း မဳကာခင္ ကဵင္းပ ဴပႂလုပ္မဲ့ ဖၾဲႚစည္း အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ပံု အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒ ဴပည္လံုးက႗တ္ ဆႎၬ ခံယူပၾဲနဲႛ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႎႀစ္၊ အေထၾေထၾ ေ႟ၾးေကာက္ပၾဲ ေတၾမႀာလည္း အပစ္ရပ္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖၾဲႚအစည္းေတၾ အားလံုး သူတိုႛနဲႛ အတူ ပူးေပၝင္း ပၝဝင္ ဳကဖိုႛ နအဖက နည္းအမဵႂိးမဵႂိးနဲႛ စည္း႟ံုး သိမ္းသၾင္းမႁေတၾ ဴပႂလုပ္ေနတာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ နအဖက သူတိုႛရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ၁/ ၂၀၀၈ နဲႛ ၂/ ၂၀၀၈ တိုႛကို မထုတ္ဴပန္မီ ႎႀစ္ပတ္ အလို ဇန္နဝၝရီ လကုန္ပိုင္း ေလာက္က စ႓ပီး စရခ ေခၞ တပ္မေတာ္ စစ္ဘက္ေရးရာ လံုဴခံႂေရး အရာရိႀခဵႂပ္ ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီး ရဲဴမင့္ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ အဖၾဲႚနဲႛ တခဵိန္က ဴပည္သူႚ ဆက္ဆံေရးနဲႛ စိတ္ဓာတ္ စစ္ဆင္ေရး ႌၿန္ဳကားေရးမႀႃး တာဝန္ကို ထမ္းေဆာင္ ခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ ယဥ္ေကဵးမႁ ဝန္႒ကီး ဌာန ဝန္႒ကီး ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ ခင္ေအာင္ဴမင့္ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾဟာ အေရႀႚေဴမာက္တိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခဵႂပ္နဲႛ ေဴမာက္ပိုင္းတိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခဵႂပ္ နယ္ေဴမ ေတၾမႀာ ရိႀတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ ထံကို သၾားေရာက္ ေတၾႚဆံု ခဲ့႓ပီး စည္း႟ံုးတာေတၾ ဴပႂလုပ္ ခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ အလားတူ အမႀတ္ (၁)၊ (၂)၊ (၃)၊ (၄) စစ္ဆင္ေရး အထူး အဖၾဲႚမႀႃး ေတၾနဲႛ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ စစ္တိုင္းမႀႃး ေတၾကလည္း သူတိုႛ နယ္ေဴမ အသီးသီးမႀာ ရိႀတဲ့ အပစ္ရပ္၊ လက္နက္ခဵ၊ အသၾင္ေဴပာင္း တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾနဲႛ ေတၾႚဆံု႓ပီး စည္း႟ံုး သိမ္းသၾင္းတာေတၾ ဴပႂလုပ္ ခဲ့ဳက ပၝတယ္။ အခုလို နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ေတၾ လူခၾဲ႓ပီး အပစ္ရပ္ နယ္ေဴမ ေတၾကို တိုးတိုးတိတ္တိတ္ သၾားေရာက္ စည္း႟ံုး ေနဳကတာဟာ သူတိုႛရဲႚ ႎိုင္ငံေရး လမ္းဴပ ေဴမပံုပၝ အဓိက အေရး အ႒ကီးဆံုး အပိုင္း ဴဖစ္တဲ့ ဖၾဲႚစည္း အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ပံု အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒ မူဳကမ္းကို ဴပည္လံုးက႗တ္ ဆႎၬ ခံယူပၾဲနဲႛ အတည္ ဴပႂႎိုင္ဖိုႛ အေရးမႀာ တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾက သူတိုႛကို ေထာက္ခံ ကူညီမႁ မဴပႂဘဲ ဴမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစု ေတၾနဲႛ အတူ ပူးေပၝင္း ကန္ႛကၾက္ လာမႀာကို အထူး စိုးရိမ္ ပူပန္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေနလိုႛ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾနဲႛ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုေတၾ ဆက္စပ္ ပူးေပၝင္း မိသၾားမႀာကို စစ္အစိုးရက အစိုးရိမ္ဆံုး ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေဳကာင့္လည္း အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲ ဳကဖိုႛ ေတၾႚဆံု ေဆၾးေႎၾး ခဲ့ဳကစဥ္ ကတည္းက အမဵႂိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္ အပၝအဝင္ ႎိုင္ငံေရး ပၝတီ ေတၾနဲႛ လံုးဝ အဆက္ အသၾယ္ မဴပႂလုပ္ဖိုႛ နဝတက ကန္ႛသတ္ တားဴမစ္ ထားခဲ့တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ လၾန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႎႀစ္ကုန္ပိုင္း ေလာက္က စ႓ပီး အင္အား႒ကီး အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ တခဵႂိႚဟာ အမဵႂိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္ကို ေထာက္ခံတဲ့ အရိပ္အေယာင္ေတၾ စတင္ ဴပသ လာတဲ့ အတၾက္ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ ေတၾဟာ ငၝးရံႚ ဴပာလူး သလို ဴဖစ္ခဲ့ ဳကပၝတယ္။ လၾန္ခဲ့တဲ့ႎႀစ္ ႎိုဝင္ဘာ ၈ ရက္ေနႛမႀာ ကုလ သမဂၢ အေထၾေထၾ အတၾင္းေရးမႀႃးခဵႂပ္ရဲႚ အထူး ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္ မစၤတာ ဂမ္ဘာရီက တဆင့္ ထုတ္ဴပန္ ခဲ့တဲ့ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္၏ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ကို ကန္ႛကၾက္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵဖိုႛ နအဖက အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ ေတၾကို ဖိအား ေပးခဲ့စဥ္က အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ၊ လက္နက္ခဵ အဖၾဲႚနဲႛ အသၾင္ေဴပာင္း အဖၾဲႚေပၝင္း ၃၇ ဖၾဲႚက နာခံ႓ပီး ေဳကညာခဵက္ေတၾ အသီးသီး ထုတ္ဴပန္ ေပးခဲ့ ဳကေပမဲ့ အင္အား႒ကီး အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ တခု ဴဖစ္တဲ့ မၾန္ဴပည္သစ္ ပၝတီက ကန္ႛကၾက္ဴခင္း မဴပႂတဲ့ အဴပင္ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ကို ႒ကိႂဆို ေထာက္ခံ ခဲ့တာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ အင္အား အ႒ကီးဆံုး အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ တခု ဴဖစ္တဲ့ ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္း ညီႌၾတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) နဲႛ သူႛရဲႚ မဟာမိတ္ေတၾ ဴဖစ္ဳကတဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛ အဖၾဲႚ ေခၞ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ လူမဵႂိးစုမဵား ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္ေပၝင္းစု (MNDA)၊ အခၝ အဖၾဲႚ ေခၞ ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ အေရႀႚပိုင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ အဖၾဲႚ (NDAA) တိုႛ ကေတာ့ နအဖ ဖိအား ေပးတာကို လက္မခံဘဲ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ကို ကန္ႛကၾက္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵတာေတၾ လုပ္ဖိုႛ ဴငင္းဆို ခဲ့ဳကတယ္။ အလားတူ ကခဵင္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (KIO) ကလည္း ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ကို ကန္ႚကၾက္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵတာမဵႂိး မလုပ္ခဲ့ ပၝဘူး။ (KIO) အဖၾဲႚရဲႚ (၁၅) ႒ကိမ္ေဴမာက္ ဗဟို ေကာ္မတီ စံုညီ အစည္းအေဝး အ႓ပီး ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀ ရက္ေနႛ ရက္စၾဲနဲႛ ထုတ္ဴပန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေဳကညာခဵက္မႀာ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတၾ ေတာင္းဆို ထားတဲ့ အခဵက္ေတၾ ပၝေအာင္ ဖၾဲႚစည္း အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ပံု အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒမႀာ ထည့္သၾင္း ေရးဆၾဲ ေပးဖိုႛနဲႛ ကုလ သမဂၢက အဳကံဴပႂ တိုက္တၾန္း ထားတဲ့ ဴမန္မာ့ ႎိုင္ငံေရး အကဵပ္အတည္းေတၾကို ေတၾႚဆံု ေဆၾးေႎၾး႓ပီး ေဴဖရႀင္း သၾားေရး ဆိုတဲ့ အခဵက္နဲႛ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္သူႚ သမၳတ ႎိုင္ငံက အဳကံ ဴပႂထားတဲ့ ဴမန္မာ ႎိုင္ငံမႀာ အမဵႂိးသား ဴပန္လည္ သင့္ဴမတ္ေရး၊ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္း တည္႓ငိမ္မႁ ရရိႀေရး အတၾက္ ညင္သာ သိမ္ေမၾႚစၾာ ေဴဖရႀင္း သၾားဳကေရး၊ ဆိုတဲ့ အခဵက္ ေတၾကို ႒ကိႂဆို ေထာက္ခံေဳကာင္း ေဖာ္ဴပ ထားတာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ဒီလို အင္အား႒ကီး အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ အနက္ တခဵႂိႚက ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ကို ေဴပာင္ေဴပာင္တင္းတင္း ေထာက္ခံ သူက ေထာက္ခံ၊ သၾယ္ဝိုက္႓ပီး ေထာက္ခံ သူက ေထာက္ခံ၊ ဘာမႀ မေဴပာေပမဲ့ ကန္ႛကၾက္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵဖိုႛ ဴငင္းသူက ဴငင္း၊ လုပ္လာ ဳကတဲ့ အေပၞ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ေတၾ အတၾင္းမႀာ စိုးရိမ္စိတ္ေတၾ ဴဖစ္ေပၞ လာခဲ့ ဳကပၝတယ္။ ဒၝ့အဴပင္ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္က သူႚရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ အေပၞ နားလည္မႁ လၾဲေန ေသးတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစုေတၾ ရိႀရင္ အခဵိန္ မေ႟ၾး လာေရာက္ ေဆၾးေႎၾးဖိုႛ ထပ္မံ ကမ္းလႀမ္း လိုက္တာ ဟာလည္း အေဳကာက္ လၾန္ေနတဲ့ နအဖ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္ ေတၾကို ႓ဖဲေဴခာက္ လိုက္သလို ဴဖစ္သၾား ေစခဲ့ ပၝတယ္။ အခုလည္း နအဖရဲႚ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီလ ၉ ရက္ေနႛ ေဳကညာခဵက္ေတၾ ကို အမဵႂိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္ အပၝအဝင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ႎိုင္ငံေရး ပၝတီေတၾ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး အင္အားစုေတၾ၊ ဴပည္တၾင္း ဴပည္ပ ဴမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစု ေတၾနဲႛ ႎိုင္ငံ တကာက အဴပင္းအထန္ ဆန္ႛကဵင္ ကန္ႛကၾက္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵ ေနခဵိန္မႀာ အင္အား႒ကီး အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ တခု ဴဖစ္တဲ့ မၾန္ဴပည္သစ္ ပၝတီက နအဖရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ေတၾကို ကန္ႛကၾက္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵ ခဲ့တဲ့ အဴပင္ မၾန္ဴပည္သူ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

247

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေတၾနဲႛ ဴမန္မာ ဴပည္သူေတၾ အားလံုး စစ္အစိုးရရဲႚ ဴပည္သူႛ ဆႎၬ ခံယူပၾဲကို ဆန္ႛကဵင္ ကန္ႛကၾက္ ဳကဖိုႛ တိုက္တၾန္း ႎိႁးေဆာ္ ထားတဲ့ ေဳကညာခဵက္ တေစာင္ကို ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီလ ၁၉ ရက္ေနႛ ရက္စၾဲနဲႛ ဦးေဆာင္ ထုတ္ဴပန္ ခဲ့တာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ တဴခား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚ႒ကီး တခု ဴဖစ္တဲ့ ကခဵင္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (KIO) ကလည္း စစ္အစိုးရရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ေတၾကို ေထာက္ခံ ႒ကိႂဆို ေပမဲ့ ေမလ ဴပည္လံုးက႗တ္ ဆႎၬ ခံယူပၾဲနဲႛ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႎႀစ္ အေထၾေထၾ ေ႟ၾးေကာက္ပၾဲ ေတၾမႀာ ဴမန္မာ ဴပည္သူ အားလံုးရဲႚ ဆႎၬ ေတၾကို လၾတ္လၾတ္လပ္လပ္နဲႛ တရား မ႖တမႁ ရိႀရိႀ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ ဴပသခၾင့္ ရရိႀဖိုႛ လိုအပ္ေဳကာင္း၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီလ ၂၀ ရက္ေနႛမႀာ ေဳကညာခဵက္ တေစာင္ကို ထုတ္ဴပန္ ခဲ့တာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ KIO အဖၾဲႚရဲႚ ထုတ္ဴပန္ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ေတၾဟာ မဴပတ္မသားနဲႛ ေလႀနံ ႎႀစ္ဖက္ နင္းထား သလို ဴဖစ္ေန ေပမဲ့ သူတိုႛ မႀာလည္း သူတိုႛ အခက္အခဲနဲႛ သူတိုႛ ရိႀေနဳက မႀာမိုႛ မရဲ ေသာ္လည္း က႗ဲ႓ပဲ စီးဴပ ေနရတာကို အေကာင္းဴမင္ ေပးဳကဖိုႛ လိုပၝ လိမ့္မယ္။ နအဖ အေနနဲႛ သူတိုႛရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ေတၾ အေပၞ ဴပည္တၾင္း ဴပည္ပက ဝိုင္းဝန္း ကန္ႛကၾက္ ဆန္ႛကဵင္ ႟ႁတ္ခဵ ေနတာကို ဳကံ့ဖၾံႚေတၾ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ လူစု လူေဝး ေအာ္ဟစ္ ပၾဲ႒ကီး ေတၾနဲႛ လက္တုန္ႛဴပန္ဖိုႛ စီစဥ္ ေနပၝတယ္။ နအဖရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ ႒ကိႂဆို ေထာက္ခံပၾဲ ေတၾကို ဳကံ့ဖၾံႚ ေတၾနဲႛ သူတိုႛရဲႚ မိတ္ဖက္ အဖၾဲႚအစည္း ေတၾက ဦးေဆာင္႓ပီး လာမဲ့ မတ္လ အတၾင္း တဴပည္လံုးမႀာ ကဵင္းပ ဴပႂလုပ္ ဳကဖိုႛ နအဖက ႌၿန္ဳကား ထားပၝတယ္။ (ဧ႓ပီလ ေရာက္မႀ ဝင္ေရာက္ခၾင့္ ေပးမယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ မစၤတာ ဂမ္ဘာရီရဲႚ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ ခရီးစဥ္ကို ေစာ႓ပီး မတ္လ အတၾင္းမႀာ လာခၾင့္ ဴပႂဖိုႛ နအဖက အရိပ္အေယာင္ ဴပသ လာတာ ဟာ တခဵက္ခုတ္ ႎႀစ္ခဵက္ဴပတ္ ဆိုသလို ကုလ သမဂၢနဲႛ ႎိုင္ငံ တကာရဲႚ ေတာင္းဆိုခဵက္ ေတၾကို အေလးထား လိုက္ေလ႖ာ ရာလည္း ေရာက္၊ သူတိုႛရဲႚ ေဳကညာခဵက္ကို တႎိုင္ငံလံုးမႀာ ရိႀတဲ့ ဴပည္သူ လူထုက ႓ခိမ္ႛ႓ခိမ္ႛသဲသဲ ႒ကိႂဆို ေထာက္ခံေဳကာင္း မစၤတာ ဂမ္ဘာရီကို ဴပသရာလည္း ေရာက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ဖိုႛ ဴဖစ္ႎိုင္ ပၝတယ္။) ႎိုင္ငံေရး ဴပႍနာ ေတၾကို ႎိုင္ငံေရး အရ ေတၾႚဆံု ေဆၾးေႎၾးတဲ့ နည္းနဲႛ အေဴဖရႀာ ႎိုင္မယ္ ထင္႓ပီး နအဖနဲႛ အပစ္ရပ္ ခဲ့ဳကတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အင္အားစု ေတၾဟာ "နာလည္း နာေသး၊ နံလည္း နံေသး" ဆိုတဲ့ အဴဖစ္မဵႂိးနဲႛ ရင္ဆိုင္ ေနဳက ရပၝတယ္။ ႎိုင္ငံေရး အရ တန္းတူ ရည္တူ ေတၾႚဆံု ေဆၾးေႎၾးခၾင့္ မရတဲ့ အဴပင္ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ စနစ္ကို တရားဝင္ ဴဖစ္ေအာင္ အေဴခခံမူ ေတၾ ေရးဆၾဲ ခဵမႀတ္တဲ့ ေနရာ မႀာလည္း ပၝခဲ့ ဳကရ သလို၊ အခုလည္း အဲဒီ အေဴခခံ မူေတၾ အေပၞမႀာ ေရးဆၾဲ ထားပၝတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ ဖၾဲႚစည္း အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ပံု အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒ ကို အတည္ဴပႂ ေပးရမဲ့ အဆင့္ အထိ ပၝဝင္ဖိုႛ အတင္းအကဵပ္ ႓ခိမ္းေဴခာက္ ခိုင္းေစတာကို ခံေန ဳကရ ဴပန္တာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႎႀစ္၊ စက္တင္ဘာလမႀာ အာဏာသိမ္း တက္လာ ခဲ့တဲ့ နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရ က လက္နက္ကိုင္ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး အင္အားစု ေတၾကို ရႀင္းလင္း ေခဵမႁန္း ပစ္ဖိုႛ ႒ကိႂးပမ္း အားထုတ္ ခဲ့ရာမႀာ ၁၉၄၈ - ၅၈ ဖဆပလ အစိုးရ လက္ထက္၊ ၁၉၅၈ - ၅၉ အိမ္ေစာင့္ အစိုးရ လက္ထက္၊ ၁၉၆၀ - ၆၂ ပထစ အစိုးရ လက္ထက္၊ ၁၉၆၂ - ၈၈ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး ေကာင္စီနဲႛ မဆလ စစ္အစိုးရ လက္ထက္ ေတၾမႀာလို လက္နက္ ခဵဖိုႛ၊ လက္နက္ ဴဖႂတ္သိမ္းဖိုႛကို အဓိက မထားဘဲ လက္နက္ကိုင္ လမ္းစဥ္ စၾန္ႛလၿတ္ေဳကာင္း ကိုသာ တရားဝင္ ေဳကညာ႓ပီး ဥပေဒ ေဘာင္အတၾင္း ဝင္ေရာက္ကာ သူတိုႛနဲႛ အတူ ေဒသ ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂးေရး လုပ္ငန္း ေတၾကို အတူ လက္တၾဲ လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖိုႛ ဆိုတဲ့ နည္းဗဵႃဟာ သစ္ကို ေဴပာင္းလဲ ကဵင့္သံုး ခဲ့တာေဳကာင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး အင္အားစု ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

248

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အမဵားအဴပားဟာ စစ္အစိုးရရဲႚ ေထာင္ေခဵာက္ကို မဴမင္ေတာ့ပဲ (တခဵိႂႚ ကေတာ့ ဴမင္ဴမင္၊ သိသိ႒ကီးနဲႛ) တဖၾဲႚ႓ပီး တဖၾဲႚ နအဖနဲႛ ပူးေပၝင္း သၾားခဲ့ ဳကတာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႎႀစ္ ကေန ၁၉၉၂ ခုႎႀစ္ အတၾင္း ဗမာဴပည္ ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ ပၝတီ က ခၾဲထၾက္ လာခဲ့ ဳကတဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛ တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ ဝ တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ ဗကပ တပ္မဟာ (၇၆၈) နဲႛ တပ္မဟာ (၈၁၅) ေဒသမႀ ရႀမ္း အခၝ တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ SSA ရႀမ္း တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ ဗကပ (၁၀၁) စစ္ေဒသမႀ ကခဵင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစုေတၾ အပၝအဝင္ PNO ပအိုဝ္း တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ PSLP ပေလာင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ KNG ကယန္း တိုင္းရင္းသား အင္အားစု၊ စတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမဵိႂးစု လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖၾဲႚ ၉ ဖၾဲႚဟာ နဝတ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ ေတၾနဲႛ လက္တၾဲ ခဲ့ဳကပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၉၃ ခုႎႀစ္ ကေန ၁၉၉၅ ခုႎႀစ္ အတၾင္း ကခဵင္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (KIO)၊ ကရင္နီ လူမဵႂိးေပၝင္းစံု လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး တပ္ဦး (KNPLF)၊ ကယန္း ဴပည္သစ္ ပၝတီ (KNLP)၊ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ လူမဵႂိး ေပၝင္းစံု ဴပည္သူႚ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (SNPLO)၊ ကရင္နီ အမဵႂိးသား တိုးတက္ေရး ပၝတီ (KNPP)၊ မၾန္ဴပည္သစ္ ပၝတီ (NMSP)၊ စတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (၆) ဖၾဲႚ တိုႛကလည္း နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ ထပ္မံ လက္တၾဲ သၾားခဲ့ ဳကဴပန္ ပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ KNPP အဖၾဲႚ ကေတာ့ စလယ္ဝင္ ဖင္မမဲခင္ အပစ္ရပ္ အ႓ပီး ၃ လေလာက္ အဳကာ ၁၉၉၅ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဇၾန္လမႀာ နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရကို ဴပန္လည္ တိုက္ခိုက္ ခဲ့တာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၉၆ ခုႎႀစ္မႀာ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီ လမႀာ ဘိန္းဘုရင္ ခၾန္ဆာ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ တပ္မေတာ္ (MTA) ဟာ နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ အေပးအယူ လုပ္႓ပီး အ႔ကင္းမဲ့ လက္နက္ ခဵခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၉၇ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဇၾန္လ မႀာေတာ့ ဗကပ (ရခုိင္ ဴပည္နယ္) အဖၾဲႚ လက္နက္ ခဵခဲ့တာ ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႎႀစ္ ကေန ၁၉၉၇ ခုႎႀစ္ အထိ နဝတ စစ္အစိုးရထံ ပူးေပၝင္း၊ လက္နက္ ခဵသၾားတဲ့ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖၾဲႚ ၁၇ ဖၾဲႚ ရိႀခဲ့ေပမဲ့ KNPP အဖၾဲႚက ဴပန္တိုက္တဲ့ အတၾက္ နအဖနဲႛ ပူးေပၝင္းတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚ ၁၆ ဖၾဲႚသာ ရိႀတယ္လိုႛ ဆိုႎိုင္ ပၝတယ္။ နဝတ၊ နအဖ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ ေတၾဟာ အပစ္ မရပ္ပဲ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တိုက္ခိုက္ ေနဆဲ KNU, KNPP, SSA (ေတာင္ပိုင္း) တိုႛလို တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အင္အားစုေတၾ ကိုသာ နည္းမဵႂိးစံုနဲႛ စည္း႟ံုး ႓ဖိႂခၾဲ ခဲ့တာ မဟုတ္ဘဲ သူတိုႛနဲႛ အပစ္ရပ္ ထားတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖၾဲႚေတၾ ကိုလည္း နည္းမဵႂိးစံုနဲႛ စည္း႟ံုး ႓ဖိႂခၾဲ ခဲ့ဳကတဲ့ အဴပင္ တခဵႂိႚ အဖၾဲႚငယ္ ေတၾကို လက္ရဲ ဇက္ရဲနဲႛ လက္စတုံး သုတ္သင္ ရႀင္းလင္း ပစ္ခဲ့တာေတၾ ရိႀခဲ့ ပၝတယ္။ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ ေတၾကို ပူးသတ္ဖိုႛ အတၾက္ အပစ္ရပ္ တာပၝလိုႛ ဆင္ေဴခ ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ အဖၾဲႚ တခဵႂိႚ ဟာလည္း အခုေတာ့ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ ေတၾရဲႚ ပူးသတ္ တာကိုသာ မ႟ႁမလႀ ခံေန ဳကရ႓ပီး အစိတ္စိတ္ အမၿာမၿာ ႓ပိႂကၾဲ ေနဳကတာကို ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ကရင္ ဗုဒၭဘာသာ တပ္မေတာ္ (DKBA)၊ ဘုရားကုန္း အထူး ေဒသ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ ေဟာင္သေရာ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ သံေတာင္ ႓မိႂႚနယ္ အထူး ေဒသ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ သံေတာင္ ေဴမာက္ပိုင္း အထူး ေဒသ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ ကရင္နီ အမဵႂိးသား ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးႎႀင့္ ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂးေရး ပၝတီ (KNPDP)၊ ကရင္နီ အမဵႂိးသား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ပၝတီ (KNDP)၊ ကရင္နီ အမဵႂိးသား စည္းလံုး ညီႌၾတ္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (ေမာ္ခဵီး ေဒသ)၊ ဆိုတဲ့ KNU နဲႛ KNPP တိုႛက ဖဲ့ထုတ္ စည္း႟ံုး ထားတဲ့ အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ အဴပင္ နအဖနဲႛ အပစ္ရပ္ ထားတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ ကေန ခၾဲထုတ္၊ ဖဲ့ထုတ္ စည္း႟ံုး ခဲ့တဲ့ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ အမဵႂိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ တပ္မဟာ (၁၉)၊ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ အမဵႂိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ တပ္မဟာ (၁၁)၊ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ အမဵႂိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ တပ္မဟာ (၆)၊ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ အမဵႂိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ (ခၾဲထၾက္) ဝမ္ယိန္း မိသားစု အဖၾဲႚ၊ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ အမဵႂိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ (ခၾဲထၾက္) မိုင္းယၾန္း အဖၾဲႚ၊ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

249

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ရႀမ္းဴပည္ တပ္မေဟာ္ တပ္မဟာ (၇၅၈)၊ ပအိုဝ္း ေဒသ တိုင္းရင္းသားမဵား စည္းလံုး ညီႌၾတ္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (PNLO)၊ ပအိုႚဝ္ အမဵိႂးသား လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ (PNLO)၊ KIO ခၾဲထၾက္ ဦးလဆန္ေအာင္ဝၝ အဖၾဲႚ၊ တိုႚအဴပင္ တဴခား အဖၾဲႚငယ္ ေလးေတၾလည္း ရိႀေနတာကို ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ခၾန္ဆာရဲႚ MTA အဖၾဲႚနဲႛ ဗကပ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ ကေန ခၾဲထၾက္၊ ပဲ့ထၾက္ သၾားခဲ့တဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖၾဲႚ ငယ္ေလးေတၾ အမဵားအဴပား ကိုလည္း နအဖက ေသာင္းကဵန္းသူ ဆန္ႛကဵင္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ အဖၾဲႚ၊ ရဲအဖၾဲႚ၊ ဘာအဖၾဲႚ ညာအဖၾဲႚ၊ စတဲ့ အမည္ မဵႂိးစံုနဲႛ လက္နက္ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခၾင့္ အပၝအဝင္ မူးယစ္ ေဆးဝၝး ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရာင္းခဵခၾင့္ေတၾ ေပး႓ပီး တိုင္းရင္းသား အခဵင္းခဵင္း ေသၾးခၾဲ ထိန္းခဵႂပ္ ႎိုင္ေအာင္ အစီအစဥ္ ရိႀရိႀ ဆက္လက္ ေမၾးဴမႃ ထားတာကို ေတၾႚရ ပၝတယ္။ ေ႟ၿဴပည္ေအး ေခၞ MTA တပ္ဖၾဲႚ ဝင္ေဟာင္း မိသားစုမဵား ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂး တိုးတက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ MTA မတ္ကဵန္း ေဒသ ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂး တိုးတက္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ နာ႟ိုင္း ေဒသ ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂးေရးႎႀင့္ ဘဝသစ္ ထူေထာင္ေရး အဖၾဲႚ၊ ကၾတ္ခိုင္ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ မန္ပန္ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ အုမ္းစၾမ္ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ တာမိုးညဲ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ လံုထန္ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ ေရႀာက္ေဟာ္ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ ပန္ေဆး ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ မံုးဟင္ - မံုးဟ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ မံုးကိုး ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ ေဖာင္းဆိုင္ ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ ပိန္းဆာ (လားဟူ) ဴပည္သူႚစစ္ (ဌာေန) အဖၾဲႚ၊ မိုင္းေကာင္ အထူး တိုက္ခိုက္ေရး ရဲတပ္ဖၾဲႚ၊ ကၾမ္းလံု အထူး တိုက္ခိုက္ေရး ရဲတပ္ဖၾဲႚ၊ ဆိုတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖၾဲႚငယ္ေပၝင္း မဵားစၾာ ေတၾႚႎိုင္ ပၝတယ္။ တခဵိန္က အဂႆလိပ္ နယ္ခဵဲႚ ေတၾက ဴမန္မာဴပည္ကို ေသၾးခၾဲ အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ ခဲ့သလို အခုလည္း စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ အဆက္ဆက္က တိုင္းရင္းသား ေတၾကို ေသၾးခၾဲ အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ ေနတာ ထင္ရႀား ပၝတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသား အားလံုး စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ စနစ္ ေအာက္က လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ဖိုႛ၊ အခဵင္းခဵင္း ေသၾးခၾဲ ခံေနရမႁက လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ဖိုႚ အတၾက္ ဴမန္မာ လူမဵႂိးေတၾ အပၝအဝင္ အဖိႎႀိပ္ခံ တိုင္းရင္းသား အားလံုး ဒီအခဵိန္မႀာ စုစည္း ညီႌၾတ္ ဳကဖိုႛ အေရး႒ကီးဆံုး အခဵိန္ကို ေရာက္ရိႀ လာေန ဳက႓ပီ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေ႟ၿ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ နအဖ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ေတၾ က ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ အမည္ခံ၊ ဴပည္ေထာင္စု အမည္ခံ၊ စစ္အာဏာရႀင္ တဴပည္ေထာင္ စနစ္ကို ရာသက္ပန္ တရားဝင္ ကဵင့္သံုးႎိုင္ဖိုႛ အဴပင္းအထန္ ႒ကိႂးပမ္း အားထုတ္ ေနဳကတာကို တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖၾဲႚအစည္း အားလံုး ထင္ထင္ရႀားရႀား ဴမင္ေတၾႚ ႎိုင္သလို ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစု ေတၾကလည္း ႎိုင္ငံသားတိုင္း တန္းတူ ညီမ႖ အခၾင့္အေရးေတၾ ရရိႀ ဳက႓ပီး ေရရႀည္ တည္တန္ႛ ခိုင္႓မဲတဲ့ အမဵႂိးသား ဴပန္လည္ သင့္ဴမတ္ေရး၊ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးနဲႛ ေရရႀည္ ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂး တိုးတက္ေရး ေတၾကို အာမခံခဵက္ ေပးႎိုင္တဲ့ စစ္မႀန္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ ဖက္ဒရယ္ ဴပည္ေထာင္စု႒ကီး တည္ေဆာက္ ႎိုင္ေရး အတၾက္ ဘဝေတၾ၊ အသက္ေတၾ ေပးဆပ္႓ပီး အဴပင္းအထန္ ႒ကိႂးပမ္း အားထုတ္ ေနဳကတာကို ေတၾႚဴမင္ ႎိုင္ဳက ပၝတယ္။ အပစ္ရပ္ အဖၾဲႚေတၾ အပၝအဝင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖၾဲႚအစည္း အားလံုး အေနနဲႛလည္း ဒီတိုက္ပၾဲမႀာ ေလႀနံ ႎႀစ္ဖက္ နင္းထား႓ပီး သာရာဖက္မႀာ ေခဵာ္လဲ ေရာထိုင္ လုပ္လိုႛ မရ ႎိုင္သလို၊ ေဘးက ပၾဲဳကည့္ ပရိသတ္ လုပ္ေန လိုႛလည္း မရႎိုင္ ပၝဘူး။ ဒီပၾဲဟာ သူႚစည္း ကိုယ့္စည္း၊ သူႚသမိုင္း၊ ကိုယ့္သမိုင္း ေရးဳကရမဲ့ အဆံုးအဴဖတ္ တိုက္ပၾဲ တခု ဴဖစ္တာေဳကာင့္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေ႟ၿရဲႚ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ေ႟ၾးမလား၊ ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ရဲႚ လမ္းစဥ္ကို ေ႟ၾးမလား ဆိုတာ ဴပတ္ဴပတ္သားသား ဆံုးဴဖတ္ ဳကဖိုႛ လိုအပ္ ေန႓ပီ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း သံုးသပ္ တင္ဴပ လိုက္ရ ပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

250

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 3

251