A002. Bo Than Shwe , Wa And Others Vol 2

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ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္

၀ UWSA ၊

ကိုးကန္႔ MNDAA ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား NDAA အဖၾဲႚ -

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Refugees walk towards the border separating China and Burma, in the Chinese border town of Nansan. (Photo: Getty Images)

ျမန္မာ၏ နယ္စပ္ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေရးၾကိဳးပမ္းမႈက တ႐ုတ္ကို အခက္ေတြ႔ေစ

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္

၀ UWSA ၊

ကိုးကန္႔ MNDAA ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား NDAA အဖၾဲႚ -

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wdkif;&if;om;vlrsdK;pka&;&mESifh e,fjcm;a&;&m aqmif;yg;rsm;

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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yHkEdSyfrSwfwrf; vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) twGuftxl;xkwfa0onf 2009 ckESpf pifumyledKifiH POLARIS BURMESE LIBRARY ( SINGAPORE )

Index: Myanmar History, Myanmar Politic, Bo Than shwe, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Polaris Burmese Library, LPK Library, Myanmar Junta, Myanmar Democracy, Myanmar Human Rights, Myanmar People, Myanmar Student, Kokang, UWSA, KNU, KIO, SSA, Wa, KIA, DKBA, Karen,

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ကာတြန္းဆရာရဲ႕ အႀကံျပဳခ်က္

မင္းၾကားႀကီး သန္းေရႊ အတြက္ အႀကံေကာင္း ဉာဏ္ေကာင္း တခုကုိ ကာတြန္းဆရာ ဟန္ေလးက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားပါတယ္။ “ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးက ဒီေလာက္ စြမ္းတဲ့ အာဏာေတြ ပါဝါေတြကို ခါးမွာပဲ ခ်ိတ္ထားတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္နဲ႔ ျပည္သူေတြ အတြက္ အဲဒါကို ေခါင္းထဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ႏွလံုးသားထဲကို ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သြင္းလိုက္ရင္ အရမ္း ေကာင္းသြားမွာပဲ” တ့ဲ။ ဧရာ၀တီ မဂၢဇင္းနဲ႔ မေန႔က လုပ္တ့ဲ အင္တာဗ်ဴးမွာ ေျပာလုိက္တာပါ။ ကဗ်ာဆရာေတြရဲ႕ အေရးအသားေတြဟာ နားလည္ရ ခက္သလုိ ကာတြန္းဆရာရဲ႕ စကားကလည္း ဘယ္လုိ သေဘာေပါက္ရမွန္း မသိ ခက္ခဲေနပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး နဲ႔ စာဖတ္သူမ်ား အခက္အခဲ မျဖစ္ေအာင္၊ ရွင္းရွင္း လင္းလင္း နားလည္ေအာင္ ကာတြန္းဆရာက သရုပ္ေဖာ္ပုံ ဆဲြထားတာကုိ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။

ကာတြန္းဆရာေတြဟာ ကဗ်ာဆရာေတြထက္ စာဖတ္သူအေပၚ ေစတနာ ပုိရိွတယ္လုိ႔ ေကာက္ခ်က္ ခ်ရမလုိ ျဖစ္ေနပါၿပီ။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Photos of United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) military outposts along the border of Thailand, Chiang Rai province

1- Soldat de la Border Patrol Police thaïlandaise surveillant la frontière Thaïlande - Birmanie, province de Chiang Rai, Doi Tung. 1 - Border Patrol Police troop observing the Thailand - Burma border, Chiang Rai province, Doi Tung.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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2 - Soldat de la Border Patrol Police thaïlandaise surveillant la frontière Thaïlande - Birmanie, province de Chiang Rai, Doi Tung. 2 - Border Patrol Police troop observing the Thailand - Burma border, Chiang Rai province, Doi Tung.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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3 - Soldat de la Border Patrol Police thaïlandaise observant un village birman depuis la frontière Thaïlande - Birmanie, province de Chiang Rai, Doi Tung. 3 - Border Patrol Police troop observing a Burmese village from across the Thailand - Burma border, Chiang Rai province, Doi Tung.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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4 - Village birman vu depuis la frontière Thaïlande - Birmanie, province de Chiang Rai, Doi Tung. 4 - Burmese village viewed from the Thailand - Burma border, Chiang Rai province, Doi Tung.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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5 - Carte de la région de Pang Noon, province de Chiang Raï: avant-postes de l'UWSA (vert), de la SSA-S (jaune), de l'armée birmane (rouge) et de la troisème armée thaïlandaise (bleu). 5 - Map of the Pang Noon area, Chiang Rai province: UWSA (green), SSA-S (yellow), Burmese Army (red) and Thai Third Army (blue) outposts. In November 2000, "Burmese troops, with the help of Wa soldiers [from the United Wa State Army], have moved into the area controlled by a Shan rebel group known as the Shan State Army (SSA). In early February [2001], the Burmese planned to occupy a strategic hill near Ban Pang Noon in Thailand so they could position their artillery to support a further attack on an SSA unit. Part of the plan involved crossing into Thai territory to secure positions behind the rebels. Thai rangers manning the border, however, refused to allow the Burmese troops access. Reports are unclear, but it seems that the Burmese took a contingent of Thai rangers hostage. After their release, fighting broke out. The Thais started shelling and the melee spread to the Mae Sai-Tachilek border towns, about forty km east of Ban Pang Noon." Pushing the Envelope, The Irrawaddy, Aung Zaw, February 01, 2001. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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6 -Base de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 6 - Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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7 - Vue d'une crête birmane et d'un avant-poste de l'armée birmane depuis la base de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 7 - View of a Burmese crest and of a Burmese Army outpost from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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8 - Vue d'un avant-poste de la Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758), en Birmanie, depuis la base de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 8 - View of a Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758) outpost, within Burma, from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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9 - Vue de deux avant-postes de la Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758), en Birmanie, depuis la base de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 9 - View of two Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758) outposts, within Burma, from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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10 - Gros plan d'un des deux avant-postes (photo 6) de la Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758), en Birmanie, depuis la base de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 10 - Close-up of one of the two Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758) outposts (photo 6), within Burma, from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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11 - Vue d'un avant-poste de la Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758), en Birmanie, depuis une piste thaïlandaise venant de la base de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 11 - View of a Shan State Army South (SSA-S n° 758) outpost, within Burma, from a Thai dirt road coming from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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12 - Vue d'un avant-poste de la United Wa State Army (UWSA n° 171), en Birmanie, depuis la base thaïlandaise de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 12 - View of a United Wa State Army (UWSA n° 171) outpost, within Burma, from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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13 - Vue en gros plan d'un avant-poste de la United Wa State Army (UWSA n° 171), en Birmanie, depuis la base thaïlandaise de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 13 - Close-up view of a United Wa State Army (UWSA n° 171) outpost, within Burma, from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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14 - Vue en gros plan d'un avant-poste de la United Wa State Army (UWSA n° 171), en Birmanie, depuis la base thaïlandaise de la troisième armée thaïlandaise de Pang Noon. 14 - Close-up view of a United Wa State Army (UWSA n° 171) outpost, within Burma, from the Thai Third Army base of Pang Noon.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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15 - Frontière Thaïlande - Birmanie, vue depuis une base de la Naresuan Task Force (Thaïlande), Doi Tung, province de Chiang Raï. 15 - Border Thailand - Burma, viewed from a base of the Naresuan Task Force (Thailand), Doi Tung, Chiang Rai province. The Naresuan Task Force was set up in late 1994 by the Thai Third Army in the face of increasing security problems in the border areas of Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son due to weapons smulling activities, drugs trafficking and illegal immigration. Naresuan Task Force troops were sent to reinforce security forces in Mae Fa Luang district, Chiang Rai, as tension along the border escalated there.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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16 - Poste de contrôle routier sur la route thaïlandaise longeant la frontière Thaïlande - Birmanie, vue depuis une base de la Naresuan Task Force (Thaïlande), Doi Tung, province de Chiang Raï. 16 - Check-point on a Thai road, along the Thailand - Burma border, viewed from a base of the Naresuan Task Force (Thailand), Doi Tung, Chiang Rai province.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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17 - Montagnes thaïlandaises reforestées (plantation de macadamia au deuxième plan) avec la Birmanie en dernier plan, Doi Tung, province de Chiang Raï. . 17 - Reforested moutains of Thailand (macadamia trees in the middle distance),with Burma in the background, Doi Tung, Chiang Rai province.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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18 -Frontière Birmanie (gauche, déforestée) - Thaïlande (droite, reforestée), Doi Tung, district de Mae Fah Luang, province de Chiang Raï. 18 - Border between Burma (left, deforested) and Thailand (right, reforested) Doi Tung, Mae Fah Luang district, Chiang Rai province.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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19 - Pont frontalier entre Mae Sai, Thaïlande, et Tachileck, Birmanie, vu depuis Mae Sai, province de Chiang Raï. 19 - Border bridge between Mae Sai, Thailand, and Tachileck, Burma, viewed from Mae Sai, Chiang Rai province

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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SSA:Shan State Army

Ethnic insurgency in Shan State Burma started in the 1950’s following the refusal of Rangoon leaders to honour the Panglong Agreement of 1947. This granted independence to Burma and regional autonomy within ten years to ethnic States. Since that time various ethnic groups, such as the Wa, Shan, Pa-O have fought the Rangoon government and its army in Shan State. One of the largest groups was Khun Sa’s Mong Thai Army (MTA) operating in the notorious Golden triangle region, where Burma, Thailand and Laos share borders. The MTA was formed in April 1985 following the union of two Shan armed groups: Khun Sa’s Shan United Army (SUA) and the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA) led by Yord Sek, today leader of the Shan State Army-South. When the two groups allied, the opium warlord Khun Sa took over leadership of the whole group by gathering a strong military wing estimated to be around 10,000 soldiers in arms. The MTA soon became one of the most powerful opposition groups fighting Burmese troops but also one of the biggest criminal organisations that Rangoon had ever faced. In the early 90s, in an attempt to offer a better image to the international community, Rangoon government decided to crack down on Khun Sa’s increasingly powerful MTA and its drug empire. With a large number of rebel groups which had already agreed to a cease-fire, the Burmese Army was able to concentrate its military offensives on MTA territory by using the United Wa State Army (UWSA) as a proxi army. Unable to cope with two fronts, Khun Sa surrendered in January 1996.

SSA Soldier.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

SSA Soldier.

Shan base overlooking Wa bases

SSA troops parade in Independence Day ceremony.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

SSA Female Soldier.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

SSA Soldier.

former Drug Kingpin,U Khun SA.

Yord Sek, now the leader of SSA.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Armed Ceasefire Groups to be ‘Border Guard Force’ By WAI MOE

Monday, May 4, 2009

The Burmese military plans to incorporate armed ethnic ceasefire troops into the Tatmadaw (armed forces) to provide security along the border after the 2010 general election. The plan would give greater control of the armed ceasefire groups to the Burmese military, according to observers.

Troops of the United Wa State Army march in parade in Panghsang in northern Shan State. (Photo: Tiexue.net)

Armed ethnic ceasefire groups first heard details of the plan

during meetings with Burmese military officers on April 28. Under the plan, one border guard battalion would have 326 troops including 18 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif officers. There would be three commanders with the rank of major. Each battalion would have two majors drawn from ceasefire groups and one major drawn from the Tatmadaw in charge of administration. Each battalion would have a general staff officer and quartermaster officer with the rank of captain drawn from the Tatmadaw. Company commanders in each battalion would be drawn from ceasefire groups. Twenty-seven soldiers in other ranks, such as company sergeant majors, sergeant clerks, nurses, etc., would be drawn from Tatmadaw forces. Representatives of the Burmese junta told ceasefire group officials at various meetings that discussions on troop mobilization will be held at a later date. Salary and benefits for troops in the border forces would be the same as soldiers in the Tatmadaw. In the plan’s outline, it was noted that border guard troops could only be mobilized in areas within their own territory. The Tatmadaw will command border guard forces during the “beginning period,” according to the plan. Ceasefire groups, including the United Wa State Army with an estimated 20,000 troops, have made no official statements in regard to the plan of incorporation. Sources said that the military plans to form three committees to coordinate the transition of the ceasefire groups. The Transition Policy Committee will be chaired by the commander-in-chief and the deputy commander-in-chief will be vice-chairman, and committee members will include the coordinator of special operations for the army, navy and air force, the prime minister, secretary 1, members of the junta, the State Peace and Development Council; the secretary of the committee will be the chief of Military Affairs Security ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif and the joint-secretary will be the director of the Office of Public Relations and Border Troops. The Transitional Working Committee will be chaired by the chief of Military Affairs Security; and made up of commanders of the Tatmadaw’s regional commands along with the deputy chief of Military Training, the vice-adjutant general and the vicequartermaster general, the director of the People’s Militias and Psychological Warfare, the director-general of Central Military Accounts, and general staff officer 1 of the Burmese army. The director of the Public Relations and Border Troops will be the secretary of the working committee, and the general staff officer 1 from the Military Affairs Security will be joint-secretary. Various Regional Level Transition Working Committees will be chaired by Tatmadaw regional commanders. The current policy is related to the 2008 Constitution, which was created by the junta. The constitution provides that in ceasefire group controlled areas, referred to as selfadministered divisions or self-administered zones, the local administrative bodies can legislate for civil issues such as urban and rural projects; construction and maintenance of roads and bridges; public health; developmental affairs; prevention of fire hazards; maintenance of pastures; conservation and preservation of forests; preservation of the natural environment; water and electricity issues; and market matters relating to towns and villages. Under the constitution, the military, dominated by the commander-in-chief, can assign duties relating to security and border affairs in self-administered zones (ceasefire areas). One-quarter of the administrators of self-administered zones (ceasefire areas) will be made up of military officers appointed by the commander-in-chief of the Tatmadaw. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Soldiers of Fortune Once a reclusive clan of headhunters, Burma's Wa tribe has become Asia's most dangerous drug cartel By Andrew Marshall and Anthony Davis | Wa Hill

http://www.time.com/time/asia/covers/1101021216/story6.html We reach Gawng Lang village at dusk. At first, the only signs of life are the smoke of cooking fires seeping through thatched roofs and the muffled clatter of food being prepared. Then we notice the children. Half-naked, their bellies bloated by malnutrition, they watch from beneath the stilt houses with dumbstruck curiosity. Soon the women emerge, dressed in handwoven black smocks and gripping slender, silver pipes between their teeth. They stare and giggle at us, waiting for their husbands, uncles and brothers to arrive. Wearing ragged military fatigues, the men, when they finally materialize, seem without exception to be among the oldest members of the hamlet. Only later do we discover where all the young men have gone. Gawng Lang sits on a lonely hilltop in northeast Burma, sheltered by gently swaying bamboo. None of its 400 inhabitants has seen a white man before. But then, very few white men have ever seen a Wa, the most fascinating, seldom met and impoverished of Burma's myriad tribes. Until the 1970s, many Wa strayed from their hilltop redoubts only to chop off human heads, which they believed to be powerful totems against disease and bad harvests. Neighboring tribes have long loathed and feared them. Among the Shan, Burma's largest ethnic minority, a mother anxious to hush her restless child might still whisper, "Shhh! A Wa is coming!" From the nearest Chinese border town, it takes five hours of hiking over hauntingly beautiful mountains to reach the village. Five hours, that is, for a city-softened journalist. Even elderly Wa can cover the distance in less than two. The Wa are so accustomed to climbing steep terrain that they complain of sore feet when walking on level ground. Gawng Lang's inhabitants don't receive many visitors, but after recovering from their initial surprise, they are both hospitable and curious. "Tell me," says Ai Sin, a wiry 42-year-old who serves us rice and vegetables by guttering lamplight. "I have heard that when it is day in the Wa hills, it is dark in America. Can this be true?" The Wa no longer chop heads, yet their ferocious and demonic image remains intact. Dawn reveals why: the sloping fields surrounding Gawng Lang are planted with thousands of opium poppies, their fresh green shoots pushing up through the mist-dampened earth. We also learn in the morning why there are no young men around. They have all been conscripted into the 20,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA)—a formidable force of tribal soldiers dubbed by the U.S. State Department as the world's "most heavily armed narco-traffickers." Burma in 2001 was the largest producer of opium in the world (Afghanistan ranked second), and the UWSA dominates the country's opium and heroin business. It also controls some 80% of Burma's equally lucrative trade in methamphetamine pills, a cheap and highly addictive drug better known in Asia by its Thai name yaba, or crazy medicine. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Together, these businesses earn the UWSA's Elite commanders and their associates up to $550 million a year, according to TIME's research. It's an incomprehensible sum for the people of Gawng Lang, who see little of the spoils and go about their medieval existence much as their ancestors did. In Thailand, a tidal wave of yaba has ripped through schools, slums and nightclubs, leaving a quarter of a million addicts in its wake. With narcotics experts and Thai army officials expecting a billion pills to pour in next year, many Thais regard the UWSA as the gravest threat to their society and national security since the 1970s communist insurgencies. Sending an aggressive message to Rangoon and its drugdealing Wa allies, the Thai army last spring staged a troop buildup along the kingdom's border on a scale not seen since World War II. Yet the scourge is anything but contained. The UWSA is now diversifying into gunrunning while also expanding operations geographically into Laos, the Chinese province of Yunnan and the turbulent states of northeast India. Shipments of yaba are turning up in Europe, Australia and America. And in an ominous extension of its military reach, the UWSA has broken out of its traditional territory by forcibly relocating tens of thousands of Wa villagers to strategic swatches of land along the Thai-Burmese border—a Stalinesque forced exodus little noticed by the outside world. How did a once isolated hill tribe grow so powerful, so quickly, transforming itself into an international crime syndicate to rival Colombia's drug cartels? The man we hoped might answer this question is the UWSA's commander, Bao Youxiang. Little is known about "Chairman Bao," as he prefers to be called, and few Westerners have ever met him. But his reputation, fueled by rumor, is gaudy, befitting the lord of a narco-fiefdom. Bao is reputedly so rich that he would need two trucks to carry around all his money. He is rumored to have once had four of his own men pistol-whipped to death for conspiring against him. Also, he likes bowling. To meet Bao, we plunged into the lawless hills of northeast Burma—to the heart of an empire built on guns, drugs and blood. Even in the old days, not every Wa chopped heads; 19th century Chinese merchants made the potentially lifesaving distinction between the nonhostile "tame Wa" and their bloodthirsty cousins, the "wild Wa." But all Wa cherished the de facto independence their hilltop seclusion granted them and were quick to trade on their unsavory image if threatened. A Wa chief once declared to approaching British troops, "We are a wild people, who eat rats and squirrels raw." Undaunted, a British colonial administrator named George Scott launched the first expedition into wild Wa territory in 1893. Scott demolished many myths about the hill tribe. They were not, as outsiders had insisted, "habitual cannibals" with a predilection for roasted babies. Nor were they backward, he said. "They are an exceedingly well-behaved, industrious, and estimable race," wrote Scott, "were it not for the one foible of cutting strangers' heads off and neglecting ever to wash themselves." Despite brutal military campaigns by Scott's men—one in retaliation for the decapitation of two British officers—the Wa were never brought fully under colonial control. But later, greater historical forces shattered Wa isolation forever and propelled their homeland into the international narcotics trade. The Wa had always grown poppies. Scott himself had marveled at the "enormous amount of opium" they produced even in the 1890s. But the retreat of China's nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) divisions into northeast Burma after the 1949 communist revolution kicked cultivation ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif into high gear. The KMT persuaded farmers to grow more opium, transporting it on long mule caravans into northern Thailand. By the late 1960s, the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) had arrived. Bent on overthrowing the Rangoon government through its jungle bases along the Sino-Burmese border, the Beijing-backed CPB quickly formed pacts with Wa guerrilla bands. One was led by a pugnacious 21-year-old named Bao Youxiang. Born to a chieftain in Kunma, a northern Wa village near Gawng Lang, Bao was the sixth of eight brothers and a natural-born fighter. He rose steadily through the CPB ranks, from battalion commander in Kunma to leader of a crack brigade operating near the Thai border. For Bao and thousands of fellow Wa tribesmen, the CPB provided modern weaponry, combat experience and—a first for a people historically made up of squabbling clans—a loose political unity. In return, the communists got a pool of tough tribal warriors to fight a bloody 20-year conflict against the Burmese government. The Wa proved fearless in battle and willing to accept appallingly high casualties. As one saying went, "The Wa are good at dying." At rebelling, too. In 1989 a key brigade mutinied against the aging CPB leadership. On April 17 of that year—a date the Wa still celebrate as national day—Bao and other tribal commanders joined the rebellion. Burma's Communist Party split into several heavily armed factions, all of which signed cease-fire agreements with Rangoon. One of these factions, the United Wa State Army, would be dominated by Bao. The cease-fire was a turning point in Wa history. The embattled Burmese military, still reeling from the 1988 democracy uprising, had no desire to fight the heavily armed Wa militia. In return for keeping the peace, the UWSA was given full autonomy over what the regime termed "Special Region No. 2," which Bao christened "Wa state." The UWSA was also granted lucrative business concessions, including tacit permission to deal in the only valuable commodity it knew: narcotics. By 1994 the wa state army was mass-producing yaba in addition to heroin. Unlike fields of poppies, the tiny pills are immune to bad weather and invisible to U.S. spy satellites. They are cheap to produce in makeshift chemical factories and easier to smuggle than heroin. Thailand proved a ready market: today, more Thais are addicted to yaba than to heroin. And so the UWSA prospered. To defend its enterprises, it acquired a formidable arsenal, largely provided by Chinese dealers in Yunnan. Today the UWSA's weaponry includes heavy machine guns and Chinesebuilt, shoulder-fired, surface-to-air missiles. With Burma's domestic economy teetering on collapse, the military regime needed Wa drug money and bribes. So Wa entrepreneurs were welcomed in cities such as Rangoon and Mandalay, where they set up trading companies and bought real estate. Today the UWSA reportedly controls such companies as the Myanmar May Flower Group and, through it, a large private bank. Inevitably the Wa leaders grabbed a hefty piece of the action for themselves. Bao's family, for example, reportedly owns Yangon Airways, one of the country's two domestic airlines. Some money from the tribe's business ventures trickled down, changing the landscape of the Wa hills. "In 1993 you could still meet guys carrying spears," recalls a Christian missionary who toured the region. Since then, a handful of larger Wa villages have morphed into towns, and with Chinese technical help a new road has been built to link them. Villagers who live along its winding route refer to it simply as "the road." There is no other one in the Wa hills with which to confuse it. And so, by logical necessity, all roads in the Wa hills lead to one place: Panghsang, population 15,000, the headquarters of the UWSA's empire and the lair of Chairman Bao. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "To get into any Wa village," an earlier visitor once wrote, "you must either fight or be invited." Getting an invitation to meet Asia's most powerful druglord was simpler than expected. A few calls to a Chinese mobile-phone number, a letter of intent delivered through a Wa emissary and then, suddenly, a message from Panghsang: Bao was willing to meet. After that came a great deal of waiting near the Burmese border for this rare audience. There are worse places to kill time than the Ru Yi Commercial City development in Menglian, a Chinese town only an hour's drive from Panghsang. Locals say the lavish, Thai-designed complex is owned by Li Ziru, a Chinese-born former Red Guard who nowadays acts as Bao's right-hand man. The U.S. State Department claims Li is a leader in Burma's drug trade. He is clearly a very wealthy man. The Ru Yi complex boasts a four-star hotel, shops, a supermarket, karaoke bars and—in a country where gambling is still outlawed as one of the "Five Evils"—a busy casino. Evidently, Chinese officials are not squeamish about drug money fueling the breakneck development of Menglian and other towns in Yunnan. The Golden Phoenix Hotel in Simao is proudly described in a brochure as a joint venture between "the Wa Federation of Myanmar [Burma]" and Yunnan's Provincial Farming Bureau. And at the UWSA-owned Health and Happiness Hotel in Cangyuan, senior county officials slurp tea in the lobby while Wa prostitutes prowl the upper floors for clients. The summons from Bao eventually comes. Getting to Panghsang involves a short drive to the border, an immigration check and a trip across the bridge spanning the turbid Namkha River. On the other side, flanked by forbidding mountain ridges, lies Panghsang. Ten years ago it was little more than a village with a rebel army base attached. Today it has hotels, shops, karaoke bars and a 24-hour casino. There is also a bowling alley where, say locals, a lane is permanently reserved for Bao. In a conference room in one of the hotels, Bao makes his entrance orbited by two of his own cameramen, one of them packing a side arm, both recording the boss's meeting with the Western press. Bao, a squat man in his early 50s with a bulldog face, is also armed. He carries a small-caliber pistol clipped to the belt of his khaki pants, an ensemble jarringly set off by his footwear: a pair of battered, pink Chinese slippers. He listens to our questions with unnerving stillness, staring at us intently, then answers in rapid-fire Yunnanese patois, gesticulating wildly. "These drugs!" he cries, karate-chopping the air for emphasis, revealing the diamond-encrusted gold Rolex he wears on his wrist. "I detest them! You think drugs have been harmful to others? Let me tell you: they have been a much greater disaster for the Wa! Our people are stuck in such poverty they haven't even got clothes to put on their own backs." Ask Bao who runs Burma's narcotics trade, and he grows intensely agitated. "It's all done by businessmen!" he fumes. "Businessmen operating outside the law are refining opium into heroin and manufacturing yaba." The Wa people—and, by extension, their leader—are simply "victims," he says. This is disingenuous, to say the least. Many of these unnamed businessmen are Bao's own field commanders. His brother, senior UWSA commander Bao Youhua, runs what an official with an international narcotics-monitoring agency calls "industrial-scale" cultivation of opium poppies in the Nam Lwi Valley southeast of Panghsang. Another notorious trafficker is the shadowy leader of the UWSA's southern command, Wei Xuegang. Half Wa and half Chinese, Wei was indicted in absentia on heroin-trafficking charges in 1993 by a New York federal court. The U.S. is offering a $2 million reward for information leading to his arrest. Wei is also named by the U.S. Drug Enforcement ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Administration (DEA) and the Thai army as the boss of the booming methamphetamine trade into Thailand, where a court has already sentenced him to death in absentia. But Chairman Bao will not be drawn on this. He prefers to portray himself as a heroic enemy of the narcotics racket, a man dedicated to the banishment of opium from the Wa hills. "Our objective is to eliminate the cultivation of opium poppies by 2005, and I intend to achieve that," he declares. Only 40% of Wa farmers now cultivate opium, claims Bao, down from 60% in recent years. "We've also developed a range of substitute industries," he says, listing what he calls "decent, regular businesses"— rubber and tea plantations, gem and zinc mines, liquor distilleries and a brand of cigarettes called Golden Triangle. This is just a start, promises Bao. "If the international community is willing to support us," he offers, "we'll get this work done. But we need help." The international community has shown little inclination to trust the UWSA leader. But Bao cites what he believes is irrefutable proof of his good intent: the great Wa migration. In 1999, Bao launched a grandiose relocation scheme that he says is intended to solve the intertwined problems of opium cultivation and the chronic rice shortage in the northern Wa hills. "People in the north can break their backs for a year to grow enough rice to last them just six months," Bao says. "But those who have moved south can work for one year and harvest enough rice to eat for two years." A sense of historic destiny is also at work. By moving south, the Wa are reclaiming land they have regarded as their own since the 12th century. The migration is Chairman Bao's Long March. Mass relocations from six northern Wa districts began in 1999. Some villagers were given a month's notice, others only 24 hours. All were told to leave their livestock and possessions behind and bring only what they could carry. Lured by the promise of land, some Wa left willingly; many did not. "Some people were happy to go, some people were crying," recalls Sam Kap, 60, of Gawng Lang, where almost half the population was forced at gunpoint to leave and head south. "Nobody had any choice." Most villagers walked to the nearest Wa town, then continued south on overcrowded trucks. Many had never seen motor vehicles before. Some traveled the whole distance on foot, a three-month journey. Upon arrival in the lowlands, the Wa were given 1,000 baht ($23) each, a monthly rice ration and new military fatigues. Otherwise left to fend for themselves, with little shelter and no medicines, the bewildered migrants soon fell prey to epidemics of malaria, typhoid, dysentery and anthrax. Despite the belated arrival of Chinese doctors, up to 8,000 people are thought to have died during the first year of the relocations alone. The influx also had a devastating impact on the region's original inhabitants, mostly Shan and Lahu hill people. Wa settlers stole livestock and drove hundreds—possibly thousands—of them from their fertile lands. In some cases, according to a Thailandbased NGO, the UWSA forced locals into slave-labor squads. Chairman Bao is unmoved by such reports. As tea is served, he denies that the Shan were driven out of their homes, insisting that the resettlement area was "empty" before the Wa arrived. He also vows to continue the relocations. "Altogether we're planning to move 100,000 people," he says excitedly. "We ought to be able to finish this within two or three years." Wa farmers who stay behind in the north and are still cultivating poppies in 2005 will be stopped by what Bao terms "executive ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif measures"—a chilling phrase that doubtless spells further misery for his longsuffering people. The Burmese government has heralded the relocations as a bold opium-eradication measure. But old habits die hard, especially among starving people who have no other source of income. Upon arrival in the south, some Wa migrants began planting poppies again, allegedly with the blessing of UWSA druglord Wei. Nor is there much evidence that the exodus has caused a drastic decline in poppy cultivation back in northern Wa state. At Gawng Lang, those ordered south usually owned the least land; and this land, if used to grow poppies, was quickly taken over by industrious relatives and resown with the same crop. "Poppy is still the easiest thing to grow," says Sam Rung, a somber 45-year-old farmer working the fields with his wife and daughter. "The earth's just not good enough for corn." Nevertheless, drug-monitoring agencies say it's undeniable that Burmese opium production has dropped significantly of late. The U.N.'s estimate for this year's harvest is 748 tons, down from more than 900 last year. The U.S. government— which is currently mulling greater cooperation with Burma's military regime in the war against heroin—cites an even lower figure of 560 tons. Bao's relocation scheme and substitute industries may well have contributed to the decrease, although Wa farmers say two years of bad weather have also hurt crop yields. Whatever the reasons for the reduction, Bao's chances of meeting his 2005 deadline for the eradication of poppies as a cash crop look increasingly dicey. Opium will remain "the economic backbone of the villagers," predicts a bleak U.N. report on the Wa hills, so long as new economic ventures in the area benefit only UWSA leaders and Chinese investors. Meanwhile, Bao's bombastic declarations on opium reduction have drowned out a more alarming development: since the relocations, the UWSA's production of methamphetamine has skyrocketed. "Maybe the Wa have it in their minds to scale back opium production," notes a senior Western antinarcotics official. "But they're not making any pledges to get out of methamphetamines." Bangkok police recently seized a record consignment of 3 million yaba pills. That's just a fraction of what is now streaming into the country from the Wa hills. Indeed, experts monitoring Southeast Asia's drug trade say Bao's Long March is not about eradicating opium production. It's about expanding the sphere of Wa influence and gaining greater access to the Thai border, which will facilitate methamphetamine distribution. From Mong Yawn, the southern UWSA headquarters, the yaba trade is spreading in all directions. To the southwest, the UWSA has set up several factories around the Burmese border town of Myawaddy to pump pills into central Thailand. To the east, where UWSA troops are now firmly encamped on the Mekong River, drug running has surged across the poorly policed waters into Laos—a perfect place for further Wa expansion, notes an antinarcotics expert in the capital Vientiane. And hundreds of miles north, at the hardscrabble Burmese frontier town of Tamu, the arrival of Wa businessmen has coincided with a rising tide of yaba into the adjoining Indian state of Manipur. What's more, the UWSA's freedom of movement around Burma—a nation bordering on five others—has also enabled it to launch a menacing new trade: selling weapons to Asia's ethnic insurgents. According to intelligence sources, the Wa army in the past two years completed deals that sent rifles and other munitions to Naga rebels in northeast India. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "If we have any more opium here after 2005," Bao once declared, reaching for a classic Wa metaphor, "you can come and chop my head off." But these days, as the cash-rich UWSA continues to expand unchecked, Burma's neighbors have much more than an opium problem. They have a Wa problem. Darkness falls on Gawng Lang. There is no electricity in this tiny village, but the sky is brilliant with stars. Suddenly, a bright light arcs across the Milky Way. "A plane," declares village elder Ai Sin. No, too fast for a plane—and too slow for a meteor. Perhaps it's one of the satellites that the U.S. government routinely deploys to monitor the poppy fields surrounding Gawng Lang and hundreds of Wa villages like it. What satellites can't monitor is the misery of the poppy growers living under the UWSA's unquestioned authority. In a typical year, Sam Rung, a wounded veteran of Burma's now defunct Communist Party, produces about 1.6 kilograms of opium, which he then sells for about $12 to the UWSA. "We're not allowed to keep any for ourselves," says Sam Rung. Nor are farmers allowed to smoke it. Opium is too precious to be consumed at the source. "If they catch you they put you in a pit for one or two years," says Ai Sin. The pit is a traditional Wa punishment: a three-meterdeep, two-meter-wide square hole in the ground where addicts go cold turkey in their own waste. The Wa army metes out similar punishment to soldiers found using yaba. According to the New York City-based Human Rights Watch, repeat offenders are shot. There is a ready supply of replacements. Every Wa family that has two or three sons must send at least one of them to a UWSA training camp; a family with four or five boys must send two. Some 2,000 troops are under 18, and as many as 800 are under 15, claims Human Rights Watch. The Wa are still good at dying. By one estimate, war has killed one in four Wa men in recent decades. "These deaths have been devastating for the villages," says Hideyuki Takano, a Japanese writer who spent six months in 1996 living with the Wa. "With so few young men around, the social fabric of traditional Wa life is unraveling." At first, the villagers shyly refuse to talk about their lives as serfs of the army. But later, in the gloomy interior of one house, traditional Wa rice wine begins to flow, and so does the anger. "They don't help us at all!" shouts a villager. "They gave us money to pay for a teacher, but that's it. Then some U.N. people came and handed out leaflets promising food and clothing. We saw the leaflets but nothing else. The Wa army took everything." Outside Panghsang and Mong Yawn, there are no hospitals. When asked what happens to villagers who fall gravely ill, Ai Sin replies flatly, "They die." Curable diseases killed five of his nine children in infancy. Though Wa peasants know little else but poverty, disease and war, their de facto leader Bao is nevertheless revered. They call him uncle. "He's a very good man," says Ai Sin. "If he says he'll do something, he does it." Says another elder: "All the Wa love him." Unconvincing as they might sound to outsiders, these sentiments seem genuine. Bao may have given little else to his beleaguered people, but he has at least given them pride, plus the apparent respect of an erstwhile enemy, Burma. The otherwise spartan bamboo walls of many Wa huts bear a poster of Bao with Burma's much feared military intelligence chief, Lieut. General Khin Nyunt. They are shown walking side by side, like equals. Khin Nyunt, who brokered the 1989 cease-fire that launched the UWSA, still visits Panghsang annually—a sign that cozy relations with Rangoon will continue. It is no ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif mean feat for the Wa to have achieved this special relationship, which affords them extraordinary autonomy in this despotic nation. Bao is lord of the Wa, but he is also a player in a larger, Asia-wide game. For Burma's generals, the 10,000 UWSA troops now scattered along the border with Thailand serve as a proxy army in their decades-long fight against Shan rebels. The Wa army is also a self-financing frontier security force—Rangoon's very own "600pound gorilla on the border," as a diplomat memorably put it. In May, the UWSA fought alongside Burmese troops in clashes with the Thai army, which Burma accuses of aiding the Shan. Just last week, Burmese troops were preparing for a fresh dry-season offensive against the Shan in which Wa troops will again participate. Burma has little incentive to check UWSA expansion, and Thailand seems unable to. Raids by Thai police this year seized an estimated $7.9 million worth of Thailandbased assets allegedly belonging to southern commander Wei Xuegang. The haul included land, gold, mansions and luxury cars. But the UWSA's activities poison relations between Rangoon and Bangkok. The Wa issue has also created a dangerous rift between senior Thai military officers, who urge stronger measures to fight the UWSA and its drugs, and senior Thai politicians, who prefer to improve ties with Rangoon by fostering legitimate business and trade. China is the one power in Asia whose opinion counts both in Rangoon and Panghsang. It has been suggested by Western diplomats that China backed Bao's relocation scheme in the hope that narcotics smuggling into Yunnan and beyond would decrease. There is evidence the gambit has failed. In April, with help from the DEA, authorities in the mainland commercial city of Shenzhen seized 357 kilograms of heroin that had originated in Wa territory. No wonder a drug official for Yunnan has described Bao's commitment to fighting drugs as "only lip service." Indeed, Bao has more friends than enemies in China, including the numerous officials who have aided his highly visible enterprises in Yunnan. His interview with TIME ends because he has a business meeting to attend. A feast is laid out on a nearby table, but the Chairman isn't eating. However, he will join his foreign guests in a glass of fiery Wa State Rice Wine, made in his own factory. "Ganbei!" cries Bao, and knocks it down in one. Then he shakes hands and marches from the room— purposeful, confident, a Wa tribesman with his head very firmly on his shoulders.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Monday, May. 06, 2002

The Next Face-Off By ROBERT HORN Rangoon http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,235511,00.html For Burma, a country where symbols and omens are woven into the fabric of life, the portents were all positive. True, University Avenue, the winding road leading to the monsoon-stained mansion where opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest since September 2000, was still closed off. But behind the sawhorses, blue-trousered municipal workers could be seen repairing potholes and sweeping the sidewalks clear of cheroot butts, palm fronds and bamboo leaves. Neighbors reported that the Nobel Peace Prize winner's lawn was being mowed, her grounds spruced up. A few blocks away, the once forlorn and empty headquarters of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Suu Kyi's political party, was jammed with more than 200 members. Dozens of journalists, rarely granted access to the country by the military government, had been invited in. As TIME went to press, what had been strongly rumored for days?that Suu Kyi would be freed, and details of an agreement between her and the junta announced?had yet to occur. But all the signs pointed to a breakthrough delayed, not denied. "We are certain she will be released," said NLD vice chairman Tin Oo, "but we can't say when." The timing matters a lot less than the fact that Suu Kyi's release is essential if the stop-start negotiations between her and the junta, already ongoing for 18 months, are to yield any results. This is make-or-break time, and more so for the junta than for Suu Kyi. She has little to lose?after all, her legitimacy (as the leader of the party that won the 1990 general election), integrity and stoic acceptance of house arrest enable her to occupy the moral high ground. The generals, on the other hand, are under growing pressure to thrash out with their arch nemesis a framework to move the country forward. Burma is in desperate shape due to a combination of grievous abuse and mismanagement by the military regime and international isolation over allegations of forced labor and the treatment of dissidents, chief among them Suu Kyi. Letting her go is the vital first step on Burma's road to recovery. "There's no way ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif out of these problems, unless the generals have her on board," says a Western diplomat. When Suu Kyi does walk through her sky blue metal gate, Burma's ailments won't be magically healed. Most are chronic and beyond the scope of one woman?even an icon like Suu Kyi?to cure. The country is devoid of the institutions needed to build a civil society: a democratic legislature, a functioning bureaucracy and education and health systems, an independent judiciary, a free press. But Suu Kyi stands at the very least as a symbol of hope. In the markets, tea shops and offices of the crumbling capital, Rangoon, the whispered conversations about politics now contain wisps of optimism rarely heard after four decades of military rule. "We believe she can help get the country out of this mess," says tour guide Thet Aung. That depends on what kind of deal Suu Kyi and the junta are striking. In truth, no one apart from Suu Kyi, two or three of her top aides and a handful of military leaders knows what will transpire, but most local observers aren't expecting anything that will give Suu Kyi a political or power-sharing role or a speedy end to military rule. "That's too big a leap," says Kyi Maung, a former NLD vice chairman. More likely is that the government and the NLD will work together to try to bring relief as rapidly as possible to a people being crushed by inflation, corruption and epidemics of aids and other diseases. Kyi Maung is cautiously optimistic that "reason will prevail," not least because Suu Kyi has mellowed and is willing to compromise. Where she isn't likely to give ground, however, is over the release of several hundred NLD members from Burma's notoriously harsh prison system. "These jails are our killing fields," says Kyi Maung. (The junta did release five political prisoners last Friday.) While many diplomats agree that Suu Kyi will prove to be more flexible, they are divided over whether the military is sincere about continuing rapprochement. "I don't think they know themselves," says a diplomat. "They may have got themselves into something they don't know how to get out of." The real tests will be whether or not the military maintains a mechanism for dealing with Suu Kyi and instituting ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif reforms, and what happens when the time comes to discuss political change. One conundrum is what to do about the 1990 election outcome in which the NID won 82% of the seats in a parliament the military refuses to convene. Suu Kyi has always insisted that the results be recognized. "Suu Kyi is ready to deal," notes Burma expert Joseph Silverstein of Rutgers University in the U.S., "but not to sell out." Suu Kyi has better cards to play today than when she was released in 1995 (and later rearrested). Then, the economy was in much stronger shape. The local currency, the kyat, was a relatively healthy 130 to the dollar, Rangoon's streets sported new cars and the government could boast more than $6 billion in foreign direct investment since opening up the country after more than a quarter-century of socialist isolation imposed by recently detained dictator Ne Win. Now, the economy is teetering on the precipice. Growth is negligible, the kyat is pushing 1,000 to the dollar and inflation is running between 50% and 70%. Economic sanctions imposed by the U.S. and threats of sanctions from the International Labor Organization have companies such as Pepsi steadily pulling out. "At this point, disinvestment is greater than investment," says a Western diplomat. That economic message seems to have finally got through to Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, the junta's official name. Until recently, the 69-year-old Than Shwe was viewed by many as an ailing figurehead, anxious to retire. Real power was supposed to reside in the hands of Army Commander-in-Chief General Maung Aye and Intelligence Chief General Khin Nyunt. But Than Shwe showed he was the man in charge when he ordered the arrests of Ne Win and his family members in March for allegedly planning a coup. That Than Shwe would move against Ne Win and purge his supporters in the military shows that Than Shwe will brook no dissent on either political or economic fronts. Diplomats say Ne Win, his clan and their followers in the army were opposed to the dialogue with Suu Kyi. Now, says a Western diplomat, "Than Shwe has never been stronger."

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Than Shwe may also be influenced by asean leaders who are fed up that Burma's pariah status has blackened the organization's reputation since the nation joined in 1997. And he may be concerned about his own legacy. A family man who dotes on his three daughters and one grandson, Than Shwe, some Burma watchers say, views the impasse with Suu Kyi as somewhat of a family squabble that he wants to set right. This theory has Than Shwe acknowledging that Burma's military has lost the love of much of the populace for holding on to power, and that he wants to be seen as the man who at least started the process of moving the country toward a more inclusive political system. In the end, however, Than Shwe is a military man, and that's where his chief loyalty lies. He still firmly believes the army is best suited to rule Burma and its fractious ethnic groups. Even some diplomats agree a transition to a freer society will have to be slow and gradual as the country has no democratic institutions. But the struggle to build them may well begin with this first thaw between two once implacable foes?and when Aung San Suu Kyi takes those first steps toward freedom.

Myanmar heat turned up with SAMs from China ANTHONY DAVIS JDW Correspondent Bangkok Additional reporting RODNEY TASKER JDW Correspondent Bangkok 28 March 2001 http://www.janes.com/security/international_security/news/jdw/jdw010328_2_n .shtml Myanmar's United Wa State Army (UWSA), a north-eastern minority force aligned with the Yangon military regime, has acquired an improved manportable surface-toair missile (SAM) capability from China in recent months. Thai intelligence sources say the 20,000-strong UWSA, which is currently reinforcing its forces along the volatile Mynamar-Thai border, has obtained HN-5N SAMs from China. The system marks a significant improvement over the older Soviet-designed SA-7 (NATO reporting name: 'Grail'), which the UWSA had earlier acquired from Cambodian black market sources through Thailand. Among its other attributes, the HN-5N can engage aircraft head-on. The new SAMs appear to be part of a growing military and civilian build-up by the UWSA along the Thai border, where the Wa are reported to run 40-50 laboratories ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif producing illicit methamphetamines for the Thai market. UWSA military strength adjacent to the northern Thai border provinces of Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son is currently estimated by Royal Thai Army sources at around 8,000, a significant increase over the estimated 3,500 Wa troops deployed along the border a year ago. It is unclear whether the new SAMs were acquired through the Chinese black market or with Beijing's approval. However, Thai military intelligence reports made available to Jane's Defence Weekly indicate that Chinese military personnel have been involved in training UWSA elements in Myanmar's northern Shan State. The UWSA has good cross-border relations with China through its previous incarnation as part of the pro-Beijing Communist Party of Burma. JDW's sources further noted that since major clashes between Thai and Myanmar forces on the border in February, a group of Chinese air-traffic control specialists had visited the eastern city of Keng Tung, headquarters of the Myanmar Army's Golden Triangle Regional Military Command, and the town of Tachilek on the Thai border. • In a related development, the Royal Thai Army (RTA) has bought its first two multirole S-70A Black Hawk helicopters under a government-to-government deal with the USA worth around $20 million. The aircraft are now being assembled for delivery at the end of the year. They will be used mainly for surveillance along the Thai and Myanmar border, a senior RTA officer told JDW. The Royal Thai Navy already operates the maritime version of the Black Hawk, the S-70B Seahawk. It has six Seahawks deployed on the carrier Chakri Naruebet, which is based in the Gulf of Thailand.

China emerging as main source of arms to N-E rebels: Jane’s Review Thursday , May 22, 2008 at 0024 hrs http://www.indianexpress.com/news/china-emerging-as-main-source-of-arms-to-ne-rebelsjanes-review/312894/ China has replaced Cambodia and Thailand as the main supplier of weapons to insurgent groups in India’s Northeast and Myanmar, the Jane’s Intelligence Review (JIR) has said. In an analysis of the Asian weapons black market, the defence think-tank says that the United Wa State Army (UWSA) rebel group in Myanmar acts as the “middleman” between Chinese arms manufacturers and insurgent groups in the Northeast, with most weapons routed through China’s Yunnan province.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Pointing out that the arms market in India is extremely lucrative, JIR says that a Chinese automatic rifle that is available for $500 in eastern Myanmar can command a price of $2,500 by the time it reaches the Northeast. Referring to an arms seizure by Myanmar authorities in 2001 that first brought out the trend, JIR says that “a consignment of several hundred Chinese assault rifles” were recovered while being transported to the Indian border at Tamu and were meant for “Manipuri UNLF and possibly other factions”. Confirming the trend, officials in the Indian security establishment say that Chinese origin weapons are increasingly being seized from Northeast insurgent groups and have even reached the illegal arms market in Uttar Pradesh. “It is definite that most arms are coming through the Myanmar and Bangladesh route. While there are no markings on the weapons to link them with the country of origin, it is clear from the design that they are of Chinese origin,” a senior security official said. JIR reveals that the UWSA — a 20,000-strong outfit operating in eastern Myanmar, which has a shaky ceasefire agreement with the ruling junta - receives the maximum volume of arms and has emerged as the principal supplier to Indian insurgent groups.

UWSP Proposes Wa Autonomous Region By LAWI WENG

Monday, January 5, 2009

The United Wa State Party (UWSP), an ethnic ceasefire group based in northern Burma, has proposed to the country’s military regime that territory under Wa control be designated a special autonomous region from the beginning of January 2009, according to political observers based in the area.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese analyst based on the Sino-Burmese border, said that ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif some Wa leaders had told him in recent telephone conversations that the party was now issuing documents stamped “Government of Wa State, Special Autonomous Region, Union of Myanmar.”

A United Wa State Army caravan in Shan State. (Photo: Thierry Falise) “This is a sign that they are preparing to establish a Wa autonomous region,” said Aung Kyaw Zwa.

However, observers said that the Burmese military still hasn’t responded to a proposal to rename the Wa territory the “Wa State Government Special Region.”

The Wa area has been known by the Burmese military as “Shan State Special Region 2” since the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the armed wing of the UWSP, entered into a ceasefire agreement with the regime in 1989.

In 2003, when the UWSP attended a junta-sponsored national constitutional convention, the party asked to be allowed to form a Wa State within Burma.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Wa political observers estimated that there are 20,000 UWSA soldiers currently deployed along Burma’s borders with Thailand and China, while an estimated 60,000 to 120,000 Wa villagers inhabit areas of lower Shan State.

Under the regime’s new constitution, six townships in two districts of Shan State— Hopang, Mongma, Panwai, Nahpan, Metman and Pangsang—comprise an area designated the Wa Self-Administered Division.

Khuensai Jaiyen, editor of the Shan Herald Agency for News, based in Chiang Mai, Thailand, said that the UWSP was using the constitution as the basis of its call for autonomy. “The UWSP is testing the Burmese military government’s new constitution to see if it is genuine or not. If it is, the regime has to allow the Wa to form an autonomous region,” he said.

“The Wa will take part in the [junta’s 2010] election if the Burmese military recognizes their proposal,” said Mai Aik Phone, who is close to Wa leaders. “At the moment, they are in wait-and-see mode.”

Meanwhile, tensions between the regime and the UWSA have been mounting since Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyoe, the Burmese Army’s regional commander in the Golden Triangle area of Shan State, told the UWSA to disarm in December and join the upcoming election in 2010.

Wa leaders categorically rejected Maj-Gen Kyaw Phyoe’s proposal, according to sources.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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AK-47s—Made in Wa State By LAWI WENG

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

The United Wa State Army (UWSA), an armed ethnic ceasefire group based in Shan State, northern Burma, is manufacturing arms and ammunition for use by its own battalions and to sell to other armed groups in the region, according to sources close to armed groups in Shan State.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Tuesday, Sai Sheng Murng, the deputy spokesman of the rival Shan State Army-South (SSA) said, “For more than one year now, the UWSA has been manufacturing AK-47 rifles similar to those made in China.”

Another source close to the UWSA said, “They (the UWSA) learned how to make arms from the Chinese.

“The arms and bullets the Wa produce are not only for their own battalions. They sell the arms to their ethnic allies in Shan State,” he added.

There are several armed ethnic groups in the northern region, including the Shan State Army, the Kokang, Mongla and Kachin.

Currently, the munitions factory is situated in Kunma, the hometown of UWSA Chairman Bao You-xiang, in the Wa hills 125 kilometers (78 miles) north of the group’s headquarters at Panghsang on the Chinese border, said the source. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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According to a Jane’s security report on December 12, the UWSA has turned to arms production to supplement their income from arms and drugs trafficking. The report said that the UWSA facility marks the first time an insurgent group in the region has succeeded in setting up a small-arms production line.

In May, Jane’s Intelligence Review reported that the UWSA were acting as traffickers and middlemen, buying from Chinese arms manufacturers, then reselling the weapons to Indian insurgent groups and the Kachin Independence Army, which has also signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military government.

The UWSA has an estimated 20,000 soldiers deployed along Burma’s borders with Thailand and China, according to Burmese military analyst Aung Kyaw Zaw, while an estimated 60,000 to 120,000 Wa villagers inhabit areas of lower Shan State.

The UWSA signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military in the early 1990s. Leaders of the group, including its commander Wei Hsueh Kang, are wanted by the US government for their roles in the region’s drug trade. Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

The Hong Pang Group http://www.bangkokpost.com/060708_Perspective/06Jul2008_pers11.ph p Wei Hseuh-kang's Hong Pang Group is the biggest enterprise in the Wa State, with numerous business interests throughout Burma. These include a cement factory, liquor distilleries, petrol stations, department stores, road building, construction, agricultural ventures, electronics, jewelry and gem business, communications, textiles and many others. The company also has thousands of acres of fruit orchards and owns coal and jade mines. The story began in the late 1980s when Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, the Burmese military intelligence chief at that time, negotiated ceasefire agreements with a number of non-Burmese armed ethnic groups. He offered them ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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many privileges, such as the right to administer their own regions, and granted them business concessions in return for ending their armed struggle against the government. With plenty of money on hand from the drug business, Wei and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) took the opportunity and set up the Hong Pang Group in 1998. When General Khin Nyunt became Burmese Prime Minister on August 25, 2003, Wei gained the kind of ally he could never have dreamed of. Wei, having become a close friend of the PM, was on top of the game. He was untouchable. Khin Nyunt appeared often on local media inaugurating or visiting various Hong Pang Group projects throughout Burma until he was abruptly dismissed on October 18, 2004 and arrested soon after. However, the purge of his friend didn't obviously hurt Wei or his company, which is today an enormous conglomerate and wields a lot of power. The Group has offices throughout Burma , including in Rangoon, Mandalay, Lashio, Tachilek and Moulmein. The head office is located at Wan Kaung near Pang Sang. When a federal grand jury in Brooklyn, New York on January 24, 2005 indicted eight UWSA members, including Wei Hseuh-kang, the indictment also sought forfeiture of directly traceable assets of the defendants, including all assets of the Hong Pang Group holding company and affiliated businesses operating in Burma, China, Hong Kong, Thailand and other countries. These businesses, which are connected to the defendants' drug trafficking activities, are managed, operated, financed and controlled by the defendants. Yet the Hong Pang Group continues to thrive. The company's new offices are currently under construction near Nar Lod. The complex, described as palatial, was due to be completed at the end of 2007, but was delayed after Wei abruptly decided to add a large underground home. Sources say it should be finished some time this year.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

United Wa State Army From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

(Redirected from UWSA) Jump to: navigation, search The United Wa State Army (UWSA, 佤联军) is an ethnic minority army of an estimated 20,000 Wa soldiers of Myanmar's Special Region No. 2 led by Bao Youxiang(鲍有祥). There is no recognised Wa State in Myanmar, which is divided into divisions, states, and special regions. The UWSA is the military wing of the United Wa State Party (UWSP), and was formed after the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in 1989.[1]

Contents [hide]        

1 Deployment 2 Territory 3 Narcotics 4 Enterprise 5 Arms supply 6 Notes 7 References 8 External links

[edit] Deployment The United Wa State Army (UWSA) has 5 "divisions" deployed along the Thai-Burma border: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

778th Division commanded by Ta Marn 772nd Division commanded by Ta Hsong 775th Division commanded by Yang Guojong 248th Division commanded by Ta Hsang and 518th Division commanded by Li Hsarm-nab.

On the China-Burma border are stationed another 3 "divisions": 1. 318th Division 2. 418th Division and 3. 468th Division.[2]

[edit] Territory The towns of Panghsang and Mong Pawk are within the area of this special region.[1] The UWSA negotiated a cease-fire agreement with the Burmese military in the 1990s, and currently backs a counterinsurgency strategy of the Myanmar Army against the Shan State ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Army-South (SSA-S).[3] The UWSA has however defied the military regime's recent demand to disarm and participate in the 2010 elections, and instead proposed to declare the territory under their control a special autonomous region.[4]

[edit] Narcotics The United States government labelled the UWSA as a narcotic trafficking organization on May 29, 2003. On November 3, 2005, The Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control listed 11 individuals and 16 companies that were "part of the financial and commercial network of designated significant foreign narcotics trafficker Wei Hsueh-kang and the United Wa State Army (UWSA)." The UWSA is said to be the largest drugproducing organization in Southeast Asia. The UWSP on its part blamed both the Ne Win military government and the CPB for using the Wa as "pawns in the violent destructive games" and encouraging them to grow the opium poppy.[5] The opium poppy harvest had increased since the former drug baron and war lord Lo Hsing Han managed to rebuild his drug empire after he became the intermediary for cease-fire agreements between the military intelligence chief Khin Nyunt and the Kokang and Wa insurgents who had rebelled against and toppled the Communist leadership in 1989.[6]In addition to the traditional Golden Triangle export of opiates, production has diversified to methamphetamine, or yaa baa, which is not only much cheaper and easier to manufacture than heroin, but also more affordable.[7][8] Thai authorities have denounced methamphetamine production, trafficking, and consumption as a threat to national security. In recent years poppy cultivation has declined in both northern Laos and the Wa region partly as a result of a ban imposed by the UWSP in 2005.[9]In 1999, Bao You-Xiang ordered a forced relocation, away from the poppy fields, of six northern Wa districts south to mainly Shan and Lahu areas.[10]The World Food Program (WFP) and China also provided emergency food assistance to former poppy farmers. Chinese criminal organisations in the area however may have simply switched the production line from heroin to amphetamine type stimulants (ATS) such as yaa baa.[9]

[edit] Enterprise Wei Hsueh-kang founded the Hong Pang Group in 1998 with revenues from the drug trade after taking advantage of the privileges offered in the cease-fire deal by Khin Nyunt. Its position in the country's economy, not just the Wa State, is reflected by the multitude of businesses it owns and controls in construction, agriculture, gems and minerals, petroleum, electronics and communications, distilleries and department stores. Hong Pang Group is based at Panghsang with offices also in Yangon, Mandalay, Lashio, Tachilek and Mawlamyine.[11] ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Ho Chun Ting, aka Aik Haw aka Hsiao Haw, the son-in-law of Bao You-Xiang, is the principal owner and managing director of Yangon Airways and chairman of Tetkham Co Ltd that runs a chain of hotels. Close to Khin Nyunt and several other generals in the junta, he was also involved in gems auctions and several large construction projects with the Yangon City Development Council. He was reported to have fled to Panghsang following the arrest of his known associates in a drug-related offence in January 2009.[12]Aik Haw was included in the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons list published by the US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control on November 25, 2008.[13]

[edit] Arms supply According to Jane's Intelligence Review in April 2008, China has become the main source of arms to the United Wa State Army, displacing traditional black market sources in South East Asia such as Thailand and Cambodia.[14]A recent Jane's report on December 12 stated that the UWSA had turned to arms production to supplement their income from arms and drug trafficking, and started a small arms production line for AK 47s.[3][15] Jane's reported in 2001 that the UWSA had acquired HN-5N Surface-to-air missile (SAMs) from China as part of the build-up near the Thai border where they were reported to be operating 40-50 laboratories manufacturing yaa baa.[16]

[edit] Notes 1. ^ a b Chouvy, Pierre-Arnaud. ""Myanmar's Wa: Likely Losers in the Opium War"". Asia Times January 24 2004. http://www.geopium.org/Myanmar-UWSA-AsiaTimeschouvy2004.html. Retrieved 2006-03-13. 2. ^ "Transfer of Wa commander raises questions". S.H.A.N., 9 June 2009. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2610:tra nsfer-of-wa-commander-raises-questions&catid=85:politics&Itemid=266. Retrieved 2009-06-12. 3. ^ a b Lawi Weng. "AK-47s - Made in Wa State". Irrawaddy December 16, 2008. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14804. Retrieved 2008-12-22. 4. ^ Lawi Weng. "UWSP Proposes Wa Autonomous Region". Irrawaddy magazine, January 5, 2009. http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=14874. Retrieved 2009-01-05. 5. ^ "UWSP:The Bondage of Opium - a proposal and a plea". ibiblio.org. http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs/BONDAGE.htm. Retrieved 2006-10-29. 6. ^ Bertil Lintner. "The Golden Triangle Opium Trade: An Overview". Asia Pacific Media Services, March 2000. http://www.asiapacificms.com/papers/pdf/gt_opium_trade.pdf. Retrieved 2009-01-05. 7. ^ ""Yaa Baa. Production, traffic, and consumption of methamphetamine in Mainland Southeast Asia"". Singapore University Press, 2004. http://www.geopium.org/yaabaamethamphetamine-production-traffic-consumption.htm. Retrieved 2006-03-13. 8. ^ Davis, Anthony (19 November, 2004). "Thai drugs smuggling networks reform". Jane's Information Group. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif http://www.janes.com/security/law_enforcement/news/jir/jir041119_1_n.shtml. Retrieved 2009-03-05. 9. ^ a b Tom Kramer. "Burmese Daze". Irrawaddy magazine, November, 2008. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14533&page=1. Retrieved 2009-01-02. 10. ^ "Soldiers of Fortune". TIME asia. December 16, 2002. http://www.time.com/time/asia/covers/1101021216/story4.html. Retrieved 2009-0221. 11. ^ "The Hong Pang Group". Bangkok Post. July 06, 2008. http://www.bangkokpost.com/060708_Perspective/06Jul2008_pers11.php. Retrieved 2009-02-20. 12. ^ Min Lwin. "Wa Businessman Flees Drug Charges". Irrawaddy, February 18, 2009. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15139. Retrieved 2009-02-20. 13. ^ "Financial Institution Letter". Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC). November 25, 2008. http://www.fdic.gov/news/news/financial/2008/fil08133.pdf. Retrieved 2009-02-20. 14. ^ Pubby, Manu. "China emerging as main source of arms to N-E rebels: Jane’s Review". Indianexpress.com. http://www.indianexpress.com/story/312894.html. 15. ^ Lawi Weng. "Armed Insurgents in Burma Face Shortage of Ammunition". Irrawaddy December 22, 2008. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=14829. Retrieved 2008-12-22. 16. ^ Davis, Anthony (28 March, 2001). "Myanmar heat turned up with SAMs from China". Jane's Information Group. http://www.janes.com/security/international_security/news/jdw/jdw010328_2_n.shtm l. Retrieved 2009-03-05.

[edit] References 



"U.S. Links 11 Individuals, 16 Companies to Burma Drug Syndicate." Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. November 4, 2005. Jack Picone. "A Gentler War on Drugs." Utne, September-October 2005, pp. 68-71; originally in Colors magazine (Winter 2004-05)

[edit] External links       

Photos of United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) military outposts along the border of Thailand, Chiang Rai province Geopium.org More Photos Militaryphotos.net Foreign diplomats continue Wa region visit: photo of Bao You-Xiang Myanmarnarcotic.net WEI Hsueh Kang, United Wa State Army, Financial Network US Treasury Office of Foreign Assets Control, November 2008 The Wa Nation TIME asia, December 16, 2002 Burma's Drug Kings TIME asia, December 16, 2002 Photo: UWSA on parade at Panghsang Irrawaddy, May 4, 2009

Kokang From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Kokang (Chinese: 果敢; Pinyin: Guǒgǎn) was the only Burmese Chinese feudal state in Burma. It was founded by the Yang Clan, a Chinese military house that fled with the Ming loyalist to Yunnan Province in the mid-1600s and later migrated to the Shan State in eastern Burma. Today it is the First Special Region of Burma and still has a mostly ethnic Han Chinese population. The Salween River passes its western side and it shares a border with China's Yunnan Province in the east. Its total land area is around 2,700 km². The capital is Laukkai (Chinese: 老街; Pinyin: Lǎojiē).

Contents [hide]    

1 History 2 Demographics 3 See also 4 External links

[edit] History The state was officially founded by Yang Shien Tsai also known as Mrs.Young; who began his reign in 1739 in and around Ta Shwe Htan, then called Shin Da Hu, and took the title "Chief of Shin Da Hu". He was succeeded on his death in 1758 by his son Yang Wei Shin, later referred to as Chief of Kho Kan Shan. He expanded his territory tenfold compared to that inherited from his predecessor. After his death in 1795, his son Yang Yon Gen became the chief. He soon renamed the state as Kokang and titled himself Heng of Kokang. The Heng was succeeded after his death in 1874 by his younger brother, Yang Guo Zhen, who ruled peacefully and began relations with Britain upon the annexation of Upper Burma. In 1916 he went blind, and abdicated in favour of his nephew Yang Chun Yon. The new ruler then took the Burmese title Myosa (lit. town eat, given to a prince). He died in 1927 and was succeeded by his son Colonel Sao Yang Wen Pin, Saopha of Kokang. For the services of Kokang during World War II, it was recognised a separate Shan state in August 1947 by the British, and the ruler took the title Saopha. He died in 1949 and was succeeded by his son Sao Edward Yang Kyein Tsai who was deposed by the Burmese in 1959. After the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma in 1989, Kokang was assigned as the autonomous First Special Region of the northern Shan State of Burma. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif In 2003, a comprehensive ban on the cultivation of the opium poppy came into effect. Due to the attendant food shortage, among other things, 2003 also saw a large-scale outbreak of malaria in mountain villages with authorities reporting some 279 deaths. During this time the Chinese government sent mobile medical units and supplies to the region, with the United Nations World Food Program also sending disaster relief soon after. In April 2005, the Japanese government (JICA: Japan International Cooperation Agency) launched a new project to rebuild the lives of farmers in these mountain areas.

[edit] Demographics In 2000, the population was reported to be around 18,000. In 2003, it was reported to be approximately 140,000. Of these, around 100,000 are Burmese, the remainder being Chinese. Of the Burmese, 90% are ethnic Han Chinese, with others being Shan, Palaung, Hmong, Va, Lisaw, Naman and Burman. The outstanding majority of ethnic Burmans are those dispatched to the region by the central government as military and administrative personnel and their families, primary school teachers, skilled workers, medical workers and other public service personnel. Because of the effective disappearance of the narcotics trade, many have lost their source of income and many Chinese have left the region.

[edit] See also 

Burmese Chinese

[edit] External links    

(Chinese)Kokang government website The Yang Dynasty Map of Kokang Kokang Celebrate Liberation from Burmese Communists March 11, 2009

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kokang"

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Kokang Celebrate Liberation from Burmese Communists By WAI MOE

Wednesday, March 11, 2009

The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), a Kokang cease-fire group, started celebrations of its 20th anniversary of liberation from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) on Wednesday in the Sino-Burmese border town of Laogai. Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese military analyst on the Sino-Burmese Border who is close to the Kokang, said the MNDDA started the three-day anniversary period in norther n Shan State. “About 4,000 to 5,000 people joined A Chinese-style ceremony marks the opening of a school in Kokang territory in February. (Photo: www.kokang.net)

the celebrat

ion today, including special guests from China and alliance armed groups,” he said. “But officials from the Burmese junta were absent.” “Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng (Burmese: Phon Kyar Shin) gave a 30-minute speech to a crowd at 8 a.m. at a stadium in Laogai,” he said.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng poses for a photograph with Kokang children at a local festival on February 3. (Photo: www. kokang.net) Khuensai Jaiyen, the editor in chief of The Shan Herald Agency for News, told The Irrawaddy that representatives of Kachin and Shan armed groups, and Wa and Mongla representatives as well, were scheduled to attend the Kokang anniversary this week. Twenty years ago, Kokang commanders in the army of the CPB performed a coup against the Community Party, mainly dominated by Burmans. Aung Kyaw Zaw said that when the Kokang separated from the CPB there were an estimated 900 troops with Kokang commanders. “But the Kokang partition from the CPB significantly wobbled the CPB leadership because the Kokang were well-know during the Communist military operations as well as their influential Chinese background,” he said. About a month later, Wa troops, another military backbone of the Burmese Communists, performed a coup in Panghsang, headquarters of the CPB. Later, the ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Wa formed the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The UWSA is scheduled to hold its 20th anniversary of separation from the CPB on April 17. The Kokang and Wa rebellions against the Burmese Communists turned a new page in Burma’s history by effectively dismantling the CPB, Burma’s biggest insurgent group, which had a significant impact on the Burmese army’s anti-insurgency operations. Following of cease-fire, the Kokang, Wa, Mongla and New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDAK) formed an alliance group, the Peace and Democracy Front (PDF) in November 1989.

After a cease-fire with the Kokang and Wa, the Burmese military focused its offensive to win more cease-fire pledges and to isolate other insurgents in different parts of the country. Between 1989 to 1995, under the supervision of military intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt, the junta signed cease-fire agreements with 17 insurgent groups. For nearly 20 years, there were internal conflicts among Kokang leaders. Some prominent commanders were killed or removed from the leaderships during the conflict. One Kokang leader was arrested by Burmese troops after the Kokang army split up, and later he died in prison. “Although Kokang commanders were respected in battle [in the past], they split up. And then Kokang power was weaken. Burmese troops took over areas of the Kokang region, and now the Kokang are not as strong,” Khuensai Jaiyen said. According to The Shan Herald Agency for News, the junta has established a Regional Operations Command (ROC) with seven infantry battalions in Kokang territory. In recent months, the junta has pushed Burma’s ceasefire groups, including the Kokang and Wa, to participate in the forthcoming election in 2010. The junta ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif reportedly encouraged them to give up their arms in the post-election period. So far, the Kokang and Wa have not announced their intentions on the election. Ahead of the anniversary, Kokang leaders highlighted their community development plans during the past two decades and the benefits to the Kokang people. However, Khuensai Jaiyen expressed skepticism on Kokang development efforts. He said Kokang leaders have benefited more than the Kokang people. Along with the Wa, the Kokang are believed to be involved in the drug trade according to international anti-narcotic agencies. Kokang leaders claim its territory was drug free beginning in 2003. Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္မွ လူ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ထြက္ေျပး Reuters သတင္းဌာန ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၇၊ ၂၀၀၉ http://moemaka.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4714&Itemid= ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ အစည္းမ်ား အၾကား တင္းမာမႈ အရွိန္ ပိုမို ႀကီးမားလာၿပီး ေထာင္ႏွင့္ခ်ီေသာ လူအေျမာက္ အမ်ား ျမန္မာျပည္ အေရွ ႔ေျမာက္ပိုင္းမွ တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ

အတြင္းသို႔

ထြက္ခြာသြားၾကေၾကာင္း

အစိုးရ

အတုိက္အခံမ်ားႏွင့္

မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသမ်ားက ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔က ေျပာသည္။ လူအမ်ားအျပားသည္

ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္

အတြင္းရွိ

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသမွတဆင့္

နယ္စပ္ကို

ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ ၀င္ေရာက္ၾကသည္ဟု တရုတ္ႏို္င္ငံ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ အတြင္းရိွ ျမိဳ ႔တျမိဳ ႔ျဖစ္သည့္ နန္ဆန္ျမိဳ ႔မွ

ရိုက္တာသတင္းဌာန မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ေဒသခံ

တေသာင္း ခန္႔သည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ ေဒသကုိ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၈ ရက္ေန႔မွ စတင္ ထြက္ခြာခ့ဲၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္ဟု တရုတ္ျပည္ ၿခဳံကင္း ညေနပုိင္း သတင္းစာက ဆုိသည္။ ၾသဂုတ္ ၈ရက္ေန႔မွစၿပီး ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ တပ္ျဖန္႔ခ်ထားရာမွ

အေျခအေန ပိုမုိ တင္းမာလာျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ၀ါရွင္တန္အေျခစိုက္ US Campaign for Burma (USCB) အဖဲြ႔က ေျပာသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသသည္ တရုတ္လူမ်ဳိး မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုမ်ား အမ်ားဆံုးေနထိုင္ရာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေဒသျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိေဒသမွ သူပုန္အဖဲြ႔မ်ားက အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲထားရာ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ျပည့္ခ့ဲၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။ သူပုန္အဖဲြ႔မ်ားက ျမန္မာျပည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏွင့္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ တပ္ဦး (MPDF) အမည္ျဖင့္ ေၾကညာခ်က္ တေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ့ဲသည္။

ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္က ၂၀၁၀

ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ မတုိင္မီ အစုိးရ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈ ေအာက္ရိွ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အျဖစ္ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ဖိအားေပးခ့ဲသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ MPDF ကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖဲြ႔ ၄ ဖဲြ႔က မၾကာေသးမီက တည္ေထာင္ခ့ဲျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ “အေျခအေနမ်ား အႀကီးအက်ယ္ တင္းမာလ်က္ရိွသည္” ဟု MPDF ၏ ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

“တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား

ျပန္လည္

လာမည့္

အေနအထားေၾကာင့္

တုိင္းရင္းသား

ေဒသခံမ်ား ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီ၍ ထြက္ေျပး တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနၾကသည္” ဟု ဆုိသည္။ ထုိေၾကညာခ်က္ကုိ UCBA အဖဲြ႔က ထပ္ဆင့္ ျဖန္႔ေ၀ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ “ဒုကၡသည္ေတြဟာ ေဒသခံ အစိုးရ စီစဥ္ေပးတဲ့ လူမေနတဲ့ ေဆာက္လက္စအိမ္ေတြမွာ အက်ဥ္းခ်ခံေနၾကရတယ္” ဟု နန္ဆန္မွ ဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္တဦးျဖစ္သူ ရွဲ ႔ေဖးေဖးက ေျပာသည္။ ၎တုိ႔ ေနရပ္ရင္း ျပန္လည္ ပုိ႔ေဆာင္ခံရမႈ ရိွမရိွကုိမူ မသိရပါဟု ဆုိသည္။

ကို

“ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ၁၀ ႏွစ္တာအတြင္းမွာ ဒီလိုျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ဳိး မရွိခဲ့ဖူးပါဘူး” လို႔ ရွဲ ႔ က ရိုက္တာ

တယ္လီဖုန္းနဲ႔

ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔က

ေျပာျပသည္။

“လူေျမာက္မ်ားစြာ

နယ္စပ္

ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ျပီး

၀င္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ နည္းသြားပါၿပီ” ဟု သူက ေျပာသညည္။ “လြတ္ေျမာက္ခ်င္သူတုိင္း နယ္စပ္ ျဖတ္ျပီး ေရာက္လာၾကၿပီလို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္” ဟုလည္း ေျပာသြားသည္။

သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း မည္သည့္ ဒုကၡသည္မွ ၿမိဳ ႔ထဲသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ခ့ဲျခင္း မရိွေၾကာင္း နန္ဆန္ၿမိဳ႕ ေဒသခံ အစုိးရ ၀န္ထမ္းတခုက ေျပာသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရက စစ္အင္အား စုရံုးေနျခင္းမွာ တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားကုိ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါတီမ်ား

ဖြဲ႔စည္းၿပီး

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္

ႏွစ္

၂၀

အတြင္း

ပထမဆံုး

အႀကိမ္

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ပါ၀င္ရန္ ဖိအားေပးေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု USCB အဖဲြ႔က ေျပာသည္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔စည္း

အမ်ားအျပားက

စစ္အစိုး၏

ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြကုိ

က်င္းပမည့္

၀င္ေရာက္

ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ျခင္းျဖင့္ မည္သည့္အရာမွ ရရိွမည္မဟုတ္ဟု ယူဆၾကသည္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ သူပုန္ တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ားကုိ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အမိန္႔အာဏာေအာက္တြင္ ေခၚယူထားမည္ဟုလည္း သံသယျဖစ္ေနၾကသည္။ MPDF ႏွင့္ တရုတ္မီဒီယာမ်ား၏ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္အရ စစ္အစုိးရ တပ္မ်ားက တိုင္းရင္းသား

လူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား၏

လက္နက္

ျပင္ဆင္သည့္

စက္ရံုတခုကို

ထုပ္လုပ္ေနသည္ဟု သံသယရိွၿပီး ၀င္ေရာက္ တုိက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။

မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး

ထုိျဖစ္ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ထြက္ေျပးရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ၁၉၆၂

ခုႏွစ္မွစၿပီး

စစ္တပ္က

အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ့ဲသည့္

ျမန္မာျပည္တါင္

တိုင္းရင္းသား

မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုေပါင္း ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ ရွိေနသည္။ လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔အမ်ားစုက အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲထားၾကၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။ အပစ္ မရပ္ႏုိင္ေသးသည့္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ားလည္း ရိွသည္။ တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖဲြ႔တခ်ဳိ႕သည္ ဘိန္းကုန္ကူးသည့္ နည္းျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္ ရပ္လ်က္ရိွသည္။

Aug 28, 2009 http://www.straitstimes.com/Breaking%2BNews/SE%2BAsia/Story/STISt ory_422497.html

Fighting ups civil war fears BANGKOK - FIGHTING between Myanmar's junta and ethnic groups on Friday raised fears of full-scale civil war and forced more refugees from the northeast across the Chinese border, media and analysts said. A battle in Shan state between the Kogang rebel group and the government's army began Thursday, breaking a 20-year ceasefire, according to the US Campaign for Burma (USCB), which uses Myanmar's former name. More than 10,000 refugees have crossed into the Chinese border town of Nansan in southwestern Yunnan province since August 8 and at least one Myanmar policeman was reportedly killed during the fight, the campaign group said. 'People say they have been hearing gunshots and explosions,' said Khuensai Jaiyen, editor of the Shan Herald Agency for News. He said another ethnic group, the United Wa State Army, had now reportedly joined the Kokang forces' fight against the junta and he warned that other groups currently under ceasefire agreements could join in. 'If the Burmese army is returning to a reconciliatory stance it might get better but if not it might be blown into a full-scale civil war,' Khuensai Jaiyen said. He added that the government was trying to create stability ahead of elections scheduled in 2010 but warned 'it will be the opposite'. David Mathieson, a Myanmar analyst at Human Rights Watch, agreed fullscale civil war was 'a very real fear'. 'This could potentially be the flash point that draws in several other groups to the resumption of open conflict,' he said. Myanmar, under military rule since 1962, has signed ceasefires with 17 ethnic armed groups. Chinese state media reported on Friday, citing local officials, that Myanmar nationals were still crossing the border into Yunnan province, without giving a specific figure. 'It's difficult to get a real-time update of that number,' Yu Chunyan, a ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

spokesman for the provincial government, was quoted as saying in the English-language Global Times. The newspaper reported that China had increased the number of armed police along the common border. Refugees have been settled in a temporary camp, and Chinese officials were providing food and medical care, the state Xinhua news agency reported, citing unnamed provincial government sources. -- AFP

Fighting between Myanmar's junta and ethnic groups on Friday raised fears of full-scale civil war and forced more refugees from the northeast across the Chinese border. --PHOTO: AFP August 27, 2009

Myanmar Residents Flee Into China After New Fighting By REUTERS Filed at 10:47 p.m. ET http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2009/08/27/world/international-uk-chinamyanmar.html?_r=1&sq=kokang&st=cse&scp=4&pagewanted=print BEIJING (Reuters) - Fresh fighting has erupted between Myanmar government forces and an armed ethnic group in the remote northeast, forcing an exodus of residents into neighbouring China, state media said. Thousands of people crossed the border earlier this week from Kokang in Myanmar's Shan State after clashes broke out, which a U.S.-based rights group said followed the deployment of troops in the area. A news website run by Yunnan (www.yunnan.cn), the Chinese province bordering Myanmar, said fighting flared again on Thursday afternoon, "leading residents from the Myanmar side to panic and flood in large numbers into our territory." ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "At present, the number entering continues to increase," said the brief report. The trouble on the frontier may raise tensions between China and Myanmar, where the military junta looks to Beijing as one of its few diplomatic backers and a crucial source of investment. Late on Thursday, the Xinhua news agency also said the refugee influx continued, citing officials in Yunnan. "Yunnan is helping them to settle down in designated areas with supply of life necessities and medical care," said the Xinhua brief report. Neither report said how many people had fled, or specified how many of them are Myanmar or Chinese nationals. Earlier Chinese news reports had said close to 10,000 people had crossed into Yunnan to escape the fighting. The Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma has said tensions first flared on August 8 when the Myanmar army deployed hundreds of troops in Kokang, a mostly ethnic Chinese region where rebels have observed a two-decade-old cease-fire with the government. Burma is the former name of Myanmar. The U.S. Campaign for Burma said the mobilisation of troops was a move by the junta to force ethnic groups to form political parties to contest next year's election, the first in Myanmar in 20 years. Many ethnic groups feel they have nothing to gain from running in the polls and suspect the junta is trying to neutralise their threat by bringing rebel fighters into the army under the command of the Yangon regime. The Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front (MPDF), a newly formed alliance of four ethnic groups, and Chinese media reports have said troops had attacked a factory used by the ethnic groups to repair weapons on suspicion it was being used to produce illicit drugs. (Reporting by Chris Buckley; Editing by Ken Wills and Sanjeev Miglani)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif August 28, 2009

Myanmar Fighting Forces Up to 30, 000 to Flee to China By REUTERS Filed at 10:41 a.m. ET http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2009/08/28/world/international-ukchina-myanmar.html?sq=kokang&st=cse&scp=3&pagewanted=print BEIJING (Reuters) - Fresh fighting has erupted between Myanmar forces and an armed ethnic group in the remote northeast, forcing tens of thousands to flee across the border into China, activists and state media said on Friday. China called on Myanmar to maintain stability in the border region, even as the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees estimated that between 10,000 and 30,000 civilians had fled the conflict. "We also urge Myanmar to protect the security and legal rights of Chinese citizens in Myanmar," said the statement by spokeswoman Jiang Yu, on the ministry's website (www.fmprc.gov.cn) The fighting could raise tension between China and Myanmar, whose military junta looks to Beijing as one of its few diplomatic backers and a crucial source of investment. Thousands have fled this month from Kokang in Myanmar's Shan State after clashes there, which, according to a U.S.-based rights group, followed the deployment of troops in the area, home to a large number of ethnic Chinese. The Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma, citing information from local journalists in contact with the ethnic groups, said on Friday that armed clashes had taken place for the first time in 20 years, breaking a cease-fire. Fighting flared on Thursday, "leading residents from the Myanmar side to panic and flood in large numbers into our territory," according to a news website run by the official Yunnan Daily (http://www.yunnan.cn) in China, bordering Myanmar. Late Friday evening, the report was removed from the website.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Kokang, where the trouble erupted, is home to many ethnic Chinese and Chinese nationals, many of whom run businesses and trade across the border. A Chinese man in his 40s, who fled back to the Chinese border town of Nansan after running a grocery in Kokang for over 10 years, told Reuters at least 10 civilians have been killed. "They were not willing to abandon all they had worked for in Myanmar in the past decade, and refused to flee, and then they were killed," said the man, surnamed Cao. "I can still hear the thunder of guns today," Cao said, adding that all his property in Myanmar, which he valued at hundreds of thousands of yuan, had been robbed. Refugees were being steered to seven collection points, the main one holding more than 5,000 people, to receive instant noodles, water and temporary housing, a local source said. "This has been building for a long time. The army has not only increased tensions and caused distress with the ethnic groups, they're straining ties with China," Aung Zaw, editor of the Thai-based Irrawaddy magazine, told Reuters. "Beijing's biggest concern is stability near the border, and it is not pleased about what's happening now." He Shengda, an expert on the region at the Yunnan Academy of Social Sciences, said Myanmar's efforts to impose its control on the region risked sparking wider conflict. "It would be no easy thing for the Myanmar government to rein in local power," He told the Global Times, a Chinese newspaper. "These local militia won't meekly abandon power, and a region that was peaceful may experience turmoil." The UNHCR has offered its assistance, but has had no response from the Chinese government. INCREASED SECURITY The Global Times said China had ordered stronger security along the border to prevent the conflict spilling into Yunnan. U.S. Campaign for Burma told Reuters that 10 Myanmar police officers fleeing the fighting had accidentally crossed into China, where they were disarmed by the authorities and sent back.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Local reports said the Myanmar army had blocked roads and sporadic clashes were taking place. Reuters could not immediately verify the information and no mention of the clashes was made in Myanmar's state media. Analysts and activists said the mobilisation of troops was a move by the junta to force ethnic groups to join an army-run border force. The regime wants the groups to form political parties to contest next year's election, the first in Myanmar in 20 years, but most do not trust the military government and feel they have nothing to gain from entering the process. "The regime's aim is to disarm and control the ethnic rebels and neutralise their threat before the elections," Aung Zaw added. The Myanmar Peace and Democracy Front, an alliance of four ethnic groups, and Chinese reports said the flashpoint came when troops attacked a factory used by ethnic groups to repair weapons on the suspicion it was being used to produce drugs. Activists and Burmese-language radio broadcasts said the situation had been complicated by an attempted coup by a faction of the military arm of the ethnic alliance, which wanted to join the army's border force, under pressure from the Yangon regime. (Additional reporting by Huang Yan, Yu Le and Lucy Hornby in Beijing, Martin Petty in Bangkok, Jonathan Lynn in Geneva and Aung Hla Tun in Yangon; Editing by Nick Macfie)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif August 27, 2009

Ethnic Group in Myanmar Said to Break Cease-Fire By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Filed at 3:25 p.m. EThttp://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2009/08/27/world/AP-ASMyanmar-EthnicUnrest.html?sq=kokang&st=cse&scp=2&pagewanted=print BANGKOK (AP) -- Fighting reportedly broke out Thursday between an ethnic militia and government security forces in northeastern Myanmar, breaching a two-decade cease-fire. Several minorities living in military-ruled Myanmar's border areas have continued their long struggles for autonomy despite cease-fires with the military regime that seized power in 1988. Fighters for the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army -- representing the Kokang minority -- on Thursday attacked a police post along the border with China near the town of Laogai, according to the U.S. Campaign for Burma. The Washington-based lobbying group said several police officers were killed and the rebels temporarily occupied the post. The Kachin News Group, an online news agency that covers the Kachin minority in northern Myanmar, also reported the attack as well as several other clashes. Reports of the fighting could not be independently confirmed. Tensions between the Kokang and the government have risen recently after the ethnic group defied an order to allow its guerrillas to be incorporated into a border guard force under army command. The junta plans an election next year, the first since 1990's abortive polls, the result of which were ignored by the military when the National League for Democracy party won by a landslide. The military has been anxious to assure stability ahead of the vote.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif On Wednesday, Myanmar ethnic groups and Chinese media reported that thousands of people fled into China this month after tensions flared between the Kokang and government. Some 10,000 left the Kokang area in Myanmar's northeastern Shan state between Aug. 7 and Aug. 12 after a military confrontation, The Chongqing Evening Post reported. The trigger for the confrontation was an Aug. 8 raid on the home of Kokang leader Peng Jiashen -- also known as Phon Kyar Shin -- ostensibly to look for illegal drugs.

Peng's troops in the Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army began mobilizing, but were forced out of Laogai on Tuesday by government soldiers and members of a breakaway Kokang faction. According to the U.S. Campaign for Burma, Peng issued a statement Thursday calling for talks with the government and for newly deployed troops to withdraw from the area. August 28, 2009

Myanmar Fighting Poses Border Challenge for China By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Filed at 1:15 p.m. EThttp://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2009/08/28/world/AP-AS-ChinaMyanmar.html?sq=kokang&st=cse&scp=1&pagewanted=print BEIJING (AP) -- China has told Myanmar to put an end to fighting with an ethnic militia that has sent 10,000 people fleeing across their border, a strong response underscoring the communist country's concerns about potential instability. People were continuing to cross from Myanmar's Kokang region into China's Yunnan province late Friday, according to eyewitnesses reached by phone. Sounds of artillery and gunfire across the border in Myanmar rang out throughout the day, they said. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Chinese authorities were housing the new arrivals at seven locations and providing medical services, according to a Yunnan government statement. In Beijing, Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said China hopes Myanmar can ''properly deal with its domestic issue to safeguard the regional stability in the ChinaMyanmar border area.'' Myanmar must also ensure the safety and legal rights of Chinese citizens in that country, Jiang added in a statement posted on the ministry's Web site. China maintains close ties with Myanmar's ruling military junta and usually takes care not to entangle itself in the regime's affairs. Beijing has consistently offered Myanmar diplomatic support based on its avowed policy of nonintervention, while China's border trade and oil and gas deals have thrown an economic lifeline to the ruling generals. Pak K. Lee, an expert on Myanmar and China at Kent University, said Beijing was not changing its noninterventionist stance, but was genuinely concerned about the fighting's effect on stability in Yunnan ahead of the highly sensitive Oct. 1 celebration of the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. ''Absent the factor of the 60th anniversary, China might adopt a low-profile approach to the event. But now, it has to call on Myanmar to take prompt action to tackle the problem before it becomes unmanageable,'' Lee said. Details of the fighting in Myanmar were murky, although reports say militants who have long fought for autonomy for Myanmar's ethnically Chinese Kokang minority attacked police near the town of Laogai on Thursday, killing several officers. Myanmar's military rulers and the state-controlled press made no comment on the situation. Myanmar's central government has rarely exerted control in Kokang -- a mostly ethnic Chinese region in the northern Shan state -- and essentially ceded control to a local militia after signing a cease-fire with them two decades ago. The region is one of several areas along Myanmar's borders where minority militias are seeking autonomy from the central government. But tensions between the government and the Kokang people have been rising in recent months, as the junta tries to consolidate its control of the country and ensure ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif stability ahead of national elections next year -- the first since the opposition National League for Democracy won by a landslide in 1990, a result the military ignored. Kokang lies 1,400 miles (2,250 kilometers) southwest of Beijing and is surrounded by lush mountains in a region notorious for the production and use of heroin and methamphetamines, cross-border smuggling, gambling and prostitution. The region's links to China date back to the collapse of the Ming dynasty 350 years ago, when loyalists fled across the mountains into present-day Myanmar to escape Manchu invaders. In recent years, the area has attracted a flood of businessmen from China who have opened hotels, restaurants and shops selling motorcycles, electronics and other imports that are either pricey or unavailable in other parts of Myanmar. Wary of the consequences of renewed conflict, many of those investors fled back across the border this month, according to Chinese reports. As the refugees poured in from Myanmar on Friday, Chinese authorities housed them in unfinished buildings, some still with no windows, said a local factory manager in the border town of Nansan who would only give his surname, Li. A worker with an international medical charity, who asked not to be named for fear of reprisals from the local government, said local authorities were caring for about 4,000 refugees. Several thousand more were staying in hotels or with friends and family on the Chinese side, he said. The latest confrontation apparently began earlier this month after militia leaders refused to allow their guerrillas to be incorporated into a border guard force under Myanmar army command. Soldiers raided the home of militia leader Peng Jiashen on Aug. 8, and Peng's forces began mobilizing. Peng's troops were forced out of Laogai on Tuesday by government soldiers and a breakaway Kokang faction seeking to overthrow Peng. China itself has taken a hard line against minority activists in Xinjiang and Tibet, crushing anti-government protests with overwhelming force, and Beijing has in the past said that Myanmar's policies toward minorities wasn't a concern.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif However, analysts said the involvement of ethnic Chinese and Chinese citizens, and fears over border security, severely complicated matters for the government, prompting the strong statement. ''China has a difficult time trying to reconcile its very firm issues of sovereignty while protecting its people abroad,'' said Drew Thompson, a China expert at the Nixon Center in Washington who has traveled in the border region. While China is not dictating to Myanmar how they should manage minorities or manage the border area, it is ''trying to urge Myanmar's government to stop causing this problem,'' Thompson said. Myanmar is one of several Chinese neighbors that pose border issues. China has long based army troops along its frontier with North Korea, whose devastated economy is dependent on Chinese aid and isolated regime is under U.N. sanction for pursuing nuclear weapons. Terrified of a mass influx of starving refugees, China regularly rounds up and returns North Koreans who make it across the heavily guarded border while opposing stricter sanctions on the country that could push the regime toward collapse. In the west, China borders former Soviet republics in Central Asia, most of them hotbeds of poverty and religious extremism. China also shares a narrow border with Afghanistan and a much longer one with Pakistan, whose government is battling a stubborn radical Islamic insurgency. China's border with India to the south remains in dispute and considerable mistrust lingers between the sides, who fought a brief but bloody war over the frontier in 1962. Those issues strongly influence Chinese defense planning, with peripheral security its No. 2 security concern, right behind maintaining domestic stability, Thompson said. ''The border is where internal security and external security meet,'' Thompson said.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif May 11, 2009

Ethnic Groups in Myanmar Hope for Peace, but Gird for Fight By THOMAS FULLER http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/11/world/asia/11ihtmyanmar.html?sq=kokang&st=cse&scp=5&pagewanted=print LAIZA, Myanmar — The Kachin tribesmen who inhabit the hills along Myanmar’s border with China have a reputation as stealthy jungle warriors, famous for repelling Japanese attacks in the Second World War with booby traps and instilling terror by slicing off ears to tally their kills. Now, as they have many times in their war-scarred history, the Kachin are hoping for peace but are prepared for battle with Myanmar’s central government. “Whether or not there will be war again, we have to be ready,” Maj. Zauja Nhkri, the head of an officer’s training school that is part of the Kachin Independence Army, which has around 4,000 men under arms. “If our army is strong, we can maintain the peace.”

Thomas Fuller/The International Herald Tribune

Cadets of the Kachin Independence Army marched to their barracks.

As Myanmar’s military government prepares to adopt a new and disputed Constitution next year, a fragile patchwork of cease-fire agreements between the central government and more than a dozen armed ethnic groups is fraying. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The new Constitution would nominally return the country to civilian rule after four and a half decades of military government and, in theory, could formally end the now dormant civil war that has plagued the country since it gained independence from Britain in 1948. But as a precondition for what they portray as a fresh start, Myanmar’s ruling generals are ordering the Kachin and other groups to disarm and disband their substantial armies. So far, the answer is no. “There is no good road map for the future of Burma,” said Gen. Gam Shawng Gunhtang, the chief of staff of the Kachin Independence Army, which has fought the government on and off since its founding in 1961. Myanmar used to be known as Burma. The ethnic groups control large pockets of territory in the northern and eastern borderland areas, and, if they disarm, they risk losing control over their lucrative trade in timber, jade, gems and, in some cases, heroin and methamphetamines. They are loath to give up their hard-won autonomy to the Myanmar military, which is dominated by the Burman ethnic group they have long resented. “We ethnic peoples are trying to form a federal union,” Gen. Gam Shawng Gunhtang said. “They don’t want to hear about it.” The demands to disarm are “not acceptable,” he said. The volatile and remote northern reaches of Myanmar are rarely reported on in the Western news media because of the difficulty accessing the armed groups. The visit by this reporter to Laiza was the first by a foreign newspaper correspondent in several years. By the tumultuous standards of Myanmar’s six decades of independence, the country has been relatively peaceful over the past decade and a half, thanks to the cease-fire agreements. Myanmar captured the world’s attention when the government quashed the uprising of Buddhist monks in September 2007 and when it refused to allow some international assistance after a deadly cyclone last May.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif But those events only served to underline the firm grip that the generals have over the low-lying parts of the country, where the majority Burman population is concentrated. It is a very different picture in the upland regions, where the government’s control has always been tenuous. A resumption of civil war in the north and east is by no means a foregone conclusion — the generals could back down from their demands to disarm, or the ethnic groups might relent and decide to fully adopt the new Constitution. But if the conflicts re-ignite, which some analysts say is likely, it could resonate well beyond Myanmar’s borders, resulting in outflows of refugees into neighboring countries like Thailand and China and a resurgence of the heroin business, which in the past has thrived under the cover of war. “I think you will hear a lot of gunfire next year,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former soldier in the now defunct Burmese Communist Party who is in contact with leaders of the ethnic groups. “The Burmese government is unwilling to give autonomy.” The largest borderland groups, drawn from ethnic groups like the Wa, Shan and Kokang, are united in their bitterness over their historical domination by the Burman.

Cadets rehearsed for a ceremony at an officers' training school run by the Kachin Independence Army near the border with China ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif During the Cold War, China, Thailand and the United States supplied arms and other assistance to some borderland groups. Now commercial interests, including many shady businesses, have replaced ideological ones. The Kachin hills are home to the world’s most lucrative jade mines. The area inhabited by the Shan has the largest and best-quality rubies found anywhere. All the territory controlled by the ethnic groups has prized varieties of tropical hardwood. And drug syndicates, many of them with ties to the ethnic groups, profit handsomely from the trafficking of both illegal and counterfeit drugs. Adding to the complexity of the situation, Myanmar, by the nature of its location between India and China, is now the focus of a geopolitical contest for influence by the region’s big powers increasingly hungry for natural resources. Chinese companies are building a series of hydroelectric dams on northern tributaries of the Irrawaddy River (despite Kachin objections) and have helped finance and build roads inside Myanmar, facilitating both the sale of Chinese electronics and clothing in Myanmar and the export of timber and other commodities into China. China recently beat India in securing a 30-year concession on natural gas from Myanmar, and construction will reportedly start soon on twin pipelines crossing Myanmar from the Bay of Bengal and connecting to the southern Chinese city of Kunming. In March, China and Myanmar signed a “cooperation agreement” on the oil and gas pipelines, but key details are vague. The strategic objective for China is access to the Bay of Bengal, thus avoiding having to ship oil through the Strait of Malacca, a costly detour and a security threat if that choke point is ever blocked. But the project is seen by many as a risky venture. “Burma is not a stable place when you get out into these remote areas that the pipeline is going to have to traverse,” said Priscilla A. Clapp, a former American diplomat who spent three years as the chief of the U.S. mission in Myanmar. “It’s going to have to go over mountains and through remote areas of the country that are barely controlled by the military. It could very easily be blown up, and then you’re out of luck.” ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Gam Shawng Gunhtang, the Kachin general, is worried that the pipeline will marginalize the borderland ethnic groups and give the upper hand to Myanmar’s junta, also known as the State Peace and Development Council, or S.P.D.C. “The S.P.D.C. is trying to convince the Chinese government that the borderland armed groups are not political groups — just insurgents or terrorists,” the general said. “The pipeline will be a tool and an opportunity for the S.P.D.C. to eliminate the armed groups.” The Constitution, which Myanmar’s generals say was adopted by more than 90 percent of voters in a referendum last year and will take effect after elections next year, prescribes “genuine multi-party democracy” and recognizes what it calls “selfadministered” areas. But ethnic leaders say this falls short of the autonomy they want. They also point out that the document preserves a dominant role for the military, including the right of the commander in chief of the armed forces to appoint a quarter of the Parliament and to remove the president. And because the Constitution mandates that only the national armed forces provide defense and security, the junta is demanding that all other groups disarm. The most heavily armed group along the Chinese border is the United Wa State Army, which has about 20,000 soldiers and new armaments including field artillery and anti-tank missiles, according to Bertil Lintner, an expert on Myanmar’s ethnic groups and co-author of the book “Merchants of Madness,” which deals with the drug trade among ethnic groups. Very few of the armed groups will accede to the government’s demands to disarm, Mr. Lintner believes. “Some of the smaller groups might hand in their weapons, but they don’t matter anyway,” he said. In Laiza, it is easy to see why the Kachin want to maintain their autonomy. Residents escape many of the deprivations so common in other parts of Myanmar, one of the world’s poorest countries: Electricity from a nearby hydroelectric dam is reliable, cellphone service provided by Chinese communications towers across the border is cheap (obtaining a cellphone number inside Myanmar typically costs ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif $2,000), and the local administration even stamps out its own vehicle license plates, skirting Myanmar’s highly restrictive car ownership policies. In addition to its own army, the Kachin have a police force, schools, a teacher’s training college and their own customs agents, who monitor the border crossing with China. Laiza is no Shangri-La — the town struggles with drug addiction and other social ills common to many border areas — but it feels more free than the military-controlled areas in Myanmar, where dissidents are repeatedly rounded up and sentenced to long jail terms. “The S.P.D.C. has one last chance to win the hearts of the people,” said Thar Kyaw, a jade dealer now based in the southern Chinese city of Ruili. “But we are not very hopeful.”

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ အပစ္ရပ္ေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ပ်က္ၿပီ FRIDAY, 28 AUGUST 2009 18:11 ရန္ပိုင္

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 07:2009-08-28-11-13-28&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ယမန္ေန႔က စတင္ၿပီး ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ တုိ္က္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ ၾကားရွိ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ပ်က္ျပားသြားၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္မ်ားႏွင့္ တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံက သုံးသပ္ ေျပာဆုိသည္။ တ႐ုတ္ နယ္စပ္အနီး စစ္ေဆးေရး ဂိတ္တခုမွ ကုိးကန္႔ စစ္သား၂ ဦး (ဓာတ္ပုံ - Tom Kramer/TNI) ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ

ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္းႏွင့္ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ ေဒသတြင္

ယေန႔တုိင္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ဆက္လက္ျဖစ္ပြား ေနေသာေၾကာင့္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ပ်က္ျပားသြားၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သုံးသပ္ၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ “ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္နားမွာ တုိက္ပြဲႀကီး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္၊ မေန႔က ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ ၁၅၀၀ ေလာက္ေရာက္ၿပီ၊ မနက္ ၁၁ နာရီကတည္းက ျဖစ္တာလုိ႔ ၾကားတယ္၊ ႀတိဂံေဒသျဖစ္လုိ႔ အဖြဲ႕ေပါင္းစုံပါတယ္” ဟု

တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရး ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ေျပာသည္။ ယေန႔မနက္ကလည္း ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္းရွိ လက္နက္ဂုိေဒါင္နားတြင္ ရင္ဆုိင္တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။

“ဒီေန႔မနက္အေစာႀကီးမွာ ဖုန္က်ားရွင္အိမ္နားက လက္နက္ဂုိေဒါင္လမ္းၾကားထဲမွာ ကင္းလွည့္တဲ့ကားနဲ႔ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ ပက္ပင္းတုိးၿပီးျဖစ္တာ အစုိးရဘက္က၂ ေယာက္ေသတယ္”ဟု သ်ွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းစဥ္မွ ဦစိန္ၾကည္ကေျပာသည္။

ယမန္ေန႔ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားတြင္ လက္နက္ႀကီး က်ည္မ်ား တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ က်ေရာက္ၿပီး တရုတ္ေဒသခံမ်ား လည္းေသဆုံး ထိခုိ္က္မႈမ်ားရွိသည္ဟုသိရသည္။ “လက္နက္ႀကီးက်ည္ေတြ ခ်င္ခန္းေဒသထဲက်တယ္၊ ေဒသခံ တေယာက္ေသၿပီး တေယာက္ဒဏ္ရာရတယ္၊ ရန္လုံက်ိဳင္း စခန္းမွာ လုံထိန္း၄၂ေယာက္ဖမ္းမိတယ္၊

အရာရွိေတြပါတယ္၊ ေသနတ္ ၅၆ လက္ သိမ္းထားတယ္” ဟု တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရး ႏုိင္ငံေရးအကဲခတ္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာကေျပာသည္။ ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသအတြင္းရွိ ေဒသခံရြာသား ၃၀၀၀၀ ခန္႔ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ အတြင္းသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပး သြားေၾကာင္း အတည္မျပဳႏုိင္ေသာသတင္းမ်ားအရ သိရသည္။ “ရြာသူရြာသားေတြအမ်ားႀကီး ခ်င္ခန္းေဒသထဲကုိ၀င္လာတယ္၊ တရုတ္အာဏာပုိင္ေတြက

အစားအစာ၊ အ၀တ္အစား ေန စရာ ေထာက္ပံ့ ေပးထားတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ မလုံေလာက္ဘူး၊ တခ်ိဳ႕လည္း အစုိးရယာယီစခန္းေတြမွာေနတယ္၊ တခ်ိဳ႕က ေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ေဆြမ်ိဳးေတြအိမ္ေတြမွာ ေနတယ္”ဟု အမည္မေဖာ္လုိေသာ က်န္းမာေရးအကူအညီေပးေရးအဖြဲ႔မွ ေျပာသည္။ ယခုျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ နယ္စပ္တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံကလည္း အေျခအေနကုိ အၿမဲမျပတ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေန သည္ဟုသိရသည္။

“နယ္စပ္ေဒသတည္ၿငိမ္မႈကုိ လုိလားတယ္၊ေနာက္၂ရက္အထိတုိက္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္မယ္ဆုိရင္

အေျခအေနဟာ ထိန္းႏုိင္မွာ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူး၊ တုိက္ပြဲႀကီးေတြျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တယ္၊ ျမန္မာအစုိးရ ရဲ႕တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအေပၚမွာ ထားတဲ့သေဘာထားဟာ တင္းမာလြန္းၿပီး၊ တဘက္ႏွင့္တဘက္ညိွလိမ့္မယ္ထင္တယ္” ဟု အမည္မေဖာ္လုိေသာ

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနမွ အရာရွိတဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

80

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ပါတီ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးေအာင္မုိးေဇာ္ ကလည္း“အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး ပ်က္ၿပီေျပာရမွာေပါ့၊ႏွစ္ဘက္ စလုံး အက်ပ္အတည္းပါပဲ၊ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ေတြကလည္း

မတင္းဘူးဆုိရင္ လက္နက္ခ်ရမွာ ေနာက္ပုိင္း ၀ တုိ႔ မုိင္းလားတုိ႔ ပါလာႏုိင္တယ္ မလြယ္ဘူး”ဟု သုံးသပ္သည္။ နယ္စပ္ေဒသရွိ တုိင္းရင္းသားအပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားကုိ စစ္အစုိးရက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးအတြက္ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ အတင္းအက်ပ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ ေနလ်ွင္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသရွိ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ အေျခအေနပုိမုိဆုိးရြားလာမည္ကုိ လူ႔အခြင့္ အေရး အဖြဲ႕မ်ားကစုိးရိမ္ ေနၾကသည္။ “စစ္အစုိးရက တုိင္းရင္းသားအပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ေတြ နဲ႕ေဆြးေႏြးညိွႏႈိင္းရမယ့္အစား အတင္းအက်ပ္ေဆာင္ရြက္တဲ့ နည္းနဲ႔လုပ္ ေဆာင္ေနရင္ ဒီေဒသမွာ

ေနထုိင္တဲ့ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ တုိက္ပြဲေတြ ပုိျပင္းထန္လာရင္ အခုထက္ပုိမုိ ဆုိးရြားတဲ့ အက်ိဳး ဆက္ေတြ ခံစားရမွာကုိ စုိးရိမ္တယ္”ဟု အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံအေျခစုိက္

လူအခြင့္အေရးေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာေရးအဖြဲ႕ (HRW ) မွ ေဒးဗစ္ စေကာ့ မက္သီဆင္က ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႕ေျပာသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေန႔က အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ကုိးကန္႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ၏ အိမ္တြင္ လက္နက္စက္ရုံ ရိွသည္ဟု အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီး ၀င္ေရာက္စီးနင္း ခ့ဲသည္။

ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ကုိးကန္႔ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ အတြင္း စစ္အစုိးရ အကူအညီျဖင့္ အာဏာသိမ္းပဲြ

ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပိီးေနာက္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ေကာ္မတီကုိ အသစ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းလုိက္ၿပီး ၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ သည္ ၎၏ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ အတူ ၀ နယ္ဘက္ သုိ႔ ေရွာင္တိမ္းသြားခဲ့ရာမွ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္သည္။

ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ပ်က္ၿပီ FRIDAY, 28 AUGUST 2009 17:05 ဧရာဝတီ

HTTP://WWW.IRRAWADDY.ORG/BUR/INDEX.PHP?OPTION=COM_CONTENT&VIEW =ARTICLE&ID=1705:2009-08-28-10-07-02&CATID=3:EDITORIAL&ITEMID=7

လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ လအနည္းငယ္ အတြင္းမွစ၍ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအၾကား တင္းမာမႈမ်ား တိုးမ်ားလာ ခဲ့သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

81

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ျမန္မာျပည္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ေလာက္ကိုင္ေဒသတြင္ ယမန္ေန႔ မနက္ပိုင္းကတည္းက စစ္အစိုးရ တပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ လူမ်ိဳးစု ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္တပ္ေပါင္းစု(ကုိးကန္႔) ေခၚ (MNDAA) ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႔တို႔အၾကား ရင္ဆိုင္တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားေနသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္တနလၤာေန႔တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားက ယင္း ေလာက္ကိုင္ေဒသရွိ MNDAA ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႔၏ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းသို႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ဤသို႔ စစ္ေရး တင္းမာလာၿပီး ရင္ဆိုင္တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားလာ ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၏ ေနအိမ္၀င္းအတြင္း ၀င္ေရာက္၍ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ရွာေဖြၾက သည့္အခါ ၎မွာ ေနာက္လိုက္ေနာက္ပါတခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္အတူ ဖမ္းဆီးခံရျခင္းမွ ေရွာင္တိမ္းလြတ္ေျမာက္သြားသည္။

ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္သည္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္မွစ၍ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ MNDAA အဖြဲ႔အၾကား

အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီ လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုးထားခဲ့သူလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ေနာက္ဆုံးအေျခအေနအရ ကုိးကန္႔ MNDAA ႏွင့္ မဟာမိတ္ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာ အဖြဲ႕မ်ားလည္း ယခုစစ္ေရး တင္းမာမႈတြင္ ပါဝင္လာေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ဇူလိုင္လတြင္ ကုိးကန္႔ MNDAA အဖြဲ႕ အပါအဝင္ နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရးကုိ လက္မခံဘဲ ျငင္းဆန္ထားေသာ

ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ (KIO) ၊ ဝ ျပည္ ေသြးစည္း ညီၫြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလားအဖြဲ႔ စသည့္ အဖြဲ႔ ၄ ဖြဲ႔က မဟာမိတ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ဤသို႔တင္းမာမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္လာေစသည့္ အဓိကအေၾကာင္းအရင္းမွာ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္မ်ားကို ၎၏ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္၌ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ရင္းမ်ားအျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ အတင္းအက်ပ္ ေတာင္းဆိုရာမွ

စတင္လာခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ားကလည္း ဤေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္ကို လိုက္ေလ်ာရန္ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလမွစ၍ စစ္အစိုးရက အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ ဖိအားေပးလာခဲ့သည္။

ဤအစီအစဥ္သစ္အရ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ တစ္တပ္တြင္ အရာရွိ အဆင့္ ၁၈ ဦး အပါအ၀င္ စုစုေပါင္း အင္အား (၃၂၆) ဦး ပါ၀င္ရန္သတ္မွတ္ထားသည္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ၊ တပ္ေရး၊ တပ္ေထာက္ စသည့္ အေရးႀကီးသည့္ ေနရာမ်ားႏွင့္႐ုံးတာဝန္ မ်ားတြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္မွ အရာရွိ ၃၀ ခန္႔ ပါ၀င္မည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္မ်ားသည္ လက္ရိွ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားေသာ နယ္ေျမအတြင္း၌သာ

တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ ရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္တေျပးညီလစာ ခံစားခြင့္ ရရွိၾကမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

82

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အင္အားေကာင္းသည့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ တရုတ္-

ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ အေျခစိုက္ေသာ ကခ်င္၊ ၀ႏွင့္ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္မ်ားက ၎ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး ကို ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း အင္အားနည္းသည့္၊ ေသးငယ္သည့္ အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို စစ္အစိုးရက ပထမဦးစြာ စစ္ေရးအရ ဖိအားေပးသည္ကို ယခု လတ္ တေလာ ျဖစ္ပြားေနသည့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားက သက္ေသခံေနသည္။ ေ၀ဖန္ၾကသူမ်ားက ခန္႔မွန္းေျပာဆိုၾကရာတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရက ေနာက္ပစ္မွတ္အျဖစ္ ၀ အဖြဲ႔ကို ရည္ရြယ္ထားသည္ဟု ဆိုၾက သည္။ ၀ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးပါတီ (UWSP) က စစ္အစိုးရ

အဆိုျပဳခ်က္ကို ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ေသာေၾကာင့္ တင္းမာမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္လာရၿပီး ေသနတ္ျပန္ေပါက္လာမည့္ အေရးကို တြက္ဆေျပာဆိုထားၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေတာင္ပိုင္းတြင္မူ စစ္အစိုးရက ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအရံုး (KNU) ကို ေခ်မႈန္းႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ေသြးခြဲအုပ္ ခ်ဳပ္သည့္မူကို က်င့္သံုးလ်က္ ရွိသည္။ အခ်င္းခ်င္း သေဘာထားကြဲလြဲေနမႈႏွင့္ ကရင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအၾကားရွိ ပဋိပကၡကို အသံုးခ်၍

တခ်ိန္ကအင္အားေတာင့္တင္းခဲ့ေသာ ကရင္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို အထူးခ်ိနဲ႔ေစခဲ့သည္။ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသကို ျပန္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ တခ်ိန္က ဤအဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက

ဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတည္ေဆာက္ရန္ လိုလားေၾကာင္း ဆႏၵ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံသုိ႔လည္း ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ေစလႊတ္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾက ဖူးသည္။ သူတို႔က စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားလုပ္ရန္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ တင္ျပခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း စစ္အစိုးရက ဤအဆိုျပဳခ်က္မ်ားကို ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွိ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားမွာလည္း ျမန္မာစစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ား ကဲ့သို႔ပင္ ပေဒသရာဇ္ ဆန္ဆန္ စစ္ဘုရင္မ်ားျဖစ္ေနၾကသည္။ သူတို႔က ဒီမိုကေရစီကိုလည္း သိပ္အေရးစိုက္လွသည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ပို၍ဆိုးသည္မွာ ၀ႏွင့္ ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက

မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးကုန္သြယ္မႈတြင္ ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္ေနၾကသည္ဟု ေက်ာ္ေစာေနျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အေမရိကန္အစိုးရက ဤအဖြဲ႔မ်ား၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အမ်ားအျပားကို အလိုရွိေနသည့္ဖမ္းဆီးရမည့္သူမ်ား နာမည္ပ်က္ စာရင္းတြင္ ထည့္သြင္းထားခဲ့သည္။ ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္၌ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု တရားေရးဌာနက ၀ အဖြဲ႔ဥကၠ႒ ေပါက္ယူခ်န္း အပါအ၀င္

ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၈ ဦးကို အလိုရွိသူ တရားခံေျပးမ်ားစာရင္းတြင္ ထည့္သြင္း ေၾကညာထားသည္။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ဆက္ဆံေရးအတြက္ တိုက္တြန္းေျပာဆိုေနသူ အေမရိကန္ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဂ်င္မ္၀က္ဘ္ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လလယ္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔

လာေရာက္လည္ပတ္ခဲ့ခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ၀ႏွင့္ ကိုးကန္႔ တိုင္း ရင္းသား အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအေပၚ ရန္လိုသည့္ အျပဳအမူ သေဘာထားမ်ား ပို၍ ျပလာခဲ့သည္။ ထိုးစစ္မ်ားကိုပင္ စ၍ျပင္ဆင္လာခဲ့ သည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

83

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

မူးယစ္ေဆးကိစၥျဖင့္ နာမည္ႀကီးေနသည့္ မူးယစ္ရာဇာမ်ားကိုသာ တိုက္ခိုက္ပါက အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုမွ မ်က္ႏွာသာ နာမည္ေကာင္းမရလွ်င္ေသာ္မွ အနည္းဆံုး

စာနာနားလည္မႈေပးလိမ့္မည္ဟု စစ္အစိုးရက ယူဆထားပုံရသည္။ ရယ္ဖြယ္ ေကာင္းသည္မွာ တခ်ိန္ကေျမာက္ပိုင္းရွိ ဘိန္းကုန္ကူးေရာင္း၀ယ္မႈ ကိစၥမ်ားကို မ်က္စိမွိတ္၍

မသိက်ဳိးကၽြံျပဳထားခဲ့သူ မွာ လည္း ဤစစ္အစိုးရသာ ျဖစ္သည္။ သူတို႔က ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္ ၀ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကိုပင္ တခ်ိန္က ဘိန္းလုပ္ငန္းမွရရွိသည့္ ေငြမ်ားျဖင့္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ထူေထာင္ခြင့္ ျပဳထားခဲ့ေသးသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးဖြဲ႔စည္းမႈတြင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၏ အခန္းေနရာကိစၥကို ေျဖရွင္းရန္မွာ အေရးႀကီးလွသည့္ ျပႆာနာျဖစ္သလို၊ ေရရွည္ခံမည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာမခံခ်က္မ်ားလည္း

လိုအပ္သည္။ လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္တြင္မူ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးကို ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းရန္မွာ အေရးႀကီးလွေသာ္လည္း၊ မၾကာေသးမီက စစ္အစိုးရက ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္ နယ္စပ္ တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ

အျခားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ားအေပၚ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံခဲ့ပံုမွာ မယံုၾကည္မႈ သံသယမ်ားႏွင့္ တင္းမာမႈမ်ား ကိုသာ တိုး၍ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစပါေတာ့သည္။

ဧရာ၀တီမဂၢဇင္း၏ အြန္လိုင္း အယ္ဒီတာ့အာေဘာ္ Tension in the North ကို ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ျပန္ဆိုေဖာ္ျပပါသည္။

Aug 29, 2009 http://www.straitstimes.com/print/Breaking%2BNews/Asia/Story/STIStor y_422874.html

1 killed along Myanmar border BEIJING - A BOMB killed one person in China in an area where thousands of refugees have fled across the Chinese border to escape fighting between Myanmar's government and rebels, state media said on Saturday. Several other people were injured in the incident Friday in a remote mountainous region of China's southern Yunnan province, the China Daily said, quoting a Chinese Red Cross official. The report said the bomb was thrown across the border but gave no other details. AFP calls to government and Chinese Red Cross offices in the area went unanswered. The fighting between Myanmar's isolated ruling junta and rebel ethnic armies in its remote northeast has driven up to 30,000 refugees into China, the UN said on Friday. Chinese state media reports have estimated the number of refugees at around 10,000, who had crossed the border at the small town of Nansan. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

China issued a rare admonishment to its southern neighbour and close ally, urging it on Friday to resolve the conflict that has broken out in Kokang, a mainly ethnic Chinese region of Myanmar's Shan state. A battle between the Kokang rebel group and the Myanmar army began on Thursday in violation of a 20-year ceasefire, according to the US Campaign for Burma (USCB), which uses Myanmar's former name. A female receptionist at the Nanhai Hotel in Nansan told AFP by phone that the hotel was fully booked with 'government, security, and medical personnel' but she declined to give further information on the situation there. China is one of Myanmar's closest allies, its main source of military hardware and a major consumer of its vast natural resources, despite Western concerns over the military-ruled nation's rights record. China has in the past vetoed UN Security Council resolutions condemning its isolated neighbour. The countries share a 2,200km border. -- AFP

China Urges Burma to Bridle Ethnic Militia Uprising at Border By Tim Johnston Washington Post Foreign Service Saturday, August 29, 2009 BANGKOK -- A Burmese government crackdown on powerful ethnic militias that have challenged its rule for more than 60 years has driven 10,000 refugees into neighboring China, prompting a rare rebuke from Chinese authorities, the Burmese regime's key allies. The refugees fled over the border into China's Yunnan province in the past few days after fighting erupted between Burmese government troops and ethnic militia fighters from the Kokang region of the nation also known as Myanmar. China called on the Burmese authorities to "properly handle domestic problems and maintain stability in the China-Myanmar border region," according to a statement from Foreign Ministry spokesman Jiang Yu. "We also urge Myanmar to protect the security and legal rights of Chinese citizens in Myanmar." China has been balancing support for the Burmese government with backing for the armed ethnic groups that occupy much of the Burmese side of the border. The border regions are heavily influenced by China, with many Chinese businesses taking advantage of the trade in gems, timber and jade.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Analysts say the fighting is just the most obvious sign of tensions arising from the Burmese government's desire to control the armed ethnic groups with which it has co-existed uneasily since a round of cease-fires that began 20 years ago ended decades of open conflict. The recent fighting in the Kokang region has pitted government troops against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army as well as drawing in other ethnic groups involved in the cease-fire including the United Wa State Army, which with about 20,000 fighters is the largest ethnic army in the country. A cease-fire agreement between the government and the National Democratic Alliance Army had been in place since 1989.

Fighting in Kokang continues SATURDAY, 29 AUGUST 2009 09:36 S.H.A.N. Hostilities that broke out on Thursday (27 August) continued for the second day yesterday but on a lower intensity probably due to China’s intervention, according to sources. The main clashes took place in: • Yanglongjai, just south of the Laogai-Nansan cross border checkpoint, according to a report by the pro-Bai Souqian faction that had ousted his former boss Peng Jiasheng • And on the Kokang-Wa-Yunnan triangle area, where the Burma Army has been attempting to dislodge troops loyal to Peng from their mountain bases at Qingsuihe Peng Jiasheng with children on the 20th anniversary of peace with the junta

Some 4-500 United Wa State Army (UWSA) fighters had taken part in the defense of the bases, according to a ceasefire source. “The fighting stopped at about 13:00,” he said. “The Burma Army’s attacking force is said to be waiting for reinforcements from the rear.” It would nevertheless take some time before the back-up units arrive, said other sources, because some of the bridges were demolished by the rebels. There was also a report that one of Kokang’s allies Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’ had staged hit-and-run tactics to delay the reinforcements. But an SSA commander had flatly denied the report. “We are just holding our positions,” he said. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif As usual, reports of the Burma Army rounding up civilians to carry supplies in support of the campaign have begun to filter in. One eye-witness report says even people in the city of Lashio, Shan State North’s capital, were not spared. “As a result, streets became deserted in the evening and many shops were closed by 8pm,” said a resident. China has for the first time urged Burma to peacefully resolve matters with the Kokang minority, reported CCTV yesterday. Kokang, Wa, Mongla and a Kachin splinter group used to be part of the Communist Party of Burma’s People’s Army. The 4 party alliance Peace and Democracy Front (PDF) has yet to accept non-former CPB groups such as SSA North and Kachin Independence Army (KIA) as members. SSA was regarded only as “the closest ally outside the PDF.” The CPB, backed by China, had fought against Rangoon, until it was overthrown by the ethnic forces under its command in 1989. Friday, 28 August 2009

တရုတ္ျပည္သို႔ ထြက္ေျပးရသူ သုံးေသာင္းေက်ာ္ၿပီဟု ကုလသမဂၢ ထုတ္ေျပာ

မုိးမခအေထာက္ေတာ္ အမွတ္ ၀၀၅ ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၀၀၉

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္မေတာ္ (MNDAA) ဟု အမည္ရသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖဲြ႔မွ တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ား

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔သူပုန္အဖဲြ႔တုိ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ျပန္လည္ စတင္သည့္အတြက္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္မွ

ေဒသခံ

၃

ေသာင္း

အထိ

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔

ခုိလႈံသြားၾကေၾကာင္း

ကုလသမဂၢက ခန္႔မွန္းလုိက္ေၾကာင္း AFP သတင္းဌာနက ေရးသားလုိက္သည္။

ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ဘက္မွ ထြက္ေျပးလာသူမ်ားသည္ ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ နန္စန္ၿမိဳ႕အတြင္းသုိ႔

၀င္ေရာက္ လာၾကျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔ႏွင့္ လက္တဲြ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသည့္ ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ ေအဂ်င္စီက ေျပာလုိက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ “ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ ေဒသခံ အာဏာပုိင္ေတြက အေရးေပၚ အကူအညီ၊ ရိကၡာ၊ ေဆး၀ါးေတြ

ေထာက္ပ့ံထားတယ္လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကုိ ေျပာတယ္” ဟု ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ ေျပာခြင့္ရ အရာရိွ Andrej Mahecic က ဆုိသည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ေၾကညာခ်က္ တေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားရာ “တရုတ္

ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္

တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးအတြက္

ျမန္မာတုိ႔က

ျပည္တြင္းေရး

သင့္ေလ်ာ္စြာ ေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္လိမ့္မည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ပါသည္” ဟု ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ျပႆနာကုိ

“ျမန္မာျပည္အတြင္းရိွ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသားတုိ႔၏ လုံၿခဳံမႈ ႏွင့္ ဥပေဒအရ ရပုိင္ခြင့္မ်ား

ရရိွေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက အကာအကြယ္ေပးရန္ ကြ်ႏုပ္တုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္းလုိက္သည္” ဟု ေျပာခြင့္ရ အမ်ဳိးသမီး Jiang Yu က ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ေျပာၾကားထားသည္။ တရုတ္အစုိးရ သတင္းဌာန၏ ယေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ သတင္းတပုဒ္တြင္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသရိွ လက္နက္ကုိင္ တရုတ္ ရဲတပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္ အင္အားကုိ တုိးခ်ဲ႕လုိက္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ ဤအေတာအတြင္း ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ား အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ၾကာ ႀကီးစုိးခ့ဲရာ ေလာက္ကုိင္ျမိဳ႕

ေဒသတြင္ ယမန္ေန႔ကစၿပီး ပစ္ခတ္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားလ်က္ရိွသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ျမိဳ႕ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔မ်ား အေျခစုိက္ခ့ဲရာ

ေလာက္ကုိင္ျမိဳ႕တုိ႔သည္ ထင္ရွားသည့္ မူဆယ္ ႏွင့္ နမ့္ခမ္းၿမိဳ႕မ်ားအနီး တည္ရိွသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔အဖဲြ႔သည္ ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ (ဗကပ) ၏ စစ္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ ျဖစ္ခ့ဲဖူးသည္။ ၁၉၈၉

တြင္ ဗကပ ခဲြထြက္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္မေတာ္ (MNDAA) ဟု အမည္ေျပာင္းလုိက္သည္။၁၉၈၉ တြင္ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲႏုိင္ခ့ဲသည္။

စစ္အစုိးရက ၎တုိ႔ကုိ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ အထူးေဒသ (၁) အျဖစ္ နယ္ေျမ သတ္မွတ္ေပးၿပီး

အေျခခ်ခြင့္ ျပဳခ့ဲသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔မ်ားက

ထုိသုိ႔

ခဲြထြက္ခ့ဲၿပီး

ေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္

ဗကပ

လက္ေအာက္ရိွ

၀

တုိင္းရင္းသား တပ္မ်ားက အလုံးအရင္းျဖင့္ ခဲြထြက္ခ့ဲၿပီး UWSA လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ဖဲြ႔အျဖစ္ ယေန႔တုိင္ ရပ္တည္ေနသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အပစ္ရပ္မႈအႏွစ္

၂၀

ျပည့္ေျမာက္သည့္

ကာလတြင္

ႏွစ္ဘက္

အျပန္အလွန္

တုိက္ခုိက္ျခင္းျဖင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး သေဘာတူညီမႈ စတင္ ထိခုိက္သြားသည္။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ ကုိးကန္႔အဖဲြ႔က

သုံးသပ္ၾကသည္။

လက္မခံသျဖင့္

အသြင္ေျပာင္းရန္ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈ

စစ္အစုိးရ၏

ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကုိ

ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု

အကဲခတ္မ်ားက

၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ေ႐ႊ႕ဆိုင္းလို၍ ကုိးကန္႔စစ္ ဖန္တီးဟု ဆုိ SATURDAY, 29 AUGUST 2009 19:40 ေအာင္သက္ဝိုင္း http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 13:2009-08-29-12-42-02&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

စစ္အစိုးရသည္ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသႏွင့္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ ဖန္တီးတိုက္ခုိက္ၿပီး ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ေရႊ႕ဆုိင္းႏုိင္သည္ဟူေသာ

ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္မ်ား ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ေန ျပည္သူမ်ားအၾကားတြင္ ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႔ေနေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကိုးကန္႔ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားအၾကား တင္းမာ မႈမ်ား သတင္းမ်ား ထြက္ေပၚခ်ိန္မွစၿပီး ျမန္မာ ျပည္သူမ်ားအၾကား ျပည္ပ အေျခစိုက္ အသံလႊင့္ဌာန မ်ားမွ သတင္းမ်ားကို

အထူးအာရုံစုိက္နားေထာင္လာၾကရာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြား ေသာအခါ ပိုမိုစိတ္၀င္တစား ေဆြးေႏြးေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ား ရွိေနခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေန တကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသား ၅ ဦး၊ အစုိးရ ၀န္ထမ္း ၂ ဦး၊ သတင္းသမား ၅ ဦး၊

ကုမၸဏီရုံး ၀န္ထမ္း ၃ ဦး၊ စီးပြားေရးသမား ၅ ဦးႏွင့္ အၿငိမ္းစား တပ္ႀကီး ၂ ဦးတို႔ကို ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ စစ္ပြဲ ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အနာဂတ္အေျခအေနကို ေမးျမန္းရာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ျဖစ္ပြားေရး

ဦးတည္ေနၿပီ ဟု ေျပာဆိုၾကၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရ၏လုပ္ရပ္ကုိ ေထာက္ခံျခင္း၊ မေထာက္ခံျခင္း အပုိင္းတြင္ သေဘာထားကြဲလြဲလ်က္ရွိသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရက ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ဖန္တီးကာ မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈမ်ားျဖစ္ထြန္းေစၿပီး ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ေရႊ႕ဆုိင္းျခင္း မ်ားျဖစ္ေပၚလာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း၊ စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရန္

ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ ရွိႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း၊ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲက်င္းပမည့္ကိစၥႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားအတြင္း အာဏာလြန္ဆြဲပြဲမ်ား ရွိေန ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ဖန္တီးၿပီး

စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး တည္တံ့ရန္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းေထာက္ ၅ ဦး စလုံးက တူညီစြာ သုံးသပ္သည္။ “၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမလုပ္ေစခ်င္တဲ့ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကလည္း စစ္တပ္ထိပ္ပုိင္းေခါင္း ေဆာင္ပိုင္းမွာကုိ ရွိေနတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးသန္းေရႊက ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

89

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

သူ႔သေဘာနဲ႔သူလုပ္တာ။ အရပ္သား ေတြနဲ႔ အာဏာေ၀ျခမ္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရမွာကို တျခား ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ေတြက မႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕ၾကဘူးလို႔ လည္း သတင္းေတြထြက္တယ္” ဟု မႏၱေလးသား ဂ်ာနယ္ သတင္းေထာက္ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ကုိးကန္႕ေဒသတုိက္ပြဲမ်ားမွတဆင့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ျဖစ္ပြားလာပါက စစ္တပ္အတြင္းတြင္လည္း စစ္အာဏာ သိမ္းမႈမ်ား ေပၚေပါက္လာႏုိင္သည္ဆိုေသာ ယူဆခ်က္မ်ားလည္း ေပၚထြက္လာသည္။ “ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးေမာင္ေအးရဲ႕ ၾကည္းတပ္ေတြက ဒီလိုတိုက္ပြဲေတြ ျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္တယ္လို႔လည္း ၾကားတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ မတုိင္ခင္ စစ္တပ္အတြင္းမွာ အာဏာသိမ္းမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္တယ္” ဟု ရန္ကုန္ သတင္းေထာက္ တဦးက ဆိုသည္။

အစိုးရ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ စစ္ေရးအရ ေျဖရွင္းျခင္းကို သေဘာမတူေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား အဆုံးသတ္ၿပီး ေဆြးေႏြးညႈိႏႈိင္းသင့္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ရန္ကုန္သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားက သုံးသပ္ေနၾကသည္။ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ႏွင့္ လက္နက္ေရာင္း၀ယ္ျခင္း တရားမ၀င္လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို လုပ္ကုိင္ႏုိင္ေနေသာ ကုိးကန္႔ႏွင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားတပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားကို စစ္ေရးအရက တိုက္ခိုက္ျခင္းသည္ မွန္ကန္ေသာ လုပ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု လည္း တခ်ဳိ႕ျပည္သူမ်ားက ထင္ျမင္ယူဆသည္။ “ဘယ္အစုိးရပဲတက္တက္ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး၊ တရားမ၀င္ လက္နက္အေရာင္းအ၀ယ္ လုပ္တဲ့ ဒီ တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႕ေတြက လုံၿခဳံေရးနဲ႔ ဥပေဒ၊ တရားမွ်တမႈ ထြန္းကားေရးအတြက္

အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ ျဖစ္ေနဦးမွာ၊ ဒီလုိ စစ္အေရးအရ တုိက္ခိုက္တာဟာ ဒီအစုိးရမွ မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ေနာင္ တက္မယ့္ အရပ္သား အစုိးရကလည္း ဒီလို တုိက္ရမွာပဲ” ဟု အၿငိမ္းစား တပ္ၾကပ္ႀကီး တဦးက ေျပာဆုိသည္။

ဒဂုံတကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားတခ်ဳိ႕ကမူ ကိုးကန္႔တုိက္ပြဲေၾကာင့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ေရႊ႕ဆိုင္း ႏုိင္သည္ဟု မထင္ျမင္ေၾကာင္း၊ ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားျခင္းသည္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို ေသခ်ာေပါက္ က်င္းပ လိုေသာေၾကာင့္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားဖန္တီးျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရ လက္ေအာက္ခံ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ အျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ ျငင္းဆန္ေနေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသားတပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားကို ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္မႈ ဟုဆိုလွ်င္လည္း မမွားႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။

“ကုိးကန္႔နဲ႔စစ္တုိက္ၿပီး အျခားတုိင္းရင္းသားတပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြကို ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္တဲ့သေဘာပဲ။ သူတို႔

လက္ေအာက္ခံ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္မဖြဲ႕ရင္ စစ္ေရးအရ တုိက္ခိုက္ႏွိမ္နင္းခံရမယ္ ဆိုတာကို ဥပမာေပးလုပ္ေဆာင္တယ္လို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္”ဟု ဥပေဒအထူးျပဳဒဂုံတကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသားတဦးက ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ေပးသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားသည္ ေရရွည္တုိက္ခိုက္ၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ပုံစံျဖစ္လာပါက ရန္ကုန္၊မႏၱေလးႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

90

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ႏုိင္ငံ တ၀န္း တြင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ကုိင္ေနေသာ ကုိးကန္႔ႏွင့္ `၀´ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား၏ ရင္းႏွီးျမဳပ္ႏွံမႈမ်ား ျပန္လည္ ဆုတ္ခြာသြားႏုိင္သျဖင့္ စီးပြားေရးေလာကတြင္လည္း အေျပာင္းအလဲ တခ်ဳိ႕ရွိလာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္ စီးပြားေရးသမား တဦးက သုံးသပ္သည္။

“ကုိးကန္႔နဲ႔ ၀ ေတြက ျပည္တြင္းစီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္း ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ရင္းႏွီးျမဳပ္ ႏွံထားတယ္။ တုိက္ပြဲ ေတြေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြ ရပ္သြားမယ္။ စီးပြားေရး ဆုတ္ယုတ္မႈေတြျဖစ္ႏုိင္သလို ျပည္တြင္းစီးပြားေရးသမားေတြအတြက္ ရပ္ဆုိင္းသြားတဲ့စီးပြားေရး

လုပ္ငန္းေတြေနရာမွာ လုပ္ကိုင္ဖို႔ အခြင့္ အလမ္းေတြျဖစ္လာ ႏုိင္တယ္” ဟု ထိုစီးပြားေရးသမားက ေျပာသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ႏွင့္စစ္မက္ျဖစ္ပြားလ်က္ရွိေသာ ေနရာသည္ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ေဒသျဖစ္သည့္ အျပင္ နယ္စပ္ ဒုကၡသည္ျပႆနာမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို အစဥ္တစိုက္ ေထာက္ခံေနေသာ တရုတ္အစုိးရ၏ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ေပၚႏုိင္သည္ဟု ေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ားလည္း ရွိလာသည္။ “ျမန္မာအစုိးရကို ေထာက္ခံအားေပးတဲ့ တရုတ္အစိုးရ မူ၀ါဒ အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ႏုိင္တယ္။

အဆိုးထဲက အေကာင္းထြက္ဆိုသလို ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီလႈပ္ရွားမႈကို တရုတ္က ေထာက္ခံ အားေပးလာႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ အနည္းဆုံး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ျပန္လႊတ္ၿပီး

တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔အတူ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲစကား၀ုိင္း ေပၚ ေရာက္လာဖို႔ တရုတ္က တြန္းအားေပးမႈ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တယ္”ဟု ရန္ကုန္ သတင္းေထာက္တဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္း မီဒီယာမ်ားက ယခု အခ်ိန္အထိ ထုတ္ျပန္ျခင္း မရွိေသးေခ်။

ကုိးကန္႔ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္ ၇၀၀ ေက်ာ္ တရုတ္အစုိးရထံ လက္နက္ခ် SATURDAY, 29 AUGUST 2009 19:55 ရန္ပိုင္ http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 14:2009-08-29-12-56-38&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ အင္အား ၇၀၀ေက်ာ္သည္ ယေန႔ေန႔လယ္ပိုင္းက တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ အတြင္းသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္သြားျပီး တရုတ္အစုိးရထံတြင္ လက္နက္အပ္လုိက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ထိုသို႔ လက္နက္ခ်လိုက္ေသာေၾကာင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ဆုံးခန္းတိုင္လု ျဖစ္သြားသည္ဟု တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရးေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာ က ေျပာဆိုသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ အင္အား ၇၀၀ ေလာက္ ဒီေန႔ေနလယ္က တရုတ္ဘက္ကုိ ၀င္သြားၿပီး၊ တရုတ္အစုိးရဆီမွာ လက္နက္ခ်လုိက္ တယ္၊ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ငယ္ေလးေတြပဲက်န္ေတာ့တယ္၊ ညီေနာင္တပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြလည္း ဒီေန႔မနက္ေလးနာရီမွာ ဆုတ္သြားၿပီ”ဟု ၎ က ေျပာသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ မတ္လအတြင္းက က်င္းပေသာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ၂၀ ေျမာက္ အခမ္းအနားတြင္ စစ္ေရးျပေန သည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ား စစ္အစုိးရတပ္က လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ား၊ တင့္ကားမ်ားျဖင့္ ထုိေဒသအတြင္းသုိ႔၀င္ေရာက္ တိုက္ခိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း လည္း သိရသည္။

“ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ား မ်က္ႏွာမေထာက္ဘဲ ကုလသမဂၢမွာ စစ္အစုိးရဘက္မွ လုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံကုိ စစ္အစုိးရက ဂရု မစုိက္ ေၾကာင္း ျပသလုိက္တာပဲျဖစ္တယ္၊တရုတ္ကတုိက္ပြဲႀကီး မျဖစ္ပါေစနဲ႔ေျပာတယ္၊ စစ္အစုိးရက လက္နက္ ႀကီးနဲ႔ပစ္ ျပလုိက္ တယ္”ဟု ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာ ကဆက္ေျပာသည္။ ယခု ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ား လက္နက္ခ်သတင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ဧရာဝတီက သီးျခားအတည္ျပဳခ်က္ ရယူႏုိင္ျခင္း မရွိေသး ေပ။ ယမန္ေန႔က ျဖစ္ပြားေသာ တုိ္က္ပြဲမ်ားတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရ တပ္က ပစ္ခတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ လက္နက္ႀကီး က်ည္မ်ားက်ေရာက္ၿပီး တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးတဦး ေသဆုံး၍ ၂ ဦးဒဏ္ရာရွိခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း၊ ယေန႔တြင္ လက္နက္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္လက္ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ ေသးေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ယမန္ေန႔ ကပင္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရး ကုိထိန္းသိမ္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ျမန္မာစစ္ အစုိးရ ကုိ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဌာနက တုိက္တြန္းေျပာၾကား ထားသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “ျမန္မာ့ျပည္တြင္းေရး ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္နင္းစြာကုိင္တြယ္ရန္လုိေၾကာင္း၊ တရုတ္အစုိးရအေနျဖင့္ နယ္စပ္ ေဒသ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကုိ လုိလားေၾကာင္း၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားအား ႏုိင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ႏွင့္ အကာ အကြယ္ေပးရန္ တုိက္တြန္းေၾကာင္း” ဟု တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ Jian Yu ကေျပာၾကား ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ေဟာင္း သခင္ခ်န္ထြန္းကမႈ“ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရ ဆုိတာ ဘယ္သူမွဂရုမစုိက္ဘူး၊ ကုိယ့္ကုိယ္ကုိယ္ သာအထင္ႀကီး တယ္၊ တရုတ္ကုိလည္း ထည့္စဥ္းစားမယ္ မထင္ပါဘူး” ဟု ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။ အဆိုပါ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသမွ ဒုကၡသည္ ၃၀၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိလာသည့္အတြက္ စုိးရိမ္ေၾကာင္း ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီးရုံး ေျပာေရးဆုိခြင္႔ရွိသူ မီရွဲလ္ မြန္းတပ္စ္ကေျပာဆုိသည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေန႔က အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ကုိးကန္႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ၏ အိမ္တြင္ လက္နက္စက္ရုံ ရိွသည္ဟု အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီး ၀င္ေရာက္စီးနင္း ခ့ဲသည္။

ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ကုိးကန္႔ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ အတြင္း စစ္အစုိးရ အကူအညီျဖင့္ အာဏာသိမ္းပဲြ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပိီးေနာက္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ေကာ္မတီကုိ အသစ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းလုိက္ၿပီး ၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ သည္ ၎၏ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ အတူ ၀ နယ္ဘက္ သုိ႔ ေရွာင္တိမ္းသြားခဲ့ရာမွ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

COMMENTARY

Releasing the Tiger’s Tail By YENI

Wednesday, August 26, 2009

The International Crisis Group (ICG), a Brussels-based think tank, has recently released a new report on next year’s elections in Burma. The report concludes that although the elections are not likely to be free or fair, they could set the stage for the current leadership of the ruling junta to step down, potentially creating the conditions for genuine change. Therefore, the report says, “all stakeholders should be alert to opportunities that may arise to push the new government toward reform and reconciliation.” The Burmese generals have vowed to hold the election in 2010, and are now doing everything in their almost absolute power to ensure that it goes according to plan. It has just extended the house arrest of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi for a further 18 months, and continues to hold around 2,100 other political activists behind bars. It is also trying to tame restive ethnic armies, forcing thousands of civilians to flee to neighboring countries. None of this bodes well for the junta’s hopes of using the election as a means of winning international legitimacy. Another problem for the generals is the deeply flawed constitution, which was loosely modeled on the Indonesian dwifungsi, or dual function, system that gives the military a key role in the political arena. Approved in a sham referendum last year, the constitution is widely seen as a means of continuing military rule in another guise. Although Snr-Gen Than Shwe, the regime’s reclusive leader, claimed in an Armed Forces Day speech last year that he had a “sincere aim of developing the country without any craving for power,” no one doubts that he will continue to wield ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif considerable influence after the election. But both the constitution and his advancing age mean that Than Shwe cannot remain in his current position forever. This is why the ICG reports suggests that both he and his second in command, Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye, may soon step down or move to ceremonial roles, making way for a younger generation of military leaders. However, even such a move is fraught with risks. Although Than Shwe fears that a full transition to democracy could lead to war-crimes trials or even lynch mobs, he also knows that even a modest devolution of his powers could make him vulnerable. The retribution Than Shwe fears most is from within the military. He is haunted by the memory of his predecessor, Ne Win, who ruled Burma for nearly three decades. Ne Win ran the country into the ground through a combination of brutal suppression, a crude socialist ideology and superstition, but continued to enjoy senior statesman status for more than a decade after stepping down from power. But this ended in 2002, when he was arrested and placed under house arrest after his son-in-law and three grandsons were found guilty of plotting to overthrow the regime with the aid of renegade officers and black magic. “He knows very well about the tradition of the armed forces,” said a Burmese political analyst. “If he is not in uniform, he can’t control the armed forces anymore.” This is why ICG rightly concludes that even assuming that the intention of the regime is to consolidate military rule rather than begin a transition away from it, such processes often lead in unexpected directions. Than Shwe might know that his policies are misguided and ineffective, but as Ne Win’s fate proved, “It was like having caught hold of a tiger’s tail… there was nothing else to do but hang on to it.”

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

COMMENTARY

No Turning Back By AUNG ZAW

Thursday, August 27, 2009

It’s no secret that the regime in Burma wants to repair its frosty relationship with America. It would especially like to see the lifting of US sanctions, which have an impact not only on the general population, but are also hampering the junta leaders’ ambition to build a modern armed forces. Historically, there is little reason for the two countries to regard each other as enemies. Despite the US-backed occupation of northern Shan State by the Chinese Kuomintang in the 1950s, Burmese military commanders have never felt the same hostility toward the US that they reserve for Burma’s former colonial masters, the British. Burma’s current rulers have not forgotten that their predecessor, Gen Ne Win, was a guest in the White House just a few years after seizing power. At the time, the US was keen to get a foothold in a country on China’s doorstep. Ironically, when Ne Win killed unarmed students in 1970s, it was Beijing, not Washington, that expressed outrage. Fearing Communist China’s growing influence in the region, the US had no qualms about forming close military ties with Burma. For decades, top officers in the Burmese armed forces attended West Point and the Command and General Staff College, while key members of Burma’s most feared spy agency were trained by the CIA. Washington was also generous with its military hardware. Until the late 1980s, Burma’s army and air force employed US jet fighters, helicopters and M-16 assault ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif rifles. Bell helicopters supplied by the US to help Burma wage a war on drugs were also used in operations against ethnic insurgents. And when Burmese riot police fired on students in 1988, they were armed with American-made M-16s. But it was at this point that US-Burma relations rapidly deteriorated. After decades of ignoring Burma’s poor human rights record and political repression, Washington suddenly became a staunch champion of the country’s brutally suppressed prodemocracy movement and an outspoken critic of the junta that seized power in 1988. Now, after two decades of treating Burma’s rulers like pariahs, Washington is reviewing its policy toward the country as part of President Barack Obama’s new, less confrontational approach to dealing with the world’s dictators. Even as he tells “those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent” that they are “on the wrong side of history,” Obama says that he is ready to offer his hand to those who are “willing to unclench their fist.” The Burmese generals were quick to read this as a sign that the US was likely to soften its stance toward them, and were only too happy to share Obama’s conciliatory message with the people of Burma in state-run media—except for the part about the need for dictators to “unclench their fist” if they want to enjoy better relations with the US, which was deemed too “sensitive” by the junta’s censors. In August, the generals finally got their chance to show the world that they, too, were ready to extend their hand in friendship. The highly publicized visit of US Sen Jim Webb was lauded in the state-run press as “a success for both sides as well as the first step to promotion of the relations between the two countries.” A commentary in The New Light of Myanmar, a regime mouthpiece, noted that Webb did not act like a typical “neocolonialist” or “loud-mouthed bully.” However, it cautiously added that Webb’s visit was just “the first step toward marching to a 1,000-mile destination.” ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif What was most remarkable about this encounter was how starkly Webb’s reception contrasted with that of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who traveled to Naypyidaw in June but was denied a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi. The difference signaled the junta’s eagerness to cut a deal with Washington. The immediate outcome of Webb’s visit was the release of John Yettaw, the American who had been sentenced to seven years in prison for illegally entering Suu Kyi’s residential compound in May. Meanwhile, Suu Kyi and her two live-in aides are now serving a further 18 months under house arrest because of Yettaw’s actions. To the junta’s way of thinking, all of this makes perfectly good sense. Just as Suu Kyi’s trial and conviction were obviously politically motivated, Yettaw’s release was clearly a political gambit intended to improve the regime’s chances of repairing ties with the US. But the regime is going to have to go a lot further if it expects the Obama administration to meet it halfway. Following Webb’s visit, the White House issued a statement welcoming the junta’s gesture, but also urging “the Burmese leadership in this spirit to release all the political prisoners it is holding in detention or in house arrest, including Aung San Suu Kyi.” Clearly, then, Webb’s visit was not the breakthrough that he and other champions of engagement with the regime hoped it would be. If Burma’s rulers think they can simply return to the “good old days” when Washington didn’t care how dictators behaved, as long as they were friendly to America’s interests, they are mistaken. Until it makes real changes in its behavior, the junta’s dream of rapprochement with the US will remain a “1,000-mile destination.” [This article appears in September issue of The Irrawaddy.]

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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EDITORIAL

Impotent China Saturday, August 29, 2009

The increased tension and fighting between Burmese troops and ethnic armies along the Sino-Burmese border has sent thousands of refugees fleeing to China. This has prompted Chinese foreign ministry officials to express hope that Burma can “properly deal with its domestic issue to safeguard the regional stability of its bordering area with China.” Authorities in the southeastern Chinese province of Yunnan say some 10,000 people have already fled across the border from Burma in recent days due to the recent clashes. Most are Burmese-born Chinese and Chinese nationals living along the border. Over the past few months, Beijing has been engaging in quiet diplomacy with Naypyidaw to urge the Burmese junta to solve the ethnic issue along the border in a peaceful way. When Gen Maung Aye visited Beijing in June, Chinese leaders again requested him not to use force against ethnic ceasefire groups and to maintain stability there. Burmese leaders are also reportedly unhappy, as Chinese continue to support ethnic groups along the border. Many Burmese military leaders harbor anti-China sentiments, as China has in the past heavily backed ethnic armies and the now defunct Communist Party of Burma (CPB). The Wa and Chinese from the Kokang region were former members of the CPB. However, it seems the Burmese leaders did not listen to China’s advice. Instead, the ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif regime went ahead with plans to press the ethnic groups near the border to disarm and form border guard forces. The regime aims to complete this transformation before elections are held next year. The current conflict has been 20 years in the making. It is a direct result of the regime’s refusal to grant the ethnic ceasefire groups the self-determination they seek within the framework of a federal union. The greatest irony of this situation is that China, a major arms supplier and staunch ally of the repressive regime for the past two decades, has proven to be impotent in its efforts to persuade the junta leaders to find a political solution to this issue. China has consistently backed the regime at the UN Security Council, exercising its veto power to block resolutions condemning the regime for its brutal repression of dissent, arguing that these actions do not represent a threat to international security. In early August, Chinese foreign ministry officials even defended the regime’s decision to sentence detained Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi to a further 18 months under house arrest, saying that the international community must respect Burma’s judicial sovereignty. After decades of defending the junta, China’s leaders are learning the hard way that the Burmese junta’s sole concern is its own self-preservation. It cares as little about what Beijing wants as it does about the democratic aspirations of Burma’s people. Like it or not, Beijing’s approach to Burma—and its status as an emerging superpower—is being put to the test. Unless it can find a way to rein in the generals, China risks not only instability along its border with Burma, but also appearing to be powerless to defend its own interests.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Flow of Burmese Refugees into China Dropping By NG HAN GUAN / AP WRITER

Monday, August 31, 2009

NANSAN, China — The number of refugees crossing into China to escape fighting in Burma fell to a trickle Monday as government forces appeared to have defeated an ethnic militia. Hundreds of rebels from the largely ethnic Chinese Kokang region have already fled clashes in northeastern Burma, surrendering their weapons and uniforms to Chinese border police and crossing to safety after several days of skirmishes. Burma's military junta said three days of fighting had killed 26 governmen Refugees from the Kokang region in Burma's Shan State rest at a temporary shelter at the border town of Nansan, China's Yunnan province. (Photo: Reuters)

t soldiers and at least eight

rebels. It said the fighting had ended and "the region has now regained stability." The United Nations and Chinese officials say more than 30,000 civilian refugees have streamed into China to escape the fighting, which broke out last week after ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif hundreds of Burmese soldiers moved into Kokang, a region run by a local militia. Burma is trying to consolidate control over several armed ethnic groups along its borders to ensure smooth conditions for next year's national elections, the first in nearly 20 years. Several groups are resisting pressure to join with the military to become border guards ahead of the elections. There was no way to independently verify the refugee figures, and AP reporters were barred access to refugee camps, where small groups of two or three refugees continued to arrive on Monday morning, a sharp drop from the large numbers who entered over the weekend. A factory manager in the Chinese border town of Nansan said Monday the number of people crossing the border had dropped to almost zero, and no shooting in the area had been heard since about 2:30 p.m. On Saturday. "It's all calm now," said the man, who gave only his surname, Li. Local government officials and police refused to comment. The clashes and the flow of refugees have strained Injured Kokang soldiers receive medical treatment in a hospital at the border town of Nansan, China's Yunnan province. (Photo: Reuter)

Beijing's close relations

with Burma's military junta, prompting a rare demand last week from China's Foreign Ministry for Burma to end the fighting and protect the interests of Chinese ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif citizens in the area. China's official Xinhua News Agency said Burma had apologized for the death of one Chinese national from three artillery shells fired into Chinese territory. That followed China's issuing of a "stern representation" over the matter, Xinhua said. The agency quoted local police chief Meng Sutie as saying 37,000 people, both Burmese and Chinese, had fled into China since the fighting broke out. The crisis comes amid an all-out push by China to ensure stability ahead of October 1 celebrations to mark 60 years of communist rule. China borders a number of volatile states, including Pakistan and North Korea, and the country's leaders have struggled to maintain order within the country, particularly in Tibet and Xinjiang, where ethnic minorities have chafed against rule from Beijing. Burma's conflict area is on the fringe of the drug-producing Golden Triangle region where Burma, Thailand and Laos meet. Many of the ethnic armies there have used the trade in heroin and amphetamines to finance their operations, with much of their product smuggled into China. Burma, also known as Myanmar, is the second largest exporter of heroin after Afghanistan.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

The fall of Kokang raises questions MONDAY, 31 AUGUST 2009 14:01 S.H.A.N. After three days of heavy fighting, 27-29 August, the bulk of the antiNaypyitaw Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), the name given to their armed force by the Kokang, moved yesterday into China where they were disarmed by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The biggest question raised by the fall of Qingsuihe (Chinshwehaw), opposite Namteuk (Namtit), where the Kokang’s strongest ally United Wa State Army (UWSA)’s 318th Division is headquartered, may be: What were the Wa doing when the Kokang were being attacked at Qingsuihe? ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Peng Jiasheng

At first, both the Wa and other sources reported that at least 500 UWSA fighters had been deployed to assist the embattled Kokang. However, on the 29 August evening, the Wa source told SHAN Qingsuihe had fallen, as the UWSA had decided only to make a stand along the Namting that forms as a boundary between Wa and Kokang territories in order to prevent any spillovers from the fighters. What happened to the ‘all for one and one for all’ agreement reached earlier among the Wa, Kokang and Mongla? SHAN asked. But Panghsang has yet to answer the question, which has naturally prompted more questions: • How strong is the Peace and Democracy Front (PDF), now that it has done practically nothing against the Burma Army’s attack on Kokang? • Now that the UWSA has allowed Kokang its northern ally to go, is it ready to let go other allies, namely the Shan State Army (SSA) ‘North’ in the west and Mongla aka National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA) too? • Does it think the UWSA will be able to make a lone stand against the Burma Army, after its allies have gone? • What was China’s role in the Kokang debacle? Has the UWSA been advised that the Burma Army will not be allowed to make further attacks against it and its allies? Kokang’s deposed leader Peng Jiasheng has also voiced similar doubts in his special statement issued late in the evening of 28 August, a day before Qingsuihe’s fall: • We have vowed that we would together overthrow the common enemy, the ruling military dictatorship clique: I request that we put our vow into practice starting today. • If the Kokang force has been swallowed, the other allies armed forces will also be swallowed not long after. We therefore request you to counterattack the SPDC forces starting today. Another big question arose when a report by a usually reliable source said that the mutiny in early August against Kokang’s supreme leader Peng Jiasheng was masterminded by a Liu Guoxi, a disgruntled member of the Kokang leadership, in cooperation with the deputy police of Burma. With details lacking, SHAN as yet has no way to confirm the report, though Liu has been known in the past to be a colleague of Mong Hsala, the leader of now defunct Mongkoe Defense Army (MDA). MDA went into oblivion and its top leaders either jailed or executed in 2000 by the Burma Army during a mutiny against Mong Hsala. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Granted that the report is true, questions arise: • Are there more Liu Quoxis among the ranks of the UWSA and its allied armies? • Is the Burma Army in cahoots with them? • Wei Xuegang, Commander of the UWSA’s Thai-border based 171st Military Region, is said to be close to Prime Minister Thein Sein. How close are they? At present, the questions are hard to answer. But investigations by the media and concerned agencies in the next few weeks will find whether the ideal goal of forming a grand alliance against the hated military regime is too late or can still be a dream come true

Hard to be innocent in Burma WEDNESDAY, 25 JUNE 2008 16:30 SHAN HERALD

"The government is bankrupt and the generals have all the money," reported Mizzima News, on 25 April, quoting a member of an International NGO in Rangoon. Earlier, on 15 January, SF Chronicle quoted Xavier Bouan, UN illicit crop monitor based in Rangoon, "Everybody is involved in this trade in one way or the other. Insurgents, militia, government, ceasefire groups; for all of them, in a region where the economy is slowing down, it's one of the only ways to survive and get cash." Reading carefully between the lines, nothing is more revealing than the above two quotes, when it comes to drugs, because that is what is actually taking place at the ground level, whatever happens in Rangoon with all the spectacular arrests of celebrities connected to the generals since the end of May. Ordered to live off the land since 1996, army units in Shan State have been trying as best they can "to survive and get cash." Infantry Battalion 246, based in Kunhing, notorious for killing at least 150 people including a monk who was tied up in a sack and drowned during the infamous 1996-1998 forced relocation campaigns, is a perfect example. In February, a 20-plus strong unit commanded by Lt Tin Aye (real name withheld on request) was assigned a security mission at the village of Nam Oi, 3 miles west of Kunhing on the road to Namzang. It was at the end of the season's opium harvest and the farmers were picking the dry poppy pods to be used as seeds for the next season. "The soldiers not only came to help us ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif pick the seed pods," said one of the Shan farmers there, "they even warned us that the fields were too near the motor road and we should move them away from it next time." IB 246 and its sister unit Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 524 lived by taxing on the farmers: 10-30% of the harvest depending on the size of each field. Last December, SHAN interviewed villagers coming from Kehsi Township, Loilem district. One of them gave SHAN the following account: Earlier in 2007, villagers were attending a meeting called by IB287 based in Wanzing to receive directives for the plantation of physic nuts, one of the Senior General's bees in the bonnet, when the commander asked, "Do you grow poppies? If you don't, what are you going to eat? Only if you have enough to eat, we (soldiers) can also eat." Top growers in the area are Lahu, who arrived from the North following the forced relocations. "Then we have Palaung, Lisu and us Shans. We also saw a number of soldiers tending their own fields," said a villager. Life certainly is harsh even for the junta personnel especially for those at the lower rungs of the strata. Last September, six policemen from Homong, Mawkmai township, opposite Maehongson, deserted with two pistols and two walkie-talkies and the newly arrived head of the station was ordered to pay for the losses, priced at Kyat 1.2 million ($880) or the equivalent of Senior General Than Shwe's monthly pay. The princely sum was eventually taken care of by Col Maha Ja, head of the local militia and for whom Thailand has issued an arrest warrant on drug charges. The said officer has been in his debt since. "What could he do?", asked a militia member rhetorically. "His monthly pay is just enough to buy two Hsins (sarong) for his wife." Maha Ja's Shan State South (SSS) company trucks are reportedly never searched by the local Burmese authorities. Understandably, the annual poppy lashing campaigns launched by the junta were carried out "only to put on official record," according to a pro-junta militia leader in Mongton township, opposite Chiangmai. "But be careful no Wa fighters are on the destruction teams. These guys don't just thrash the plants like us and the soldiers. They like to pull out the plants from the earth, roots and all." Likewise, some seizures which really deserve screaming headlines just went by without an audible sound. Between 4-8 November 2007, a combined force led by police officer Ye Naing came across a heroin refinery located in a gully near the village of Htitan in ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Hsihseng township, 57 miles south of the state capital Taunggyi. The total haul was estimated to be K2.5 billion ($2million). The refinery was reportedly owned by Khun Chit Maung, former leader of the ceasefire Shan State Nationalities Peoples Liberation Organization (SNPLO), "who had been paying Kyat 5 million ($4,000) per month to the Eastern Region Command and Kyat 3 million ($2,400) to each of the light infantry battalions stationed in the area, LIB 425 and LIB 426," according to a local source, who had proved to be reliable in the past. It was not the only case worth mentioning. The year 2007 also saw other cases which were as much exciting if not more: 

On 22-28 January 2007, authorities seized 20 kg of heroin, 50 kg of raw opium, 1 million pills of methamphetamine, 2 million yuan, $38,400 and Kyat 50 million from the Panhsay militia in Namkham township. But its leader Kyaw Myint aka Li Yongqiang, who is said to be close to the regional commander, remains untouched.



On 27 May, 5 officials who had detained Yaw Chang Wa (Yaw Chang Hpa), an officer in the ceasefire Kachin Defence Army on drug charges, were ambushed and killed. But the group remains scot free.



On 18 September, a joint patrol of LIB 553 and LIB 554 waved down a four wheel drive vehicle between Punako and Mongtoom, Monghsat Township, opposite Chiangrai. It found one slab of heroin (350gm, two slabs make one block, called jin in Chinese), which they were said to have brought as a sample to a prospective customer. The 5 militiamen on the truck were detained but were released on 5 October, when the group's leader Ja Ngoi returned and met the authorities concerned.

"The only damage caused by the incident was the removal of the refinery to a new location," said an informed businessman from Tachilek. "It is just one and a half miles north of Hpak Ha village, which is guarded by LIB 553. It therefore seems inconceivable the Burma Army knows nothing about it." It appears that the longer the generals so needlessly continue expanding their armed forces, the drug problem is here to stay.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Monghsu Gemland: Predators and preys WEDNESDAY, 22 JULY 2009 10:49 HSENG KHIO FAH Since it became famous as the gemland, Monghsu, one of the most simple and peaceful town surrounded by creeks, valleys and mountains, also became vulnerable to predators. Years before gems were discovered, Monghsu, 189 miles northeast of Shan State capital Taunggyi, people lived their lives by farming and doing agriculture. They had a clean and cool creek called Nam Nga flowing silently through the town, serving people’s lives in many ways such as providing clean drinking water, agricultural use, watering plants and fields as most of the people were farmers and peasants. They lived their lives very simple. There were no greediness, craftiness, thieves, robbers and drug addicts, recalled a local 61 year old man. “Most people in the township were happy as farmers. Day after day, we worked in our own job. Some worked in their farms from morning to evening,” a young resident Kaw Kaw wrote in “Candles in the Dark,” a book published by Noble nominates Charm Tong’s School for Shan State Nationalities Youth (SSSNY). The creek was mostly crowded in the morning and evening when people were busy fetching up drinking water, taking baths, women washing clothes, children swimming and playing in the stream. But now it has turned dirty, and worse, no one can use it any longer, not even for drinking or washing. Discovery of the gemland View of Gemland Monghsu

On 21 February 1989, a huge fire broke out in Monghsu and destroyed all houses around the town. “We had to seek refuge in the jungle as all houses were destroyed. We had no food, no clothes and no shelter,” Kaw Kaw recalled. Both the rich and the poor had lost all their worldly assets. In order to relieve their sufferings some went out to search for food while others went out to search for gems hoping luck would come. Villagers got plenty of them, but the problem was they didn’t know the value and the quality of what they got. Most gems were found on a mountain, Loi Hseng, where ethnic Palaungs live, some 2 hours walk from the town. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif They exchanged some of the gems for food, others as presents to visitors, some of whom bought them at cheap prices. They thought at that time that real gems could only be found in Mogok area. “People did not take seriously to the names of our villages given wisely by their ancestors like Nammaw Hseng (Well of Gems), southeast of the town, Ho Hseng (Head of Gems) and Kawng Hseng (Gem Hill),” said the old man, remembering the words of a Shan gem digger from Pailin, Cambodia, in 1979: “If your village name contains the word gem, it is almost certain gems are there around.” In 1991, thousands of outsiders started to move into the area to start mining. Most were Mogok teak traders Aung Thein and Yaw Zet’s men. People kept coming to the area until the number of outsiders exceeded the local population two to three times. Before, the total population of the township was just over 42,000. “Our town became crowded after the gem information leaked out,” the old man said, “It was because of Captain Myint Hlaing (now Maj-Gen Myint Hlaing, chief of air defense) who had taken the gems he had seized from the villagers to Mogok for test.” The local villagers found the way to live their lives easier by hiring their lands to outsiders. Some started to trade and open shops and restaurants on the mountain. Meanwhile, outsiders were instructed to apply for temporary permit cards four times a year from the regional commander Maung Bo. There were over 200,000 outsiders above 18 years old holding the cards. “It was just the number on the mountain, not including those staying in the town,” he commented. From bad to worse In 1992, all the mining areas were controlled by the local Burmese authorities. Hundreds of acres of lands were confiscated. Companies or groups that wanted access to mines must apply for concession from the local authorities. By and by, huge investors and armed organizations that had concluded ceasefire agreements with the Burma Army like the Shan State Army, Kokang, Wa, Mongla, Pa-O, Palaung and Kachin Defense Army (KDA) were swarming all over the place. Among those were Chinese businessmen. People who could not afford huge amounts of investments or those who did not belong to an armed group had to work as manual laborers. “The areas eventually fell into the hands of the Burmese military and big businessmen. Before that, it was a first come, first serve system,” the old man said. Owing to the diversity of rival armed groups in the area, and cut-throat competition, lives were dangerous, and arms were also in high demand. No mine-owners or traders wanted to declare their earnings officially. People carried huge amounts of cash instead and accordingly needed arms to protect themselves, according to a SHAN report in September 1994. “Both the military side and armed groups bought weapons from the proceeds,” Kaw ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Kaw said. The number of companies there were over 50, at least 600 to 5,000 laborers working in each. As the population increased, many kinds of side-industries, such as trade in opium and heroin, gambling and prostitution flourished. The spread of AIDS become rampant, as a result. The area also became a dangerous zone as people kept digging deeper and deeper. On 3 July 2005, thousands of people especially workers died of landslide after heavy rain poured down and led to the collapse of a number of excavations. At least 3 of the pits, #270, #298 and #325, each more than 100ft deep, had given way to the downpour. “There were at least 2,000-3,000 laborers working underground,” commented the old man. “But official report put the number of deaths at only a hundred plus.” At present, businessmen had stopped their jobs and investments there as most gems seem to have gone. On the other hand, gems had become unmarketable as western countries stopped buying jewelry from Burma. Only about 30 % of demands remain. There remain only some 30,000 people both from the mountain and the town and about 10 companies as their contracts have yet to expire. “Another reason is there is a need for more investments as commodity prices are getting expensive like even a piece of bamboo is now Kyat 2,000($ 1.8). Before it was just only Kyat 500($ 0.45),” the old man added. Last year, there were over 4,000 workers who went jobless. But they were supported one Pyi (3.3 liters) of rice with Kyat 1,500($ 1.4) for each man and Kyat 1,000 ($ 0.90 ) with one Pyi (3.3 liters) of rice for each woman by U Aung Ko Win, a businessman close to the junta’s #2 man Gen Maung Aye. “He had to retain them as his contract would automatically expire if he could show no proof that he’s still working there,” he said. Now jobs are scarce not only for the outsiders but also for the locals as they have nothing left to do when their farms and lands were destroyed by gem diggers. Holes were left behind and the soil became dry as trees were cut down for use in the gem mines during the booming years. Their environment also becomes barren. The creek which they used to depend on became useless because of all unclean things like rotten dead bodies and chemical things that were thrown into it. In the end, there is little to show that the gem discovery has improved the lives or the locals. The latest news is that most of the area would be from now on controlled by the Chinese companies. “The gems are still there,” the old man concluded. “As it goes deeper, the quality is found to be even better.” ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Myanmar refugees begin warily returning from China By Chris Buckley Reuters Monday, August 31, 2009 3:39 AM

NANSAN, China (Reuters) - Refugees who fled to China from armed clashes in northeast Myanmar began going back on Monday, overcoming worries about safety to return to shops and homes they feared would be looted. By Monday, Myanmar troops appeared to have won control of Kokang, a heavily ethnic Chinese enclave controlled by local rulers and their militia, after weeks of fighting that forced tens of thousands of residents to flee to neighboring China. The Myanmar government said on Sunday the situation had returned to normal, adding that 26 government troops or police had been killed and 47 wounded. Eight members of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, which has been fighting government troops, were killed, it said. The conflict was triggered after Myanmar deployed troops in the area to disarm insurgents. Myanmar wants ethnic groups to take part in an election next year, the first in two decades. Activists and observers say the junta sent in its soldiers because it is trying to forcibly recruit rebel fighters for an army-run border patrol force. The Chinese government has fed and sheltered 13,000 of the 37,000 refugees in Nansan and other towns near the border, according to provincial figures, but it has shown no eagerness to host them for long. By early afternoon, growing numbers of Kokang residents felt safe enough to begin returning to their homes, with hundreds pressing to get past border checks. Trucks and buses crowded with returning residents unloaded them at the border crossing in Nansan, while others came on foot, carrying blankets. "Of course I'm scared (to go back), but there's no choice," said Liu Shurong, one of the refugees about to return to Kokang.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "If you don't go back to guard your shop, it will be looted. Many of my neighbors have lost all their belongings." WAITING IT OUT But most of the Kokang refugees appeared determined to wait for a few more days before deciding whether to return there. "People's will want to go back some time, but we can't count out more trouble," said Huang Yuliang, a businessman from Kokang who said he would wait before deciding whether to go back. "We invested so much, but now it's all gone," he said. China is one of Myanmar's few diplomatic backers and has deflected pressure from Western governments over the military government's tough steps against prodemocracy campaigners. Keeping large numbers of the refugees, who include fleeing members of the defeated Kokang militia, could rile Myanmar. Many of the refugees, hunkered down in blue tents, said they felt torn between a desire to return to family, businesses and homes and fear of ill-treatment by Myanmar government troops. "Many of us are poor, so we can't afford to leave home for too long, otherwise we might lose everything," said Zhou Er, a native of Kokang who had fled to Nansan. "But if we go back we need to be sure that there won't be any more fighting or attacks on us. I don't trust the Myanmar army." Forcing back refugees -- most of them ethnic Chinese who speak Mandarin -- could stoke anger and even protests, said Yao Fu, a Chinese national who said he has run a medical clinic in Kokang for 10 years. "Many of us are disappointed that the Chinese government didn't do more to protect us when the fighting broke out," said Yao, strolling near the border gate in Nansan. "If they make us go back before our safety is assured, people will be very angry again ... We don't trust the Myanmar army." BUFFER ZONE ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Kokang has long served as a freewheeling buffer zone between China and Myanmar, and drug trafficking and gambling underpin the enclave's economy. At the border crossing, Chinese guards were allowing Myanmar citizens to cross back, but barring Chinese citizens unless they held special passes. Some refugees said they would welcome an end to the militias that have long controlled Kokang. But most said the Myanmar army would be an alien and untrusted presence in their homeland. "The Myanmar Army aren't people; they're like the Japanese army," said one Kokang resident, Zhang Hui. In World War Two, this part of Asia endured a brutal invasion by Japan. His loud words drew cheers of agreement from other Kokang residents around him. "The Myanmar troops steal, trash, loot and shoot," continued Zhang. "Kokang was run by (ethnic) Chinese, but now it's under their control." (Additional reporting by Royston Chan in Nansan and Huang Yan in Beijing; Editing by Alex Richardson)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif August 31, 2009

Myanmar Army Routs Ethnic Chinese Rebels in the North By THOMAS FULLER http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/31/world/asia/31ihtmyanmar.html?_r=1&hp=&pagewanted=print BANGKOK — The Myanmar military has overwhelmed rebels from an ethnic Chinese minority in the northern reaches of the country, the junta’s second victory over armed opponents in three months. The routing over the weekend of the forces of the small, Chinese-speaking Kokang ethnic group gives Myanmar’s governing generals momentum in their campaign to quell armed opposition before elections and the adoption of a new Constitution next year. Several well-armed groups, notably the Wa and Kachin, still stand in the way of the junta’s goal of complete control over the country. But a recently announced agreement of solidarity among the rebel groups, which had the potential to slow the central government’s advance against the Kokang, may be fraying. The Myanmar government’s strategy, analysts say, appears to be to challenge the groups one by one and to try to capitalize on the many factions within each group. In June, the military defeated ethnic Karen insurgents along the border with Thailand, aided by a local militia of Karen Buddhists who led an attack on forces that were largely made up of Karen Christians. To defeat the Kokang, the small ethnic group in the north, the junta allied itself with a defector and chased out troops loyal to the Kokang’s chairman, Peng Jiasheng. A force of 2,000 Wa soldiers had initially come to the assistance of the Kokang, but they retreated Friday, according to Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former rebel based on the Chinese side of the border. This appeared to undercut a mutual-assistance agreement that the rebel groups reached several weeks ago. Late on Sunday, Myanmar’s official media broke their silence on the fighting with a television broadcast announcing that clashes had ended and providing what appeared to be a preliminary death toll of 26 members of government security forces ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif and 8 Kokang militiamen, The Associated Press reported. “The region has now regained peace,” the official announcement said. Chinese state media said that two Chinese citizens had also been killed in the fighting.

A refugee camp in Nansan, China. Fighting in the northern reaches of Myanmar has caused thousands to flee the country News services reported from southern China that Kokang forces were continuing to flee across the border into China on Sunday on the heels of what United Nations and Chinese officials estimated were as many as 30,000 civilian refugees. Nearly half the estimated 1,500 members of the Kokang militia have crossed the border and handed their weapons to the Chinese authorities, according to Mr. Aung Kyaw Zaw. The central government’s assaults on the Kokang, which began last week, have put other ethnic groups on alert, according to Brang Lai, a local official in the Kachin headquarters in Laiza, along the Chinese border. “People are very concerned,” Mr. Brang Lai said in a telephone interview. On the Chinese side of Laiza, residents have put Chinese flags on their roofs in the hope that they will be able to avoid any additional fighting. Officers from the Myanmar ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif military’s Northern Division were in Laiza over the weekend to call for calm, Mr. Brang Lai said.

The New York Times

Fighting has occurred in the border town of Laiza.

Followers of Mr. Peng, the Kokang’s chairman, were spotted by reporters on the Chinese side of the border buying civilian clothes to replace their militia uniforms. “There was no way we would win,” Ri Chenchuan, a Kokang rebel, said as he shopped for new clothes, The A.P. reported. The Myanmar government has signed more than a dozen cease-fire agreements with ethnic groups over the past two decades, but the fighting with the Kokang raised questions about the military’s intentions. Aung Din, executive director of the United States Campaign for Burma, an advocacy group that opposes the junta, said the generals apparently had adopted a more aggressive posture, partly influenced by the Sri Lankan government’s military victory over Tamil rebels in May.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Sri Lanka’s president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, met with Myanmar’s generals in June in what was his first overseas trip after the defeat of the Tamil Tigers. The visit might have inspired Myanmar’s senior general, Than Shwe, who has spent much of his military career battling ethnic groups, Mr. Aung Din said. “It was an encouragement to the regime to do away with the insurgency once and for all,” Mr. Aung Din said. “Their thinking has changed.” The motives and strategies of Myanmar’s leaders have long been difficult to divine. General Than Shwe is a very secretive man and the state-run media are highly selective in their reporting. The report on Sunday evening was the first time they had mentioned the campaign against the Kokang. The fighting appears to have strained Myanmar’s relations with China, especially since the Kokang are ethnically Chinese. The Chinese Foreign Ministry warned Myanmar on Friday to “properly handle domestic problems and maintain stability in the China-Myanmar border region.” Analysts said that the Chinese government had asked Myanmar’s generals to refrain from initiating military campaigns before the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic on Oct. 1. In that light, China could view Myanmar’s campaign as provocative, especially since China is a large investor in Myanmar and plays the role of the junta’s protective big brother in the United Nations and other international forums. Mr. Aung Kyaw Zaw said he suspected that the Myanmar generals wanted to demonstrate their independence to Chinese leaders. Their message, he said, is that “if we want to fight along the border, we can fight.” “This is a political game,” he added.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Myanmar gov't says Kokang region situation returns to normalcy www.chinaview.cn

2009-08-30 23:29:53

YANGON, Aug. 30 (Xinhua) -- The Myanmar government said on Sunday that the situation in Myanmar's Kokang region or Shan State Special Region-1 in the northeastern part of the country has "returned to normalcy". The government announcement, broadcast by the state-run Myanmar Radio and Television, appreciated the special development scored with the cooperation of the Kokang ethnic army after the group returned to the legal fold in 1989. A new "Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee" under the central government has been formed in Laukkai to bring the administration back to normal function, the announcement said. According to the announcement, some border inhabitants, who fled the fightings into neighboring country, have started to return to their homes. An announcement of the committee released the death tolls of the clashes which showed 11 government soldiers and 15 policemen were killed, and 34 soldiers and 13 policemen injured, while eight Kokang ethnic army soldiers died. A total of over 640 big and small arms were seized. The announcement also said the government forces seized an arms factory on Aug. 8 which was found illegally producing and trading arms and ammunition. Kokang borders China's Zhen Kung, Geng Ma, Meng Ding and Long Ling areas, having a population of about 150,000.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ားအေၾကာင္း စစ္အစုိးရ ဖြင့္ခ်ၿပီ မုိးမခအေထာက္ေတာ္ ၀၀၂ ၾသဂုတ္ ၃၁၊ ၂ဝဝ၉ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား

ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲရျခင္းမွာ

နယ္စပ္ရိွ

ရဲတပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္

၃၉

ဦးကုိ

ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔က

ဖမ္္းဆီးရာမွ စတင္ခ့ဲေၾကာင္း၊ ၎တုိ႔ကုိ သြားေရာက္ ကယ္ဆယ္စဥ္ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔က စတင္ ပစ္ခတ္သျဖင့္ ျပန္လည္ ပစ္ခတ္ခ့ဲရျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသားထားသည္။ တုိက္ပဲြမွာ ၃ ရက္ ၾကာခ့ဲသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။ တုိက္ပဲြအတြင္း “တပ္မေတာ္သား က်ဆုံး ၁၁ဦး၊ ဒဏ္ရာရ ၃၄ဦး၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ရဲတပ္ဖဲြ႔မွ က်ဆုံးု ၁၅ ဦး၊ ဒဏ္ရာရ ၁၃ဦး၊ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ကို သစၥာခံေသာ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ားမွ အေလာင္းရွစ္ေလာင္း” ကုိ ေတြ႔ရသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။

အထူးေဒသ (၁) ကုိ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ ကုိးကန္႔အဖဲြ႔က အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ့ဲေသာ္လည္း

ယခုအခါ ယာယီဦးစီးေကာ္မတီ အသစ္ ဖဲြ႔စည္းထားသည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲေသာ တုိက္ပဲြေၾကာင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၄ ဦးကုိ အျပစ္ပုံခ်ထားၿပီး တုိက္ပဲြတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခ့ဲသည့္ တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ားအားလုံးကုိ အေရးယူမည္မဟုတ္ဟု ေၾကညာလုိက္သည္။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၄ ဦးမွာ “ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၊ ဦးဖုန္ၾကာဖူး၊ ဦးဖုန္တာရႊင္ ႏွင့္ ဦးဖုန္တာလီ” တုိ႔ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။

တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ားအား

“ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕ရိွ

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ

ယာယီ

ဦးစီး

ေကာ္မတီသုိ႔

ဆက္သြယ္ ၀င္ေရာက္ၾကရန္” ဟု စစ္အစုိးရက ေၾကညာထားသည္။ ယာယီဦးစီးေကာ္မတီ အသစ္ ကလည္း ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားရာ သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသရိွ လက္နက္ခဲယမ္း ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရာင္းခ်ေသာ စက္ရုံကုိ အစုိးရက ၀င္ေရာက္

သိမ္းပုိက္ခ့ဲေၾကာင္း၊

ထုိျဖစ္ရပ္ႏွင့္

ပတ္သက္ၿပီး

“ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအတြင္းတြင္

အျမင္မတူဘဲ သေဘာထား ကြဲလြဲမႈမ်ား” ျဖစ္ေပၚခ့ဲေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဘက္မွ လည္းေကာင္း၊ ကုိးကန္႔အဖဲြ႔၏ မဟာမိတ္ တုိင္းရင္းသားအဖဲြ႔မ်ား ထံမွ လည္းေကာင္း တစုံတရာ သေဘာထား ထုတ္ျပန္ျခင္း မရိွေသးေပ။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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119

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတုိက္ပဲြ တရုတ္ဘက္မွ တဦး ေသဆုံး ဓာတ္ပုံသတင္း ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၉၊ ၂၀၀၉ျမန္မာျပည္ ကုိးကန္႔ ေဒသမွ ထြက္ေျပးလာေသာ အရပ္သားတခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္တြင္ ယေန႔ ေတြ႔ရသည့္ ျမင္ကြင္း။ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖဲြ႔တုိ႔ အၾကား ပစ္ခတ္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ထြက္ေျပးလာသူေပါင္း သုံးေသာင္းအထိ

ရိွသည္ဟု ကုလသမဂၢသုိ႔ ေရာက္လာသည့္ စာရင္းမ်ားက ဆုိသည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ဗုံးတလုံး က်ေရာက္ ေပါက္ကဲြသျဖင့္ ၁ ဦး ေသဆုံးၿပီး ဒဏ္ရာရသူမ်ားလည္း ရိွသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံက လာမည့္ ၄ ပတ္အၾကာတြင္ က်ေရာက္မည့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အႏွစ္ ၆၀ ျပည့္ အခမ္းအနားအတြက္ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ျပင္ဆင္လ်က္ရိွသည္။ ဤတုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ားက အခမ္းအနားကာလအတြင္း တည္ၿငိမ္မႈကုိ လုိလားသည့္ တရုတ္အစုိးရကုိ ထိခုိက္ေစႏုိင္သည္ဟု တရုတ္ျပည္မွ လာသည့္ သတင္းမ်ားက ဆုိသည္။ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈ ကာလအတြင္း လူနာ ၂၅ ဦး

ေရာက္လာေၾကာင္း၊ အမ်ားစုမွာ ကုိးကန္႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း Zhenkang အရပ္ရိွ ေဆးရုံမွ ဆရာ၀န္တဦးက AP သတင္ဌာနကုိ ေျပာသည္။( ဓာတ္ပုံ - AP )

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

120

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကိုးကန္ႛနဲႛ နအဖ စစ္တပ္အဳကား တိုက္ပၾဲ အရႀိန္သတ္၊ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ လံုဴခံႂေရး တင္းကဵပ္ ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံ အေရႀႚေဴမာက္ပိုင္း တ႟ုတ္နယ္စပ္နဲႛ ကပ္ေနတဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ ဴမန္မာ နအဖ အစိုးရ စစ္တပ္နဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ေတၾ အဳကား တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾဟာ ဒီကေနႛမႀာေတာ့ ႓ငိမ္သက္ေနပၝတယ္။ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရရဲႚ ဒီကေနႛ တီဗီၾ သတင္း အစီအစဥ္ကေန၊ နအဖ စစ္တပ္နဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛ တပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾ အဳကား ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့တဲ့ တုိက္ပၾဲေတၾ ႓ပီးဆံုးသၾား႓ပီ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း၊ ဒီတိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ အတၾင္းမႀာ နအဖ စစ္တပ္နဲႛ ရဲဘက္မႀ ၂၆ ဦး ကဵဆံုးကာ ၄၇ ဦး ဒဏ္ရာ ရခဲ့႓ပီး၊ ကိုးကန္ႛဘက္မႀ အနည္းဆံုး ၈ ဦး ကဵဆံုးကာ နအဖတပ္ေတၾက လက္နက္ ၆၀၀ နီးပၝး သိမ္းဆည္း ရမိခဲ့တယ္လိုႛ ေဳကညာသၾားပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့လည္း နအဖက ထုတ္ဴပန္သၾားတဲ့ ဒီကိန္းဂဏန္းေတၾကို အတည္ဴပႂေပးႎိုင္တဲ့ လၾတ္လပ္တဲ့ သတင္းအရင္းအဴမစ္ တခု တေလမႀ မရႀိဘူးလိုႛလည္း ႎိုင္ငံတကာ သတင္းဌာနေတၾက ဆုိပၝတယ္။

ကိုးကန္ႛနဲႛ နအဖ စစ္တပ္အဳကား တိုက္ပၾဲ အရႀိန္သတ္၊ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ လံုဴခံႂေရး တင္းကဵပ္။

ဗီၾအိုေအနဲႛ အာရ္အက္ဖ္ေအ ၊ ၃၀ ၊ ဳသဂုတ္ ၊ ၂၀၀၉

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

121

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အမ္အဲန္ဒီေအေအ (MNDAA) ကိုးကန္ႛ တပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္ ၇၀၀ ေလာက္ဟာ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဘက္က တာဝန္ရႀိသူေတၾဆီမႀာ လက္နက္အပ္႓ပီး တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံဘက္ကို ထၾက္ေဴပး တိမ္းေရႀာင္ သၾားဳကပၝတယ္။ လက္နက္အပ္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛ စစ္သားေတၾ အတၾက္ တ႟ုတ္စစ္တပ္က ယူနီေဖာင္းလဲဖိုႛ အဴပာေရာင္ အဝတ္အစားေတၾ ထုတ္ေပးခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၆ ရက္ေနႛက စတင္တဲ့ နအဖ စစ္တပ္နဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ေတၾဳကား တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾေဳကာင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛဘက္က ေသာင္းနဲႛခဵီတဲ့ ေဒသခံေတၾ တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံ ယူနန္နယ္က နန္ဆန္႓မိႂႚဘက္ဆီ ထၾက္ေဴပး ခဲ့ဳကပၝတယ္။ ကိုးကန္ႛ ဌာနခဵႂပ္ရႀိရာ ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚ အပၝအဝင္ အထူးေဒသ (၁) ဴမန္မာတပ္ေတၾ ပိုပို႓ပီး ဝင္ေရာက္ လာေနတယ္လိုႛ ေဒသခံေတၾက ေဴပာဳကပၝတယ္။

နယ္ထဲကို

ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မဵား ဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္း႒ကီး႟ံုးရဲႚ အေဴပာအရ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဘက္ကို ထၾက္ေဴပးခဲ့ဳကသူ ေပၝင္းက ၃ ေသာင္းေလာက္အထိ ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္တၾင္းကုိ ေဴပးဝင္လာသူေတၾထဲမႀာ ကုိးကန္ႛ အဖဲၾႚအတၾင္း တာဝန္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ တ႟ုတ္လူမဵႂိးေတၾ ပၝဝင္သလုိ၊ ကုိးကန္ႛ ေဒသအတၾင္း စီးပၾားေရးလုပ္ငန္း လုပ္ကုိင္ေနတဲ့ တ႟ုတ္လူမဵိႂးေတၾ အမဵားအဴပား ပၝဝင္ပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ထဲ ဴပန္ဝင္လာသူ တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံသားေတၾကုိေတာ့ ေနရပ္ ဴပန္ေစတယ္လုိႛ ဆုိပၝတယ္။ ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံဘက္က လာတဲ့ ကုိးကန္ႛနဲႛ တ႟ုတ္ေတၾကုိေတာ့ ဒုကၡသည္အဴဖစ္ သတ္မႀတ္႓ပီး ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံဘက္ ဴပန္ဖုိႛ ယူနန္ အစုိးရက ေဴပာဆုိထားပၝတယ္။ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ စေနေနႛက ဴမန္မာဘက္က ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ လက္နက္႒ကီး ကဵည္ဆံေတၾ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ထဲကို ကဵေရာက္ ေပၝက္ကဲၾခဲ့တဲ့ အတၾက္ တဦး ေသဆံုး႓ပီး အေတာ္မဵားမဵား ဒဏ္ရာ ရရႀိခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္ အစုိးရကေတာ့ ဒီ တုိက္ခုိက္မႁေတၾကုိ ရပ္ဆုိင္းဖုိႛ ဴမန္မာ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရကို တုိက္တၾန္းခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ အခုအခဵိန္ အထိ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္တၾင္းကုိ ဝင္ေရာက္လာတဲ့ ကုိးကန္ႛ တပ္ဖဲၾႚဝင္ေတၾဟာ ၇၀၀ ေကဵာ္ ၈၀၀ ေလာက္ ရႀိသၾား႓ပီလုိ ့သတင္းေတၾမႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပ ေနပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ ကုိးကန္ႛေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္ကေတာ့ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္တၾင္း ဝင္ေရာက္သၾားဴခင္း ရႀိ မရႀိ မသိရေသးပၝဘူး။ ဒီ အေဴခအေနေတၾေပၞမႀာ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက အာရ္အက္ဖ္ေအကို အခုလုိ သုံးသပ္ ေဴပာဆုိပၝတယ္။ "ဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္းေရာ၊ ဖုန္ဳကားဖူးေရာ၊ ဖုန္ေတာင္စၾန္ေရာ ကဵန္းကဵန္းမာမာ ရႀိပၝတယ္။ သူတုိႛကိုယ္တုိင္ကေန ကိုးကန္ႛ အထူးေဒသ (၁) တပ္ဖၾဲႚ႒ကီး မရႀိေတာ့ဘူး ေဴပာမႀသာလ႖င္ အထူးေဒသ တပ္ဖၾဲႚ႒ကီး ရႀိမႀာ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ပၝဘူး။ ကဵန္တဲ့ ကိစၤေတၾကေတာ့ ကဵေနာ္တုိႛလည္း အေသးစိတ္ လုိက္ေဴပာလုိႛ မေကာင္းလုိႛ မေဴပာပၝဘူး။ ဟုတ္တယ္၊ အဓိကကဵတဲ့ တပ္ဖၾဲႚ အမဵားစုကေတာ့ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ထဲကို ဝင္ေရာက္သၾားတယ္။ လက္နက္ေတၾကို တ႟ုတ္ေတၾ အပ္႓ပီးေတာ့ ဒုကၡသည္ေတၾ အဴဖစ္ ခံယူတယ္။ ၁၉၅၀ ပတ္ဝန္းကဵင္ေလာက္က ကခဵင္တပ္က ဗုိလ္႒ကီး ေနာ္ဆုိင္းလည္း ဗမာတပ္က လုိက္တုိက္လုိႛ ဳကႃကုတ္ ပန္ဆုိင္းကေန တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ထဲကို ဝင္သၾားတဲ့ အခၝမႀာ တ႟ုတ္ကို လက္နက္ေတၾ အပ္႓ပီးေတာ့ ဝင္သၾားခဲ့တာပဲ။ ၅၀ ခုႎႀစ္က ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

122

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ဝင္သၾား႓ပီးေတာ့ ၆၇ ခုႎႀစ္မႀာ ဗကပ အေရႀႚေဴမာက္ ဴပန္ဝင္ေရာက္လာတာပဲ။ ဒီလုိ သမုိင္းေဳကာင္းေတၾ ရႀိပၝတယ္။"

တပ္မႀႃး႒ကီးမဵား

အဴဖစ္

ဒၝ့အဴပင္ မေနႛက ညပိုင္းအထိ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ ကိုးကန္ႛ ေဒသအတၾင္း ပစ္ခတ္သံေတၾ ဳကားေနရတုန္းပဲလိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စစ္ေရးနဲႛ ႎိုင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္ ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ ပၝတီဝင္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက ဗီၾအိုေအကို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္မႀာလည္း လံုဴခံႂေရးေတၾ တင္းကဵပ္ထား႓ပီး စီးပၾားေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတၾလည္း ပံုမႀန္ အေဴခအေနမႀာ မရႀိေတာ့ဘူးလိုႛ ဆိုပၝတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆံုး အေဴခအေနေတၾကို သိရေအာင္ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာကို ဗီၾအိုေအက ဆက္သၾယ္ ေမးဴမန္းထားပၝတယ္။

ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာ ခင္ဗဵ။ ကုိးကန္ႛနဲႛ ဴမန္မာ တပ္ဖဲၾႚေတၾ ဳကားမႀာဴဖစ္တဲ့ အေဴခအေနေတၾ တင္းမာမႁေတၾက အခုေနာက္ဆံုး အေဴခအေနမႀာ ဘယ္လို ရႀိပၝသလဲ။

တုိက္ပဲၾ

"မေနႛက ေနႛခင္းပိုင္းေလာက္မႀာ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ တပ္ဖဲၾႚေတၾက သူတုိႛနဲႛ အနီးကပ္ဆံုး စခန္းေတၾကို တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ နယ္စပ္ လံုဴခံႂေရး ရဲေတၾ တာဝန္ယူထားတဲ့ နီးစပ္ရာ ဌာနေတၾကို အဖၾဲႚအစည္း တဖဲၾႚေပၝ့၊ ဝင္ေရာက္ဳကတယ္။ အမဵားစုကေတာ့ လက္နက္ ပၝပၝတယ္။ အနည္းစုက လက္နက္ မပၝပၝဘူး။ အထဲမႀာလည္း အေတာ္အသင့္ ကဵန္ရစ္ခဲ့ေတာ့ မေနႛ ညပိုင္းက တခဵိႂႚေနရာမႀာ ေပဵာက္ကဵား ပစ္ခတ္မႁေတၾ ရႀိပၝတယ္။ ကိုးကန္ႛတေဳကာမႀာ မေနႛညက ၂ နာရီေလာက္မႀာ ၂ ခၝ ၃ ခၝ လက္နက္ငယ္သံေတၾ ဳကားရတယ္။ ၃ နာရီခဲၾ သာသာေလာက္မႀာလည္း ေသနတ္သံ အဴပန္အလႀန္ ပစ္သံ၊ ဒီတေခၝက္ကဵေတာ့ ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဝၞရဲႚ ေတာင္ဘက္ဴခမ္းေလာက္မႀာ ေသနတ္သံ ဴမည္ပၝတယ္။"

ေလာက္ကုိင္႓မိႂႚက ေနာက္ဆံုး အေဴခအေနေရာ ဘယ္လို ရႀိပၝသလဲ ခင္ဗဵ။ "ဗမာတပ္ေတၾ တဖဲၾဖဲၾ ဝင္ေနတာေတာ့ ေတၾႚေနရတယ္။ ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚကေတာ့ ေဒသခံ အရပ္သားေတၾနဲႛ ႓မိႂႚပဵက္႒ကီးလုိ ဴဖစ္ေနပၝတယ္။"

ေနာက္ဆံုး အေဴခအေနအရ နယ္စပ္မႀာ တင္းမာမႁေတၾ ဆက္႓ပီး ရႀိေနဦးမယ္ ဆုိေတာ့ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ရဲႚ လံုဴခံႂေရး အေဴခအေန ဘယ္လုိ ရႀိပၝသလဲ ခင္ဗဵ။ တ႟ုတ္ အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾဘက္က လံုဴခံႂေရး တာဝန္ယူမႁေတၾနဲႛ နယ္စပ္ ထိန္းသိမ္းမႁေတၾ ဘယ္လုိ ရႀိပၝသလဲ ခင္ဗဵ။ "တ႟ုတ္ဘက္က နယ္စပ္ လံုဴခံႂေရးကို ပိုမုိ တင္းတင္းကဵပ္ကဵပ္ လုပ္တာ ေတၾႚရတယ္။ ဒီလုိ တပ္ဖဲၾႚေတၾ ဝင္လာ႓ပီးေနာက္ေပၝ့။ ေနာက္႓ပီး နယ္စပ္ေဒသမႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ ဴမန္မာဘက္က ရႀိတဲ့ လူထုကေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ ေဴခာက္ေဴခာက္ဴခားဴခား ရႀိပၝတယ္။ မူဆယ္႓မိႂႚေတၾ ဘာေတၾမႀာ ဆုိရင္ ညဘက္ ဘယ္သူမႀ မထၾက္ရဲေတာ့ဘူး။ ေခဵာဆဲၾတယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ သတင္းကလည္း အမဵိႂးစံု ထၾက္ပၝတယ္။ ကားေတၾကို ေခဵာဆဲၾဳကတာေပ့ၝ။ လား႟ႁိး႓မိႂႚတင္ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ လား႟ႁိးကေန မူဆည္လမ္းတေလဵာက္ ႓မိႂႚဴပေတၾမႀာ ညဘက္ ဘယ္သူမႀ မထၾက္ဘူး။"

တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စီးပၾားေရး အေဴခအေနကေရာ ဘယ္လုိ ရႀိပၝသလဲ ခင္ဗဵ။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

123

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif "ေနာက္တရက္ ႎႀစ္ရက္မႀာ နည္းနည္း ေလ႖ာ့သၾားရင္ေတာ့ မေဴပာတတ္ဘူး။ ဒီ သံုးေလးရက္မႀာေတာ့ ကား ဘယ္သူမႀ သိပ္ထၾက္ရဲမႀာ မဟုတ္ပၝဘူး။ ဟုိတေနႛက ကုန္သည္ကား တခဵိႂႚက ထၾက္လုိႛ မရဘူး၊ တခဵိႂႚ ထၾက္လုိႛရတဲ့ ကားေတၾလည္း အေခဵာဆဲၾခံရတာ ဴဖစ္တဲ့အတၾက္ နယ္စပ္ စီးပၾားေရးကေတာ့ ကာလ တပိုင္းေတာ့ အေတာ္ ထိခုိက္ သၾားပၝတယ္။"

ကဵေနာ္တုိႛ သတင္းေတၾ တခဵႂိႚမႀာ ေတၾႚတာက ဒီပစ္ခတ္မႁေတၾ ဒီေနႛဆုိရင္ (၄) ရက္ေဴမာက္လာ႓ပီး ပစ္ခတ္မႁေတၾေဳကာင့္ တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံဘက္မႀာ ၁ ေယာက္ ေသတယ္၊ ဒဏ္ရာရတဲ့ သူေတၾလည္း ဒၝဇင္နဲႛခဵီ ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ ဳကားရပၝတယ္ ခင္ဗဵ။ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာဘက္က ထိခုိက္မႁေတၾ၊ ေသဆံုးမႁေတၾနဲႛ ပတ္သက္လုိႛ ဘာေတၾ သိထားပၝသလဲ။ "၂၆ ရက္ေနႛ ညက တုိက္ပဲၾမႀာ ကဵည္ေကဵာ္ကဵလိုႛ ၁ ေယာက္ေသ၊ ၃ ေယာက္ ဒဏ္ရာရပၝတယ္။ ေနာက္ မေနႛက ဗမာစစ္တပ္က အေဴမာက္ေတၾနဲႛ ပစ္တဲ့အခၝမႀာလည္း တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ထဲ ကဵ႓ပီး ထိခုိက္ဒဏ္ရာ ရပၝတယ္။"

ေသတဲ့သူက တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံသားလား၊ ကိုးကန္ႛလား ဘယ္သူပၝလဲ။ "ခဵင္းခန္း ခ႟ုိင္ထဲက သာမန္ အရပ္သားေတၾ ဴဖစ္႓ပီး၊ ေသဆံုးတာေရာ၊ ဒဏ္ရာရတာေရာ အရပ္သား၊ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္သားေတၾ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။"

တ႟ုတ္ စစ္တပ္က နယ္စပ္မႀာ လံုဴခံႂေရး တာဝန္ ယူထား႓ပီလား ခင္ဗဵ။ "တ႟ုတ္စစ္တပ္ထက္ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ အမဵားစု ဴမင္သာထင္သာ ရႀိေနရတာကေတာ့ နန္ဆာ တဝုိက္မႀာ လူ ၁,၂၀၀ ေလာက္ရႀိတဲ့ တ႟ုတ္နယ္စပ္ လံုဴခံႂေရး ရဲေတၾ၊ နယ္စပ္ေဒသမႀာ တပ္ခဲၾလုိက္ တပ္စုလုိက္ ဟုိတဴဖန္ႛ ဒီတဴဖန္ႛမႀာ တဲေတၾ ထုိး႓ပီးေတာ့ ရႀိေနဳကတာ ေတၾႚရပၝတယ္။" ဴမန္မာ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရဟာ သူနဲႛ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး လုပ္ထားတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖၾဲႚ တဖၾဲႚဴဖစ္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛ အဖၾဲႚကို အခုလို တိုက္ခိုက္တာဟာ နအဖ စစ္အစိုးရအေနနဲႛ တဴခား ရည္႟ၾယ္ခဵက္ေတၾ ရႀိႎိုင္တယ္လိုႛ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက ယူဆပၝတယ္။ "တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္အေနနဲႛ ေဴပာမယ္ဆိုရင္ အ႒ကိမ္႒ကိမ္ တားဆီးထားတဲ့ဳကားက ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁ ရက္ေနႛ မတိုင္ခင္ ဳကမ္းဳကမ္းရမ္းရမ္း လုပ္ဴပဴခင္းဟာ သူဘာဆိုတာ ေဖာ္ဴပပၝတယ္။ ယေနႛ ဗမာဴပည္မႀာလည္း အေမရိကန္က ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္ သံုးေယာက္ ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ နားေထာင္သူ ေသာတရႀင္မဵား ကိုယ့္ဟာကိုယ္ စဥ္းစားႎိုင္ဖိုႛ အခဵက္အလက္ ေပးလိုက္တာပၝ။ ကုလသမဂၢမႀာ ဗမာဴပည္သူေတၾကို ေစာ္ကား႓ပီးေတာ့ ကာကၾယ္ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ တ႟ုတ္ အစိုးရကို ဗိုလ္သန္းေ႟ၿက သူ ဘာဆိုတာ ေဖာ္ဴပလိုက္တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။"

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

124

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Tensions easing near China-Myanmar border Story Highlights Some refugees from Myanmar returning home from China's Yunnan province Estimated 37,000 fled Myanmar from violence, China official said Refugees fled what exiles said were rebels fighting Myanmar government troops BEIJING, China (CNN) August 31, 2009-- Some of the tens of thousands of refugees who fled to China to escape fighting in Myanmar are beginning to return home as tensions have eased, police said. An estimated 37,000 people were displaced by the fighting, Meng Sutie, police chief in southern China's Yunnan Province, told China's state-run Xinhua news agency Sunday. The exodus of residents along the border grew to a flood last week as Myanmar government troops battled ethnic minority groups and their armies in the country's northeast. The region has an estimated population of 150,000. There were casualties on both sides of the border, according to Meng. Shells fired into Chinese territory killed one person and injured two others, while fighting in Myanmar killed a Chinese and wounded 13 more. In a rare criticism of Myanmar's ruling military junta, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said Friday that China hoped Myanmar could properly solve its domestic issues and safeguard the stability of its border with China, Xinhua reported. China has been providing emergency shelter, food and medical care for the refugees.

တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ လံုၿခံဳေရး တင္းက်ပ္ 29 August 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-08-29-voa8.cfm မေန႔ကညပိုင္းအထိ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသအတြင္း ပစ္ခပ္သံေတြ

ၾကားေနရတုန္းပဲလို႔ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စစ္ေရးနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ဗီြအိုေအကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာလည္း လံုၿခံဳေရးေတြ တင္းက်ပ္ထားၿပီး စီးပြါးေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြလည္း ပံုမွန္အေျခအေနမွာ မရွိေတာ့ဘူးလို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ဆံုးအေျခအေနေတြကို သိရေအာင္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာကို ကိုေက်ာ္ေအာင္လြင္က ဆက္သြယ္ ေမးျမန္းထားပါတယ္။

“ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာ ခင္ဗ်။ ကုိးကန္႔နဲ႔ ျမန္မာတပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြ ၾကားမွာျဖစ္တဲ့ တုိက္ပဲြ အေျခအေနေတြ တင္းမာမႈေတြက အခုေနာက္ဆံုး အေျခအေနမွာ ဘယ္လို ရွိပါသလဲ။” ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

125

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “မေန႔က ေန႔ခင္းပိုင္းေလာက္မွာ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြက သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ အနီးကပ္ဆံုး စခန္းေတြကို

တရုတ္ျပည္ နယ္စပ္ လံုၿခံဳေရးရဲေတြ တာ၀န္ယူထားတဲ့ နီးစပ္ရာ ဌာနေတြကို တဖြဲ႔ၿပီး တဖဲြ႔ေပါ့ေနာ္ ၀င္ေရာက္ၾကတယ္။ အမ်ားစုကေတာ့ လက္နက္ပါပါတယ္။ အနည္းစုက လက္နက္မပါပါဘူး။

အထဲမွာလည္း အေတာ္အသင့္ က်န္ရစ္ခဲ့ေတာ့ မေန႔ညကပိုင္းက တခ်ိဳ႕ေနရာမွာ ေပ်ာက္က်ား ပစ္ခတ္မႈေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ ကိုးကန္႔ တေၾကာမွာ မေန႔ညက ၂နာရီေလာက္မွာ ႏွစ္ခါ သံုးခါ လက္နက္ငယ္သံေတြ ၾကားရတယ္။ ၃နာရီခဲြ သာသာေလာက္မွာလည္း ေသနတ္သံ

အျပန္အလွန္ပစ္သံ၊ ဒီတေခါက္က်ေတာ့ ခ်င္းေရႊေ၀ၚရဲ႕ ေတာင္ဘက္ျခမ္းေလာက္မွာထပ္ၿပီး ေသနတ္သံျမည္ပါတယ္။ အျပန္အလွန္ပစ္သံလည္းၾကားတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ေျပာက္က်ားတပ္ဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ပစ္ခတ္သလားေတာ့ မေျပာ တတ္ဘူး။”

“ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕က ေနာက္ဆံုး အေျခအေနေရာ ဘယ္လို ရွိပါသလဲခင္ဗ်။” “ဗမာတပ္ေတြ တဖဲြဖဲြ ၀င္ေနတာေတာ့ ေတြ႔ေနရတယ္။ ေလာက္ကိုင္ၿမိဳ႕ကေတာ့ ေဒသခံ အရပ္သားေတြနဲ႔ ၿမိဳ႕ပ်က္ႀကီးလုိ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။” “ေနာက္ဆံုး အေျခအေနအရ နယ္စပ္မွာ တင္းမာမႈေတြ ဆက္ၿပီး ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ တရုတ္

ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ရဲ႕ လံုၿခံဳေရး အေျခအေန ဘယ္လုိ ရွိပါသလဲခင္ဗ်။ တရုတ္အာဏာပိုင္ေတြဘက္က လံုၿခံဳေရး တာ၀န္ယူမႈေတြနဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ ထိန္းသိမ္းမႈေတြ ဘယ္လုိ ရွိပါသလဲခင္ဗ်။” “တရုတ္ဘက္က နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရးကို ပိုမုိ တင္းတင္းက်ပ္က်ပ္ လုပ္ထားတာ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။ ဒီလုိ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြ ၀င္လာၿပီး ေနာက္ေပါ့။ ေနာက္ၿပီး နယ္စပ္ေဒသမွာ ရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာဘက္က ရွိတဲ့

လူထုကေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ ေျခာက္ေျခာက္ျခားျခား ရွိပါတယ္။ မူဆယ္ၿမိဳ႕ေတြ ဘာေတြမွာဆုိရင္ ညဘက္ ဘယ္သူမွ မထြက္ရဲေတာ့ဘူး။ ေခ်ာဆဲြတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ သတင္းကလည္း အမ်ိဳးစံု

ထြက္ပါတယ္။ ကားေတြကိုလည္း ေစာေစာပိုင္းက ေခ်ာဆဲြၾကတာေပ့ါ။ လားရႈိးၿမိဳ႕တင္ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ သိႏၵီကေန ကြမ္းလံုလမ္း တေလွ်ာက္။ လားရႈိးကေန မူဆည္လမ္းတေလ်ာက္ ၿမိဳ႕ျပေတြမွာ ညဘက္ဘယ္သူမွ မထြက္ဘူး။”

“တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စီးပြားေရး အေျခအေနကေရာ ဘယ္လုိ ရွိပါသလဲခင္ဗ်။” “ေနာက္တရက္ ႏွစ္ရက္မွာ နည္းနည္း ေလွ်ာ့သြားရင္ေတာ့ မေျပာတတ္ဘူး။ ဒီ

သံုးေလးရက္မွာေတာ့ ကား ဘယ္သူမွ သိပ္ထြက္ရဲမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဟုိတေန႔က ကုန္သည္ကား တခ်ိဳ႕က ထြက္လုိ႔မရဘူး၊ တခ်ိဳ႕ထြက္လုိ႔ရတဲ့ ကားေတြလည္း ေခ်ာဆဲြခံရတာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ နယ္စပ္စီးပြားေရးကေတာ့ ကာလတပိုင္းေတာ့ အေတာ္ထိခုိက္သြားပါတယ္။” “ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ သတင္းေတြ တခိ်ဳ႕မွာ ေတြ႔တာက ဒီပစ္ခတ္မႈေတြ ဒီေန႔ဆုိရင္ ၄ရက္ေျမာက္လာၿပီး ပစ္ခတ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ အနည္းဆံုး တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္မွာ ၁ေယာက္ေသတယ္၊

ဒဏ္ရာရတဲ့သူေတြလည္း ဒါဇင္နဲ႔ ခ်ီရွိတယ္လို႔ ၾကားရပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာဘက္က ထိခုိက္မႈေတြ၊ ေသဆံုးမႈေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လုိ႔ ဘာေတြ သိထားပါသလဲ။” ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

126

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “၂၆ရက္ေန႔ ညက တုိက္ပဲြမွာ က်ည္ေက်ာ္က်လို႔ တေယာက္ေသၿပီးေတာ့ သံုးေလးေယာက္ ဒဏ္ရာရပါတယ္။ ေနာက္မေန႔က ဗမာစစ္တပ္က အေျမာက္ေတြနဲ႔ ပစ္တဲ့အခါမွာလည္း တရုတ္ျပည္ထဲ က်ၿပီး ထိခုိက္ဒဏ္ရာရပါတယ္။” “ေသတဲ့သူက တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသားလား၊ ကိုးကန္႔လား ဘယ္သူပါလဲ။” “ခ်င္းခန္း ခရုိင္ထဲက သာမန္ အရပ္သားေတြ ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ေသဆံုးတာေရာ၊ ဒဏ္ရာရတာေရာ အရပ္သား၊ တရုတ္ျပည္သားေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။” “တရုတ္စစ္တပ္က နယ္စပ္မွာ လံုၿခံဳေရး တာ၀န္ယူထားၿပီလား ခင္ဗ်။” “တရုတ္စစ္တပ္ထက္ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ အမ်ားစု ျမင္သာထင္သာ ရွိေနရတာကေတာ့ နန္ဆာ တ၀ုိက္မွာ လူ ၁၂၀၀ ေလာက္ရွိတဲ့ တရုတ္နယ္စပ္ လံုၿခံဳေရး ရဲေတြ၊ နယ္စပ္ေဒသမွာ တပ္ခဲြလုိက္ တပ္စုလုိက္ ဟုိတျဖန္႔ ဒီတျဖန္႔မွာ တဲေတြ ထုိးၿပီးေတာ့ စုစုစည္းစည္းရွိေနၾကတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။”

ကိုးကန္႔ နဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္အၾကား တိုက္ပြဲအရွိန္သတ္ 30 August 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-08-30-voa5.cfm တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကုိင္ ကုိးကန္႔ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြနဲ႔

ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရ တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္ေတြၾကား ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ရက္ေတြအတြင္း တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ အခုေတာ့ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈေတြ ရပ္တန္႔သြားခဲ့ပါၿပီ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါဟာ ပဋိပကၡေတြ အဆုံးသတ္သြားတဲ့ လကၡဏာတခု အျဖစ္

မယူဆႏုိင္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာ့အေရး အကဲခတ္ေနသူေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က လက္နက္ကုိင္ ပဋိပကၡေတြေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာ စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ ရင္းရင္းႏွီးႏွီး

ဆက္ဆံေနတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေရးေတြကေရာ ဘယ္လုိ အလားအလာေတြ ရွိလာႏုိင္သလဲ ဆုိတာေတြကုိ ကုိေအာင္လြင္ဦး က တင္ျပပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ရယူထားတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔နဲ႔ ျမန္မာ စစ္အစုိးရတုိ႔ၾကား တင္းမာမႈေတြ ႀကီးထြားလာၿပီး

တုိက္ခုိက္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့အၿပီး အခုအခါ အေျခအေန တည္ၿငိမ္တဲ့အသြင္ ေဆာင္လာေနေပမဲ့ ဒါေတြဟာ ယာယီအားျဖင့္သာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ျမင္ေနၾကတာပါ။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ေတြအတြင္း ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အေရွ ႔ေျမာက္ေဒသက ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြရွိရာ ေဒသကုိ အင္အား အလုံးအရင္း လက္နက္ႀကီး၊ ငယ္ေတြနဲ႔ တုိက္ခုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့ေနာက္ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္ အမ်ားစု တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲ ၀င္ေရာက္ လက္နက္ခ်သြားခဲ့ၾကတာမုိ႔ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

127

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တုိက္ခုိက္မႈေတြလည္း အဆုံးသတ္ သြားခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရကုိ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္နဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး လက္နက္ကုိင္ တုိက္ခုိက္လာၾကတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတြ

အဖုိ႔ကေတာ့ အဆုံးသတ္ တုိက္ပဲြ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ဆုိသူကေတာ့ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု Rutgers တကၠသုိလ္က ျမန္မာ့အေရးကၽြမ္းက်င္သူ ပါေမာကၡ ဂ်ဳိးဇက္ ေဆးလ္ဗား စတုိင္း (Josef Silverstein) ပါ။

“လူမ်ဳိးစုအေရးကုိ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ ေလ့လာေနတာ ၾကာပါၿပီ။ ဒီလူေတြဟာ တေလွ်ာက္လုံး တုိက္ခုိက္ၿပီး၊ သူတုိ႔ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈေတြ၊ အုိးအိမ္ေတြ စတာေတြကုိ ျမန္မာေတြ လက္ထဲ

ေရာက္မသြားေအာင္ ကာကြယ္ေနခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ေတြက တုိက္ပဲြေတြမွာ ကိုးကန္႔ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းထားတဲ့ တျခား အဖဲြ႔ ၃ ဖဲြ႔ကလည္း ပူးေပါင္းခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။”

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီေလာက္နဲ႔ေတာ့ ၿပီးမသြားႏုိင္ပါဘူးဆုိၿပီး ပါေမာကၡ ေဆးလ္ဗား စတုိင္း က ေျပာခဲ့တာပါ။ တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ရပ္တန္႔သြားေပမဲ့ ဒါေတြဟာ ယာယီမွ်သာ ျဖစ္တယ္၊ ပဋိပကၡေတြဟာ ဒီထက္ေတာင္ ႀကီးထြားလာႏုိင္တယ္လို႔ တြက္ဆသူ ေနာက္တဦးကေတာ့

အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု အေျခစုိက္ ျမန္မာ့အေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈ အဖဲြ႔တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ US Campaign for Burma က အမႈေဆာင္ အရာရွိတဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးေအာင္ဒင္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ "ဒီထက္မက က်ယ္ျပန္႔လာစရာ အေၾကာင္း ရွိပါေသးတယ္။ အခုု နအဖ က ကုုိးကန္႔ေဒသကို

ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးစားတာေပါ့။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ က ဖုုန္က်ားရွင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ အုုပ္စုကုိ သူက တ႐ုုတ္ႏိုင္ငံထဲ ေမာင္းထုုတ္လုိက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ၿပီ။ သူ႔ကို သစၥာခံတဲ့ ပုုိင္စုန္ခ်ိန္ကို ေခါင္းေဆာင္တင္ၿပီးေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသကုုိ ျပန္လည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ဖုိ႔ ႀကိဳးစားေနတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူ႔ရဲ ႔ အဓိက ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ကေတာ့ တုုိင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္ အဖဲြ႔ေတြ အားလံုး သူတို႔

လမ္းညႊန္တဲ့အတုုိင္း သူတုိ႔ရဲ ႔ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖဲြ႔ေတြကို နအဖ စစ္အုပ္စုရဲ ႔ လက္ေအာက္ကို

သြင္း၊ နယ္ျခားမဲ့တပ္ဖဲြ႔အသြင္ေျပာင္း၊ ပထမ ဒီတုိင္းရင္းသား အဖဲြ႔ေတြက ႏုုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေထာင္ၿပီး ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ ၀င္ဖုိ႔လုပ္ဆုိတဲ့ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အဲဒီ ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ကို ၀ တုုိ႔ ကခ်င္တုိ႔ ရွမ္းတုုိ႔ က မလုုိက္နာမခ်င္း ဒီစစ္အင္အားသံုးၿပီး ေျဖရွင္းမယ့္ လကၡဏာ ရွိပါတယ္။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသမွာ တုုိက္ပဲြေတြ ရပ္တန္႔ သြားတယ္ဆုိေပမဲ့ ဒါဟာ ေခတၱခဏသာ ျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပဋိပကၡေတြ၊ တင္းမာမႈေတြ က ဆက္လက္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ မၾကာခင္ ကာလတခုုအတြင္း အထူးသျဖင့္ သူတုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားတဲ့ ေအာက္တုိဘာ ေနာက္ဆံုးထားၿပီးေတာ့

တုုိင္းရင္းအပစ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔ေတြကို လက္နက္ကိုင္ ဖယ္ရွားဖုုိ႔ ႀကိဳးစားမွာကိုး။ ေအာက္တုိဘာ

မတိုင္ခင္အတြင္းမွာ ပိုၿပီး ႀကီးမားတဲ့ ပဋိပကၡေတြ၊ ထိပ္တုိက္ရင္ဆိုင္မႈေတြ ႀကံဳရႏုုိင္ပါတယ္။" စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ကုိးကန္႔အဖဲြ႔ဟာ ဆုိရင္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္မွာ အစုိးရနဲ႔ ပထမဆုံး အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး ရယူခဲ့တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖဲြ႔တဖဲြ႔ ျဖစ္သလုိ

ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရက ကမကထ လုပ္ က်င္းပခဲ့ၿပီး အေျခခံဥပေဒ ေရးဆဲြခဲ့တဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသား ညီလာခံကုိ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ အဖဲြ႔တခုလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အရင္က ေျပေျပလည္လည္ ရွိေနခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီ ကိုးကန္႔ အဖဲြ႔ေတြနဲ႔ လက္နက္ကုိင္ ပဋိပကၡေတြ ဆက္တုိက္ဆုိသလုိ ျဖစ္ပြားလာတဲ့ေနာက္

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနကလည္း ျမန္မာ စစ္အစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ ျပႆနာေတြဟာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

128

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ နယ္နိမိတ္ခ်င္း ထိစပ္ေနတဲ့ ေဒသ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈကုိ မထိခုိက္ရေလေအာင္ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ ကုိင္တြယ္ ေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္မယ္လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ေၾကျငာခ်က္ တေစာင္

ထုတ္ျပန္ၿပီး သတိေပး ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအရ ဆက္ဆံမႈေတြ ရင္းရင္းႏွီးႏွီး ရွိေနခဲ့တဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဟာ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရ အေပၚ

ၾသဇာသက္ေရာက္မႈ ရွိတယ္လုိ႔ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ယူဆထားၾကတာပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အခု တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ နယ္စပ္မွာ တ႐ုတ္ အႏြယ္၀င္ ကုိးကန္႔ေတြနဲ႔ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ျပႆနာေတြဟာ ဒါေတြကုိ စိန္ေခၚမႈေတြအျဖစ္ ယူဆႏုိင္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္က အေျခအေနေတြကုိ နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့ အကဲခတ္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာ ကဆုိပါတယ္။

"ရွင္းရွင္းပဲ တ႐ုုတ္သေဘာက်တာ မက်တာ၊ ဗမာက သူ႔ဟာသူ လုုပ္ခ်င္ရာ လုုပ္မယ္ဆုိတဲ့ သေဘာပဲေလ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တု႔ိ ျမင္တာ ရွင္းရွင္းေလးပဲ၊ ဘာျဖစ္လုိ႔ ဒီေနရာကို ေရြးသလဲ။

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး မလက္ခံတဲ့ အဖဲြ႔အစည္း ၅ဖဲြ႔ ရွိတယ္။ အရင္ဆံုး သူတုိ႔လုပ္ႏုိင္တာ SSPP သူတို႔ ျပည္မထဲမွာကို ရွိတယ္။ ဒီ အဖဲြ႔ေသးေသး လူေလး ၁၀၀၀ေက်ာ္နဲ႔ ရွမ္းေတြခ်ည္းပဲ၊ သူတုိ႔ ၀ိုင္းပိတ္ၿပီးေတာ့ လုုပ္လုိက္ရင္ကို ရတယ္။ အဲဒါကို သူတို႔ မလုုပ္ဘဲနဲ႔၊ တ႐ုုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္မွာရွိတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔ဆုိတာ တ႐ုုတ္ေတြပဲေလ။ သူ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔ ေရြးသလဲ။

သူျပခ်င္တာေတြေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဒီတခါေတာ့ ကုုလသမဂၢမွာ မ်က္ႏွာ ခပ္ေျပာင္ေျပာင္နဲ႔ ထြက္ၿပီး ကာကြယ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားေတြကို တ႐ုုတ္က ခံစားရတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။"

ပဋိပကၡေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေဒသတည္ၿငိမ္မႈကုိ မထိခုိက္ေအာင္ ကုိင္တြယ္ဖုိ႔ တ႐ုတ္အစုိးရက သတိေပးမႈေတြရွိခဲ့တဲ့ ေနာက္မွာလည္း တုိက္ခုိက္မႈေတြ ရွိခဲ့တာမုိ႔ ဒါဟာ ၂ ႏုိင္ငံၾကား ဆက္ဆံေရးမွာေတာ့ အဖုအထစ္ ျဖစ္စရာလုိ႔ ဆုိသူကေတာ့ US Campaign for Burma အဖဲြ႔က ဦးေအာင္ဒင္ ပါ။

"တ႐ုုတ္က မၾကာမၾကာ နအဖကို သတိေပးေနၿပီးသား။ ဒီလာမယ့္ ေအာက္တုိဘာ ၁ ရက္ေန႔မွာ သူတုိ႔ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္၆၀ျပည့္ အခမ္းအနား ႀကီးႀကီးက်ယ္က်ယ္ က်င္းပမွာ။

အဲဒီကာလမတုုိင္ခင္မွာ ဘာမွ တ႐ုုတ္ ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္မွာ ပဋိပကၡ ျဖစ္တာ ဘယ္လုိမွ မျမင္ခ်င္ဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုုိးရကို ႀကိမ္ဖန္မ်ားစြာ သတိေပးထားၿပီးသား။ ေနာက္တခါ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ခ်င္းအားျဖင့္၊ ေသနတ္ပစ္ေဖာက္ခ်င္းအားျဖင့္ နယ္စပ္တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားလာမယ္။ ေနာက္ သူတု႔ိ ေဆာက္မယ့္ သဘာ၀ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ သယ္ေဆာင္ေရး ပိုက္လုိင္း စီမံခ်က္

ပ်က္သြားႏုုိင္တယ္ စသျဖင့္ ဒီလုိ စုုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈေတြ ရွိခဲ့တာကိုး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူတို႔ စုုိးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ဖိအားေပးေနတဲ့ၾကားက နအဖ စစ္အစုုိးရက တ႐ုုတ္လည္း ဂရုုမစိုက္ဘူးဆုုိတဲ့ ပံုစံမ်ိဳး

ခ်ိဳးျပလုုိက္တာကိုး။ ဒီဟာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သူ႔အေနနဲ႔ အမ်ားႀကီး ျပႆနာရွိပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုုိးရကို တ႐ုုတ္က အကာအကြယ္ေပးၿပီးေတာ့ လံုၿခံဳေရး ေကာင္စီမွာ ျမန္မာႏုုိင္ငံမွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ျပႆနာေတြဟာ ဒီေဒသဆုုိင္ရာ လံုၿခံဳေရးကို ေႏွာက္ယွက္တဲ့အဆင့္ကို

မေရာက္ေသးဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မုိ႔ လံုၿခံဳေရး ေကာင္စီက ဘာမွ ၀င္ေရာက္ ပတ္သက္စရာ မလုုိဘူးလုုိ႔ သူက အၿမဲ ျငင္းဆန္ေနခဲ့တာေလ။ အခုုက်ေတာ့ ေဒသဆုုိင္ရာ၊ သူ႔နယ္စပ္မွာကိုပဲ လာၿပီးေတာ့ ေသနတ္ ပစ္ေဖာက္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ သူ႔နယ္စပ္ရဲ ႔ မတည္မၿငိမ္ျဖစ္မႈကို အတုုိင္းသားႀကီး

ေဖာ္ျပလုုိက္ေတာ့ လံုၿခံဳေရး ေကာင္စီမွာ ဆက္ၿပီး ဘယ္လုိ ျငင္းဆန္မွာလဲ။ နအဖကို ဘယ္လို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အကာအကြယ္ ေပးမလဲဆုိတာကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီကိစၥက ျမန္မာစစ္အစုုိးရနဲ႔ တ႐ုုတ္အစုုိးရၾကား ဆက္ဆံေရးမွာေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ႀကီးမားတဲ့ အေႏွာက္အယွက္ တခုုျဖစ္သြားတာကေတာ့ အေသအခ်ာပါပဲ။"

ျမန္မာျပည္ အမ်ဳိးသား ေသြးစည္း ညီညြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (MNDAA) ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔ နဲ႔ ျမန္မာ စစ္အစုိးရတုိ႔ၾကား ၾသဂုတ္ လဆန္းပုိင္းကစလုိ႔ တင္းမာမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရာက ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပုိင္း အထူးေဒသ (၁) အျဖစ္ စစ္အစုိးရက သတ္မွတ္ေပးထားတဲ့ သူတုိ႔ အေျခစုိက္ရာ

ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႔မွာ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈေတြရွိတဲ့အထိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ေတြအတြင္း တုိက္ခုိက္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္မွာ အေသအေပ်ာက္ေတြ ရွိခဲ့သလုိ တုိက္ပဲြေတြက ေရွာင္ရွားၿပီး ထြက္ေျပးၾကသူ ေဒသခံေတြဟာ ဆုိရင္လည္း တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္

နန္ဆန္းၿမိဳ႔ကုိ ေရာက္လာတာ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၈ ရက္ေန႔ အထိဆုိရင္ ၃ ေသာင္း အထိ ရွိေနၿပီလုိ႔ ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီး႐ုံး (UNHCR) ကလည္း ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တာပါ။ The Nation - Published on August 31, 2009 Opinion

Conflict flare up in Triangle SOMETHING IS BREWING in the Burmese corner of the Golden Triangle and it's more than just the chemicals boiling in the clandestine heroin and methamphetamine labs. Bluffing between the military government and one of the cease-fire groups - the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), also known as the Chinese Kokang - turned into an armed clash last Thursday. Tens of thousands of residents were sent fleeing to China's Yunnan province, Thai and Chinese officials monitoring the border situation said. With the help of Burmese government troops, Kokang's stronghold Laogai has now come under a splinter group led by the MNDAA's second in command, Bai Souqian, who broke away with about 200 troops, who accounted for 20 per cent of the outfit's total troop strength. "It's a classical divide-and-conquer tactic. This is not the first time that the Burmese junta has done this," said a senior Thai Army officer on the border who spoke on condition of anonymity. In response, MNDAA chairman Peng Jiasheng has dispatched a small outfit to carry out hit-and-run attacks against a Burmese outpost near the Kokang capital of Laogai and pockets manned by Burmese government troops. Peng has also reportedly secured the support of other cease-fire groups, namely the 20,000-strong United Wa State Army (UWSA), Shan State Army-North and Mong La-based National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), an outfit headed by his sonin-law Lin Mingxian, also known as U Sai Leun. Incidentally, the NDAA, on June 30, ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif celebrated its 20th anniversary of "peace" with the Burmese. Both Thai and Chinese sources downplayed the so-called military pact between the Kokang and other ethnic armies. Personal connections and common political and security interests aside, mobilising troops to take on the Burmese soldiers is easier said than done. "It's all about logistics," said the senior Thai Army officer. "The Burmese have all the holes plugged to prevent any major movement of troops along the border," added a senior officer from Thailand's' Narcotics Control Board. In spite of the disturbing nature of the development, Chinese officials along the border area say it would not be in the interest of any stakeholder to let the situation escalate out of hand into an all-out war. Behind-the-scenes diplomatic efforts are being taken to minimise the damage before the situation spirals out of control, the Chinese officer said. But even if the shooting stops, where all sides go from here is anybody's guess. It is undeniable that the two-decades- old cease-fire agreements that were orchestrated by then security chief Lt General Khin Nyunt in 1989 have been effectively shattered. But for observers of the Golden Triangle, the real aim of this latest development is not to smash the Kokang's hold on Laogai but to send a brutal message to the 20,000strong UWSA whose members are made up of some very interesting characters. The Wa rank-in-file include opium warlords and head-hunters turned militia. Chinese Red Guards who first entered the areas three decades ago to preach Marxism later discovered that opium was as good as gold, thus the moniker Golden Triangle. They, too, joined forces with the Wa to seek fortune and glory. Prior to the 1989 cease-fire, Wa foot soldiers formed the largest block within the Communist Party of Burma. And when the CPB broke up in 1989 along ethnic lines, Khin Nyunt quickly neutralised the CPB remnants with a series of cease-fire agreements. The end of the CPB didn't mean the end of cross-border personal and political ties, however. It means a proxy army has just changed its uniform. Ever since Khin Nyunt was ousted in October 2004, the UWSA leadership, as well as other cease-fire groups, have felt that their days were numbered. Almost five years later, their worst fear came true. Their two-decades- old cease-fire has effectively crumbled. "Picking on the much smaller Kokang reflects the old Thai saying of 'slit the chicken's throat to scare the monkeys'," said a Thai intelligence officer. The monkeys in this case are of course the Wa. The Burmese junta will continue with its divide-and-conquer tactic, said the Thai Army officer, pointing to the SPDC's relentless drive to split the UWSA. They succeeded in bringing down the Karen National Union in 1994. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The UWSA's geographical foothold in the Golden Triangle resembles that of a dumbbell - with the northern stronghold on the Chinese border, while three regiments are situated near the Thai border. Boa Yuxiang and his brothers control the north while Wei Hsueh-kang and his brothers dominate the south. The two families can't stand each other but there is an understanding that divided they fall. But that traditional acknowledgement is about to end, said a Chinese official, pointing to the recent mobilising of troops from Wei's Military Region 171 to head to the northern region. According to the Chinese officer, Wei wants to break away from the UWSA and dispatching troops to Bao's turf is a way of testing the waters. So why can't Wei just announce the breakaway from a distance? According to Thai and Chinese officials, Wei has been under tremendous pressure from the SPDC to press the UWSA to transform their outfit into a border security guard under the control of the government's army, known as the Tatmadaw. One leverage the SPDC can bring to bear on Wei is that much of his money is invested in Burma while Bao does his banking and money laundering in China. Since the 1989 cease-fire, Burmese troops were not permitted to enter the territories under the control of these ethnic armies unescorted. In most cases, they had to be disarmed. Last week's clash was a rude indication that things are about to change. In real terms, this could mean hundreds of thousands of villagers running for their lives to China. Thailand is watching the development closely in case the UWSA's three regiments along its border are drawn into the fight. For Thailand, it would mean more refugees to look after. For China, it could very well mean the annihilation of an old friendship, namely with the UWSA, whose bonds with the Chinese leadership go all the way back to the days of the communist insurgency. Loyalty dies hard in the rugged Golden Triangle where warlords play for keeps. Some said friendship between the Chinese leaders and their proxies are forever. Apparently, the Burmese junta is saying it's time to part. August 31, 2009 02:31 am (Thai local time) http://www.nationmu ltimedia. com/2009/ 08/31/opinion/ opinion_30111034 .php

September 1, 2009 Press Release By Shan Sapawa Environmental Organisation ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Renewed fighting and refugee influx a wake-up call to Chinese dam-builders Burma Army clashes with Kokang at site of planned Upper Salween Dam Shan activists are calling on China to immediately halt all investment in dams on the Salween River following the recent heavy fighting between the Burmese military regime and the Kokang ceasefire army near the site of the Upper Salween Dam planned by Chinese companies in northern Shan State. Heavy clashes have taken place just east of the town of Kunlong, about 15 kms from the planned dam site. Fighting broke out on August 27, 2009, after the regime deployed thousands of troops to seize control of the Kokang territory, shattering the 20-year ceasefire and causing over 30,000 refugees to flee to China. Kokang forces have sought to repel the Burma Army troops. Plans to build the Upper Salween Dam, also known as the Kunlong Dam, were announced in April 2007 by two Chinese companies, Hanergy Holding Group (formerly Farsighted Investment Group) and Gold Water Resources Company. Since then a team of Chinese and Burmese technicians have been conducting feasibility studies for the 2,400 MW dam, 25 kms from the Chinese border. The Kunlong Dam is one of five mega dams being planned on the Salween in Burma by the SPDC and Chinese and Thai companies, to produce electricity to be sold to China and Thailand. The Shan Sapawa Environmental Organisation, together with the Salween Watch coalition of environmental groups from Thailand and Burma, has been monitoring the controversial dam plans for ten years and advocating for their immediate halt. “The renewed fighting and the flood of refugees into Yunnan should be a wake-up call to China about the risks of investing in Burma,” said Sapawa spokesperson Sai Khur Hseng. “Not only is there no free and informed consent to these dam projects, but they are being built over the dead bodies of our people.” The other mega dam being planned in Shan State is the giant 7,110 MW Ta Sang dam, 100 km from the Thai border. In early August, the regime renewed a scorched earth campaign in townships close to the Ta Sang dam site, torturing and killing civilians and driving 10,000 villagers from their homes. For further information on the Salween dam plans, see www.salweenwatch. org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Contact persons: Sai Sai Sai Khur Hseng

+66 81 031 0481 +66 84 224 3748

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ တုိက္ပြဲၿပီးဆုံးေသာ္လည္း စစ္ေရးတင္းမာမႈ ျမင့္မားဆဲ MONDAY, 31 AUGUST 2009 19:11 ရန္ပိုင္

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 19:2009-08-31-12-13-59&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ အတြင္း ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား စေနေန႔တြင္ အဆုံးသတ္သြားၿပီး နယ္ေျမအေျခအေန တည္ၿငိမ္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ယေန႔ထုတ္ စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပ ထားသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ ျပန္မည့္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကုိ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္မွ လုံၿခဳံေရး တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ားက ယေန႔ စစ္ေဆး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနပုံ။ (ဓာတ္ပုံ-AP) စစ္အစုိးရက တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ၿပီးဆုံးၿပီဟု

ေၾကညာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း တပ္မ်ား

ရုတ္သိမ္းသြားျခင္း မရွိေသးဘဲ အင္အားကုိလည္း ထပ္မံ တုိးခ်ဲ႕ထားကာ တျခား အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကုိ ထုိးစစ္မ်ားဆင္မႈမ်ား ရွိလာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

“တပ္ေတြ ျပန္မဆုတ္ေသးဘူး၊ စကခ ၁၊ စကခ ၁၆၊ တပ္မ ၃၃၊ ၉၉ ေရာက္ေနတာ အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ၊ ၀ ကုိဆက္ထုိးမလား၊ ဒီတုိင္းပဲ ရပ္ထားမလား မသိဘူး” ဟု တရုတ္ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရးေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။

ထုိ႔အျပင္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ အတြင္းရွိ လားရႈိး၊ မူဆယ္ႏွင့္ တျခား ၿမိဳ႕ႀကီးမ်ားတြင္ ပုဂၢလိကပုိင္ ကားမ်ား ကုိ ေခ်ာဆဲြၿပီး အရပ္သားမ်ားအား ေပၚတာအျဖစ္ ဆင့္ေခၚလ်က္ ရိွေနေသးသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

“တုိက္ပြဲၿပီးၿပီ လုိ႔သာ ေျပာတယ္၊ မေန႔ညကေတာ့ လားရႈိးမွာ ကား ေခ်ာဆြဲတယ္၊ မူဆယ္မွာ ညက ေပၚတာ ဆြဲတာ လူ ၂၀ ၃၀ ေလာက္ ပါသြားတယ္၊ မီးသတ္ ၊ရဲ ၊ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ နဲ႔ ၿမိဳ႕ထဲတုိ႔မွာ ည

ကင္းလွည္႔တယ္၊ မႏၱေလးကေန လားရႈိးဘက္ကုိ စစ္ကား အစီး ၂၀ ေလာက္ တက္လာတယ္” ဟု ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

134

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ အယ္ဒီတာ တဦးျဖစ္သူ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က ေျပာသည္။ ရွမ္းျပည္ ေတာင္ပုိင္း ေတာင္ႀကီး-က်ိဳင္းတုံ ကားလမ္းေပၚတြင္ စစ္ကား ၃၀ ခန္႔ မုိင္းဆတ္ၿမိဳ႕ ဘက္သုိ႔ လာေနေၾကာင္းကုိလည္း မုိင္းဆတ္ ေဒသခံတဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။ ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္းရွိ ၀ စစ္တပ္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ ေဒသတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ ၀တပ္မ်ား တဘက္ႏွင့္ တဘက္ စစ္ေရး ျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ထားၿပီး အေျခအေနကုိ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

“၀တပ္ စစ္ေဒသ ၁၇၁၈ နယ္ေျမမွာ စစ္ေရးျပင္တာ နည္းနည္း ၿငိမ္သြားတယ္၊ ပထမပုိင္းက ကုိးကန္႔ ေဒသ စစ္ရွိန္ ျမွင့္ေနလုိ႔ အသင့္ ျပင္ေနတာ၊ အခုေတာ့ ေခ်ာကားေတြလည္း

ျပန္လႊတ္လုိက္ၿပီ၊ အစုိးရဲ႕ လားဟူ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ေတြကုိလည္း ျပန္လြတ္လုိက္ၿပီ၊ တုိင္းရင္းသား မဟာမိတ္အဖြဲ႔ေတြပါ တုိက္ပြဲမွာ ပါမယ္ ထင္လုိ႔ အစုိးရဘက္က အသင့္ျပင္ထားတာ” ဟု သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က ေျပာသည္။ မုိင္းလား အထူးေဒသ ( ၄ ) နယ္ေျမ တြင္လည္း စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား စစ္အင္အား

ျဖည့္တင္းမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံ ျပည္သူအခ်ိဳ႕ စတင္ တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ “ဒီ သုံးေလးရက္ အတြင္း ကုိးကန္႔ၿပီးရင္ မုိင္းလား လာမယ္ ၾကားလုိ႔ လူ ၇၀၊ ၈၀ ေလာက္ တရုတ္ျပည္၊ က်ိဳင္းတုံ၊ တာခ်ီလိတ္ ဘက္ကုိ ေျပးလာၾကတယ္” ဟု သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က ေျပာသည္။ မုိင္းလားအထူးေဒသ (၄) ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးစုိင္းလင္းမွာ ယခု တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနသည့္ ကုိးကန္႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ၏ သားမက္ ျဖစ္သည္။

နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရးကုိ ျငင္းဆန္ထားသည့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ရိွ အပစ္ရပ္ အဖဲြ႔မ်ားကုိ စစ္ေရးအရ ဖိအား ေပးႏုိင္သည္ဟု စစ္ေရး ႏုိင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္မ်ားက သုံးသပ္ၾကသည္။ “တပ္ေတြ ထည့္ထားတာ အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ၊ ကုိးကန္႔ ကိစၥမွာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာက တုံျပန္မႈက ဘာမွ မရွိေတာ့ ဆက္လုပ္ႏုိင္တယ္၊ ကုိးကန္႔မွာ တရုတ္ အကိ်ဳးစီးပြား ျမဳပ္ႏွံထားတာ အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ၊ ဒါေတြ လုံး၀ ပ်က္သြားတာေတာင္ တရုတ္က ဘာမွ မတုံ႔ျပန္တာ” ဟု တရုတ္ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက သုံးသပ္သည္။ အလားတူ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္ကလည္း “၀ ကုိ ညပ္ထားဖုိ႔အတြက္ မုိင္းလားကုိ လွည့္မယ္ ထင္တယ္” သုံးသပ္သည္။ စစ္အစုိးရသည္ ကခ်င္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ႏွင့္ ဝ ျပည္ ေသြးစည္း ညီၫြတ္ေရး

တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) ကဲ့သုိ႔ေသာ အင္အား ေတာင့္တင္းသည့္ အဖြဲ႕မ်ားကုိ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

135

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ၿပီးမွသာ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကုိ ကုိင္တြယ္လိမ့္မည္ဟု ကခ်င္ ဖြံၿဖိဳးေရး ကြန္ယက္ (KDNG ) မွ ကုိေအာင္၀ါက သုံးသပ္သည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ ဖြံၿဖိဳးေရးကုိ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈမ်ား အတြက္ အစုိးရက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေၾကာင္း၊ ယခုအေရးသည္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ အပါအ၀င္ ပုဂၢဳိလ္ ၄ ဦးသာ သက္ဆုိင္ေၾကာင္း၊ တျခားေသာ ကုိးကန္႔ လက္နက္ကုိင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားအား ဥပေဒ ေဘာင္အတြင္း လုံၿခဳံစိတ္ခ်စြာ ျပန္လည္ ၀င္ေရာက္ ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ ျပဳသည္ ဟု စစ္အစုိးရက ေၾကညာလုိက္သည္။ အဆုိပါ ပုဂၢဳိလ္ ၄ဦးမွာ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၊ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားဖူး၊ ဦးဖုန္တာရႊင္ ႏွင့္ ဦးဖုန္တာလီတုိ႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႕၏ တရားမ၀င္ လက္နက္စက္ရုံကုိ တဖက္ႏုိင္ငံ၏ သတင္းေပးခ်က္အရ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စစ္အစုိးရ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔က စစ္ေဆး ေဖာ္ထုတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ၎တုိ႕အဖြဲ႕ကုိ

ကုိယ္တုိင္လာေရာက္ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ ဆင့္ေခၚရာမွ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား စတင္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ယခုအခါ ထြက္ေျပးသြားသည့္ ေဒသခံ ျပည္သူမ်ား ျပန္လည္ ၀င္ေရာက္လာၿပီျဖစ္သည္ဟု စစ္အစုိးရသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီးရုံးမွ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ တရား၀င္ စာရင္းအရ တိမ္းေရွာင္သြားသူေပါင္း ၃၀၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိ သည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ဒုကၡသည္ အမ်ားစုသည္

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ ျပန္လည္ ၀င္ေရာက္ျခင္း မရွိေသးေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ ေဒသခံမ်ား ထံမွ သိရသည္။ ျပီးခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ကုိးကန္႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၏ အိမ္ကုိ ၀င္ေရာက္စီးနင္း ခ့ဲသည္။ ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ကုိးကန္႔ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ အတြင္း စစ္အစုိးရ အကူအညီျဖင့္ အာဏာသိမ္းပဲြ

ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပိီးေနာက္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ေကာ္မတီ အသစ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းလုိက္ၿပီး၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္သည္ ၎၏ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ အတူ ၀ နယ္ဘက္ သုိ႔ ေရွာင္တိမ္းသြားခဲ့ရာမွ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိးကန္႔

အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

136

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

COMMENTARY

Kokang Conflict Highlights Constitutional Flaw By YENI

Monday, August 31, 2009

The recent clashes between the Burma Army and the Kokang ethnic militia, known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), in the country's northeastern region expose a central flaw in the constitution that was approved in the so-called referendum held a few days after Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May 2008. Although the Burmese junta announced on Sunday that the fighting is over and that the Kokang region—the autonomous First Special Region of the northern Shan State, recognized by Napyidaw—is again stable, there is growing suspicion and distrust of the Burma Army within the Sino-Burmese border-based ethnic groups that have ceasefire agreements with the Naypyidaw regime. Relations between those ethnic groups and the junta deteriorated when Naypyidaw in April ordered all ceasefire armed groups to transform their armies into a Border Guard Force, to operate under the Burmese army. The junta’s recent move to transform the troops of the ceasefire groups into border guard forces before the upcoming 2010 election is believed to be in accordance with the constitutional provision. Clause 338 in the new constitution’s chapter VII, entitled "Defense Services," states that all armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the defense services, known in Burmese as the "Tatmadaw," which is described as the main armed force for the defense of the union. As the June 30 deadline approached for accepting the regime’s border guard ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif proposal, Lt-Gen Ye Myint, chief of military affairs security and secretary of the transformation committee for the border guard force, visited the Wa, Kokang and Mongla regions to promote the plan. Burmese military officials also met with representatives from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State. However, with the exception of the Burmese-Thai border-based Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, armed ceasefire groups have refused to accept the border guard proposal, effectively rejecting a central clause of the new constitution. Seventeen insurgent groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the ruling generals since 1989, according to official reports. Despite signing ceasefire agreements, ethnic armed troops have recently been preparing for possible combat with the Burmese army by recruiting and training soldiers and producing small arms and ammunition. The United Wa State Army (UWSA), in particular, is manufacturing arms and ammunition for use by its own battalions but also to sell to other armed groups in the region. According to a Jane’s security report, the UWSA facility marks the first time an insurgent group in the region has succeeded in setting up a small-arms production line. The UWSA is also known to be operating as traffickers and middlemen, buying from Chinese arms manufacturers, then reselling the weapons to Indian insurgent groups and the KIA. Observers believe that the patience of Burmese military commanders is wearing thin and Naypyidaw seems have no option but to launch military action against ceasefire groups. In a tactic aimed at achieving ethnic compliance with the junta’s border guard plan, the Burmese regime began its pressure on the Kokang group, citing its concern about Kokang links to illegal arms production—charging that arms production facilities had been set up at the home of the MNDAA's chairman, Peng Jiasheng. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The area rocked by fighting between the Burma Army and Kokang forces is also renowned for illegal activities such as gambling, drug production and trafficking. The regime has no shortage of reasons, therefore, for using its armed forces to bring the ethnic groups into the "legal fold," neutralizing their threat and giving some extent of "legitimacy" to next year’s general election. Meanwhile, the Burma Army is busy deploying its troops to consolidate control over several armed ethnic groups along its borders—both those with China and Thailand. There are serious concerns that the boom years that began with the signing of a ceasefire agreement with then-intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt are ending on the battlefield. The current clashes on the Sino-Burmese border offer a clear picture of what the election will mean for Burma’s ethnic regions. It’s a familiar picture—of conflict, fleeing refugees and massive human rights violations.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

Junta Sends Major Reinforcements to Shan State By SAW YAN NAING

Monday, August 31, 2009

The Burmese regime has been heavily reinforcing its army units in northern Shan State since the weekend in preparation for a major conflict, according to sources.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The troop movements have come despite a report in the Burmese state newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar, on Monday that said fighting in Kokang areas in northern Shan State ceased on Saturday and locals were returning to their homes. The day after Burmese troops occupied Laogai, the capital of the Kokang region on Aug 24, fighting broke out between Burmese forces and Slide Show (View)

Kokang soldiers, resulting in more than 30,000 refugees fleeing across the border to China.

One source in Shan State who recently arrived in Chiang Mai said he witnessed dozens of trucks carrying fully equipped Burmese troops going from Taunggyi to Kengtung on Saturday. Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, Aung Wa, a Kachin source on the SinoBurmese border, said about 100 trucks carrying Burmese soldiers were reportedly sent to Lashio in northern Shan State during the weekend. Lapai Naw Din, the editor of the Thailand-based Kachin News Group, said the Burmese regime sent seven Light Infantry Divisions including LID 99, 55, 33, 22 and five other battalions to northern Shan State.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Refugees walk towards the border separating China and Burma, in the Chinese border town of Nansan. (Photo: Getty Images) He also said the United Wa State Army (USWSA), which has 20,000 soldiers and is the strongest ceasefire group, reportedly threatened to attack the Burmese forces in the Kokang area unless they withdrew. Naw Din said, “The Wa and Kokang armed groups told the occupying Burmese troops to withdraw, otherwise they would launch a major attack.” He also said the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the Kachin ceasefire group, is on alert after issuing a warning that it would attack any Burmese troops forcibly entering KIA-controlled territories. Saeng Juen, an editor for the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News, said Burmese army reinforcements were also being sent against the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), also known as the Mong La group. Sources believe the Mong La group is being targeted because its leader, Sai Linn, also known as Lin Mingxian, is a son-in-law of the Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng, who is now on the junta’s wanted list.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Residents in the Mong La group’s area of control fear an impending attack, and wealthier civilians have been leaving their homes in recent days. Some have gone to China and others to Tachilek on the Thai-Burmese border, Saeng Juen said. On Aug 28, more than 20 trucks carrying Burmese soldiers were sent from Mandalay to northern Shan State, he said. About 700 Kokang troops who fled to China handed over their weapons to Chinese officials during the weekend, but about 200 Kokang fighters remained in UWSAcontrolled territories with their leader, Peng Jiasheng, to launch guerrilla attacks against Burmese troops, according to sources. Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese observer on the Sino-Burmese border, said the Burmese regime has also been reinforcing its troops in southern Shan State opposite UWSA units based on the Thai-Burmese border. He said the Burmese regime might continue fighting weaker ethnic ceasefire groups in northern Burma as there has been no significant international pressure as a result of the recent clashes in the Kokang area.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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NEWS ANALYSIS

Border Guard Force Plan Leads to End of Ceasefire By WAI MOE

Monday, August 31, 2009

The failure of the Kokang ceasefire group to join the junta’s border guard force led to the armed clashes between government troops and the Kokang army, the subsequent loss of the Kokang headquarters and the end to two-decade ceasefire. It may also signal the start of more similar clashes between government forces and ethnic groups opposed to the junta’s plan to create a border guard force made up of ethnic armies. A four-month campaign to have ethnic ceasefire groups get behind the State Peace and Development Council’s (SPDC) Border Guard Force before the 2010 election has clearly failed. What is the Border Guard Force (BGF)? In late April, Burmese generals, including Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the chief of the Military Affairs Security (MAS) of the Tatmadaw ( Burmese armed forces) and secretary of the BGF Transformation Committee, traveled to Shan State and Kachin State to meet with leaders of the Kachin, Kokang, Shan and Wa ethnic armed groups based along the Sino-Burmese border. The generals outlined the blue print of the Border Guard Force. According to a military document obtained by The Irrawaddy at the end of April, the blueprint made clear the BGF plan gives greater control of ethnic armed groups to the Tatmadaw by putting all ethnic armies under the command of the commander-in-

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif chief of the Tatmadaw, currently Srn-Gen Than Shwe, head of the SPDC. According to the leaked document, a BGF battalion would have 326 soldiers including 18 officers and three commanders with the rank of major. Among the three commanders, two would be from ethnic armed groups and one from the Tatmadaw who would manage day-to-day administration. Other keys positions such as general staff officer and quartermaster officer would also be from the Tatmadaw. Twenty-seven other ranking non-commissioned officers would be from the Tatmadaw such as company sergeant majors, sergeants, clerks, nurses and so on. All BGF troops would be mobilized only in areas within their own territory. Salary and benefits for BGF troops would be paid by the Tatmadaw at the same level as regular soldiers. To date only the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army and the National Democratic Army-Kachin have agreed to transform their armies into a BGF. The SPDC has set a June deadline for ethnic armies to response to the BGF order. Among the noticeable groups that have failed to sign on to the proposal are the Kokang Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, the United Wa State Army, the National Democratic Alliance Army, the Kachin Independence Army and the Shan State Army-North. In late July, regional commanders of the Tatmadaw from Shan State met with ethnic leaders in a final effort at negotiations. It’s failure prompted the SPDC to send thousands of troops to northeast Burma and led to the armed clashes that ended a two-decade ceasefire. Mikael Gravers of Aarhus University in Denmark who specializes in Burma’s ethnic affairs said that the renewed conflict between the regime and ethnic armies ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif underscores the complexity of the ceasefires and highlights the struggle for control of natural resources and border trade, including the drug trade. Also at issue is the ethnic groups’ struggle for autonomy. The BGF plan is authorized under the military-backed 2008 constitution. Under the constitution, the Tatmadaw the commander-in-chief can assign duties relating to security and border affairs in self-administered zones or among ethnic armed groupcontrolled areas. The constitution also authorizes a forth administrative position in self-administered zones for military officers appointed by the commander-in-chief. Moreover, the constitution states that all the armed forces in Burma shall be under the command of the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief. Jeff Kingston, the director of Asian studies at Temple University’s Japan campus, said, “Ethnic groups are naturally unhappy with the junta's approach to ethnic issues, its refusal to grant some autonomy under a federal system, exclusion from substantive influence on the new constitution and insistence on its ‘unitary state’ approach at the end of a gun barrel.” “After 20 years of relative peace, this offensive is the latest sign that the ceasefires may be unraveling,” he said.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Halt Military Campaigns against Ethnic Nationalities: US By LALIT K JHA / WASHINGTON

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

The United States has urged the Burmese military junta to cease its military campaigns against ethnic groups in the eastern and northern areas of the country. The statement on Monday from the Obama Administration comes in the wake of reports that thousands of people have crossed the border into China and Thailand because of the military actions launched by the military government. “The brutal fighting has forced thousands of civilians to flee their homes for safety in Thailand and China, and reduced both stability and the prospects for national reconciliation,” said a State Department spokesman, Ian Kelly. “We urge the Burmese authorities to cease their military campaign and to develop a genuine dialogue with the ethnic minority groups, as well as with Burma’s democratic opposition,” he said, adding that the US is closely monitoring the situation. Kelly said the reports that some refugee are returning is good news. “Our call to the Burmese authorities to continue to develop a national reconciliation process stands. But if they are returning, obviously, that’s welcome news,” he said. Responding to questions, Kelly said the US Burma review is closer to its conclusion and the final review is expected in the next few weeks. “We were waiting on a number of developments, particularly the trial of Aung San

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Suu Kyi. Obviously, that has taken place,” he said. “I would expect sometime in the next couple weeks, as we get through the summer holidays and the Labor Day break, that we will have a final review and approval of a Burma strategy. “I am not going to say which way we are leaning on this. I don’t want to prejudge the process,” he said. Meanwhile, New York-based Burma Point urged UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to support the view of Timor-Leste President Jos? Ramos-Horta that the Security Council and countries of the world should freeze funds and assets held abroad by key officials in the military junta. “Burma has legitimately elected leaders from the 1990 election who were denied the opportunity to represent their people,” Burma Point said in its letter to the secretarygeneral. “We strongly urge the United Nations to acknowledge and accept the credentials of the legitimate leaders representing the people of Burma if such credentials are submitted.” “In the midst of ongoing civil war in upper Burma, lives of not only the ethnic nationalities but also the general population will be spared if members of the United Nations take bold action against the military junta,” said Moe Chan, Burma Point executive director “Member nations must not allow the junta to continue its egregious abuses of its own people. This inaction undermines the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and will forever stand as a blot on the history of the struggle for peace and democracy,” he said.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Kokang Refugees' Return Slows By NG HAN GUAN / AP WRITER

Tuesday, September 1, 2009

NANSAN — Chinese authorities began pulling down tent camps Tuesday as the number of refugees returning to Burma fell sharply from the thousands the day before. While deadly fighting has reportedly ended between Burma's military and armed ethnic rebels in the country's northern Kokang region, monitoring groups warned that such battles could resume, along with widespread looting and damage to shops and homes. More than 30,000 civilian refugees had streamed into China's Yunnan A Burmese border guard stands on duty near a woman attempting to carry a TV set and a baby near a line of people arriving at the Burma-China border gate in Kokang city on Monday. (Photo: AP)

province to escape the three days of fighting,

which broke out after hundreds of Burmese soldiers moved into Kokang to pressure wary rebels to give up their arms and become border guards. The country's military junta wants stability with its several armed ethnic groups ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif before next year's national elections, the first in nearly 20 years. Chinese authorities housed the refugees in up to seven makeshift camps in Yunnan, and about 4,000 returned home on Monday. But the returnees dwindled to a trickle on Tuesday, with about 30 seen returning during a half-hour period at the Nansan border crossing. Many thousands remained in Yunnan and it was not clear whether they intended to stay or return. Chinese officials refused to release information about the latest situation Tuesday morning and ordered foreign journalists to leave the area. "Chinese people don't really want to stay over there anymore," said Zhang Suzhen, a Chinese citizen heading back to Kokang to look after her shop. "Some of the people have lost everything they own," she said. At a makeshift camp in Nansan, authorities had dismantled many of the emergency relief tents used to house the refugees. Others who had fled remained camped in adjacent unfinished buildings, their laundry hanging from the frameless windows. The crisis showed how Burmese ruling junta can sow instability that spills into China, prompting a rare request from Beijing last A Chinese soldier is followed by a young refugee as he helps them with bags towards the Burmese border. (Photo: Getty Images)

week that the generals calm the situation and protect the interests of Chinese nationals there. The junta said the three days of clashes killed

26 government soldiers and at least eight rebels. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Aung Din, executive director of the US Campaign for Burma, said Burmese forces were continuing to pour into the northeast, confiscating private vehicles along the way, as a prelude to more fighting. China has maintained close economic and diplomatic ties with the largely isolated junta, and Chinese state oil companies have signed contracts to buy oil and natural gas from offshore fields that are to be pumped through pipelines into Yunnan. Large numbers of Chinese citizens have migrated to Burma for business, and Chinese companies are helping build dams on the Salween river in Burma. Critics say the military often commits human rights abuses as it tries to clear areas for construction. Despite its policy of nonintervention, China may try to persuade Burma to hold its fire to ensure border stability ahead of the October 1 celebrations of the 60th anniversary of communist China, said Lai-Ha Chan, a researcher on China at Australia's University of Technology, Sydney. Chan said more serious or intrusive political steps are unlikely, adding, "Myanmar [Burma] still holds ideological and material value for China."

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ကိုးကန္႔ဒုကၡသည္တို႔ အိမ္မျပန္ရဲေသး 31 August 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-08-31-voa3.cfm ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႕ေတြက တ႐ုတ္အာဏာပိုင္ဆီမွာ လက္နက္အပ္ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္ျပည္တြင္းကို

၀င္ေရာက္သြားခဲ့တဲ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသကို ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ေတြက ျဖန္႔က်က္ေနရာယူ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားလုိက္ၿပီး ဒီကေန႔အထိေတာ့ တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ထပ္မံျဖစ္ပြားတာ မရိွေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာသတင္းစာေတြမွာ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံကို ထြက္ေျပးသြားတဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ

ျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္လာၿပီလို႔ ေဖာ္ျပေပမယ့္ ဒုကၡသည္ အမ်ားစုကေတာ့ မျပန္ရဲဘဲ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို႔ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က အေျခအေနကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနသူေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။

အျပည့္အစံုကိုေတာ့ ထိုင္းအေျခစိုက္ သတင္းေထာက္ ကိုမိုးေဇာ္က တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႕ေတြအၾကားမွာ ဒီလ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ကေန ၃ ရက္ၾကာ တိုက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ၂၉ ရက္ေန႔က ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႕ေတြဟာ တ႐ုတ္ျပည္တြင္းကို

ဆုတ္ခြာသြားခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ဘက္တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြဟာ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔ မေန႔ကစၿပီး ၿငိမ္သက္သြားခဲ့ရာက ဒီကေန႔လည္း ထပ္မံ တုိက္ခိုက္တာေတြ မရိွေတာ့ဘူးလို႔ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔အဖဲြ႕ရဲ႕ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရိွသူ ဦးေမာင္ဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ေနာက္ဆံုးအေျခအေနကေတာ့ ဒီပစ္ခတ္မႈက ေလာေလာဆယ္ေတာ့ ၿငိမ္သြားပါၿပီခင္ဗ်။ အခု ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ဗမာစစ္သားေတြ ေနရာယူထားပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။”

ဒီေန႔ထုတ္ေ၀တဲ့ ျမန္မာအစိုးရပိုင္ သတင္းစာေတြမွာေတာ့ ၂၉ ရက္ေန႔က စတင္ၿပီး စစ္တပ္၊ ရဲနဲ႔ ကိုးကန္႔ ပူးေပါင္းအဖဲြ႕ေတြက နယ္ေျမကို ျပန္လည္ထိန္းသိမ္းၿပီး တည္ၿငိမ္မႈရေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္ကို ထြက္ေျပးသြားသူေတြ ျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္လာၿပီလို႔ ေဖာ္ျပပါတယ္။

ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔အဖဲြ႕ရဲ႕ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရိွသူက ကိုးကန္႔ဒုကၡသည္ေတြဟာ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ နမ့္ဆန္ၿမိဳ႕က ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမွာ ဆက္လက္ေနထိုင္ေနဆဲ ရိွတယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ “တကယ္လို႔ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ဆုိရင္ေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထု ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား ျပန္၀င္ၾကမွာေပါ့။ အခုေတာ့ ဘယ္သူမွ မျပန္ေသးပါဘူး။ မေန႔ကေတာင္ နမ့္ဆန္ၿမိဳ႕ကုိ ဆက္သြယ္ေသးတယ္။

အဲဒီက တေယာက္မွ မျပန္ေသးဘူး။ မေန႔က ေလာက္ကိုင္မွာ ၿခံေစာင့္ ေစ်းေရာင္းတဲ့လူေတြကို ဆက္သြယ္ေသးတယ္။ သူတို႔လည္း ၿခံထဲမွာပဲ ေနတယ္၊ အျပင္မထြက္ဘူး။ မေန႔က သူ စားစရာ၀ယ္ဖို႔ ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕ထဲ ထြက္သြားေတာ့ ဆုိင္ေတြ တဆုိင္မွ ထြက္တာမေတြ႕ဘူး။ တခ်ဳိ႕ဆုိင္ေတြ ေဖာက္ထားတာေတြ႕တယ္၊ တခ်ဳိ႕ဆုိင္ေတြမွာဆုိရင္ လူေသအေလာင္းေတြ ေတြ႕လို႔ သူလည္း ထြက္ေျပးသြားတယ္။” တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က ႏုိင္ငံေရး စစ္ေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဖဲြ႕ေတြဟာ ေလာက္ကိုင္ၿမိဳ႕နဲ႔ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ၿမိဳ႕ေတြက ကုန္တုိက္ေတြနဲ႔ ေနအိမ္ေတြကို ေဖာက္ထြင္းၿပီး ပစၥည္းေတြ ထုတ္ယူေနတယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒီလိုအေျခအေနေတြေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္စစ္ဘက္က ကိုးကန္႔ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို မျပန္ခိုင္းေသးဘဲ တားျမစ္ထားတယ္လို႔ သူက ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။

“အခု တ႐ုတ္ေတြက ေျပာတယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ အေျခအေနေတာ့ ေအးေဆးသြားၿပီ ထင္တယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ သြားရင္ သြားၾကပါဆုိေတာ့ မွန္ေျပာင္းနဲ႔ ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္စစ္တပ္က လူေတြက ေျပာတယ္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ အရမ္းမသြားၾကနဲ႔တဲ့။ သူတုိ႔က အကုန္ျမင္ေနတာကိုး။

ဘာေတြလုပ္တယ္ဆုိတာ မွန္ေျပာင္းနဲ႔ၾကည့္ရင္ အကုန္ ျမင္ေနရတာကုိး။ သြားတဲ့လူေတြကလည္း ဘယ္သူမွ ရြာလုံးကၽြတ္ မျပန္ရဲၾကဘူး။ တရြာလုံးမွ ေလးငါးေယာက္စုၿပီး အိမ္သြားျပန္ၾကည့္ခုိင္းတာတုိ႔ ဘာတုိ႔ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။”

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

151

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ခုခါမွာေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ နမ့္ဆန္ၿမိဳ႕မွာ ကိုးကန္႔ဒုကၡသည္ ၃၀,၀၀၀ ေလာက္ ေရာက္ရိွၿပီး တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရက ယာယီတဲ၊ စားစရာနဲ႔ ေဆး၀ါးေတြ ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးထားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရရဲ႕ သတင္းမွာေတာ့ ကိုးကန္႔ျပႆနာဟာ ဥပေဒခ်ဳိးေဖာက္သူ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၊ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားဖု၊

တ႐ုတ္အစုိးရက စီစဥ္ေပးထားေသာ ဦးဖုန္တာရႊင္နဲ႔ ဦးဖုန္တာလီတို႔ ၄ ေယာက္နဲ႔သာ နမ့္ဆန္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ကုိးကန္႔ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း။ သက္ဆိုင္ၿပီး က်န္လူေတြနဲ႔ မသက္ဆိုင္ေၾကာင္း၊ ၾသဂုတ္ ၃၁၊ ၂၀၀၉။

မသိနားမလည္ဘဲ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သူ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႕၀င္ေတြကို

ဥပေဒေဘာင္အတြင္း လံုၿခံဳစိတ္ခ်စြာ ျပန္လာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိျပန္လာမယ္ဆိုရင္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး အသစ္ဖဲြ႕စည္းလုိက္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသ ယာယီဦးစီးေကာ္မတီကို ဆက္သြယ္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။

ဒီရက္ပုိင္းအတြင္း ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ တိုက္ပဲြေတြအတြင္းမွာ ျမန္မာအစုိးရဘက္က စစ္သား ၁၁ ေယာက္၊ ရဲသား ၁၅ ေယာက္ က်ဆံုးခဲ့ၿပီး ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ကို သစၥာခံတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႕ဘက္က အေလာင္း ၈ ေလာင္း ရမိတယ္လို႔ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ပါတယ္။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသအတြင္း အခုလုိ တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားရတာဟာ ဒီလ ၂၃ ရက္ေန႔က ကိုးကန္႔အဖဲြ႕ ဥကၠ႒ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ေနအိမ္ကို လက္နက္စက္႐ံု ရိွတယ္ဆိုၿပီး ၀င္ေရာက္ စီးနင္းရွာေဖြရာကေန စတင္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကိုးကန္အဖဲြ႕နဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္အၾကား အခုအခါမွာ တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ၿငိမ္သက္သြားေပမယ့္ ပဋိပကၡေတြကေတာ့ အဆံုးသတ္မွာ မဟုတ္ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေလ့လာသူေတြက သံုးသပ္ေနၾကပါတယ္။

ကိုးကန္႔အေရး အေမရိကန္ စိုးရိမ္မကင္းျဖစ္ 31 August 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-08-31-voa9.cfm ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ရွိ လူနည္းစု ကုိးကန္႔ေတြအေပၚ တုိက္ခုိက္ေနတာေတြ ရပ္တန္းက ရပ္ပါလုိ႔ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုက တုိက္တြန္းလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ပိုင္း တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္အနီးမွာ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က ကုိးကန္႔လူမ်ဳိးေတြကို

တုိက္ခုိက္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုက စုိးရိမ္မကင္း ျဖစ္ရတယ္လို႔ အေမရိကန္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ အီယန္ ကယ္လီ (Ian Kelly) က မေန႔က ပုံမွန္ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲမွာ ေျပာဆုိလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသား ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးအတြက္ အင္အားသုံး တုိက္ခုိက္တာေတြကို အသံုးမျပဳဘဲ ဒီမုိကေရစီ အင္အားစုေတြနဲ႔ စားပြဲ၀ုိင္းမွာ အႏွစ္သာရရွိတဲ့ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

152

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးတာေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ပါလို႔ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ထပ္ေလာင္း တုိက္တြန္းလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၆ ရက္ေန႔က စတင္ခဲ့တဲ့ တုိက္ပြဲေတြေၾကာင့္ ကုိးကန္႔ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္ ၃၀,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ဟာ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲမွာ ခုိလႈံခဲ့ၾကၿပီး အခု တခ်ဳိ႕ အိမ္ကိုျပန္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အပစ္ရပ္ထားတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ အေျပာကို မယုံၾကတဲ့အတြက္ အထိတ္တလန္႔ ရွိေနၾကဆဲပဲလို႔ ေဒသခံေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ၾကာ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီတုိက္ပြဲေတြအတြင္း ျမန္မာစစ္သား

၂၆ ေယာက္ က်ဆုံးခဲ့ၿပီး ကုိးကန္႔ဘက္က ၈ ေယာက္ ေသဆုံးခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဘက္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ေတြအျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖုိ႔အတြက္ စစ္အစိုးရက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားေပမယ့္ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြက လက္မခံတာေၾကာင့္ အခုလုိ ပဋိပကၡေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကရတယ္လုိ႔ ျပည္ပေရာက္ အတုိက္အခံအဖြဲ႕ေတြက ေျပာေနၾကပါတယ္။

Activist say recent clashes may link to Chinese planned Salween dam TUESDAY, 01 SEPTEMBER 2009 17:14 HSENG KHIO FAH The three days of heavy clashes, 27-29 August, between the Burma Army and Kokang may link to Chinese plans to build the Upper Salween Dam also known as Kunlong Dam in northern Shan State, near Kokang territory, according to Sai Khur Hseng, Spokesperson of Shan Sapawa Environmental Organization. Today, the Shan Sapawa together with the Salween Watch coalition of environmental groups released a statement to call on China to immediately halt all their investments in the dam.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The recent clashes which killed about 200 people and caused over 30,000 refugees to flee to China took place just east of the town of Kunlong, about 15 km from the planned dam site, said the statement. “The renewed fighting and refugee influx into Yunnan should be a wake-up call to China about the risks of investing in Burma,” said Sai Khur Hseng. According to the statement, a team of Chinese and Burmese technicians have been conducting feasibility studies for the proposed dam, 25 km from the Chinese border, which is estimated to produce 2,400 MW, after the plans to construct the dam were announced in April 2007 by two Chinese companies, Hanergy Holding Group (formerly Farsighted Investment Group) and Gold Water Resources Company. “Trees were being cut down for the construction site,” Sai Khur Hseng said. The Kunlong dam is one of five mega dams being planned on the Salween in Burma by the ruling military and Chinese and Thai companies, to produce electricity to be sold to China and Thailand. The other mega dam being planned in Shan State is the giant 7,110 MW Tasang dam, 100 km from the Thai border. In early August, more than 10,000 villagers from townships near the Tasang dam site were forcibly relocated and over 500 houses were burned down by the recent junta’s scorched earth campaign. Likewise, if China still plans to continue the project, lots of people will be forced to relocate and die as both investors and the military will clear everything that may be in the way of their plans, Sai Khur Hseng said. “China will halt its investments in the dam if it had not been working hand in glove with the junta during the offensive against Kokang,” he added. The clashes between the Burma Army and Kokang followed after the Burma Army sent an armed force ostensibly to investigate reports of Kokang force having an arms factory on 8 August. Tension between the ceasefire groups and the ruling military junta has been growing ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif since April when the former were demanded to transform themselves into Burma Army run Border Guard Forces.

ေဒသခံတပ္ရင္းသူလွ်ဳိေပ်ာက္ က်ဳိင္းတံုဂ်ီ၀မ္း ႏွင့္ စရဖမႉး မိုင္းလားသို႕ထြက္႐ွာ အဂၤါေန႕၊ 01 စက္တင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးသြားသည့္ နအဖ စစ္တပ္ သူလွ်ဳိ သံုးေယာက္သတင္း က်ဳိင္းတံုဂ်ီ၀မ္း ႏွင့္ စရဖမႉး မိုင္းလားတာ၀န္႐ွိ မ်ားထံသြားေရာက္ စံုစမ္းေမးျမန္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္း တ႐ုပ္နယ္စပ္သတင္းရပ္ကြက္ကေျပာပါသည္။

“ယမန္ေန႕က က်ဳိင္းတံု ဂ်ီ၀မ္း ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းထြဋ္သိန္း ၊ စရဖမႉး ဗိုလ္မႉး ရန္ေနာင္စိုး

မိုင္းလားကိုေရာက္လာတယ္။ အထူးေဒသ ၄ ထဲမွာ သူတို႕ စစ္သား ၃ ေယာက္ ေပ်ာက္သြားလို႕ သတင္းလာေမးတာတဲ့၊ ကိုးကန္႕ ကိစၥနဲ႕ပတ္သက္ ၿပီး ေတာ့လဲ နားမေယာင္ဖို႕လာေျပာ

တယ္ၾကားတယ္” - ဟု က်ဳိင္းတံုေရာက္ ပန္ဆန္းကုန္သည္တဦးက သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သို႕ ေျပာပါသည္။

အထူးေဒသအတြင္း စစ္အစိုးရလြတ္ထားေသာသူလွ်ဳိအမ်ားအျပား႐ွိေၾကာင္း၊ ယခုေပ်ာက္သြားသည့္ သူလွ်ဳိသံုး ဦးအနက္တပ္ၾကပ္ႀကီး ဆင့္႐ွိသူတဦးကုိ ဒဏ္ရာအျပင္းအထန္ႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ေတြ႕႐ွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း - အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သည့္ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းက ဆိုသည္။

က်ဳိင္းတံု ဂ်ီ၀မ္း ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီးသန္းထြဋ္သိန္း ႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

“က်ေနာ္သိရသေလာက္ ေပ်ာက္သြားတဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရ သူလွ်ဳိအုပ္စုလုိ႕ ယူဆရသူေတြဟာ နယ္လွည့္ေဆးကု ဆရာ၀န္ ဟန္ေဆာင္ၿပီး အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕အတြင္း အေရးႀကီးကိစၥ

ဌာနတည္ေနရာေတြ လိုက္ေထာက္လွမ္း တဲ့သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္၊ ျပန္ေတြ႕တဲ့ တေယာက္က

ေခါင္းမွာဒဏ္ရာေတြနဲ႕လို႕ေျပာတယ္။ အခုမိုင္းယန္းေဆး႐ုံမွာ” - ဟု အဆိုပါကုန္သည္က ဆက္ ေျပာပါသည္။

ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးသြားသည့္ စစ္တပ္သူလွ်ဳိႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မိုင္းလားအဖြဲ႕က တစံုတရာ

သိ႐ွိျခင္းမ႐ွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ႐ွာေဖြ ေတြ႕႐ွိလွ်င္အျမန္ဆံုး အေၾကာင္းၾကားေပးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျပန္လည္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆို၏။ စစ္အစိုးရ အရာ႐ွိ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႕ မိုင္းလားသို႕ လူေပ်ာက္သတင္းသြားေရာက္စံုစမ္းေမးျမန္းသည့္ ခရီးစဥ္တြင္ “ကိုးကန္႕ ကိစၥ နဲ႕ ပတ္သက္လို႕ ဘာမွ စိုးရိမ္ထိပ္လန္႕ဖို႕မလိုဘူး၊ ပံုမွန္အတိုင္းဘဲ ေနသြားပါ။ ကိုးကန္႕တပ္ဖြဲ႕အတြင္း စိတ္၀မ္းကြဲခဲ့တာ ကို တပ္မေတာ္က ၀င္ေရာက္ေျဖ႐ွင္းေပးတာပါဘဲ။ ဒါကို ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္း အုပ္စုက လက္မခံတဲ့အတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္ရတာ။ အေျခအေနပံုမွန္အတိုင္း ျပန္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ တပ္မေတာ္က

ကူညီေဆာင္႐ြက္ေပးခဲ့ၿပီးၿပီ” - ဟု က်ဳိင္းတံု ဂ်ီ၀မ္း က ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္ဟုဆိုသည္။ ကိုးကန္႕အေရးအခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မိုင္းလား ထိပ္ပိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား

ေဆြးေႏြးသံုးသပ္ေနၾကေၾကာင္း၊ ေလာေလာဆယ္ စစ္အစိုးရအင္အားသံုးၿပီး မုိင္းလားအေပၚ ဖိအားေပးလာမည့္ အေျခအေနမေရာက္ေသးေသာ္လည္း - အနာဂတ္ မလြဲမေသြ ရင္ဆိုင္ရမည့္ အေျခအေနအဆိုး/ေကာင္း အတြက္ အဆင္သင့္ ျပင္ဆင္ထားရမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုေဆြးေႏြး သည္ ဟု အပစ္ရပ္ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သည့္ ပန္ဆန္းကုန္သည္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းက ေျပာပါသည္။

ကိုးကန္႕ျပႆနာ တျခားအပစ္ရပ္ေဒသအတြင္း ကယက္႐ုိက္

တနလၤာေန႕၊ 31 ၾသဂုတ္လ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္အပတ္က ကိုးကန္႕ေဒသအတြင္း စစ္အစိုးရအင္အားသံုး ၀င္ေရာက္သိမ္းပိုက္ခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ယေန႕အထိ သွ်မ္းျပည္ အေ႐ွ႕ပိုင္း မိုင္းလားေဒသ ႏွင့္ ေတာင္ပိုင္းပိုင္း ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ား အတြင္းအထူး ကယက္ ႐ုိက္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းနယ္စပ္သတင္း ရပ္ကြက္ က ေျပာပါသည္။

“မိုင္းလားေဒသအတြင္း ေထာက္ခံခ်က္မပါတဲ့ တစ္လနီးပါးေလာက္ကအသစ္ေရာက္လာသူ

ဗမာေ႐ြ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမား ၄၇၀ ေယာက္ကို မိုင္းလား အာဏာပိုင္ေတြဖမ္းၿပီးေတာ့ (က်ဳိင္းတံု မိုင္းလားၾကား) တာ့ပင္း နမ့္ေလြတံတားအထိ သြား သြန္ခ်လိုက္တယ္။ လံုၿခံဳေရးပိုတင္း ၾကပ္လာတယ္။ မ်က္ႏွာစိမ္းေတြသတိထားစစ္ေဆး တယ္” - ဟု မိုင္းလားေဒသခံ တဦးကေျပာျပပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကိုးကန္႕အေရးအခင္း သတင္းေၾကာင့္ မိမိလံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ စိုးရိမ္သည့္ မိုင္းလား႐ွိ စစ္အစိုးရဌာနဆိုင္ရာ၀န္ထမ္း အခ်ဳိ႕ ေ႐ွာင္တခင္ခြင့္ျဖင့္ ေနရပ္ျပန္သူ ဆယ္ဂဏန္းခန္႕႐ွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာပါသည္။

ထို႕အတူ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ၀ ေဒသတြင္ မိုင္းဆတ္အေျခစိုက္ စကခ (၁၄) မႉး ဗိုလ္မႉးသန္းထြန္းဦး ႏွင့္ ၎ G.1 တို႕ မိုင္းယြန္း႐ွိ ၀ တပ္မႉးအားေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးရန္ သြားေရာက္သာ္လည္းအေတြ႕မခံေၾကာင္း၊ ၾသဂတ္စ္ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႕ မိုင္းတံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ပံုပါက်င္

အေျခစိုက္ ဗ်ဴဟာမႉး ဗိုလ္မႉးေက်ာ္သူကလည္း ႀကိဳတင္သတိေပးမႈတစံုတရာမ႐ွိဘဲ မိုင္းတုံ BP 1 ၁ ကားလမ္း အေနာက္ဘက္ျခမ္း႐ွိ ၇-၈ ေနရာေက်ာ္ ၀ တပ္စခန္းမ်ားအားလုံး ခြၽန္းခ်က္မ႐ွိ ခ်က္ခ်င္းတပ္႐ုပ္ေပးရန္ သတိေပးလိုက္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာပါ သည္။

“၀ တပ္ေတြျပန္ဖို႕မဆိုထားနဲ႕ သူတို႕ ေတာင္ေပၚ တပ္စခန္းေတြဆီေတာင္ အင္အား ထပ္ျဖည့္ ေနရာယူၾကေသးတယ္။ စားနပ္ရိကၡာပိုစုေဆာင္း သိုေလွာင္လာတယ္။

ကိုးကန္႕ဘက္တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေနတုန္း မိုင္းဆတ္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အတြင္း႐ွိ လားဟူ ျပည္သူ႕ စစ္ေတြ ေခၚၿပီး

အင္အားျဖည့္ခိုင္းထားတဲ့ဟာေတြေတာ့ ဌာေနျပန္ခိုင္းေပမယ့္ ၀ အေပၚ ဆက္ဆံပံုလႈပ္႐ွားမႈ က ပိုတင္းမာ လာတယ္” - ဟု မိုင္းတုံ ေဒသခံတဦးက ေျပာျပ၏။

တာခ်ီလိတ္ - မိုင္းဆတ္ - မိုင္းတံု - ေဟြေအာ့ဘက္ အတက္အဆင္းျပဳသည့္ ၀ အဆက္အသြယ္

အရပ္ကားမ်ား၊ ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ ပိုင္ကားမ်ားအား နအဖေဒသခံတပ္လမ္းကင္းစခန္းမ်ားက ပိုမိုၾကပ္မတ္ စစ္ေဆး႐ွာေဖြလာေၾကာင္း၊ မိုင္းဆတ္ ၀မ့္ဟုန္႕႐ွိ ၀ ဓါတ္ဆီဆိုင္ ကုန္စံုဆိုင္လည္း ပိတ္လိုက္ၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သို႕ ဆက္ေျပာျပပါသည္။ သီးျခားအတည္မျပဳႏိုင္ေသးသည့္ သတင္းမ်ားအရ

မိုင္းလားတပ္ဖြဲ႕ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမတြင္း႐ွိေငြေရးေၾကးေရး ျပည့္စံုေသာ မိသားစု ၁၀၀ နီးပါး က်ဳိင္းတံု၊ တာခ်ီလိတ္ဘက္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ တ႐ုပ္ျပည္တြင္းသို႕ေသာ္ လည္းေကာင္း ေ႐ြ႕ေျပာင္း ေနၾကၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ထို႕အတူ တ႐ုပ္ျပည္ဘက္ျခမ္း

နယ္ျခားမ်ဥ္းတေလွ်ာက္တြင္လည္း တ႐ုပ္စစ္တပ္ရာႏွင့္ခ်ီ ျဖည့္တင္း ေနရာယူလာေၾကာင္း အပစ္ရပ္ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းက ေျပာပါသည္။

ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္း ေထာက္ခံအဖြဲ႕အား နအဖ အာဏာပိုင္ လိုက္လံဖမ္းဆီး တနလၤာေန႕၊ 31 ၾသဂုတ္လ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္

ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းအုပ္စုအားေထာက္ခံသည္ဟု စြပ္စြဲသတ္မွတ္ခံရေသာလား႐ႈိးၿမိဳ႕ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚ႐ွိ ကိုးကန္႕တိုင္းရင္းသား ေနအိမ္ မ်ား အား စစ္အစိုးရ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား အိမ္တက္ဆင္း လိုက္လံ႐ွာေဖြစစ္ေဆးေၾကာင္း တ႐ုပ္နယ္စပ္သတင္းရပ္ကြက္ ေျပာပါ သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

157

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

“သူတို႕မသကၤာတဲ့ ကိုးကန္႕ ေနအိမ္ေတြ တစ္အိမ္တက္ဆင္း႐ွင္းလိုက္စစ္တယ္။ ေန႕ ည

မေ႐ြးဘူး။ မေန႕တုန္းက လား႐ႈိး ရပ္ကြက္ ၇ လုန္ေလာ့ က ကိုးကန္႕႐ုံးတာ၀န္ခံ ယန္က်ီးမင္ ေနအိမ္ကို သြားစစ္ၿပီး သူ႕မိန္းမ ကိုထပ္ဖမ္းသြား တယ္၊ ပစၥတို ေသနတ္ ၂ လက္နဲ႕ လက္ပစ္ဗံုးရတယ္တဲ့” - ဟု လြယ္ယို႕ ကုန္သည္ က ေျပာပါသည္။

တဦး

ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းအားပုန္ကန္အာဏာသိမ္းရန္ စစ္အုပ္စုထံ ကူးေျပာင္းသြားသူ နအဖ အလိုေတာ္ရိ လက္႐ွိ အသစ္ခ်ပ္ခြၽတ္ ယာယီကိုးကန္႕႐ုပ္ေသးဥကၠဌ ပိုင္ဆံုခ်ိန္

ကုိးကန္႕အေရးအခင္းစျဖစ္ကတည္းက လိုက္လံဖမ္းဆီးမႈ႐ွိေနေၾကာင္း၊ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းအုပ္စု၏ လား႐ႈိး႐ုံး တာ၀န္ခံ ယန္က်ီးမင္ အားလည္း လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၁၀ ရက္ခန္႕က ဖမ္းဆီးသြားေၾကာင္း ေျပာပါသည္။ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းအုပ္စု ႐ႈံးႏွိမ့္ရျခင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ မူဆယ္အေျခစိုက္ကိုးကန္႕ကုန္သည္တဦးက

အေၾကာင္းရင္း ၃ ရပ္အေပၚ အေျခခံေၾကာင္း -(၁) ၆/၈/၀၉ မတိုင္ခင္က ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းသည္ ဥကၠဌ အာဏာသံုးၿပီး ၎၏ ဒုဥကၠဌ ပိုင္ဆံုခ်ိန္ ၊ လ်ဴေကာ္႐ွီး ႏွင့္ ထိပ္ပိုင္းအရာ႐ွိ ၄ ဦးအား ရာထူးမွျဖဳတ္ခ်ျခင္း၊ (၂) ၎င္းတို႕အုပ္စုက စစ္အစိုးရ၏နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္

အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးအစီအစဥ္လက္ခံရန္ ဆႏၵ႐ွိသည္ကိုေတြ႕ရသျဖင့္ ရာထူးမွဖယ္႐ွားျခင္း၊ (၃)ပိုင္ဆံုခ်ိန္အုပ္စုကလည္း ကိုးကန္႕နယ္ေျမေဒသ၏ စစ္ေရးက႑၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးက႑ႏွင့္

စီးပြားေရးက႑ အားလံုးကို ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းက ၎၏ သားသံုးဦး အား လြဲအပ္ေပးျခင္းတို႕ေၾကာင့္ မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္ၿပီး လား႐ႈိးရမခ တိုင္းမႉးဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္သန္းထြဋ္ထံ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းတို႕အုပ္စု

လက္နက္စက္႐ုံႏွင့္ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးခ်က္႐ုံ႐ွိသည္ဟုနာမည္ေရာင္းစားလံၾကဳပ္အေၾကာင္းၾကားခဲ့ ေသာေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆို၏။ သီးျခားအတည္မျပဳေသးသည့္သတင္းအရ လာမည့္ ၂/၉/၀၉ ရက္ေန႕တြင္ စစ္အုပ္စု၏ရဲခ်ဳပ္ခင္ရီ၊ ဒုရဲခ်ဳပ္ ေဇာ္၀င္း ႏွင့္ ျပည္ထဲေရး၀င္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေမာင္ဦးတို႕အဖြဲ႕

ကိုးကန္႕အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေကာ္မတီသစ္ဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးအတြက္ လား႐ႈိးႏွင့္ ကိုးကန္႕ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ေလာက္ကိုင္သို႕သြားေရာက္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရပါသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

158

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ စစ္ေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ထပ္မံတိုးျမွင့္ေန WEDNESDAY, 02 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:52 ဧရာဝတီ

တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ၿပီးဆုံးသြားေသာ္လည္း စစ္ေရးျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား ထပ္မံတိုးျမႇင့္လ်က္ ရွိေၾကာင္း စစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္ေသာ အသုိင္းအ၀န္းက ေျပာသည္။

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ ဇန္က်န္း ေဒသဘက္မွ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္သို႔ ယမန္ေန႔က ျပန္လည္ဝင္ ေရာက္လာေသာ ကိုးကန္႔ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား (ဓာတ္ပုံ - Getty Images) တပ္ဖြဲ႔ အင္အားမ်ား ထပ္မံတိုးျမႇင့္ေနျခင္းမွာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ လူမ်ိဳးစု ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္ေပါင္းစု (ကုိးကန္႔) ေခၚ (MNDAA) တပ္ဖြဲ႔ကို အၿပီးသတ္္ ေခ်မႈန္းႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ အမွတ္(၂) စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာ လုံၿခဳံေရး အႀကီးအကဲ ဒု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္၏ စီစဥ္ ညြန္ၾကားမႈ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ဆိုသည္။ ယင္းေဒသတြင္ ယခင္က တပ္ရင္း ၁၀ ရင္းသာ တပ္စြဲ ထားေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခါ ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕ ေတာင္ဘက္ႏွင့္ ေျမာက္ဘက္တြင္ ရွမ္းျပည္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း သိႏၵီ အေျခစိုက္ အမွတ္(၁၆) စစ္ဆင္ေရး ကြပ္ကဲမႈ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္ရင္း ၁၀ ရင္းကို လည္းေကာင္း၊ စစ္ကိုင္းတိုင္းရွိ ေျခလ်င္ တပ္မ (၃၃) မွ တပ္ရင္း ၁၀ ရင္းကုိ လည္းေကာင္း ထပ္မံ ျဖန္႔က်က္ထားသျဖင့္ စုစုေပါင္း တပ္ရင္း ၃၀ ရွိသြားၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။

တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္မွ စစ္ေရးႏုိင္ငံေရး အကဲခတ္ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာက “ ဒီေဒသက စတုရန္း ကီလိုမီတာ ၁၀၀၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ပဲ က်ယ္တာပါ၊ ခုခံတုိက္ခိုက္ဖို႔ တပ္ရင္း ၃၀ ကေတာ့ မ်ားလြန္းပါတယ္၊ ဒီေနရာမွာ ေရရွည္ တပ္စြဲထားမယ့္ သေဘာရွိတယ္္” ဟု ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ မိတၳီလာ အေျခစိုက္ ေျခလ်င္ တပ္မ ၉၉ ကိုလည္း တပ္လွန္႔ထားေၾကာင္း၊ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ စစ္တပ္မ်ားကိုလည္း အသင့္ အေနအထား ျပင္ဆင္ ထားရန္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

159

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အမိန္႔ေပးထားေၾကာင္း စစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္ေသာ အသိုင္း အ၀န္းက ဆိုသည္။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ တာ၀န္က် တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားကိုလည္း ကုိးကန္႔၏ အဓိက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၄ ဦးကို ပစ္မွတ္ထား ဖမ္းဆီးရန္ ဒု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္က အမိန္႔ေပး ထားေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ အဆုိပါ ပုဂၢဳိလ္မ်ားမွာ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၊ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားဖူး၊ ဦးဖုန္တာရႊင္ႏွင့္ ဦးဖုန္တာလီတုိ႔ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ က စစ္ေဆးေဖာ္ထုတ္ သိမ္းပိုက္ခဲ့သည့္ တရားမ၀င္ လက္နက္ ခဲယမ္း ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရာင္းခ်ေသာ စက္ရုံႏွင့္ ပတ္ သက္၍ တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္ဟု အစိုးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားသည္ ယင္းပုဂၢိဳလ္ ၄ ဦးႏွင့္သာသက္ဆိုင္ၿပီး ကိုးကန္႔ လက္နက္ ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားအား ဥပေဒေဘာင္ အတြင္း ျပန္လည္ ၀င္ေရာက္ေနထိုင္ခြင့္

ျပဳေၾကာင္း စစ္အစိုးရ က ေၾကညာခ်က္ တေစာင္ကုိ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔က ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္။ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ပင္ ယင္းကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ မုိင္းလား အထူးေဒသ ( ၄ ) သုိ႔ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ ႀတိဂံေဒသတုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွ စစ္ဦးစီး(ပ)

ဒုတိယဗုိလ္မႈးႀကီး သန္းထြ႗္သိန္း၊ စစ္ဖက္ဆုိင္ရာ လုံၿခဳံေရးအဖြဲ႕ မွ ဗုိလ္မႈး ရန္ေနာင္စုိးတုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ ရွင္းလင္းေျပာခဲ့သည္ ဟုသိရသည္။ အလားတူ ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ရွိရာ လုိင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕သုိ႔ ကုိးကန္႔အေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ရွင္းလင္းရန္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၉ ရက္ေန႔က ေျမာက္ပုိင္းတုိင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွ ဗုိလ္မႈးႀကီးသက္ပုံ ေရာက္ရွိလာေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ထိုၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၉ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ အင္အား ရာႏွင့္ခ်ီ၍ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ အတြင္းသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ၿပီး တရုတ္အစုိးရထံတြင္ လက္နက္အပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၈ရက္ေန႔ကလည္း ေက်းသီး မန္စံ အေျခစုိက္ ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပုိင္း (SSA-N ) တပ္မဟာ ၁ ဒု တပ္မဟာမႈး ဗုိလ္မႈးႀကီး ခူးတုိင္း ကုိ မုိင္းေနာင္၊ လဲခ်ား အေျခစုိက္

စစ္ဆင္ေရးကြပ္ကဲမႈဌာနခ်ဳပ္ (စကခ ၂ )မွ ဗုိလ္မႉးႀကီး ေက်ာ္ဇံျမင့္ က ေခၚယူေတြဆုံခဲ့ၿပီး ကုိးကန္႔ ကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္ ဟု သ်ွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္ကေျပာသည္။

ျပီးခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ အာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔က ကုိးကန္႔ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၏ အိမ္ကုိ ၀င္ေရာက္စီးနင္းခ့ဲသည္။

ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ကုိးကန္႔ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔ အတြင္း စစ္အစုိးရ အကူအညီျဖင့္ အာဏာသိမ္းျခင္း ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပိီးေနာက္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ ေကာ္မတီ အသစ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းလုိက္ၿပီး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္က ၎၏ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ အတူ ၀ နယ္ဘက္ သုိ႔ ေရွာင္တိမ္းသြားခဲ့ရာမွ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

160

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ၾသဂုတ္လ ၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ႏွင့္ အဖြဲ႕၏ တရားမ၀င္ လက္နက္စက္ရုံကုိ တဖက္ႏုိင္ငံ၏ သတင္းေပး ခ်က္အရ စစ္အစုိးရ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔က စစ္ေဆး ေဖာ္ထုတ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ၎တုိ႔အဖြဲ႕ကုိ ကုိယ္တုိင္လာေရာက္ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ ဆင့္ေခၚရာမွ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား စတင္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း စစ္အစုိးရသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိးကန္႔ အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆိုပါ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ စစ္ေရးတုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္

တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကုိ ထိန္းသိမ္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရအား တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဌာနက တုိက္တြန္းေျပာၾကားထားသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မွ ပစ္ခတ္ေသာ လက္နက္ႀကီး က်ည္မ်ား က်ေရာက္ေပါက္ကြဲ၍ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးတဦးေသဆုံးၿပီး ႏွစ္ဦးဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိသည္ဟုလည္း သိရသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ မွ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္ျခမ္းသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးသြားေသာ ဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း ၃၇၀၀၀ အတြက္ တရုတ္ အစုိးရက လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈ အရ တရုတ္ယြမ္ေငြ ၁၀ သန္း (အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၁.၄ သန္းခန္႔) သုံးစြဲခဲ့သည္ ဟု ၾသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔ ကဆင္ဟြာ သတင္းဌာနတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီးရုံး (UNHCR) မွ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ တရား၀င္ စာရင္းအရ တိမ္းေရွာင္ သြားသူေပါင္း ၃၀၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိ သည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ယင္းသို႔

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သို႔ ခိုလႈံသြားသူမ်ားထဲမွ ၅၈၁၁ ဦး ေလာက္ကိုင္ ေဒသသို႔ ျပန္လည္

ဝင္ေရာက္လာၾကေၾကာင္း ယေန႔ထုတ္ အစိုးရ ျမန္မာ့လင္း သတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ဤသတင္းအား ဧရာဝတီ သတင္းေထာက္ ရန္ပိုင္ ႏွင့္ ကိုေထြး ပူးေပါင္း ေရးသားသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔အေရး နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္မႈ ထိခုိက္ TUESDAY, 01 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:02 ရန္ပိုင္

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 25:2009-09-01-12-05-45&catid=1:news&Itemid=2 ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ရွိ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္း ရပ္ဆုိင္းသြားကာ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ ကုန္သြယ္ေရးကုိ ထိခုိက္မႈရွိ

ေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံစီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရး ပညာရွင္မ်ားက သုံးသပ္ၾကသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

161

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ နန္ဆန္ ၿမိဳ႕ဘက္မွ ျမန္မာျပည္ဘက္သို႔ ၾကည္႐ႈေနေသာ ဒုကၡသည္ တဦး (ဓာတ္ပုံ - AP) အဆုိပါ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းသုိ႔

ကုန္တင္ကားႀကီးမ်ားသြားလာမႈ ရက္ပုိင္းမ်ွ ရပ္တန္႔ခဲ့ရၿပီး ကုိးကန္႔

ေဒသရွိ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး စခန္းကုိလည္း ပိတ္ထားရေသာေၾကာင့္ တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးတြင္ က်ဆင္းမႈမ်ား ရွိေနေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။

“မူဆယ္ဘက္ သြားတဲ့ကားနည္းတယ္၊ ဆယ္စီးမွာ ႏွစ္စီးေလာက္ပဲသြားၾကတယ္၊ ကားေခ်ာဆြဲတာက ၆ ဘီးေတြကုိပဲ ေရြးဆြဲတာ၊တခ်ိဳ႕၁၀ ဘီး၊ ၁၂ဘီး ပုိင္ရွင္ေတြက ၆ ဘီးကားေတြကုိ ျပန္ငွားေပးရတယ္၊ လမ္းေၾကာင္းအေျခအေနက ဘာမွန္း မသိေတာ့ လားရႈိးဘက္ မတက္ရဲဘူး၊ အဆင္းလည္းမရွိဘူး၊ ဒီရက္ပုိင္း မႏၱေလးကုိ တရုတ္ကုန္အ၀င္အထြက္

နည္းတယ္”ဟု မႏၱေလး ကၽြဲဆယ္ကန္ အေဝးေျပးကားဂိတ္ရွိ မႏၱေလး-မူဆယ္ ကုန္တင္ကားဂိတ္ တခုမွ တာဝန္ရွိသူက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။

ယင္းအေျခအေနေၾကာင့္ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕ရွိ တရုတ္ကုန္ပစၥည္း ေရာင္း၀ယ္မႈ ေစ်းကြက္တြင္ ပစၥည္းေစ်းႏႈန္း အနည္းငယ္တက္ ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခါတြင္ ပုံမွန္ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။ “ပထမရက္ပုိင္းေတြ တုန္းကေတာ့ ကားေတြသိပ္အဆင္းအတက္မလုပ္ဘူးဆုိေတာ့ ရွိတဲ့ကုန္ကုိ

ေစ်းထိန္ေရာင္းရတာေပါ့၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခုမူဆယ္လမ္းကေတာ့ ပုံမွန္ျဖစ္သြားၿပီ လုိ႔ၾကားတယ္”ဟု မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕မွ လူသုံးကုန္ပစၥည္းေရာင္း၀ယ္သည့္ စတုိးဆုိင္ပုိင္ရွင္တဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ား ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ရွိေနသေရြ႕ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္း ပုံမွန္ျပန္ျဖစ္လာရန္ မလြယ္ကူေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ရွိ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားက ေျပာဆုိသည္။

တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္သည္ တတိယ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး စခန္းျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးကုိ ထိခုိက္မႈ မ်ားစြာမရွိ ႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္ ခင္ေမာင္ညိဳ(ေဘာဂေဗဒ ) ကသုံးသပ္သည္။

“ဒီလမ္းေၾကာင္းက တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ အဓိကလမ္းေၾကာင္းေတာ့မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ထိေတာ့ထိ

ခုိက္မယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ္ သိသိသာ သာ ႀကီးေတာ့မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ကုန္ပစၥည္းေစ်းႏႈန္းတက္ရင္လည္း ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

162

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ရက္ပုိင္းပါ၊ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြက လန္႔တာေတာ့ လန္႔တာ ေပါ”့ ဟု ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးစခန္းကို ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စတင္ဖြင့္ခဲ့ၿပီး မူဆယ္-မႏႊၱေလး ကားလမ္းေပၚရိွ သိႏၷီမွ ကြမ္းလံုၿမိဳ႕ ကိုျဖတ္ကာ သြားရၿပီး တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းေပၚရွိ မူဆယ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးစခန္း ႏွင့္ လုိင္ဇာ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး စခန္းတုိ႔ ၿပီးလွ်င္ တတိယအႀကီးဆုံး ကုန္သြယ္ေရးစခန္းျဖစ္သည္။ ေလာက္ကုိင္ေဒသတြင္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္မွ လာေရာက္ၿပီး ကက္စီႏုိေလာင္းကစား၀ုိင္းမ်ား ၊ စူပါမားကက္ႀကီးမ်ားကုိ လာေရာက္ဖြင့္လွစ္ ထားသည္ဟုသိရသည္။ “ေလာက္ကုိင္မွာ ရာခုိင္ႏႈန္း ၉၀ က တရုတ္ေတြ ရင္းႏွီးထားတာ၊ တရုတ္ေတြ ပုိင္တဲ့

စူပါမားကက္ေတြ ၊ ဆိုင္ေတြ၊ ကုမၸဏီ ေတြထဲက ပစၥည္းေတြ အလုခံရတယ္၊ စစ္တပ္ေတြ ရွိေနသေေရြ႕စီးပြားေရးကေတာ့ ျပန္လုပ္ၾကမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး” ဟု မူဆယ္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ေဒသခံစီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္တဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ တရား၀င္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးတြင္ ျမန္မာျပည္ဘက္မွ လယ္ယာထြက္ပစၥည္း၊ ေရထြက္ ပစၥည္းမ်ားကို အဓိကတင္ပို႔ေနၿပီး တရုတ္ဘက္မွ ဓာတ္ေျမၾသဇာ၊ ဖေယာင္း၊ အိမ္ေဆာက္ပစၥည္း၊ စက္ပစၥည္း၊ ကားတာယာ၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ ပစၥည္း၊ အ၀တ္အထည္ႏွင့္ လူသံုးကုန္ပစၥည္းမ်ား တင္သြင္းသည္ ဟုသိရသည္။

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္အစုိးရအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ တရား၀င္စာရင္းမ်ားအရ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသခံ ဒုကၡသည္ ၃၇၀၀၀ သည္ နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ၿပီး တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာသည္ဟု တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံပုိင္ ဆင္ဟြာသတင္းဌာနက ေဖာ္ျပသည္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ေနေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔

ျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္ လာေနၾက သည္ဟု စစ္အစုိးရသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပေနေသာ္လည္း အမ်ားစုမွာ မိမိတုိ႔ပုိင္ ပစၥည္းမ်ားကုိ လာေရာက္သိမ္းဆည္း ၾကသည့္ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံမ်ား အဆုိအရ သိရသည္။

တ႐ုတ္ျပည္သို႔ စစ္အစိုးရ အဆင့္ျမင့္အရာရွိႀကီးမ်ား ေရာက္ရွိေန

TUESDAY, 01 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:25 ရန္ပိုင္ http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 27:2009-09-01-12-26-13&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

စစ္အစုိးရ ျပည္ထဲေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ဒု ၀န္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္မႈးခ်ဳပ္ ဘုန္းေဆြ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႕သည္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ကူမင္းၿမိဳ႕သုိ႔ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔က ေရာက္ရွိေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

163

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ယခု ကုိယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႔တြင္ ျပည္ထဲေရး ဒု ၀န္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္မႈးခ်ဳပ္ ဘုန္းေဆြ ႏွင့္ အတူ

ျပည္ထဲေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနမွ အဆင့္ျမင့္ အရာရွိ ၅ ဦးပါ၀င္သည္ ဟု တ႐ုတ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သူ တဦးကေျပာသည္။ “ျပည္ထဲေရး ဒု၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေဆာင္တာ ၊ ၾသဂုတ္ ၃၁ရက္ေန႔က မူဆယ္က ေနၿပီး ကူးသြားတယ္၊ ေရႊလီဘက္ျခမ္းမွာ လက္ခံေတြ႔ဆုံမယ့္သူ မရွိလုိ႔ ကူမင္းကုိဆက္သြားတယ္လုိ႔ေျပာတယ္” ဟု ၎က ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။

ယင္း ျမန္မာကုိယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႕သည္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံယူနန္ျပည္နယ္ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ကူမင္းတြင္ ေခတၱ ေတြ႔ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးၿပီးေနာက္ ညေနပုိင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ ျပန္သြားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားၿပီးစတြင္ ယခုကဲ့သို႔ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႕ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသို႔ သြားေရာက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္

နယ္စပ္တင္းမာမႈမ်ားကို ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ ေၾကာင္း ေလ့လာသူမ်ား ယူဆေနၾကသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ စစ္ေရးတုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကုိ ထိန္းသိမ္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရအား တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဌာနက တုိက္တြန္းေျပာၾကားထားသည္။

“ျမန္မာ့ျပည္တြင္းေရး ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္နင္းစြာကုိင္တြယ္ရန္လုိေၾကာင္း၊

တရုတ္အစုိးရအေနျဖင့္ နယ္စပ္ ေဒသ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကုိ လုိလားေၾကာင္း၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားအား ႏုိင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ႏွင့္ အကာ အကြယ္ေပးရန္

တုိက္တြန္းေၾကာင္း” ဟု တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ Jian Yu ကေျပာၾကား ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည္ တနလာၤေန႔ ကပင္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသမွ ထြက္ေျပးလာေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ စတင္ၿပီး ျပန္လည္ ၀င္ေရာက္ေနၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္ တုိက္ခုိက္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မွ ပစ္ခတ္ေသာ လက္နက္ ႀကီး က်ည္မ်ား က်ေရာက္ေပါက္ကြဲ၍ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးတဦးေသဆုံးၿပီး ႏွစ္ဦးဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိသည္ဟုသိရသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ မွ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္ျခမ္းသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးသြားေသာ ဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း ၃၇၀၀၀ အတြက္ တရုတ္အစုိးရမွ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမႈ အရ တရုတ္ယြမ္ေငြ ၁၀ သန္း ( အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၁.၄သန္းခန္႔ ) သုံးစြဲခဲ့သည္ ဟု ၾသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔ ကဆင္ဟြာ သတင္းဌာနတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

164

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

စစ္အစိုးရ သတင္းစာ က်င့္ဝတ္ပ်က္ျပားဟု စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားမ်ား ေဝဖန္ TUESDAY, 01 SEPTEMBER 2009 17:49 ၾကည္ေဝ

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 24:2009-09-01-10-51-25&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ကုိးကန္႔ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ား၏ လက္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တခ်ိဳ႕ ေသဆံုးေနသည့္ ဓာတ္ပုံမ်ားအား စစ္အစိုးရက သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္ ေလာကသားမ်ားၾကားတြင္ ေ၀ဖန္ေျပာဆိုလ်က္ရွိၾကသည္။

ယမန္ေန႔ထုတ္ အစိုးရ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း သတင္းစာ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၉ တြင္ ဦးဖုန္ၾကားရွင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည့္ ကိုးကန္႔ တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားက အနီးကပ္ ရက္စက္စြာ

ပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ထားသည္ဆုိေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ရဲ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ ၀င္တခ်ိဳ႕ ပံုပ်က္ပန္းပ်က္ျဖင့္ ေသဆံုးေနပံုမ်ားအား ေဖာ္ျပျခင္းမွာ သတင္းက်င့္၀တ္ႏွင့္ မညီသည့္အတြက္

ေဖာ္ျပရန္မသင့္ေၾကာင္း သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္ အယ္ဒီတာမ်ား၊ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားက ေဝဖန္ေျပာဆိုေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ သည္။

ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ အသက္ ၇၀ ေက်ာ္ ၀ါရင့္သတင္းစာဆရာၾကီးတဦး က

သတင္းဓာတ္ပံုမ်ားေဖာ္ျပရာတြင္ ေသြးသံရဲရဲႏွင့္ မျမင္၀႔ံမျမင္ရက္စရာ ဓာတ္ပံုမ်ားအား မေဖာ္ျပသင့္ေၾကာင္း၊ ထိုဓာတ္ပံုမ်ားမွာ စာဖတ္သူ အတြက္ အက်ိဳးမရွိႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသည္။ “အနိ႒ာရံုသတင္းဓာတ္ပံုမ်ိဳးက ျမင္ရတဲ့သူေတြအတြက္ စိတ္ႏွလံုးပ်က္ျပားေစျခင္းကလြဲျပီး တစံုတရာအက်ိဳး မရွိႏိုင္ပါဘူး”ဟု ၎ ၀ါရင့္သတင္းစာဆရာၾကီးက ေျပာသည္။

သတင္းသမား တဦးကလည္း“ဒီအစိုးရက ဇာတ္နာေအာင္လို႔ ဒီပံုေတြကို တမင္ထည့္ျပတာဗ်ာ၊

သူတို႔မွာ လူေတြအတြက္ ထည့္စဥ္းစားမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ေသဆံုးသြားသူေတြရဲ႕အေျခအေနေတြကို ျမင္ျပီး သူ႔မိသားစု ၀င္ေတြ စိတ္ဒုကၡေရာက္ၾကမွာကိုလည္း ထည့္ေတြးမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး”ဟု ေ၀ဖန္ေျပာဆိုသည္။

နံနက္ေစာေစာ သတင္းစာဖတ္ခ်ိန္တြင္ ထိုေသြးရဲရဲသံရဲရဲႏွင့္ ေသဆုံးေနပံုမ်ားကို

ျမင္ရသည့္အတြက္ နိမိတ္ မေကာင္းဟုယံုၾကည္ၾကေသာ စာဖတ္သူမ်ားလည္းရွိသည့္အတြက္ ထိုပံုမ်ားကို မထည့္သင့္ေၾကာင္း သတင္း အယ္ဒီတာ တဦးကလည္း ေျပာဆိုသည္။ “စာဖတ္သူေတြအတြက္ စဥ္းစားမယ္ဆိုရင္ မထည့္သင့္ဘူး၊ ျပီးေတာ့ ဒါမ်ိဳးထည့္တဲ့ သတင္းစာတို႔ ဂ်ာနယ္ တို႔ဆိုတာ အဆင့္အတန္းအားျဖင့္ နိမ့္တယ္လို႔ယူဆတယ္၊ သတင္း က်င့္၀တ္မရွိဘူး၊ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာမရွိဘူး ေလ” ဟု ၎က ေျပာသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

165

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif စာတြင္ အနီးကပ္ပစ္သတ္သြားေၾကာင္း ေရးသားျပီး ႐ုပ္အေလာင္းမ်ားကိုတန္းစီ၍ အေ၀းမွ ရိုက္ယူ ထားေသာ ဓာတ္ပုံမ်ားသာ ေဖာ္ျပသင့္သည္ဟုလည္း သူက ဆိုသည္။

ႏုိင္ငံတကာ သတင္းစာ သင္တန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းစာ လုပ္ငန္းအေတြ႕အၾကံဳမ်ားရွိေသာ ၀ါရင့္ သတင္းေထာက္ တဦးကလည္း“လူေတြ ထိတ္လန္႔ေစ၊ ေၾကာက္ရြံ႕ေစမယ့္ပံုကို အ၀ါေရာင္ သတင္းစာ လို မ်ိဳးကလြဲရင္ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာရွိတဲ့ သတင္းစာဆို မေဖၚျပဘူး”ဟု ေျပာဆိုသံုးသပ္သည္။ ယခုကဲ့သုိ႔ ရဲအမႈထမ္းမ်ားေသဆံုးေနပံုမ်ားကို ထည့္ျပသည့္အတြက္ ေသဆံုးသူမ်ား၏

ဂုဏ္သိကၡာကိုလည္း ထိခိုက္ေစေသာ ဓာတ္ပံုမ်ားျဖစ္ေနသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရေၾကာင္း သူက ဆိုသည္။ “အခုသတင္းဓာတ္ပံုနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေဖာ္ျပခံရတဲ့ ရဲမိသားစုေတြ အတြက္ မေကာင္းဘူး ၊ပိုျပီးေတာ့ စိတ္ ထိခိုက္ေစတယ္၊ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာလည္း က်ဆင္းေစတယ္”ဟု အထက္ပါ ၀ါရင့္ သတင္းေထာက္ က သံုးသပ္ ေျပာဆိုသည္။ မဂၢဇင္းတေစာင္ႏွင့္ သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္ တေစာင္ ထုတ္ေ၀လ်က္ရွိေသာ အယ္ဒီတာတဦး ကလည္း အစိုးရအေန နွင့္ သတင္း က်င့္၀တ္ဆိုသည္ကို ထည့္စဥ္းစားခဲ့ျခင္းမရွိသည္မွာ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ မဆလ ေခတ္ ကတည္းက ျဖစ္ ေၾကာင္း၊ ထို မဆလေခတ္ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေသြးသံရဲရဲပံုမ်ားကို မ်က္ႏွာဖံုးပင္ တင္၍ ထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့ဖူး ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသည္။

မဆလ ေခတ္ကတည္းကပင္ ေၾကးမံု၊ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း စသည့္ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ဘိုျမ ၏ KNU (ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အစည္းအ႐ုံး)မ်ားက ေက်းရြာမ်ားအတြင္း၀င္ျပီး လူသတ္သြားေၾကာင္းကို ရိုက္ျပထားသည့္ ပံုမ်ား၊ မီးရိႈ႕သည့္အတြက္ လူတခ်ိဳ႕မီးေလာင္ေသဆံုးေနပံုမ်ား စသည့္ အနိ႒ာရံုပံုမ်ားကို ေသခ်ာေရြးျပီး မ်က္ႏွာဖံုး တင္ခဲ့ဖူးေၾကာင္းလည္း သိရသည္။

ယေန႔ စစ္အစိုးရအေနႏွင့္ သတင္းစာ က်င့္၀တ္ကို နားလည္ျခင္းမရွိသကဲ့သို႔ ထိန္းသိမ္းျခင္းလည္း ရွိမည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အစိုးရသတင္းစာမွ တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ ထည့္သင့္မသင့္ စဥ္းစား သံုးသပ္ႏိုင္ ေသာ္ လည္း စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား၏ အမိန္႔အတိုင္းသာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနရသည့္အတြက္ ထိုပံုမ်ားကို ေဖာ္ျပထားျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဝါရင့္ သတင္းစာ ဆရာႀကီးက ေျပာသည္။

“က်င့္၀တ္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ရင္ အစိုးရက ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ မထိန္းဘူး၊ အရင္ကလည္း မထိန္းခဲ့ေတာ့ အခုလည္း ထိန္းမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ သတင္းစာ က်င့္၀တ္ဆိုတာကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ ထည့္ကို မစဥ္းစားတဲ့ ကိစၥပဲ”ဟု ၎က ေဝဖန္ ေျပာဆိုသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

166

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေကအန္ယူ တပ္မဟာ (၅) ကုိ တုိက္ခုိက္ရႀင္းလင္းဖုိႛ ဒီေကဘီေအကုိ စစ္အစုိးရ ႌၿန္ဳကား 2009-09-02 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/regime_gives_attack_order_to_karen_groups09022009162944.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဴမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရတပ္ေတၾဟာ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့သီတင္းပတ္အတၾင္း ကုိးကန္ႛနယ္ေဴမမႀာ ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ႎၿဲခဲ့သလုိ မဳကာခင္မႀာ ေကအုိင္အုိ ကခဵင္ဴပည္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရးတပ္ဖၾဲႚကုိပၝ တုိက္ခုိက္ဖုိႛ ဴပင္ဆင္ေနတယ္လုိႛ နယ္စပ္စစ္ေရးအကဲခတ္ေတၾက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဒီအေတာအတၾင္း ေကအန္ယူ ကရင္အမဵိႂးသား အစည္းအ႟ံုး တပ္မဟာ (၅) ထိန္းခဵႂပ္နယ္ေဴမက အ႓ပီးသတ္ တုိက္ခုိက္ရႀင္းလင္းေပးဖုိႛ စစ္အစုိးရက ဒီေကဘီေအအဖၾဲႚကုိ ႌၿန္ဳကားထားတယ္လုိႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ေကအန္ယူ တပ္မဟာ (၅) နယ္ေဴမကုိ သိမ္းယူႎုိင္ဖုိႛ စီစဥ္တာဟာ သစ္ထုတ္လုပ္ေရး အပၝအဝင္ စီးပၾားေရးနဲႛ တဴခားရည္႟ၾယ္ခဵက္ေတၾ ရႀိႎုိင္တယ္လုိႛ ေကအန္ယူက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ေကအန္ယူ ေဴပာခၾင့္ရပုဂၢိႂလ္ ဗုိလ္မႀႃးေစာလႀေငၾကုိ RFA အဖၾဲႚသား ကုိေကဵာ္ေကဵာ္ေအာင္က ဆက္သၾယ္ေမးဴမန္း ထားပၝတယ္။

ဘုရားသုံးဆူေဒသတၾင္း KNU ႎႀင့္ DKBA တပ္မဵား စစ္ေရးတင္းမာ 2009-09-01 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/tension_rising_between_karen_groups09012009164444.html/story_main KNU တပ္မဟာ ၆ ထိန္းခဵႂပ္ထားရာ နယ္ေဴမဴဖစ္တဲ့ မၾန္ဴပည္နယ္ ဘုရားသုံးဆူနားက မဲကသာ႟ၾာအတၾင္းကို DKBA တပ္ရင္း ၉၀၇ ဒုဗိုလ္မႀႃး႒ကီး ေစာေနာ္တယာ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ တပ္ေတၾက ဳသဂုတ္လ ၃၀ ရက္ေနႛ ည၁၀နာရီေလာက္မႀာ ဝင္ေရာက္ တပ္စၾဲလိုက္တာေဳကာင့္ KNU နဲႛ DKBA ဳကား စစ္ေရးအရ တင္းမာမႁေတၾ ရႀိေနတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ DKBA ဒုဗိုလ္မႀႃး႒ကီး ေစာေနာ္တယာရဲ့ တပ္ေတၾဟာ စစ္စခန္းေဆာက္လုပ္ဖိုႛနဲႛ ခံတုတ္ကဵင္းေတၾ ေဆာက္လုပ္ဖိုႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၁ ရက္ ေနႛလည္မႀာ ႟ၾာသူ႟ၾာသားေတၾကုိ လုပ္အားေပး ဆင့္ေခၞခဲ့ေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

167

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif DKBA တပ္ေတၾ KNUနယ္ေဴမထဲကို ဝင္လာတယ္ဆိုေပမဲ့ ကရင္အမဵိႂးသားအခဵင္းခဵင္း ေသၾးထၾက္သံယုိ ဴဖစ္မဲ့ စစ္ပၾဲမဵႂိးကို ေရႀာင္ရႀားလိုတာေဳကာင့္ မဲကသာ႟ၾာထဲကို ဝင္ခၾင့္ဴပႂခဲ့ေဳကာင္း KNUတပ္မဟာ ၆ က ဗိုလ္႒ကီးထၾဲေနက RFA ကုိ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္႒ကီးထၾဲေန။

။ “ဒီ DKBA တပ္ရင္း အမႀတ္ ၉၀၇ ဗိုလ္မႀႃး ေစာေနာ္တယာ သူႛ

စစ္ေဳကာင္းက လူအင္အား ၄၀ သူတိုႛက ပထမက ခၾင့္ေတာင္းတာက သူတိုႛ တခဵက္ေလာက္ မဲကသာကို ေရာက္ေအာင္ သၾားမယ္တဲ့။ အထက္က ႌၿန္ဳကားခဵက္ ဴဖစ္လိုႛ အဲဒၝ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛက ဒီ ကရင္အခဵင္းခဵင္း ဴဖစ္ေတာ့ ထိပ္တိုက္မႁ ဴပႍနာ မဴဖစ္ေအာင္ အဲဒီမႀာ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ လူေတၾ အကုန္လံုး ဴပန္ဆၾဲႎႁတ္႓ပီးေတာ့ အဲဒၝ ဟိုဒင္း ခၾင့္ဴပႂတယ္ေပၝ့။ ဒီ မဲကသာ ေရာက္ေတာ့ မနက္ထဲက သူဴပန္မထၾက္ပဲနဲႛ ဒီေနႛ ေနႛလည္ ၁၂ နာရီ အခဵိန္မႀာ မဲကသာ ႟ၾာသူ႟ၾာသားမဵားကို ဒီ လုပ္အားေပးေတၾ ေတာင္းတယ္ေပၝ့။ အခု သူ မဲကသာရဲ့ အေရႀႚဖက္ ေတာင္ကုန္းကို ကတုတ္ကဵင္းေတၾ တူးတယ္။ ႟ၾာနဲႛ ဒီေတာင္ထိပ္ဳကားမႀာ စခန္းတခု ဴပန္ေဆာက္တယ္။” တကယ္ေတာ့ မဲကသာ႟ၾာတဝုိက္နဲႛ မယ္ဇလီေခဵာင္းတဝုိက္ ေဒသေတၾဟာ KNUေရာ DKBAတပ္ေတၾပၝ ႓ပိႂင္တူ လႁပ္ရႀားေနဳကတဲ့ ေနရာဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း ေဒသခံေတၾက RFAကုိ ေဴပာပၝတယ္၊ ဘုရားသုံးဆူ မဲကသာ႟ၾာတဝုိက္ ေဒသဟာ သဘာဝေဘးမဲ့သစ္ေတာ႒ကိႂးဝို္င္းေတၾ ထူထူထပ္ထပ္ ရႀိတဲ့ေနရာဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္။ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက DKBAတပ္ရဲ့ ဗုိလ္ႎႁတ္ခမ္းေမၿးတိုႛအဖၾဲႚကို သစ္တန္ခဵိန္ ၅၀၀၀ ထုတ္လုပ္ခၾင့္ ေပးထားတာေဳကာင့္ ၊ သစ္ေတာထူထပ္တဲ့ မဲကသာေဒသကို DKBA တပ္ေတၾ အခုလို ဝင္သိမ္းရတာပဲ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း၊ KNUကို စစ္ေရးအရ ထုိးႎႀက္လာရင္ေတာ့ KNUအေနနဲႛ ဴပန္လည္ တုိက္ခုိက္သၾားမယ္လိုႛ KNU တပ္မဟာ ၆ ရဲ့ ဗိုလ္႒ကီးထၾဲေနက ေဴပာဆိုပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္႒ကီးထၾဲေန။

။ “က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ သတင္းရရႀိတာက ဟို ဗိုလ္ႎႁတ္ခမ္းေမၿးကို နအဖက

သစ္တန္ ၅,၀၀၀ အဲဒၝ ထုတ္ခၾင့္ဴပႂတယ္။ တဴခား သစ္ေတာမႀာ သစ္တန္ ၅,၀၀၀ ထၾက္ရႀိဖိုႛက မရႀိေတာ့ဘူး။ အဲဒီမဲကသာ ေတာတခုပဲ ရႀိေတာ့တယ္ဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒၝ မဲကသာကို ေဴခကုတ္ယူတယ္၊ မဲကသာကို ယူလိုက္ဴခင္းအားဴဖင့္ လမ္းဆံုလမ္းခၾလည္း ဴဖစ္တယ္။ ဇံုနယ္ေတၾလည္း ဴဖစ္တဲ့အတၾက္ေဳကာင့္ KNU နယ္ေဴမ ကဵဥ္းေဴမာင္းသၾားေအာင္ ဟို KNU ကို ေမာင္းထုတ္တဲ့ သေဘာမဵိႂး ဴဖစ္တယ္ေပၝ့။ ဒၝေပမဲ့၊ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛဖက္ကိုေတာ့ ဝင္မတိုးဖိုႛ လိုတယ္ေပၝ့။ ဝင္တိုးလာလိုႛ ရႀိရင္ေတာ့ ဒၝ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကို ကာကၾယ္ဖိုႛေတာ့ တာဝန္ရႀိေသးတယ္ေပၝ့။”

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

168

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif မဲကသာ႟ၾာမႀာ ႟ၾာေဟာင္းနဲႛ ႟ၾာသစ္ရႀိ႓ပီး စုစုေပၝင္းအိမ္ေဴခ ၁၀၀ ေကဵာ္ရႀိေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္။

ကိုးကန္ႛ ဂယက္ ဝေဒသကို ႟ိုက္ခတ္ 2009-09-02 ဝအထူးေဒသ ပန္ဆန္းမႀာ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္တၾင္းက စီးပၾားေရးလာလုပ္ေနတဲ့ တ႟ုတ္ ကုန္သည္ေတၾနဲႛ ေစဵး ဆိုင္ပိုင္ရႀင္ ထက္ဝက္နီးပၝးဟာ ေဒသ မတည္႓ငိမ္မႀာကို စိုးရိမ္႓ပီး တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဖက္ကို ဴပန္ေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ႓ပီးစီးသၾားေပမဲ့ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ေတာင္ပိုင္းက ဝအထူးေဒသဖက္ကို စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾ လာမႀာ စိုးရိမ္လိုႛ ေစဵးဆိုင္ေတၾပိတ္႓ပီး တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဖက္ကို ဴပန္ေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ ပန္ဆန္းမႀာ အေဴခစိုက္တဲ့ ေဒသခံေတၾက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္ကေန ဝေဒသဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂးေရးအတၾက္ လာေရာက္လုပ္ကိုင္ေနဳကတဲ့ NGO ေတၾနဲႛ ကုလသမဂၢ အဖၾဲႚအစည္းေတၾက ဝန္ထမ္းေတၾကိုလည္း ရန္ကုန္႟ံုးခဵႂပ္ေတၾက တိုက္႟ိုက္ဆက္သၾယ္႓ပီး အေဴခအေန တင္းမာလာရင္ ေဒသထဲက အဴမန္ထၾက္ခၾာႎုိင္ဖိုႛ အေဳကာင္းဳကားထားတယ္လိုႛ အမည္မေဖာ္လိုတဲ့ ပန္ဆန္းေရာက္ NGO ဝန္ထမ္းတဦးက RFA ကို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ စစ္ေရးႎုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူေတၾကေတာ့ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအေနနဲႛ ဝေဒသထဲက ပန္ဆန္းထက္ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ထုိင္းဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ မိုင္းေပၝက္ေဒသကို ပိုစိတ္ဝင္စားဖိုႛ ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ သံုးသပ္ဳကပၝတယ္။ ေတာင္ပိုင္းေဒသ တပ္ေတၾကို ေဴမာက္ပိုင္းနဲႛ ေပၝင္း႓ပီး ဝနယ္တခုတည္း ထားရႀိဖိုႛ ဴမန္မာစစ္ အစိုးရက ေတာင္းဆိုထားခဲ့တာကို ၀တပ္ေတၾက ဴငင္းဆိုထားဆဲ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ စစ္ေရး ေလ့လာသူတဦးဴဖစ္တဲ့ ရႀမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းစာ အယ္ဒီတာခဵႂပ္ ဦးခၾန္ဆိုင္းကေတာ့ စစ္အစိုးရဖက္က အသံုးဴပႂေနတဲ့ နည္းလမ္း ၂ ခုကို အခုလို သံုးသပ္ေဴပာဴပပၝတယ္။ ဦးခၾန္ဆိုင္း။

။ “အရင္ဆံုး သူတိုႛ ဝ အထက္ပိုင္းကို ပိတ္မယ္၊ ပိတ္႓ပီးလိုႛ ရႀိရင္ေတာ့ ဒီ ဝ

ေအာက္ပိုင္းကို ရန္ရႀာတာေတာ့ ဴဖစ္ႎိုင္တာေပၝ့ဗဵာ။ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ကေတာ့ သူတိုႛ ဝ ေတာင္ပိုင္းကို ဆၾဲေဆာင္ေနဖိုႛ ႒ကိႂးစားေနဳကတယ္။ ဘာဴဖစ္လိုႛလဲဆိုေတာ့ ဝေတာင္ပိုင္းရဲ့ တပ္မႀႃး အ႒ကီးဆံုးက ေဝေရႀာင္ကမ္း ဴဖစ္တယ္။ သူက ဟုန္ပန္းကုမၯဏီကို ပိုင္႓ပီးေတာ့မႀ ဒီ ဗမာဴပည္အႎႀံႛမႀာ သူက အရင္းအႎႀီးေတၾ ဴမၟႂပ္ႎႀံထားတာ မဵားတယ္။ ဒၝေဳကာင့္မိုႛလိုႛ သူႛကို ဆၾဲေဆာင္ႎိုင္ဖိုႛ သူတိုႛ ႒ကိႂးစားေနဳကတယ္။ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛနဲႛ တိုက္ပၾဲဴဖစ္မယ္ဆိုလိုႛ ရႀိရင္ေတာ့ ခင္ဗဵားရဲ့ အရင္းေတၾလည္း

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

169

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ႟ႁံးပၝလိမ့္မယ္ေပၝ့ေနာ၊ အရင္းလည္း မ႟ံႁးေအာင္ ခင္ဗဵား က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛနဲႛ နားလည္မႁ ယူပၝ၊ အဲလိုေပၝ့ဗဵာ။” ကိုးကန္ႛတိုက္ပၾဲဴဖစ္ကတည္းက ဝေတာင္ပိုင္းက တပ္မႀႃးေတၾအေနနဲႛ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ အရာရႀိေတၾနဲႛ အထိအေတၾႚ အဆက္အဆံ မလုပ္ဖိုႛ ဝေခၝင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းက ညၾန္ဳကားထားတယ္လိုႛလည္း သိရပၝတယ္။ ဝအထူးေဒသက အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္အဖၾဲႚဴဖစ္တဲ့ ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ UWSA ဟာ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾနဲႛ တိုက္ပၾဲဴဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ MNDAA နဲႛ မဟာမိတ္ေတၾ ဴဖစ္သလို စစ္အစိုးရ ကမ္းလႀမ္းထားတဲ့ ဝနယ္ တေဒသတည္း ဴဖစ္ေရးနဲႛ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသၾင္ေဴပာင္းေရးကိစၤေတၾကို အ႒ကိမ္႒ကိမ္ ဴငင္းဆိုထားတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဧ႓ပီလကစ႓ပီး ကေနႛအခဵိန္အထိ ဝေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾအေနနဲႛ စစ္အစိုးရ အဆင့္ဴမင့္အရာရႀိေတၾ ၄ ႒ကိမ္ထက္မနည္း ေဆၾးေႎၾးခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ဝဖက္က ေရႀးမူလ သေဘာတူညီခဵက္အတုိင္းပဲ အေဴခအေနမပဵက္ပဲ ႓ငိမ္း႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းခဵမး္ ေနလိုေဳကာင္း တရားဝင္ တင္ဴပထားခဲ့ပၝတယ္။

ဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္၏ မိသားစုပုိင္ ပစၤည္းမဵားကို စစ္အစိုးရသိမ္းယူေန 2009-09-02 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/regime_seized_kokang_leaders_properties09022009133353.html/story_main?textonly=1 ကုိးကန္ႛ တုိင္းရင္းသားေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္နဲႛ ညီဴဖစ္သူတုိႛရဲ့ ရန္ကုန္႓မိႂႚက ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႁေတၾကုိ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ သီတင္းပတ္အတၾင္း အာဏာပုိင္ေတၾ လုိက္လံ သိမ္းယူေနပၝတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း လိႁင္႓မိႂႚနယ္ ခေပၝင္းလမ္းထဲက အစၤေရး သံအမတ္ေနအိမ္နဲႛ ဒုတိယ ဗုိလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီး ခင္ေမာင္သန္းရဲ့ ေနအိမ္ေတၾအနီးမႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္ရဲ့ ညီဴဖစ္သူအိမ္က လင္ခရူဇာကား ႎႀစ္စီးနဲႛ တဴခားပုိင္ဆုိင္ပစၤည္းေတၾကုိ အာဏာပုိင္ေတၾ လာေရာက္ သိမ္းဆည္းသၾားတာ ေတၾႚရတယ္လုိႛ မဵက္ဴမင္သက္ေသတခဵိႂႚက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္႓မိႂႚမႀာ ကုိးကန္ႛ တုိင္းရင္းသားေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾနဲႛ ကုိးကန္ႛစီးပၾားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရႀင္ေတၾ ႎႀစ္ေပၝင္းမဵားစၾာ အေဴခတည္ထားခဲ့တဲ့ ပစၤည္းဥစၤာ အေဴမာက္အဴမား ရႀိေပမဲ့ ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္နဲႛ ေဆၾမဵိႂးေတာ္စပ္သူေတၾရဲ့ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႁေတၾကုိပဲ လုိက္လံ သိမ္းဆည္းေနတာ ဴဖစ္႓ပီး တဴခား ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

170

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကုိးကန္ႛလုပ္ငန္းရႀင္ေတၾ ဴဖစ္တဲ့ Asia World ကုမၯဏီပုိင္ရႀင္ ဦးထၾန္းဴမင့္ႎုိင္တုိႛလုိ စစ္အစုိးရထိပ္ပုိင္း ေခၝင္းေဆာင္နဲႛ နီးစပ္သူေတၾရဲ့ ပစၤည္းေတၾကုိေတာ့ သိမ္းယူဴခင္း မရႀိဘူးလုိႛ ႓မိႂႚခံေတၾက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ Asia World ကုမၯဏီဟာ ေနဴပည္ေတာ္မႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ ဗုိလ္ခဵႂပ္မႀႃး႒ကီး သန္းေ႟ၿရဲ့ ေနအိမ္အပၝအဝင္ အေဆာက္အအံု အေတာ္မဵားမဵားကုိ တာဝန္ယူ ေဆာက္လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကုမၯဏီ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ဗုိလ္ခဵႂပ္မႀႃး႒ကီး သန္းေ႟ၿရဲ့ ေနအိမ္ကုိ မူလက တပ္မေတာ္ အင္ဂဵင္နီယာတပ္က စတင္ ေဆာက္လုပ္ခဲ့တာ ဴဖစ္ေပမဲ့ ဗုိလ္ခဵႂပ္မႀႃး႒ကီး သန္းေ႟ၿက စိတ္တုိင္းမကဵတဲ့အတၾက္ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးနဲႛ မၾမ္းမံဴပင္ဆင္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတၾ အားလံုး အေခဵာသတ္တဲ့အထိ တာဝန္ယူ လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖုိႛ Asia World ကုမၯဏီကုိ လၿဲေဴပာင္းခဲ့တယ္လုိႛ သိရပၝတယ္။

စစ္အစိုးရက ေကအိုင္အိုကို တိုက္မည့္သတင္းေဳကာင့္ ေဒသခံမဵား ေ႟ၿႚေဴပာင္းေန 2009-09-02 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/kachin_locals_flee_from_homes09022009134305.html/story_main?textonly=1 မဳကာခင္က ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾအဳကား တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့႓ပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ကခဵင္လၾတ္လပ္ေရးအဖၾဲႚ ေကအိုင္အိုကိုလည္း စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾက တိုက္လိမ့္မယ္ဆို႓ပီး ပၝးစပ္သတင္းေတၾ ထၾက္ေနတာေဳကာင့္ နယ္စပ္ကေဒသခံ အခဵိႂႚဟာ သူတိုႛပိုင္ပစၤည္းေတၾကို တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဖက္ သယ္ပိုႛေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ လၾယ္ကဵယ္ဘက္ကေန ပစၤည္းေတၾကို ထေရာ္လာဂဵီကားေတၾနဲႛ တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဘက္က လားရင္း၊ ကဵန္းဖုန္း႓မိႂႚေတၾကို စက္တင္ဘာ ၁ ရက္ေနႛ မေနႛကတည္းကစ႓ပီး သယ္ပိုႛေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ နယ္စပ္ကေဒသခံတေယာက္က RFA ကို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ နယ္စပ္ကေဒသခံ။

။ “လၾယ္ကဵယ္ကလူေတၾ ကို ဒီဘက္ကမ္း ေဴပာင္းတယ္ဆိုတာ ပစၤည္းပဲ

ေဴပာင္းတာ လူေတၾက မေဴပာင္းေသးဘူး၊ ကားအသၾား အလာေတာ့ တဴခားလမ္းေတၾက ပိတ္ထားတယ္၊ ေမႀာင္ခိုလမ္းေတၾ ပိတ္တာႛ မိန္းလမ္းမ႒ကီးကို ပိတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး ေနာက္႓ပီးေတာ့ တ႟ုတ္စစ္တပ္ကလည္း ကားေတၾကို တရားဝင္ ထၾက္ေပၝ့။ ကဵန္တဲ့ေနရာေတၾ ထၾက္လိုႛမရဘူး။” ေကအိုင္အို ထိန္းခဵႂပ္ရာ မိုင္ဂဵာယန္အနီးက ဂဵယ္လဵန္၊ မန္ေကာင္း စတဲ့ ေတာင္ေပၞ႟ၾာက လူတခဵိႂႚလည္း တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဖက္ကို အခု ေဴပာင္းေ႟ၿႛေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

171

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကခဵင္လၾတ္လပ္ေရးအဖၾဲႚ ေကအိုင္အိုဟာ ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚလိုပဲ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက ေတာင္းဆိုတဲ့ နယ္ဴခားေစာင့္တပ္အဴဖစ္ ဴပင္ဆင္ ဖၾဲႚစည္းေရးကို လက္မခံသလို ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚနဲႛ စစ္ေရးမဟာမိတ္ လုပ္ထားတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚလည္း ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

ကခဵင္နယ္ေဴမကို ဴမန္မာစစ္တပ္ ဆက္လက္ ထိုးစစ္ဆင္မည့္ သတင္းထၾက္ 2009-09-02 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/rumors_about_offensive_to_kachin_reqion09022009111505.html/story_main?textonly=1 ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္း ဝင္ေရာက္ေနတဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾက ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသနဲႛ နယ္ခဵင္းကပ္ေန႓ပီး၊ စစ္အစိုးရနဲႛ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့ KIO ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရးအဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္ ကို ထိုးစစ္ဆင္လိမ့္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတၾ ထၾက္ေပၞေနတာေဳကာင့္ KIO နယ္ေဴမအတၾင္း ေနထိုင္တဲ့ ဴပည္သူေတၾ အထိတ္တလန္ႛ ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္လိုႛ စံုစမ္းသိရႀိရပၝတယ္။

KIO အဖၾဲႚ ဌာနခဵႂပ္တည္ရႀိရာ လိုင္ဇာ႓မိႂႚမႀာ ကဵင္းပသည့္ ကခဵင္ေတာ္လႀန္ေရးေနႛ ႎႀစ္ပတ္လည္ အခမ္းအနားတၾင္ စစ္ေရးဴပေနေသာ KIA တပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵား ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: kachinstate.com)

KIO ေဒသဟာ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသရဲ့ အေနာက္ေဴမာက္ဖက္ ကပ္လဵက္ရႀိ႓ပီး သံလၾင္ဴမစ္ အေနာက္ဘက္ဴခမ္းမႀာ ရႀိေနတာပၝ။ ႓ပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၇ရက္ကေန ၂၉ရက္ေနႛအထိ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

172

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္း စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾ အလံုးအရင္းနဲႛ ထိုးစစ္ဆင္႓ပီးေနာက္ ဳသဂုတ္လကုန္ပိုင္းက KIO နယ္ေဴမအတၾင္း တပ္စၾဲထားတဲ့ KIA တပ္မဟာ ၄ ကို ဆက္လက္႓ပီး ထိုးစစ္ဆင္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းေတၾ ထၾက္ေပၞေနတာဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။ ဒီသတင္းကို ဳကားရတာေဳကာင့္ မိမိတိုႛရဲ့ တပ္မဵား အသင့္အေနအထား လႀန္ႛထားတယ္လိုႛ KIA တပ္မႀႃးတဦးက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ KIA တပ္မႀႃးတဦး။

။ “မေနႛည ညေနပိုင္းေလာက္ကေန အဲဒီလို သတင္းေတၾ ဳကားေတာ့

နည္းနည္းေလး ဟိုဖက္ဒီဖက္ အသင့္အေနအထားေပၝ့၊ ဒီ တပ္မဟာ ၄ ဖက္ကို နည္းနည္းေလး နအဖဖက္ကေန စစ္မဵက္ႎႀာစာ ဖၾင့္တဲ့ ပံုစံမဵိႂး စကားေတၾ ေဴပာလာေတာ့ရယ္ ဟိုဖက္ဒီဖက္ ဴပင္ဆင္မႁေတၾ လုပ္ေနတယ္။ ဒီေနႛ သတင္းေတၾအရေတာ့ ဝဖက္ကိုပဲ ဦးတည္သၾားမလိုလို၊ ဒီ တပ္မဟာ ၄ ဖက္ကိုပဲ ဦးတည္လာမလိုလို အဲလို ဴဖစ္ေနလိုႛေလ။ ဟိုဥစၤာ တိတိကဵကဵ ခိုင္ခိုင္လံုလံု ေဴပာလိုႛေတာ့ မရေသးဘူး။ သတင္းေတၾ စံုစမ္းေနတုန္းပဲ။” အခုဳကားေနရတဲ့ သတင္းေတၾဟာ ကိုးကန္ႛနယ္အတၾင္းရႀိ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾက ဴဖန္ႛေနတာ ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛလည္း ဆိုပၝတယ္။ KIA တပ္မႀႃးတဦး။

။ “ဟို နအဖဖက္ကေန ဘယ္လိုဘယ္လို သတင္းေတၾ လၿင့္ထားလဲ

မသိဘူး။ ႓ပီးေတာ့လည္း သတင္းေပးတဲ့လူေတၾလည္း ဂဃနဏ မသိေသးဘူး ဴဖစ္ေနေတာ့ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛဖက္က သတင္း သံုးသပ္ခဵက္နဲႛ သတင္း သံုးသပ္တဲ့အခဵိန္မႀာ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလး ဴပန္လိုက္ယူရတာေပၝ့။ အဲလို ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္။”

ကခဵင္တပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾအေနနဲႛဳသဂုတ္လ ၈ရက္ေနႛေနာက္ပိုင္း ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္း မတည္မ႓ငိမ္ ဴဖစ္ေနတာေဳကာင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛနဲႛ နယ္ခဵင္းကပ္ေနတဲ့ မိမိတိုႛ ေဒသတၾင္းရႀိ တပ္မဟာ ၄ ကို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

173

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အသင့္အေနအထား ဴပင္ဆင္မႁေတၾ လုပ္ထားတာ ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ KIA ဒုတိယ စစ္ဦးစီးခဵႂပ္ ဗိုလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ ဂၾမ္ေမာ္ကလည္း RFA ကို ေဴပာဴပခဲ့ပၝတယ္။ KIO နယ္ေဴမအတၾင္း ခုလိုသတင္းေတၾ ထၾက္ေနတာေဳကာင့္ ကၾတ္ခိုင္႓မိႂႚ၊ တာမိုညဲ႓မိႂႚေတၾ အပၝအဝင္ ေဒသတခုလံုးမႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားဴပည္သူမဵား လႁပ္လႁပ္ရႀားရႀား ဴဖစ္ေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ စံုစမ္းသိရႀိရပၝတယ္။

ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ တုိက္ပၾဲငယ္မဵား ထပ္မံဴဖစ္ပၾား 2009-09-02 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/clashes_in_kokang_region09022009122745.html/story_main?textonly=1 ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ေဴမာက္ပိုင္း ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသ ေလာက္ကိုင္၊ ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္႓မိႂႚတဝုိက္မႀာ MNDAA ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚေခၝင္းေဆာင္း ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္းရဲ့ သား႒ကီးဖုန္တ ႟ၿင္း ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့တပ္ေတၾနဲႛ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾ ဒီကေနႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂ ရက္မႀာ တုိက္ပၾဲငယ္ေတၾ ထပ္မံဴဖစ္ပၾားေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္ ။ ဒီကေနႛဴဖစ္ပၾားတဲ့ ေဴပာက္ကဵားစစ္ပၾဲေတၾနဲႛ ပတ္သက္လိုႛ ႎႀစ္ဖက္စစ္အင္အားနဲႛ ထိခိုက္ကဵဆုံးမႁကိုေတာ့ ခုထက္ထိ မသိရေသးပၝဘူး ။ ကုိးကန္ႛနဲႛ ဴမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဳကား စစ္ပၾဲေတၾ မဴဖစ္ခင္ကတည္းက အဲဒီေဒသမႀာ ႎို္င္ငံတကာ အကူအညီေပးေရးအဖၾဲႚေတၾ ရႀိေန႓ပီး ေလာေလာဆယ္မႀာ ေဒသတၾင္း မ႓ငိမ္သက္မႁေဳကာင့္ ေလာက္ကိုင္-ကၾန္းလုံကားလမ္း ပိတ္ထားရပၝတယ္၊ WFP ကမၲာ့စားနပ္ရိကၡာ အစီအစဥ္အဖၾဲႚ JICAလိုႛေခၞတဲ့ ဂဵပန္ႎိုင္ငံက ႎိုင္ငံတကာ အကူအညီေပးေရးအဖၾဲႚနဲႛ Care Myanmar အဲန္ဂဵီအိုအဖၾဲႚတုိႛဟာ ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚမႀာ ပိတ္မိေနတယ္လိုႛ နယ္စပ္အေဴခအေနေတၾကို ေစာင့္ဳကည့္ေနတဲ့ ခဵင္းမိုင္အေဴခစိုက္ ရႀမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ အယ္ဒီတာ ဦးခၾန္စိုင္းက ေဴပာပၝတယ္ ။ ဦးခၾန္စိုင္း။

။ “ဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္အဖၾဲႚက ပိုႛလာတဲ့ သတင္းဴဖစ္တယ္၊ သူတိုႛ ပိုႛလာတဲ့ သတင္းအရ

ဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ ဒီ ဦး ဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္ရဲ့ သား႒ကီးေပၝ့ဗဵာ၊ သူက ဒီ စစ္ေရးကို ကိုင္တယ္၊ သူႛနာမယ္ ဖုန္တ ႟ၿင္း၊ ဖုန္တ ႟ၿင္းက ေခၝင္းေဆာင္႓ပီးေတာ့မႀ ဒီ ကိုးကန္ႛနဲႛ ဝ နယ္စပ္မႀာ အခုထိ ဒီ ေဴပာက္ကဵားနည္းနဲႛ တိုက္ေနတယ္တဲ့ ေနာ္။ ႎိုင္ငံဴခားက အကူအညီ လာေပးေနတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚဝင္ေတၾနဲႛ သူတိုႛရဲ့ မိသားစုေတၾ တရာေကဵာ္ ေလာက္ကိုင္း႓မိႂႚေတာ္မႀာ အခုထိ မထၾက္ရေသးဘူး။ အဲဒီမႀာ

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

174

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေသာင္တင္ေနဳကတယ္၊ ဘာဴဖစ္လိုႛလဲဆိုေတာ့ ဒီ ေလာက္ကိုင္းကေန သူက ကၾန္လံုဖက္ကို ကားနဲႛ လာရမႀာကိုး။ အခု ကၾန္လံုကို လာတဲ့ ကားလမ္းက ပိတ္ေနတာကိုး။” အခုလို ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသတၾင္း တိုက္ပၾဲငယ္ေတၾနဲႛ မတည္မ႓ငိမ္ဴဖစ္မႁေတၾေဳကာင့္ ေဒသခံဴပည္သူတခဵႂိႚ တ႟ုတ္နယ္ဖက္ကို ဴပန္႓ပီး ထၾက္ေဴပး တိမ္းေရႀာင္ေနဳကတယ္လိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စစ္ေရးႎိုင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက RFA ကုိ ေဴပာပၝတယ္ ။ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာ။

။ “က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ဳကားတာလည္း ေဴပာက္ကဵားတိုက္ပၾဲ တခဵိႂႚေတာ့

ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ဳကားတယ္။ ဒၝကေတာ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းလည္း အဲလို မဳကာခဏ ဳကားရမယ္ထင္တယ္။ အခု က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ဳကားရတာ ေတာင္ဝၝလိုႛ ဳကားတယ္၊ ဟို တတ္ေရႀခန္ဖက္မႀာ။ ေလာက္ကိုင္းရဲ့ အေနာက္ေဴမာက္ဖက္ေလာက္ ကဵပၝတယ္။ ခု အဲဒီနားမႀာလည္း ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ဳကားတယ္။ ေနာက္ ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္ ေအာက္ဖက္ နန္ႛတင္းဖက္မႀာလည္း တိုက္ပၾဲ နည္းနည္း ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ဳကားတယ္။ လူေတၾလည္း တေခၝက္ဴပန္ ေဴပးဳကလၿားဳက ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ ဳကားတယ္။ လူေတၾကလည္း ကဵီးလန္ႛစာစားေပၝ့ ဴဖစ္ေနဳကတာ။” MNDAA ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္ေတၾ တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဖက္ ထၾက္ေဴပး႓ပီး လက္နက္ခဵ ခိုလႁံမႁရႀိတယ္ ဆိုေပမဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ရဲ့ ၃၀ ရာခုိင္ႎႁန္းေလာက္ဟာ ဴမန္မာပိုင္နက္ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္အနီးမႀာ ဆက္လက္ လႁပ္ရႀားေန႓ပီး အဲဒီတပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္ေတၾကို ဖမ္းဝရမ္း အထုတ္ခံထားရတဲ့ ဦးဖုန္ဳကားရႀင္းရဲ့သားေတၾက ဦးေဆာင္ေနေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္ ။

ကၾမ္းလံုဆည္ တည္ေဆာက္မႁ ရပ္ဖိုႛ တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရကိုေတာင္းဆို 2009-09-01 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/rights_group_demands_dam_project_termination -09012009161817.html/story_main?textonly=1 တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စစ္ေရးမတည္႓ငိမ္မႁေတၾနဲႛ ဒုကၡသည္မဵားအေဴခအေနကို ဆန္းစစ္ရင္ ဒီေနရာမႀာ စီးပၾားေရးလုပ္ေဆာင္မႁေတၾဟာ အာမခံခဵက္ မရႀိတဲ့အတၾက္ ဒီေဒသမႀာ ေဆာက္ဖိုႛ ဴပင္ေနတဲ့ ကၾမ္းလံုဆည္ ရင္းႎႀီးဴမၟႂပ္ႎႀံမႁကို ရပ္ဖိုႛ ထိုင္းဴမန္မာအေဴခစိုက္ လူႛအခၾင့္အေရးအဖၾဲႚတခုက တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရကို ေတာင္းဆိုလိ္ုက္ပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

175

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ဴမန္မာစစ္တပ္နဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛအပစ္အခတ္ရပ္ တပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾအဳကား တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့အ႓ပီး ဒီကေနႛမႀာ ထုတ္ဴပန္တဲ့ ရႀမ္းသဘာဝ ပတ္ဝန္ကဵင္အဖၾဲႚရဲ့ ေဳကညာခဵက္မႀာ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသက မတည္႓ငိမ္မႁေတၾဟာ တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရအဖိုႛ သတိထားရမဲ့ အေဴခအေနပၝလိုႛ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။ ရႀမ္းသဘာဝပတ္ဝန္းကဵင္အဖၾဲႚက ေဴပာခၾင့္ရသူ ကိုစုိင္းေခးဆိုင္က အခုလို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ကိုစုိင္းေခးဆိုင္။

။ “ဒီဟာကို စေဆာက္႓ပီ။ ကၾန္လံု ေဒသမႀာရႀိတဲ့ လက္နက္ကိုင္

အဖၾဲႚေတၾေရာ၊ ေနာက္႓ပီးေတာ့ cease-fire လက္နက္ကိုင္႓ပီးေတာ့ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး လုပ္ထားတဲ့ အဖၾဲႚေတၾက ဒီကၾန္လံု ေရကာတာ ဧရိယာ ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္ခင္ဗဵ။ တကယ္လိုႛ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ဒီ တာဆန္းကို ဴပန္ဳကည့္မယ္ ဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ တာဆန္း ေရကာတာ မေဆာက္ခင္တုန္းက သူက အဲလိုပဲ တာဆန္း တဝုိက္မႀာရႀိတဲ့ ဒီ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးေတၾေရာ၊ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးေရာ၊ ေနာက္ ႓ပီးေတာ့ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အကုန္လံုး ရႀင္းပစ္တယ္။” တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရအေနနဲႛ သံလၾင္ဴမစ္ေပၞမႀာ ေရအားလ႖ပ္္စစ္ ထုတ္လုပ္မဲ့ ဆည္စီမံကိန္း႒ကီး ၅ ခုရႀိရာမႀာ အခု တိုက္ပၾဲဴဖစ္ရာ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသနဲႛ ၁၅ ကီလိုမီတာအကၾာက ကၾမ္းလံုဆည္စီမံကိန္းလည္း ပၝဝင္ပၝတယ္။ ဒီဆည္ေဆာက္ဖိုႛ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႎႀစ္ ဧ႓ပီလက တ႟ုတ္ကုမၯဏီ ၂ ခုနဲႛ သေဘာတူ စာခ႗န္လၿာ လက္မႀတ္ထုိးထားပၝတယ္။ ဒီစီမံကိန္းေတၾနဲႛ ပတ္သက္လိုႛ ေဒသခံဴပည္သူအမဵားရဲ့ သေဘာထားေကာက္ခံမႁ မရႀိ႟ံုမကပဲ ဴပည္သူအမဵား အကဵိႂးစီးပၾားလည္း ထိခိုက္ေနတယ္လိုႛလည္း ကိုစိုင္းေခးဆိုင္က ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ကိုစုိင္းေခးဆိုင္။

။ “ဆက္႓ပီးေတာ့ သူက ေဆာက္လုပ္မယ္ ဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ေတာ့ အဲဒီ

ေနရာေဒသ လူေတၾ သူက ရႀင္းပစ္မႀာ ေသခဵာတယ္ခင္ဗဵ။ ဒၝေဳကာင့္မိုႛ ဒီဟာက မဴဖစ္သင့္တာ မဴဖစ္ရေလေအာင္ ဆို႓ပီးေတာ့ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ အဲဒီ ေဴမာက္ဴမားတဲ့ ရင္းႎႀီးဴမၟႂပ္ႎႀံမႁ ဴဖစ္တယ္။ ေနာက္႓ပီးေတာ့ မေသခဵာတဲ့ ရင္းႎႀီးဴမၟႂပ္ႎႀံမႁ ဴဖစ္တယ္ေပၝ့ေနာ္။ ေနာက္လူထုေတၾကို ထိခိုက္တဲ့ ရင္းႎႀီးဴမၟႂပ္ႎႀံမႁ ဴဖစ္တယ္။ ဒၝေဳကာင့္မိုႛ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ရပ္တန္းက ရပ္ဖိုႛေပၝ့၊ အဲဒၝေဳကာင့္မိုႛလိုႛ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ အစီရင္ခံစာ၊ အစီရင္ခံခဵက္ ထုတ္ရဴခင္း ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။” သံလၾင္ဴမစ္ေပၞမႀာ တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရ အကူအညီနဲႛ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဆည္ေတၾထဲမႀာ တာဆန္းနဲႛ ဟတ္႒ကီး ဆည္ေတၾဟာ စီမံကိန္းခဵ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေန႓ပီ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံေရာက္ ဒုကၡသည္အမဵားစု ဴမန္မာဴပည္မဴပန္လို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

176

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 2009-09-01 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/some_refugees_reluctant_to_go_back09012009115402.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ ကိုးကန္ႛနယ္ေဴမက တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾေဳကာင့္ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဖက္ကို ဒုကၡသည္အဴဖစ္ ေရာက္ရႀိေနဳကသူေတၾထဲက တခဵိႂႚက မိမိတိုႛဟာ တ႟ုတ္လူမဵိႂးေတၾ ဴဖစ္တဲ့ အတၾက္ ဴမန္မာဴပည္ကို မဴပန္ခဵင္ေဳကာင္း တ႟ုတ္အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾကို တင္ဴပဳကတယ္လိုႛ စံုစမ္းသိရႀိရပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဖက္ကို ထၾက္ေဴပးသၾားတဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္ေတၾအေနနဲႛ အေဴခအေနေတၾ တည္႓ငိမ္လာ႓ပီ ဴဖစ္တာေဳကာင့္ ေနရပ္ဴပန္ကုန္ဳက႓ပီလိုႛ တ႟ုတ္အရာရႀိေတၾက ေဴပာဆိုေပမဲ့ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ မေနႛကအထိ ေနရပ္ဴပန္သူ အနည္းငယ္ သာရႀိတယ္လိုႛ ေဒသခံေတၾက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ကိုးကန္ႛစစ္တပ္က အရာရႀိေဟာင္းတဦးက ခုလိုေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ကိုးကန္ႛအရာရႀိေဟာင္း။

။ “စစ္သားတင္မကဘူး၊ အဲဒီ အရပ္သားေတၾလည္း ဴပန္ပိုႛရမႀာပဲ။

အရပ္သားေတၾကဵေတာ့ သူတိုႛ ေတာင္းဆိုတာက တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္မႀာ ေနခဵင္တယ္၊ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛကလည္း တ႟ုတ္အမဵိႂးသား ဴဖစ္တယ္၊ အဲဒၝ ႎိုင္ငံေတာ္က လက္ခံေပးပၝ၊ အဲဒီ ေတာင္းဆိုတဲ့လူေတၾလည္း ရႀိတယ္။” ဒၝ့အဴပင္ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသဘက္မႀာ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္သားအင္အား တေသာင္းနီးပၝးေလာက္ ဝင္ေရာက္ေန႓ပီး နယ္ေဴမတခုလံုးမႀာ ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္ရဲ့ တပ္လက္ကဵန္ေတၾကို ရႀင္းလင္းရႀာေဖၾေနတယ္လိုႛ ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္ရဲ့ တပ္ဖၾဲႚက အရာရႀိေဟာင္းတဦးကေဴပာဴပပၝတယ္။ ကိုးကန္ႛအရာရႀိေဟာင္း။

။ “စစ္တပ္က ဝင္႓ပီးေတာ့ အခုဆို ႟ၾာေတၾကို ဝင္ေမၿေနတယ္။

လမ္းေတၾ အကုန္ပိတ္ပစ္လိုက္တယ္။ ပိတ္ပစ္လိုက္႓ပီးေတာ့ ႟ၾာေတၾကို ဝင္ေမၿတယ္၊ ႟ၾာကလူေတၾကို တခၝတည္း ႟ိုက္တယ္၊ ႎႀက္တယ္၊ အဲ တခဵိႂႚ သတ္ပစ္တာလည္း ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ ဳကားတယ္။ ေနာက္ ပစၤည္းေတၾလည္း လိုခဵင္တဲ့ ပစၤည္းေတၾ အဲဒၝ ဆၾဲ၊ စားလိုႛရတာ စား၊ အဲလို အဲလို ေသာင္းကဵန္းဳကတယ္။ ေတာ္ေတာ္ကို သူတိုႛ ေဴပာတာက ဂဵပန္တပ္ တ႟ုတ္႟ၾာထဲ ဝင္တဲ့ ပံုစံမဵိႂးေတၾ ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္။” ဒုကၡသည္အမဵားစုအေနနဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛနယ္ေဴမကို ဴပန္ဖိုႛ ေနာက္တပတ္ေလာက္ ေစာင့္ဳကည့္ဖိုႛ ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ သူတိုႛကို ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံဖက္ ဴပန္ပိုႛမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အစီအစဥ္ရႀိေပမဲ့ ဘယ္လို အစီအစဥ္နဲႛ ဴပန္လၿတ္ေပးမယ္ဆိုတာေတာ့ မသိရေသးဘူးလိုႛ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမႀာ ေရာက္ေနသူေတၾက ေဴပာဆိုေနဳကပၝတယ္။ ဒီအေဳကာင္းေတၾနဲႛ ပတ္သက္႓ပီး RFA rS ဦးတင္ေအာင္ခိုင္က ေမးဴမန္းတင္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

177

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဝ နယ္ေဴမအနီး စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ အခဵိႂႚ ေရာက္ရႀိ 2009-09-01 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/regime_troops_arrived_near_wa_region09012009105949.html/story_main?textonly=1 UWSA ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရးပိုင္ နယ္ေဴမနားကို စစ္အစိုးရတပ္တခဵိႂႚ ေရာက္ရႀိလာ႓ပီး မိမိတိုႛဟာ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသက ဴပန္လာတဲ့ တပ္ေတၾ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း၊ ေခတၨခဏ တေထာက္နားေနဴခင္းသာ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း UWSA ကို အေဳကာင္းဳကားတယ္လိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ကဵိႂင္းတုံအေရႀႚဘက္ မိုင္းလား၊ မိုင္းေပၝက္ဘက္ကို တပ္မ ၈၈ က ေရာက္သၾားတာ ဴဖစ္႓ပီး တပ္မ ၉၉ က ဟိုပန္ေဒသဖက္ကို ေရာက္ရႀိသၾားတာ ဴဖစ္တယ္လိုႛ UWSA တပ္မႀႃးတဦးက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ UWSA တပ္မႀႃး။ ။ “ဟိုပန္ကေန႓ပီးေတာ့ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛကို လႀမ္းေဴပာလိုက္တယ္၊ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ခင္ဗဵားတိုႛကို တိုက္တာ မဟုတ္ဖူး၊ ကိုးကန္ႛကို လာတိုက္ရင္းနဲႛေပၝ့၊ ကိုးကန္ႛကလည္း ပၾဲ႓ပီးသၾား႓ပီေပၝ့၊ စစ္ေရးလည္း ရပ္သၾား႓ပီ၊ နယ္ေဴမေဒသ ေအးခဵမ္းသၾား႓ပီေပၝ့ဗဵာ၊ သူတိုႛအေဴပာက။ ခင္ဗဵားတိုႛ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ စခန္းတေထာက္ လာနားတာ၊ ခင္ဗဵားတိုႛ ဝဖက္ကို တိုက္ဖိုႛ လာတာ မဟုတ္ပၝဘူးတဲ့။ ယံုဳကည္ဖိုႛ မဟုတ္ဖူး။ သူတိုႛရဲ့ စစ္ေရးပရိယာယ္ တအားမဵားတယ္။” ဝတပ္ေတၾ အေနနဲႛ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾကို ယံုဳကည္မႁ မရႀိပဲ အေဴခအေနကို ေစာင့္ဳကည့္ေနတယ္လိုႛလည္း ဆိုပၝတယ္။ ဝတပ္မႀႃးက ခုလိုဆက္ဴပိီးေဴပာပၝတယ္။ UWSA တပ္မႀႃး။

။ “တခုေဴပာခဵင္တာက ခုနက က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛရဲ့ သတၨိ၊ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛရဲ့

အားမာန္၊ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛရဲ့ လံုးဝ မခံခဵင္တဲ့စိတ္ေတၾေပၝ့။ ကဵည္ဆံတေတာင့္ မေပးႎိုင္ဘူး။ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ပိုင္နက္နယ္ေဴမ တလက္မ ကဵႃးေကဵာ္မႁ မခံလိုဘူး။ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးကို ဴမတ္ႎိုးတယ္၊ ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးကို လိုလားတယ္၊ အဲဒၝကို လာ႓ပီးေတာ့ လာလုပ္ရင္ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛက ႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရးနဲႛအတူ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ဴပန္႓ပီးေတာ့ ခုခံတိုက္ခိုက္သၾားမယ္။ စိတ္ဓာတ္ သူတိုႛ သိေအာင္၊ ကမႝာကလည္း သိေအာင္။ သူတိုႛက မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝးနဲႛပဲ လိုက္တိုက္မႀာပဲ၊ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ အဖၾဲႚအစည္းကို။ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝး ဘယ္သူမႀ မလုပ္ဖူး။” ဝေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾ အေနနဲႛ ဴမန္မာဴပည္သူေတၾကို သိေစခဵင္တာ တခု ရႀိေဳကာင္း။ တိုင္းရင္းသားဴပည္သူေတၾအေနနဲႛ စည္းလံုးညီႌၾတ္မႁရႀိဖိုႛ လိုအပ္႓ပီး အလုပ္သမား၊ လယ္သမား၊ ေကဵာင္းသားနဲႛ သံဃာေတၾပၝမကဵန္ ညီႌၾတ္မႁဟာ အေရး႒ကီးတယ္လိုႛ မိမိတိုႛ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾက ေဴပာေဳကာင္း RFA ကို ေဴပာဴပပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

178

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ ဴမန္မာ တပ္ဖၾဲႚမဵား ဆက္လက္ရႀိေနဆဲ 2009-09-01 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/regime_troops_still_in_kokang_region09012009141304.html/story_main?textonly=1 တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသမႀာ တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ႓ပီးစီးသၾားေပမယ့္ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရဖက္က တပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾဟာ နယ္ေဴမကေန ဆုတ္ခၾာမသၾားေသးပဲ ဆက္ရႀိေနဆဲပဲလိုႛ သိရပၝတယ္။ ဒီလိုဆက္ရႀိေနေသးတဲ့အတၾက္ တ႟ုတ္ ႎုိင္ငံဖက္ ထၾက္ေဴပးတဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္အမဵားစုဟာ ကိုယ့္ေနရပ္ေဒသကို မဴပန္ႛဝံ့ပဲ ရႀိေနတယ္လိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ သတင္းေတၾက ဆိုပၝတယ္။ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ တပ္ေတၾအေနနဲႛ အခဵိန္အတန္ဳကာ တပ္စၾဲထားဖိုႛ ရႀိ႓ပီး ေလာေလာဆယ္ လက္နက္နဲႛ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝး ရႀာေဖၾေရးေတၾ ဆက္တိုက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတယ္လိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္ စစ္ေရးႎုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာ။

။ “တပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾက အဲဒီ ပၝဝင္ တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့တဲ့ တပ္ေတၾေပၝ့ေနာ္၊ အဲဒၝေတၾက

ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသ တည္႓ငိမ္ေရးအတၾက္ေပၝ့ေနာ္၊ အဲဒီမႀာ ဆက္ရႀိေနတယ္၊ အခဵိန္အတန္ဳကာထိ ဆက္ရႀိေနမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းက ရတယ္။ သူတိုႛ အဓိက အခု ေလာေလာဆယ္ လုပ္တဲ့အလုပ္က အဲ လက္နက္ပုန္းေတၾ ရႀာေဖၾေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးနဲႛ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝၝး ရႀာေဖၾေရးဆို႓ပီး သူက လိုက္နင္းတာပဲ၊ လူေဟာင္းေတၾ အကုန္လိုက္နင္းတယ္။ လူေဟာင္းနဲႛ အဲဒီလို ပတ္သက္ရာ ပတ္သက္ေဳကာင္းေတၾကို လိုက္ရႀာ႓ပီးေတာ့ အဲ ဖမ္းတာတိုႛ စစ္တာတိုႛ အဲဒီလို လက္နက္ပုန္း ရႀာေဖၾတာတိုႛ လုပ္ေနဳကတယ္။” လက္ရႀိအေဴခအေနမႀာ တ႟ုတ္ႎုိင္ငံထဲကို ထၾက္ေဴပးလာတဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္ေတၾဟာ ဴမန္မာႎုိင္ငံဖက္ကို ဴပန္ဝင္ ေနဳက႓ပီလိုႛ ဴမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္ေတၾဖက္ကေရာ တ႟ုတ္အာဏာပိုင္ေတၾကပၝ ေဳကညာထားပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ ေဒသခံေတၾကေတာ့ လူနည္းစုပဲ ဴမန္မာဖက္က အိုးအိမ္နဲႛ အေဴခအေနတည္႓ငိမ္မႁကို ဴပန္ဳကည့္ဖိုႛ ဴပန္လာဳကတာ ရႀိတယ္လိုႛ ဆိုပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္မႀာ ေဒသတည္႓ငိမ္ေရးအတၾက္ ဴမန္မာအစိုးရအေနနဲႛ သတိနဲႛ ကိုင္တၾယ္ဖိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ အစိုးရက မဳကာခင္က ေဴပာဳကားထားပၝတယ္။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ လက္ရႀိ တိုက္ပၾဲဴဖစ္တာနဲႛ

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

179

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ပတ္သက္လိုႛ လူသိရႀင္ဳကား ေဝဖန္မႁမရႀိတဲ့အတၾက္ တ႟ုတ္အစိုးရရဲ့ သေဘာထားကို သုံးသပ္သူေတၾက ေဝဖန္တာေတၾ ရႀိေနပၝတယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာကေတာ့ ဒီအခဵက္ဟာ သံသယရႀိစရာပၝပဲလိုႛ ေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာ။

။ “ဟိုတ႟ုတ္ဴပည္အေနနဲႛကေတာ့ တခုလံုး တကၾင္းလံုးကို ဳကည့္႓ပီး

ေဴပာသလား မေဴပာတတ္ဖူးေပၝ့ဗဵာ။ သူႛရဲ့ ေရနံပိုက္လိုင္းကိစၤေတၾ ဘာေတၾလည္း ရႀိေနတဲ့အခၝကဵေတာ့ ဗမာအစိုးရကို က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ထင္ထားသလို တင္းတင္းမာမာ မေဴပာႎိုင္ဘူး ဴဖစ္တယ္။ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ဴမင္တာ။ ဴပန္ေတာင္ ဖာဖာေထးေထး လုပ္ေနသလိုပဲ က႗န္ေတာ္ ဳကည့္ရတာ။ ဒၝေပမဲ့ အထက္မႀာလည္း သူတိုႛ လူ႒ကီးခဵင္းေတၾ ေဆၾးေႎၾးေနတယ္။ ႎႀစ္ႎိုင္ငံေခၝင္းေဆာင္ အဆင့္ဴမင့္ ေဆၾးေႎၾးမႁေတၾ ရႀိေကာင္းရႀိမယ္။ ယေနႛ ေဖာ္ဴပခဵက္ တခဵိႂႚမႀာ တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ရဲ့ ေဖာ္ဴပခဵက္ လိုက္႓ပီး ဖာဖာေထးေထး လိုက္လုပ္ေနသလိုလို ဘာလိုလို ဴဖစ္ေနတယ္။ အမႀန္ေဴပာရင္ သူ မရႀက္တတ္လိုႛေပၝ့ဗဵာ၊ သူႛလို ႎိုင္ငံ႒ကီး တႎိုင္ငံက မလုပ္နဲႛလိုႛ ေဴပာထားတဲ့ဟာကို ဗမာအစိုးရက လုပ္တာပဲ။ လုပ္တဲ့အဴပင္ သူတိုႛအားလံုး ဴမင္တယ္။” ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ သတင္းစာေတၾမႀာ မေနႛက ထုတ္ဴပန္တဲ့ ေဳကညာခဵက္မႀာ ဦးဖုန္ကဵားရႀင္ ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ၄ ဦးကို ေဝဖန္ဴပစ္တင္ထား႓ပီး ကဵန္တဲ့ေနာက္လိုက္ေတၾကို ေအးေအးခဵမ္းခဵမ္း ဴပန္လာဖိုႛ ဖိတ္ေခၞထားပၝတယ္။ တ႟ုတ္နဲႛ ဴမန္မာအဳကား အကဵဥ္းသားနဲႛ ရာဇဝတ္သား လၿဲေဴပာင္းေပးေရး သေဘာတူညီခဵက္ ရႀိတဲ့အတၾက္ ဒီကိုးကန္ႛအေဴခအေနမႀာ စီးပၾားေရး ေရရႀည္အကဵိႂးကို ဳကည့္႓ပီး ဴမန္မာဖက္က အလုိရႀိေနတဲ့ ကိုးကန္ႛေခၝင္းေဆာင္ေတၾကို တ႟ုတ္ဖက္က ဖမ္းဆီး လၿဲေဴပာင္းလာႎုိင္စရာလည္းရႀိတယ္လိုႛ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာအေရး ေလ့လာသူေတၾက သံုးသပ္တာလည္း ရႀိပၝတယ္။

အပစ္ရပ္ မြန္ေဒသတြင္လည္း မတည္မၿငိမ္ျဖစ္ေန FRIDAY, 04 SEPTEMBER 2009 16:25 ဧရာဝတီ

မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ (NMSP) ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းတြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကို ဆက္လက္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ သေဘာထားကြဲလြဲမႈမ်ား ရွိေနေၾကာင္း ၎ပါတီႏွင့္ နီးစပ္ေသာ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ေျပာသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

180

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ား (ဓာတ္ပုံ NMSP) ပါတီ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ႏို္င္ဟံသာႏွင့္ တျခားေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တခ်ိဳ႕က

အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးကို ရပ္ဆိုင္းရန္ ဆႏၵရွိၿပီး ကုိယ္က်ိဳးစီးပြားမ်ားစြာ ပိုင္ဆိုင္ထားေသာ

ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကို ဆက္လက္ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားလိုေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ မြန္ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ (MNDF) ဒု ဥကၠ႒ ႏုိင္ေငြသိန္းက“စစ္အစိုးရက သေဘာထား တင္းမာတဲ့ ႏိုင္ဟံသာကို ပစ္မွတ္ထားမယ္လို႔ ယုံၾကည္တယ္” ဟု ဧရာ၀တီသို႔ ေျပာသည္။

ယခင္ရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္းက ႏို္င္ဟံသာသည္ ျပည္ပေရာက္ မြန္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားထံမွ အလွဴေငြမ်ား

ေကာက္ခံေန သည္ဟု စြပ္စြဲခ်က္ စာရြက္စာတမ္းမ်ားကို ကရင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ျဖန္႔ေ၀ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ မြန္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား အေန ျဖင့္လည္း ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္း သေဘာထားကြဲလြဲမႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ စိုးရိမ္လ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ယင္းကိစၥမ်ားသည္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေသြးခြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ဗ်ဳဟာေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ခန္႔မွန္း ေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ားရွိၾကသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ စစ္အစိုးရကNMSP ပါတီႏွင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တခ်ိဳ႕ ပိုင္ဆိုင္သည့္ အိုးအိမ္ၿခံေျမ အစရွိေသာ မေရႊ႕ ေျပာင္းႏိုင္သည့္ ပစၥည္းမ်ား ေရာင္းခ်ျခင္းကို ခြင့္မျပဳေၾကာင္း နီးစပ္သည့္ အသိုင္းအ၀န္းအရ သိရသည္။

ယင္းသုိ႔ေရာင္းခ်မႈကို တားျမစ္ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ တစုံတရာ ရွင္းလင္းေျပာဆိုျခင္း မရွိေသာ္လည္း ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား လက္နက္ကိုင္၍ ျပန္လည္ေတာခုိမည္ကို တားဆီးလိုျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ခန္႔မွန္း ေျပာဆို မႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့သည္။

စစ္အစိုးရက NMSP ပါတီကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ပုံစံ(သို႔) ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ ပုံစံျဖင့္ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္

ကမ္းလွမ္းခဲ့မႈကို ပယ္ခ် ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ဆက္ဆံေရးတင္းမာလာကာ ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ NMSP ပါတီႏွင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းက ပိုင္ဆိုင္ေသာ ပစၥည္းမ်ား ေရာင္းခ်ရန္ တားျမစ္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ NMSP ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစုိးရ တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားသည္ ဇြန္လႏွင့္ ၾသဂုတ္လမ်ားတြင္ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြး ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ယင္း ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားတြင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီကုိ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ပုံစံ (သုိ႔မဟုတ္) ျပည္သူ႔စစ္ ပုံစံျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းရန္ ကမ္းလွမ္းခဲ့သည္။ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီသည္ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ အမ်ိဳးသားညီလာခံတြင္ ေလ့လာသူအျဖစ္သာ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံု အေျခခံ ဥပေဒ ကုိလည္း လက္မခံေပ။ လာမည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

181

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္လည္း ၀င္ေရာက္ အေရြးခံမည္ မဟုတ္ဟု ေၾကညာထားေသာ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး အဖြဲ႕တစ္ဖြဲ႕လည္းျဖစ္သည္။ NMSP သည္ ၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇြန္လတြင္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခဲ့ၿပီး လက္ရွိအင္အား ၇၀၀ ခန္႔ ရွိသည္။ ၁၉၈၉ မွ ၁၉၉၅ အတြင္း အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲခ့ဲသည့္ လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖဲြ႔ စုစုေပါင္း ၁၇ ဖဲြ႔ရိွေၾကာင္း စစ္အစုိးရ၏ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္မ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္က

လူမ်ိဳးေရးခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံ ႏွိပ္စက္ညႇဥ္းပန္း THURSDAY, 03 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:16 ရန္ပိုင္ http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 39:2009-09-03-12-17-25&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

ျမန္မာ စစ္အစုိးရတပ္က ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသကုိ သိမ္းပုိက္ၿပီးေနာက္ပုိင္း တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ပုိင္ဆုိင္ေသာ ပစၥည္းမ်ားကုိ လုယက္ခဲ့ရုံသာမက ကုိယ္ထိလက္ေရာက္ ရုိက္ႏွက္မႈမ်ား ရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ အပတ္အတြင္း၌ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသကုိ ၀င္ေရာက္သိမ္းပုိက္ခဲ့သည့္ ယင္း စစ္အစိုးရ စစ္တပ္က လူမိ်ဳးေရးခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံ၍ ႏွိပ္စက္ညႇဥ္းပန္းမႈမ်ားလည္း ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံမ်ားက ေျပာဆိုၾကသည္။ “ေလာက္ကုိင္မွာ တပ္ေတြက အထက္ကခုိင္းလုိ႔လား၊ သူတုိဘာသာသူတုိ႔လုပ္တာလား မသိဘူး၊ တရုတ္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေတာ္ေတာ္ပါတယ္၊ ေဒသခံေတြကုိေမးရင္ မင္းတုိ႔ ကုိးကန္႔တရုတ္လား၊ တရုတ္ျပည္က တရုတ္လား၊ တရုတ္ျပည္္က ဆုိရင္ ေဆာ္တာပဲ၊ အနည္းဆုံး

ေသနတ္ဒင္နဲ႔ထုတယ္၊ ပစၥည္းလည္းယူတယ္” ဟု ေလာက္ကုိင္ေဒသခံတဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႕ေျပာသည္။ ထုိကဲ့သို႔ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ အသစ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားေသာ အထူးေဒသ ( ၁ ) ယာယီ ဦးစီးေကာ္မတီတြင္ မူလပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည့္ ေကာ္မတီ၀င္မ်ားမပါ၀င္ေတာ့ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။ တရုတ္ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ အေျခစုိက္ စစ္ေရးႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာကလည္း တရုတ္စတုိးဆုိင္မ်ား၊ စူပါမားကက္မ်ား၊ တရုတ္ကုန္စုံဆုိင္မ်ားကုိ တပ္မ ၃၃ မွ ဖ်က္ဆီး လုယက္မႈမ်ား အႀကီးအက်ယ္လုပ္ ေနသည္ဟု ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။

ဤသုိ႔စစ္အစုိးရတပ္မ်ားက စတုိးဆုိင္မ်ား၊ စူပါမားကက္မ်ားကုိ လုယုေနသည္ဟု ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆုိမႈမ်ား ရွိလာေသာ ေၾကာင့္ ယေန႔ထုတ္ စစ္အစုိးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္

ေလာက္ကုိင္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ ခုိးမႈျဖင့္ တရားခံ ၂၆ဦး၊ ခ်င္းေရႊေဟာ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ခုိးမႈျဖင့္ တရားခံ ၂၅ဦးကုိ အလုပ္ၾကမ္း ႏွင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၂ ႏွစ္စီ အျပစ္ေပးလုိက္ေၾကာင္းေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

182

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif သုိ႔ေသာ္ ထုိသူမ်ားသည္ ကုိးကန္႔ႏွင့္ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးေဒသခံမ်ားသာျဖစ္သည္ဟုသိရသည္။ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအႀကီးအကဲေဟာင္း ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ခင္ညြန္႔ လက္ထက္တြင္ ကုိးကန္႔ႏွင့္

၀တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားကုိ ရန္ကုန္၊ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕ ႀကီးမ်ားသုိ႔ လာေရာက္သည့္အခါ လက္နက္္ကုိင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ ေပးခဲ့ၿပီး တရားမ၀င္လုိင္စင္မဲ့ကားမ်ားကုိလည္း အသုံးျပဳခြင့္ ေပးခဲ့သည္။ “ကုိးကန္႔တုိ႔ ၀တုိ႔က ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ခင္ညြန္နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေဆြးေႏြးၿပီး ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ မႏၱေလးတုိ႔ စတဲ့ၿမိဳ႕ႀကီးေတြမွာ ေသာင္း က်န္းၾကတယ္၊ အဲ့သည့္အခ်ိန္တုန္းက လူထုက မေက်နပ္ဘူး၊ စစ္တပ္ထဲမွာလည္း ဒီလုိအယူအဆရွိမယ္ထင္တယ္” ဟု တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ေဟာင္း သခင္ခ်န္ထြန္းက ေျပာသည္။ စစ္အစုိးရ ၏ ၾသဂုတ္ ၃၁ ရက္ထုတ္ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ား အား ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ရက္စက္စြာ သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ ေသာ ဓာတ္ပုံမ်ားကုိ ေဖာ္ျပထားခဲ့သည္။ “အခုလုိ အစုိးရ ကုိးကန္႔ကုိ တုိက္တာႀကိဳက္တယ္၊ ၀တုိ႔ကုိးကန္႔တုိ႔ဆုိတာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးလုပ္တဲ့သူေတြ၊ တကယ္ေတာ့ တရုတ္ေတြပဲ၊ စီးပြားေရးမွာ

လက္၀ါးႀကီးလာအုပ္ေနတာ၊ ရန္ကုန္ဗဟန္းမွာ တာမုိးညဲေဂဟာဆုိတာ တကယ့္ နန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ပဲ” ဟု ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မွ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္တဦးက ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ေျပာသည္။

ယခုအခါ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသရွိ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာေဒသမ်ား တြင္ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားေနၿပီး ေငြေၾကးတတ္ႏုိင္ေသာ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံတြင္းသုိ႔ စတင္ ထြက္ေျပးေနၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။ “တရုတ္ကုန္သည္ေတြ ၆၀၀ ေလာက္ ပန္ဆန္း နဲ႔ မုိင္းလား ကေနၿပီး တာေလာ့ကုိ ေျပးၿပီ၊ ပုိက္ဆံခ်မ္းသာတဲ့ သူခ်ည္းပဲ၊ ၀ ေတြလည္းေဒါသျဖစ္ေနတယ္၊ ဘာမွမျဖစ္ေသးဘူး၊ တရုတ္ေတြေျပးလို႔” ဟု ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ေဇာ ကေျပာသည္။ မၾကာေသးမီရက္မ်ား အတြင္းက မုိင္းလားအထူးေဒသ (၄) ေဒသအတြင္း ရွိ အလုပ္လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေသာ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးအလုပ္ သမား ၄၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကုိ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ

မဟာမိတ္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ (NDAA) တပ္မ်ားက ႏွင္ထုတ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု သ်ွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ ဦးစိန္ၾကည္က ဧရာ၀တီသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား၌ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္သုိ႔ လက္နက္ႀကီး က်ည္မ်ား က်ေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္အတြက္ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳး ၁ဦး ေသဆုံးခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ၂ဦး ဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိခဲ့သည့္အျပင္ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသ စီးပြားေရး ၏ ၉၀ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းကုိလာေရာက္ ရင္းႏွီးျမဳပ္ႏွံထားေသာ

စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ့ရေသာ္လည္း တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထံမွ ျမန္မာအစုိးရသုိ႔ ျပင္းထန္ေသာ ကန္႔ကြက္မႈမ်ားမရွိခဲ့ေပ။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

183

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “၁၉၆၇ တုန္းက ေမာ္စီတုန္းပုံ ရင္ထုိးကုိ ရင္ပတ္ခ်ိတ္လုိ႔ တရုတ္-ျမန္မာ ရုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေတာ႔

တရုတ္အစုိးရဆတ္ဆတ္ခါနာ တယ္၊ ဒီတခါ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးေတြကုိထိတာေတာင္မွ မနာတာက ျမန္မာျပည္ကသူျပန္ရမယ့္ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႕တုိ႔၊ ဆိပ္ကမ္း သုံးပုိင္ခြင္တုိ႔ ျပန္ရလုိ႔ေပါ့” ဟု တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ ျမန္မာသံအမတ္ေဟာင္း သခင္ခ်န္ထြန္းက သုံးသပ္သည္။ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ အတြင္းရွိ

တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ား အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲ ေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ရၿပီးေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ လားရႈိးၿမိဳ႕၊ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕ ႏွင့္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မ်ားတြင္ စားေသာက္ဆုိင္မ်ား၊ စတုိး ဆုိင္ မ်ားကုိဖြင့္ၿပီး စီးပြားေရးရင္းႏွီးျမဳပ္ႏွံမႈမ်ား အလုံးအရင္းျဖင့္ ျပဳလုပ္ကာ

အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္ခဲ့သည္။ ယခုအခါ မႏၱေလး ၿမိဳ႕၊ လားရႈိးၿမိဳ႕မ်ားတြင္ တရုတ္စကားသည္ အေရးပါေသာ စကားတမ်ိဳးျဖစ္လာသည္။

ကိုးကန္႔ ပဋိပကၡ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ အားနည္းခ်က္ကို ေဖာ္ျပ WEDNESDAY, 02 SEPTEMBER 2009 19:00 ရဲနည္

http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=17 30:2009-09-02-12-02-18&catid=14:2008-10-21-07-40-03&Itemid=32

ျမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အေရွ႕ေျမာက္ပိုင္းေဒသရွိ ကိုးကန္႔ တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားအၾကား မၾကာေသးမီက တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျပန္လည္ျဖစ္ေပၚ လာခဲ့သည္။ ဤအခ်က္ကပင္ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလ နာဂစ္မုန္တိုင္းအၿပီး အပ်က္အစီး ႀကီးမားစြာၾကံဳေနရစဥ္မွာပင္ စစ္အစိုးရက အတင္း အက်ပ္ အတည္ျပဳခဲ့သည့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒတြင္ အားနည္းခ်က္မ်ားရွိေနေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွားစြာ ျပသေနသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရက အထူးေဒသ (၁) ဟု သတ္မွတ္ထားသည့္ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသအတြင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား ဒီမိုကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္ေပါင္းစု တပ္မေတာ္ (MNDAA) ဟုေခၚေသာ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားၿပီးဆံုးခဲ့ၿပီ၊ အေျခအေန ျပန္လည္ တည္ၿငိမ္လာၿပီဟု လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ တနဂၤေႏြေန႔က ေၾကညာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ဤတိုက္ပြဲမ်ားေၾကာင့္ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ ႏွင့္ တရုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ေဒသရွိ အပစ္ရပ္တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားအၾကား မယံုသကၤာမႈမ်ား ဆက္လက္ရွိ ေနၾကသကဲ့ သို႔ သံသယမ်ားလည္း ပို၍ႀကီးထြားလာေစသည္။

ေနျပည္ေတာ္ရွိ စစ္အစိုးရက ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ဧၿပီလတြင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအားလံုး ၎လက္ေအာက္ခံ နယ္ျခား ေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းရမည္ဟု ညႊန္ၾကားခဲ့ခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ဆက္ဆံေရး ယိုယြင္းပ်က္ျပားလာခဲ့ ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

184

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

စစ္အစိုးရက တိုင္းရင္းသားအပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ား နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကိစၥကို ၂၀၁၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္မီ ေဆာင္ရြက္လိုၿပီး၊ သူတို႔ေရးဆြဲခဲ့သည့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒပါ ျပဌာန္းခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္လည္း ဤသို႔ေဆာင္ရြက္ လိုပံုရသည္။

ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ အခန္း ၇ ၊ "တပ္မေတာ္" အခန္း၊ ပုဒ္မ ၃၃၈ တြင္ တႏိုင္ငံလံုးရွိ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားအားလံုး သည္ တပ္မေတာ္၏ အမိန္႔ေပးမႈေအာက္တြင္ ရွိရမည္၊ တပ္မေတာ္သည္သာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကာကြယ္ေရးအတြက္ ပင္မ လက္နက္ကိုင္ အင္အားစု ျဖစ္ရမည္ဟု ဆိုထားပါသည္။

စစ္အစိုးရက ကမ္းလွမ္းထားသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အဆိုျပဳခ်က္ကို အေၾကာင္းျပန္ရန္ အတြက္ ေနာက္ဆံုးသတ္မွတ္ထားသည့္ရက္ ဇြန္လ (၃၀) ရက္ မတိုင္မီ စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာလံုျခံဳေရး အႀကီးအကဲလည္းျဖစ္၊ နယ္ျခား ေစာင့္တပ္

အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးေကာ္မတီ ၏ အတြင္းေရးမႉးလည္းျဖစ္သူ ဒု ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးရဲျမင့္က ၀၊ ကိုးကန္႔၊ မုန္းလား ေဒသမ်ားကို အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္သြားေရာက္ တိုက္တြန္းေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကလည္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (KIA) ေခါင္း ေဆာင္ မ်ားႏွင့္ အလားတူေတြ႔ဆံု တိုက္တြန္းခဲ့သည္။

လက္ခံသူဟူ၍ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္အေျခစိုက္ တိုးတက္ေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား တပ္ဖြဲ႕ (DKBA) ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ ျပည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီသစ္ တပ္မေတာ္(NDA-K) တို႔သာရွိၿပီး က်န္တိုင္းရင္းသားအပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ ေျပာင္းေရး အဆိုျပဳခ်က္ကို လက္မခံ ပယ္ခ် ခဲ့ၾက သည္။ သို႔ဆိုလွ်င္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ၏ ပင္မက်လွသည့္ ျပဌာန္း

ခ်က္ကို ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ရာ ေရာက္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။ တရား၀င္ေဖာ္ျပခ်က္မ်ားအရ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္မွစ၍

ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးသေဘာတူညီထားသည့္ လက္ နက္ကိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသား တပ္ဖြဲ႔ ၁၇ ဖြဲ႔ ရွိသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ရွိထားေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခါ ျမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျပန္လည္ျဖစ္ပြား လာႏိုင္သည့္အတြက္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက

စစ္ေရးျပင္ဆင္ေနၾကၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္သားစုေဆာင္းမႈ မ်ား၊ စစ္ေရးေလ့က်င့္ေပးမႈမ်ား ရွိသကဲ့သို႔ လက္နက္ငယ္ႏွင့္ က်ည္ဆန္ ထုတ္လုပ္သူမ်ားလည္း ရွိလာသည္။ အထူး သျဖင့္ ၀

ျပည္ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) က ၎တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ကိုယ္ပိုင္သံုးရန္ႏွင့္ ေဒသအတြင္းရွိ အျခားသူပုန္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ေရာင္းခ်ရန္ လက္နက္ငယ္စက္ရံု၊ က်ည္စက္ရံုမ်ား တည္ေထာင္ထားၿပီဟု ဆိုသည္။ ဂ်ိန္း စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာ သတင္းစာေစာင္ (Jane’s security report) ေဖာ္ျပခ်က္အရလည္း ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက ေဒသအတြင္းရွိ လက္နက္ကိုင္သူပုန္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားအနက္ ပထမဦးဆံုး

လက္နက္ငယ္စက္ရံုတခု ေအာင္ျမင္စြာ တည္ေထာင္ႏိုင္ ခဲ့ၾကၿပီဟု ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ လက္နက္ထုတ္လုပ္သူမ်ားထံမွ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံရွိ သူပုန္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

185

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားအတြက္ လက္နက္ေရာင္း၀ယ္ေပးေနသကဲ့သို႔ ၾကားပြဲစားအျဖစ္လည္း အလုပ္ျဖစ္ေနၾကသည္ဟု သိရ သည္။ ေလ့လာ သံုးသပ္သူမ်ားက ေနျပည္ေတာ္ရွိ ျမန္မာစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ သည္းညည္းခံႏိုင္မႈ နည္းပါးလာၿပီ၊ အျခားေရြးခ်ယ္စရာ လမ္းမရွိ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားအပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ေနာက္ဆံုးစစ္ေရးထိုးစစ္မ်ား ဆင္ႏႊဲ ေတာ့မည္ဟုလည္း ယူဆေနၾကသည္။ အဆိုပါ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႔အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အဆိုျပဳခ်က္ကို တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔မ်ား လိုက္နာလာေစေရးအတြက္ နည္းပရိယာယ္အေနႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုးရက ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔ကို

စတင္ဖိအားေပးလာခဲ့သည္။ တရားမ၀င္လက္နက္ထုတ္လုပ္ေန သည္ဟု စြပ္စြဲလာခဲ့သည္။ ကိုးကန္႔ (MNDAA) အဖြဲ႔ ဥကၠ႒ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၏ အိမ္တြင္ လက္နက္စက္ရံုရွိေနသည္ဟု အေၾကာင္းျပ၍ ရွာေဖြမႈမ်ား လုပ္လာခဲ့သည္။

စစ္အစုိးရတပ္ ႏွင့္ ကုိးကန္႔တပ္ဖဲြ႔ အၾကား တုိက္ပဲြ ျဖစ္ပြားခ့ဲၾကသည့္ ေဒသမ်ားမွာ ေလာင္းကစား၊ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရာင္း၀ယ္မႈ စသည့္ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈတုိ႔ျဖင့္ ေက်ာ္ေစာသည့္ ေဒသမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္လည္း စစ္အင္အား အသုံးျပဳၿပီး တုိင္းရင္းသား အဖဲြ႔မ်ားကုိ

“ဥပေဒေဘာင္အတြင္း” သြပ္သြင္းရန္၊ ထုိအဖဲြ႔မ်ား၏ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ႏုိင္မႈကုိ ဖယ္ရွား ရန္၊ လာမည့္ႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြ၏ “တရား၀င္မႈ”တခ်ိဳ႕ ရရိွရန္ စသည္တုိ႔အတြက္ စစ္အစုိးရတြင္ ဆင္ေျခေပးစရာ ျဖစ္ေန သည္။

ယခုအခါ စစ္အစိုးရက တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသားတပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္

တပ္ျပင္ဆင္ခ်ထားမႈမ်ားကိုလည္း အလ်င္အျမန္ အားျဖည့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည္။ ယခင္

စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအႀကီးအကဲ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ခင္ညြန္႔ႏွင့္ စတင္ထားခဲ့သည့္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး ေရႊေခတ္ နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ၿပီး စစ္ပြဲမ်ား ျပန္လည္ျဖစ္ေပၚလာဦးမည္ေလာဟူသည့္ စိုးရိမ္မႈမ်ားလည္း ႀကီးထြားလာေနသည္။

တရုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနသည့္ ယခုလက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ားေၾကာင့္ လာမည့္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသည္ တိုင္းရင္း သားလူမ်ဳိးစုတို႔၏ ေဒသမ်ားအတြက္

မည္သို႔အဓိပၸာယ္ေဆာင္လိမ့္မည္ကို ထင္ထင္ရွားရွားေဖာ္ျပေနေပေတာ့သည္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ ယခင္ ၾကံဳေတြ႔ေနၾကရသည့္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား၊ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ထြက္ေျပးၾကရမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္ အေရး အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားကိုသာ ၾကံဳၾကရလိမ့္ဦးမည္ဆိုသည္မွာ ထင္ရွားေနေပေတာ့သည္။

ရဲနည္ေရးသားသည့္ Kokang Conflict Highlights Constitutional Flaw ကို ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ျပန္ဆိုေဖာ္ျပပါသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

186

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

အပစ္ရပ္ ေဒသခံတို႔ ေနရာေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ 03 September 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-09-03-voa4.cfm ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ ၁ ကိုးကန္႔နယ္ေျမအတြင္းမွာ တုိက္ပဲြေတြ

ျဖစ္ပြားၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေၾကာ အပစ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႕ေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (KIA)၊ ၀ျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) နဲ႔

အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီ မဟာမိတ္ တပ္မေတာ္ (NDAA) ေခၚ မိုင္းလားအဖဲြ႕ရဲ႕ ေဒသေတြမွာ ေနထုိင္ေနတဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြဟာ အထိတ္တလန္႔ ျဖစ္ေနၾကၿပီး လူအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ပစၥည္းေတြကို တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံကို ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေနၾကသလို တခ်ဳိ႕ေတြကလည္း ျမန္မာျပည္ အတြင္းပိုင္းက ၿမိဳ႕ေတြကို ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ကုန္ၾကပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစံုကို ထုိင္းအေျခစိုက္ သတင္းေထာက္ ကိုမိုးေဇာ္က တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။ အပစ္ရပ္ ကိုးကန္႔အဖဲြ႕နဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ တပ္ေတြအၾကား တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္ပြားခ်ိန္မွာ ကိုးကန္႔အဖဲြ႕နဲ႔ မဟာမိတ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ေကအိုင္ေအ တပ္ေတြကလည္း သူတို႔အေျခစိုက္ရာ

နယ္ေျမေတြမွာ စစ္ေရးအရ အသင့္အေနအထား ျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့သလို ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ေတြကလည္း ေကအိုင္ေအ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းမွာ လႈပ္ရွားတာေတြ ပိုမ်ားလာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနေတြေၾကာင့္ ေကအိုင္ေအအဖဲြ႕ရဲ႕ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕က အရပ္သားေတြဟာ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဘက္ကို ပစၥည္းေတြ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ၿပီး ေရွာင္တိမ္းႏုိင္ဖို႔ ျပင္ဆင္ေနတယ္လို႔ လိုင္ဇာေဒသခံ တေယာက္က အခုလိုေျပာပါတယ္။

“ဟုတ္တယ္။ အေျခအေနကေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္႐ႈပ္ေထြးေနတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ကမ္းဘက္မွာ တိုက္ခန္းေတြ ငွားၿပီးမွ ပစၥည္းေတြ ဘာေတြ ပို႔ထားၾကတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုေတြလည္း ေတာ္ေတာ္ ထိတ္လန္႔ေနၾကတယ္။ လိုင္ဇာမွာေပါ့။ ေျပာရမယ္ဆို ဘယ္အခ်ိန္မွာ

ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္မယ္ဆိုတာ ခန္႔မွန္းလို႔ မရလို႔ေလ။ ျပည္သူလူထုေတြက ႀကိဳတင္ၿပီးမွ ျပင္ဆင္ထားၾကတာေပါ့ သူတို႔။ ႐ုတ္တရက္ ျဖစ္လာတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေျပးမယ္ဆုိလည္း ပစၥည္းေတြ

ဘာေတြန႔ဲ ေျပးစရာမလိုေအာင္ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ေျပးလို႔ရေအာင္ဆုိၿပီး စီစဥ္ထားၾကတာကိုး။ ေအး ကေလးေတြနဲ႔ အဖိုးအဖြားေတြအတြက္ ရိကၡာေတြ ဟိုဘက္ကမ္းကို ပို႔ထားတာေပါ့။ တခုခုျဖစ္ရင္ ဟုိဘက္ကမ္းမွာ သြားအိပ္ဖုိ႔ ေစာင္ေတြ၊ ဆန္ေတြ သြားခ်က္စားဖို႔ ျပင္ဆင္ထားၾကတာေပါ့။” တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က အျခား ေဒသခံတေယာက္ကေတာ့ ဗန္းေမာ္၊ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား လမ္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာလည္း ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက တပ္ေတြ တိုးခ်ဲ႕ခ်ထားသလို စစ္ေၾကာင္းေတြ လႈပ္ရွားေနတာေၾကာင့္ မၾကာခင္ တုိက္ပဲြျဖစ္ေတာ့မယ္၊ ေပၚတာဆဲြေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့

ေကာလာဟလေတြ ထြက္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ လူထုက အခုလို အထိတ္တလန္႔ ျဖစ္ေနၾကတာလို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

187

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဗန္းေမာ္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အတြင္းက ေကအိုင္ေအအဖဲြ႕ အေျခစိုက္ရာ မိုင္ဂ်ာယန္ ေဒသဘက္မွာလည္း ဒီလိုေျပာင္းေရႊ႕တာေတြ ရိွေနပါတယ္။ “လူေတြကေတာ့ စိုးရိမ္လို႔ ဟိုဘက္ကမ္း တ႐ုတ္ဘက္ကို ပစည္းေတြ ေရႊ႕ၾကတာ ေျပာင္းၾကတာေတာ့ ရိွတာေပါ့။ လြယ္ဂ်ယ္ဘက္က ၀န္ထမ္းေတြေရာ၊ ရြာကလူေတြေရာ၊

ျပည္သူေတြေရာ၊ လြယ္ဂ်ယ္က အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ ဗမာအစိုးရ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ၊ ၀န္ထမ္းဆုိေပမယ့္ သူတို႔မိသားစုေတြေပ့ါ၊ ပစၥည္းေတြ ေျပာင္းၾကတယ္၊ ေရႊ႕ၾကတယ္၊ မိသားစုေတြ ဟုိဘက္ကမ္းကို သြားေနၾကတယ္လုိ႔ ၾကားတယ္။ ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားေတာ့ ရွိၾကတယ္။” မိုင္ဂ်ာယန္ေဒသခံ အမ်ဳိးသမီး ေျပာျပသြားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕တာေတြ မ်ားလာတာေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္ဘက္က စစ္တပ္နဲ႔ ရဲေတြကလည္း နယ္စပ္ေဒသမွာ ေစာင့္ၾကပ္စစ္ေဆးတာေတြ ပိုမိုတင္းက်ပ္လာေနပါတယ္္။ လြယ္ဂ်ယ္

တဘက္ကမ္းမွာရိွတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ က်န္ဖုန္းနဲ႔ အနီးအနား ေဒသဘက္မွာလည္း အိမ္ေစ်းေတြ တက္ကုန္တယ္လို႔ သူကေျပာပါတယ္။

ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း မူဆယ္ေဒသဘက္မွာေတာ့ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ေတြဟာ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသၿပီးရင္ အဲဒီေဒသဘက္မွာ အေျခစိုက္တဲ့ ေကအိုင္ေအ တပ္မဟာ ၄ ကို တိုက္ခိုက္လိမ့္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့

ေကာလာဟလေတြ ထြက္ေပၚေနတာေၾကာင့္ ေကအိုင္ေအနဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ေတြ အၾကားမွာ

အေျခအေနက တင္းမာေနတယ္လို႔ အဲဒီေဒသကို ေရာက္ေနသူတေယာက္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က ေဒသခံက အပစ္ရပ္ ကုိးကန္႔အဖြဲ႕ အေျခစိုက္ရာ ေလာက္ကိုင္ၿမိဳ႕ရဲ႕ ေအာက္ဘက္ ၀ေဒသဘက္မွာလည္း ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ေတြ ေရာက္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ အရပ္သားေတြဟာ အလားတူ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေနတယ္လို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ “၀ေျမာက္ပိုင္းနဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ေပါ့။ အဲဒီမွာ ဟိုပန္တို႔ ပန္လံုတို႔ ရိွတယ္ေလ။ အဲဒီၿမိဳ႕ေတြေပါ့။ အဲဒီဘက္မွာ တပ္ခ်ထားတယ္။ ၉၉ ခ်ထားတယ္။ အဲေတာ့ အဲဒီနားမွာ တပ္လာခ်ေတာ့

တိုက္ပဲြျဖစ္မွာစိုးလို႔ ေျပးၾကတာေပါ့။ အဓိကက တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ထဲေျပးတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ၀နယ္ထဲကို ျပန္ေျပးၾကတယ္။ နမ့္တစ္ဘက္ေျပးတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ေတြကေတာ့ ေတာထဲ ေတာင္ထဲမွာလို႔ေတာ့

ၾကားရတယ္။ ကုိးကန္႔နယ္မွာလည္း သူတုိ႔နားမွာ ျဖစ္ထားေတာ့ ေၾကာက္ၾကတာေပါ့၊ တုိက္ပြဲေတြ ဘာေတြ ျဖစ္မွာ။” UWSA ေခၚ အပစ္ရပ္ ၀အဖဲြ႕ အေျခစိုက္ရာ ပန္ဆန္းေဒသဘက္မွာလည္း ေဒသခံေတြ အထုပ္အပိုး ျပင္ဆင္ထားၿပီး အသင့္အေနအထားနဲ႔ ေနေနၾကသလို ပန္ဆန္းမွာ

လာေရာက္အလုပ္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြလည္း ေနရပ္ရင္းကို ျပန္ေနၾကတယ္လို႔ သူက ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။ ရွမ္းျပည္အေရွ႕ပိုင္း အထူးေဒသ ၄ ဦးစိုင္းလင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ မိုင္းလားေဒသနဲ႔ မိုင္းယန္းေဒသဘက္ေတြမွာလည္း တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြ ျပန္ေနၾကသလို တခ်ဳိ႕ေဒသခံေတြဟာ အတြင္းပိုင္း ၿမိဳ႕ႀကီးေတြဘက္ကို ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေနတယ္လို႔ ေဒသခံေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

188

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ဒါကေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္တေၾကာက အပစ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႕ေတြ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ နယ္ေျမက အေျခအေနေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရက ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဧၿပီလကုန္ပိုင္းမွာ အပစ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႕ေတြကို ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ ကြပ္ကဲမႈေအာက္မွာ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းၿပီး ဖဲြ႕စည္းဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ေတာင္းဆိုတာကို ေကအိုင္ေအ၊ ကိုးကန္႔၊ ၀နဲ႔ မိုင္းလားအဖဲြ႕ေတြက လက္မခံခဲ့ပါဘူး။ အဲဒီေနာက္မွာ ကိုးကန္႔ေဒသမွာ တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ အပစ္ရပ္ေဒသက ျပည္သူေတြဟာ သူတို႔နယ္ေျမမွာလည္း တုိက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္လာမွာကို စိုးရိမ္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

စစ္ပၾဲမဵားေဳကာင့္ နယ္စပ္ဴဖတ္ေကဵာ္ ႎုိင္ငံဴခားခရီးသည္ေလဵာ့ကဵ 2009-09-03 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/border_tourism_suffers_from_fightings09032009163032.html/story_main?textonly=1 ဴမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾက ရႀမ္းဴပည္ေဴမာက္ပုိင္း ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသကို စစ္ဆင္ေနတဲႛ ၊ အခုရက္ပိုင္းမႀာပဲ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ေတာင္ပိုင္းက ထုိင္းဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ဂိတ္ တာခဵီလိတ္႓မိႂႚ အနီးတဝုိက္မႀာ လုံ႓ခႂံေရး တုိးဴမၟင့္ ခဵထားလိုက္တာေဳကာင့္ ဴပည္သူေတၾ အထိတ္တလန္ႛဴဖစ္႓ပီး နယ္စပ္ခရီးသၾားလုပ္ငန္း ကဵဆင္းသၾားေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

189

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္႓မိႂႚ ဴဖစ္ေသာ တာခဵီလိတ္ကို ထိုင္းႎိုင္ငံဘက္ဴခမ္း မယ္ဆိုင္႓မိႂႚမႀ လႀမ္းဴမင္ေနရပံု ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: AFP) တာခဵီလိတ္႓မိႂႚကေန ၃ကီလုိေလာက္အကၾာမႀာ ရႀိတဲ့ မုိင္းဆတ္႓မိႂႚကို သၾားတဲ့ ကားလမ္းေပၞက လၾယ္ေတာ္ခမ္း ပူးေပၝင္းဂိတ္စခန္းမႀာ စစ္အစိုးရက လုံ႓ခႂံေရး တုိးဴမၟင့္ခဵထား႓ပီး ၊ ကားအဝင္အထၾက္ေတၾကို စစ္ေဆးေနရာမႀာ UWSA ဝဴပည္ ေသၾးစည္းညီႌၾတ္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ့ ကားေတၾကိုပၝ စစ္ေဆးေနေဳကာင္း သိရပၝတယ္။ လုံ႓ခႂံေရးတုိးဴမၟင့္ထားတဲ့ အေဴခအေနေတၾနဲႛ ပတ္သက္လိုႛ တာခဵီလိတ္ေဒသခံက RFA ကိုေဴပာဴပပၝတယ္။ တာခဵီလိတ္ေဒသခံ။

။ “က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ေလာက္ကိုင္မႀာ ဴဖစ္တဲ့ ကိစၤနဲႛ ပတ္သက္႓ပီးေတာ့

ဒီဖက္မႀာ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ လံုဴခံႂေရးေတၾ၊ တပ္အင္အားေတၾ ထပ္ဴဖည့္ထားတယ္။ မိုင္းဆတ္က ဆင္းလာလိုႛရႀိရင္ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ တာခဵီလိတ္ကို ဝင္တဲ့ အဝင္ဂိတ္ရႀိတယ္။ အဲဒီမႀာ လၾယ္ေတာ္ခမ္း ပူးေပၝင္းဂိတ္မႀာ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ တပ္အင္အားေတၾ ထပ္ဴဖည့္တယ္၊ ေနာက္႓ပီးေတာ့ တပ္ရင္း ၃၅၉ ကေန႓ပီးေတာ့မႀ ကားသံုးစီးနဲႛ အေပၞကို တက္သၾားတယ္ေပၝ့ေနာ္။ အင္အားဴဖည့္တယ္။ ဒီမိုင္းဆတ္ကေန႓ပီးေတာ့ ဆင္းလာတဲ့ ဝ ကားေတၾ၊ ခရီးသည္ကားေတၾ ဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ ေသေသခဵာခဵာ ဳကပ္ဳကပ္မတ္မတ္ စစ္ေဆးတယ္။ ဝ ကားေတၾ ဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ အဲဒီမႀာ လက္နက္ေတၾ ပၝမယ္၊ တခုခု မသကႆာစရာေတၾ ရႀိမယ္ဆိုလိုႛရႀိရင္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာကေန အေဳကာင္းဳကား႓ပီးေတာ့မႀ လက္နက္ေတၾကို သိမ္းတာေတၾ ဆည္းတာေတၾ အဲလိုမဵိႂး ရႀိတယ္ေပၝ့။” အခုလို စစ္အစိုးရဖက္က လုံ႓ခႂံေရး တုိးဴမၟင့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္လာတာေဳကာင့္ ရႀမ္းဴပည္ေတာင္ပိုင္း ထိုင္းဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္႓မိႂႚဴဖစ္တဲ့ တာခဵီလိတ္ နယ္စပ္ဂိတ္ကို ဴဖတ္ေကဵာ္႓ပီး ကဵႂိင္းတုံ၊ မုိင္းလားေဒသေတၾကို နယ္စပ္ဴဖတ္ေကဵာ္ အလည္အပတ္ လာေရာက္ဳကတဲ့ ႎုိင္ငံဴခားသား ခရီးသၾားဦးေရ သိသိသာသာ ကဵဆင္းသၾားသလို ၊ ခရီးသၾားလုပ္ငန္းေတၾပၝ ထိခိုက္ကုန္တယ္လိုႛ ေစာေစာက ေဒသခံကပဲ ေဴပာပၝတယ္ ။ တာခဵီလိတ္ေဒသခံ။

။ “အခု ဒီ ဴဖစ္႓ပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမႀာ ခရီးသၾားလုပ္ငန္းေတၾ အေနနဲႛကဵေတာ့

သိသိသာသာ႒ကီးကို ကဵဆင္းသၾားတယ္။ ဘာဴဖစ္လိုႛလဲဆိုေတာ့ သတင္းေတၾက ထၾက္ေနတာက မိုင္းလားမႀာကလည္း ဒီလိုမဵိႂး လႁပ္လႁပ္ လႁပ္လႁပ္ ဳကားေနရတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခၝကဵေတာ့ က႗န္ေတာ္တိုႛ ဒီ ထိုင္းခရီးသၾားေတၾ၊ တိုးရစ္ေတၾ အေနနဲႛ ဒီ ကဵိႂင္းတံု၊ မိုင္းလားကို သၾားတဲ့ ခရီးစဥ္ေတၝအေနနဲႛ အားလံုး cancel ပယ္ဖဵက္လိုက္ရတယ္ေပၝ့။ နည္းနည္း ထိခိုက္တာေပၝ့။ လူထုေတၾအေနနဲႛကေတာ့ ထိတ္လန္ႛေနတယ္။ ေနာက္ ဒီဖက္ကိုမဵား ကူးစက္လာမလားဆို႓ပီး စိုးရိမ္စိတ္ေတၾေပၝ့ေနာ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

190

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အဲလိုမဵိႂး ရႀိတယ္။ ဆန္ေတၾဘာေတၾ ဝယ္႓ပီးမႀ အိမ္မႀာ ေလႀာင္ထားရမလား၊ စုထားရမလား၊ အဲလိုမဵိႂးေတၾေပၝ့ေနာ္။” တာခဵီလိတ္နယ္စပ္ဂိတ္ကို ဴဖတ္ေကဵာ္႓ပီး ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံထဲကို ဝင္ေရာက္လည္ပတ္တဲ့ ခရီးသၾားဦးေရဟာ တေနႛကို အေယာက္ ၅၀ ကေန ၁၀၀ ဝန္းကဵင္ ရႀိေဳကာင္း နယ္စပ္ ခရီးသၾားလုပ္ငန္းရႀင္ေတၾက RFAကို ေဴပာပၝတယ္။

ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသ ေဖာက္ထၾင္းလုယက္သူ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္သာ ဴဖစ္ႎိုင္ 2009-09-03 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/locals_suspect_army_in_burglaries09032009145706.html/story_main?textonly=1 ကိုးကန္ႛေဒသအတၾင္း တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္ပၾားေနတဲ့အခဵိန္ ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္နဲႛ ေလာက္ကိုင္မႀာရႀိတဲ့ ေနအိမ္နဲႛ ဂိုေဒၝင္ေတၾ ေဖာက္ထၾင္း လုယူတဲ့သူေတၾကို အေရးယူထားတယ္လိုႛ စက္တင္ဘာ ၃ရက္ ဒီကေနႛ ထုတ္ေဝတဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရသတင္းစာေတၾမႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားေပမဲ့ တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာ နယ္စပ္က ေဒသခံေတၾကေတာ့ ဒီလိုေဖာ္ဴပခဵက္အေပၞ ယံုဳကည္သူ ေတာ္ေတာ္နည္းတာ ေတၾႚရပၝတယ္။

ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ကိုးကန္ႛအဖၾဲႚတိုႛ တိုက္ပၾဲမဵား ဴဖစ္ပၾားဴခင္းေဳကာင့္ တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံ ယၾန္နန္ဴပည္နယ္ရႀိ နယ္စပ္႓မိႂႚဴဖစ္ေသာ နန္စန္းသိုႛ ထၾက္ေဴပးလာသည့္ ကိုးကန္ႛ ဒုကၡသည္မဵားကို ဳသဂုတ္လ ၃၁ ရက္ေနႛက ေတၾႚရပံု ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: AFP) ေလာက္ကိုင္မႀာ ပစၤည္းခိုးတဲ့သူ ၂၆ ေယာက္ အေရးယူထား႓ပီး ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္မႀာေတာ့ ၂၅ ေယာက္ကို ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၂ႎႀစ္စီ အဴပစ္ေပးလိုက္တယ္ဆို႓ပီး နံမည္ေတၾနဲႛအတူ အစိုးရသတင္းစာမႀာ ေဖာ္ဴပထားပၝတယ္။ တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ဴပင္းဴပင္းထန္ထန္ ဴဖစ္ေနတဲ့အခဵိန္မႀာ ဘယ္သာမန္ဴပည္သူမႀ မေနရဲပဲ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေတၾပဲ ရႀိတာေဳကာင့္ ဴမန္မာစစ္တပ္က ယူတာ ပိုမဵားႎိုင္တယ္လိုႛ စစ္ေရးႎိုင္ငံေရးေလ့လာသူ ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက ေဴပာပၝတယ္၊ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

191

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာ။

။ “သူေဴပာသလို သူခိုးဂဵပိုးဆိုရင္ တပ္မ ၃၃ ကေတာ့ ေဴခဆံုးေခၝင္းဆံုး

သူခိုးဂဵပိုးေတၾဴဖစ္မႀာေပၝ့ဗဵာ၊ ၃၃ တပ္ေတၾရယ္၊ အဲဒီမႀာရႀိတဲ့ စကခ ၁၆ က တပ္ေတၾရယ္၊ အဓိက ၃၃ တပ္ေတၾ၊ အဲဒီနားက ဗမာ မရႀိဘူးေလ၊ တ႟ုတ္ သူခိုး ဂဵပိုးဝင္ရင္ေသသၾားမႀာေပၝ့၊ တ႟ုတ္မႀန္သမ႖ ပစ္ေနတာကိုး။ ဘယ္ေကာင္က ဝင္လာရဲမလည္း၊ ၈ ေလးလံုးတုန္းကလည္း ဂိုေဒၝင္ေတၾေဖာက္႓ပီး သူတိုႛဴပန္သၾား႓ပီး မရႀိတဲ့ အခၝမႀ ဗမာတခဵိႂႚဝင္႓ပီးေတာ့ ဟိုဟာယူ ဒီဟာယူ သူခိုးဂဵပိုးေတၾကိုလည္း ပစ္သတ္။ ဒၝလုပ္ခဲ့တာပဲ။” ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္မႀာ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတပ္က ယူနီေဖာင္းေတၾနဲႛ အိမ္၊ ဆိုင္နဲႛ ဂိုေဒၝင္ေတၾကို ေဖာက္႓ပီးေနတာကို တ႟ုတ္ဖက္ကမ္းကေန အားေကာင္းတဲ့ မႀန္ေဴပာင္းေတၾနဲႛ ဳကည့္တဲ့အခၝ ထင္ထင္ရႀားရႀား ေတၾႚေနရတဲ့အေဳကာင္း တ႟ုတ္အရာရႀိေတၾက သူႛကို ေဴပာဴပတယ္လိုႛလည္း ဦးေအာင္ေကဵာ္ေဇာက ေဴပာပၝတယ္၊ သူပိုင္ပစၤည္းေတၾ ေဖာက္ထၾင္းခိုးယူသၾားတာ ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္က စီးပၾားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရႀင္ တေယာက္ကေတာ့ အစိုးရ သတင္းစာက ေရးေနတာေတၾကို ယံုလည္းမယံု၊ စိတ္လည္းမဝင္စားဘူး။ ပၝတဲ့ပစၤည္းကေတာ့ ပၝသၾား႓ပီး႓ပီလိုႛ ခုလိုေဴပာပၝတယ္။ စီးပၾားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရႀင္။ ။ “အဴမဲတမ္း ကလိမ္ေစ့ဴငမး္ဆင္္၊ စိတ္လည္း မဝင္စားေတာ့ပၝဘူး။ ပၝေတာ့လည္း ပၝသၾားပၝ႓ပီ၊ အဲဒၝေတၾ ယံုလိုႛရႀိရင္ မႀားသၾားမယ္၊ သၾားဳကည့္ တဲ့အခၝကဵေတာ့ ပစၤည္းေတၾ နည္းနည္းပၝးပၝး ကဵန္ေသးတယ္။” အဲဒီနယ္စပ္က ကုန္သည္ဟာ အေဴခအေနေတၾ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆး ဴဖစ္တယ္ထင္႓ပီး ဴပန္သၾားတဲ့အခၝမႀာ အိမ္ကို အေဖာက္ခံထား ရတာေတၾႚရ႓ပီး အေဴခအေနကလည္း တကယ္တမ္း မတည္႓ငိမ္ႎိုင္ေသးတာေဳကာင့္ ကဵန္တဲ့ပစၤည္းအခဵိႂႚကို တ႟ုတ္ဴပည္ဘက္ ဴပန္ယူခဲ့ရတယ္လိုႛ သူကေဴပာပၝတယ္။ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၇ နဲႛ ၂၈ ရက္ေနႛေတၾမႀာ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတပ္နဲႛ ကိုးကန္ႛတပ္ဖၾဲႚေတၾ အဴပင္းအထန္ တိုက္ပၾဲေတၾ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့တာေဳကာင့္ ခဵင္းေ႟ၿေဟာ္နဲႛ ေလာက္ကိုင္႓မိႂႚက ဴပည္သူ သံုးေသာင္းေကဵာ္ဟာ တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဘက္ကို ထၾက္ေဴပးခိုလႁံခဲ့ဳကရတာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

192

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ေကအိုင္အို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ဒု-ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ေတြ႔မည္ ခိုင္လင္း / ၄ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/Sep09/40909a.php နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကို အဓိကတာဝန္ယူထားသည့္

စစ္ဖက္ေရးရာလံုၿခံဳေရးအရာရိွခ်ဳပ္ ဒု-ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ရဲျမင့္ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖဲြ႔ (ေကအုိင္အုိ) မွ

ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ယခုလ (၆) ရက္တြင္ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕၌ ေတြ႔ဆံုရန္ရိွသည္။ ေကအိုင္အို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖဲြ႔သည္ မနက္ဖန္ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရိွ ဘာသာေရး၊ လူမႈေရး အဖဲြ႔အစည္းမ်ားမွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုစည္းေဝးၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ျမစ္ႀကီးနားသို႔ သြားေရာက္ရန္ရိွေၾကာင္း ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သူက ေျပာသည္။

၎က “ျမစ္ႀကီးနားကို မသြားခင္ ဘာသာေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြက ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြနဲ႔ အရင္ေတြ႔မယ္။ အႀကံဉာဏ္ေတြ၊ ခြန္အားေတြ ယူတဲ့သေဘာမ်ိဳးေပါ့။ ၿပီးမွ ျမစ္ႀကီးနားကို သြားမွာ၊

အရင္သြားေနက်သူေတြပဲျဖစ္မွာပါ။ သူတို႔ အဲလိုေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ ေကာ္မတီဖဲြ႔စည္းထားတာ ရိွတယ္ေလ။ ေဒါက္တာလွဂ်ာတို႔၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ ဂြမ္ေမာ္တို႔ေတြနဲ႔” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ေကအိုင္အိုက နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖဲြ႔ (BGF) အစား ကခ်င္ေဒသကာကြယ္ေရးတပ္ဖဲြ႔ (KRGF) အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလိုၿပီး အနာဂတ္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရအဖဲြ႔တြင္ တိုက္႐ိုက္ပါဝင္ႏိုင္ေရး

ေတာင္းဆိုထားသကဲ့သုိ႔ ေကအိုင္အို အဖဲြ႔အစည္းတြင္ လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ဖဲြ႔ (KIA) ႏွင့္

အဆင့္အတန္းတူညီသည့္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ ရဲ၊ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရး၊ ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး၊ အေကာက္ခြန္ စသည့္ဌာနမ်ားလည္း ရိွေန၍ အဆိုပါဌာနမ်ားကိုလည္း အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖဲြ႔စည္းရာတြင္ ထည့္သြင္းစဥ္းစားရန္ တင္ျပထားသည္။

ေကအိုင္အိုအဖဲြ႔ႏွင့္ နအဖအၾကား ယခုတႀကိမ္ ေတြ႔ဆံုမႈမွာ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကိစၥကို ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ပိုမ်ားသည္ဟု တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ၎က “ကိုးကန္႔အေရးအခင္းနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ေတာ့ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၉) ရက္ေန႔မွာ မပခက ဒု-ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီး သက္ပံု လိုင္ဇာကိုလာၿပီး ရွင္းျပၿပီးၿပီ။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ကိစၥက အခုခ်ိန္ထိ မျပတ္ေသးဘူး။ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

193

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ေကအိုင္အိုဘက္က တင္ျပထားတာကို နအဖဘက္က လက္မခံဘူး။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္က လဲြလို႔ အျခားေရြးခြင့္ မေပးဘူး။ အေလွ်ာ့အတင္းလုပ္လို႔မရတဲ့ အေျခအေနေအာက္မွာ။ ေနာက္တခုက နအဖတပ္ေတြက အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔ေတြကို စစ္ေရးအရ ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနသလို၊

အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္အဖဲြ႔ေတြလည္း စစ္ေရးသတိနဲ႔ တပ္လွန္႔ထားခ်ိန္မွာ အခုေတြ႔မယ္ဆိုေတာ့ အႏၲရာယ္ေတာ့ မ်ားတယ္။ အေရးလည္းႀကီးတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

ေကအိုင္အို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ လိုင္ဇာၿမိဳ႕အနီး ဗန္းေမာ္-ျမစ္ႀကီးနား ေမာ္ေတာ္ကားလမ္းတေလွ်ာက္တြင္

နအဖစစ္ေၾကာင္းမ်ား သြားလာလႈပ္ရွားေန၍ ေကအိုင္အို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာေဒသႏွင့္ အနီးနားရိွ လူထုမွာ စစ္ျဖစ္မည္ကို စိုးရိမ္ထိတ္လန္႔မႈမ်ားရိွေနခ်ိန္တြင္ နအဖႏွင့္ ေကအိုင္အို၏ ေတြ႔ဆံုပဲြ ေပၚေပါက္လာျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ေဝ ႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုးရ ေပါင္းမိလွ်င္ UWSA မလြယ္

ဘ႐ိုင္ယန္ မက္ကာတန္ (Brian McCartan) ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 04 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 13 နာရီ 27 မိနစ္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ `ေသြးခြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈ´ အေၾကာင္း အေတာ္ေလးေျပာၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္

မ်က္စိလွ်မ္းေနၾကသည္မွာ ဤအေျခအေနမ်ားကို စစ္အစိုးရက ဖန္တီးခဲ့ျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေသာ အကြဲအၿပဲမ်ားကို အသံုးခ်ခဲ့ျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္သည္ဆိုသည့္ အခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႔မ်ားအေပၚ ေနာက္ထပ္လုပ္ေဆာင္လာမည့္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားအနက္ ၾကီးမားေသာ အက်ဳိးဆက္မ်ား ေပၚေပါက္လာႏိုင္သည္မွာ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဝ'နယ္ႏွင့္ ေဝေရွာက္ခန္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည့္ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ'အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအၾကား ျပႆနာျဖစ္သည္။ ဝ'ျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ (UWSA) ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားေသာ နယ္ေျမသည္ တ႐ုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းနယ္ေျမႏွင့္ ထိုင္းနယ္စပ္ရွိ ေတာင္ပိုင္းနယ္ ေျမဟူ၍ ႏွစ္ပိုင္းကြဲေနသည္။ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းနယ္ေျမမွာ တခ်ိန္က ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ (BCP) လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့ေသာနယ္ေျမျဖစ္ၿပီး ဝ တပ္မ်ားက ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလတြင္ ပုန္ကန္ခြဲထြက္ကာ ထိုႏွစ္တြင္ပင္ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ရယူခဲ့သည္။

ေတာင္ပိုင္းေဒသသည္ မူလက ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မဟုတ္ေသာ ဝ' အုပ္စုျဖစ္ၿပီး တျဖည္းျဖည္း ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ဝ'အဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ ပုန္ကန္မႈအၿပီးတြင္ ေပါင္းစည္းခဲ့သည္။ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ' ကို ယခင္ ဝ'

ေစာ္ဘြားတဦးျဖစ္သည့္ မဟာဆန္းႏွင့္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွ တ႐ုတ္တိုင္းရင္းသားတဦးျဖစ္သူ ေဝရႊယ္ကန္းတို႔က ေခါင္းေဆာင္သည္။ ယင္းေဒသကို အမွတ္ ၁၇၁ စစ္ေဒသဟုေခၚၿပီး ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

194

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif တျဖည္းျဖည္း ေဝႏွင့္ သူ႔ညီမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ေဝရႊယ္ယင္းႏွင့္ ေဝရႊယ္လံုတို႔ လက္ေအာက္သို႔ လံုးလံုးလ်ားလ်ား က်ဆင္းသြားခဲ့သည္။ ေဝတို႔ ညီအကိုမ်ားကို ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ' အဖြဲ႔၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအျဖစ္သာမက UWSA အဖြဲ႔ကို

ေငြေၾကးေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနေသာ သူမ်ားအျဖစ္ ျမန္မာျပည္အေရး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာေနသူမ်ားက ယူဆၾကသည္။ ဤအဖြဲ႔၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီျဖစ္ေသာ ဝ'ျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးပါတီ (UWSP) ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္တဦးအျဖစ္ ၁၉၉၆ ခုႏွစ္က ခန္႔အပ္ခံခဲ့ရသည္။ ေဝ သည္ UWSA အဖြဲ႔၏ ဘ႑ာေရးဌာန အၾကီးအကဲအျဖစ္ ၂၀၀၆ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လမွ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလအထိ တာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္။ ေဝ၏ ဘ႑ာေရးေရေသာက္ျမစ္သည္ ထိုင္းနယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ ထားရွိေသာ

ဘိန္းျဖဴလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားျခင္းႏွင့္ မက္တာအက္ဖတီမင္း စိတ္ၾကြေဆးျပားမ်ား ထုတ္လုပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါး ေမွာင္ခိုေရာင္းဝယ္မႈ အဆက္အသြယ္မ်ားလည္း ရွိသည္။ ေဝႏွင့္ သူ႔အေပါင္းအပါမ်ား ရွာေဖြရရွိေသာ ၾကီးမားလွသည့္

အျမတ္အစြန္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ UWSA သည္ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္တခြင္ နယ္ပယ္ခ်ဲ႕ထြင္ကာ ၾသဇာၾကီးထြား လာခဲ့သည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ စစ္သားအင္အား တုိးခ်ဲ႕စုေဆာင္းလာႏိုင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ေခတ္မီလက္နက္ ကိရိယာမ်ား ကိုလည္း တပ္ဆင္ေပးထားႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။

ေဝ၏ အေနအထား ပိုခိုင္မာလာျခင္းမွာ တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္ရွိ ဝ'လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကို ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီ၍ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ'နယ္သို႔ ၁၉၉၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အတင္းအက်ပ္ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႔ေစႏိုင္ခဲ့ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဝ'တို႔က ထိုေဒသအတြင္း လႊမ္းမိုးလာႏိုင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ဌာေနရွမ္းတိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားကို ေမာင္းထုတ္၍ ဝ'ေက်းရြာသစ္မ်ား ထူေထာင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ဝ' တုိ႔က ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ တိုက္ေနခဲ့သည့္ ယခင္

ဘိန္းဘုရင္ ခြန္ဆာ၏ အမာခံနယ္ေျမေဟာင္းမ်ားကို ၁၉၉၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ခြန္ဆာ လက္နက္ခ်အၿပီး ေဝတို႔အဖြဲ႔ ဝင္ေရာက္ေနရာယူႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။ ထိုင္းနယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ ထိုေနရာမ်ားကို

အရယူႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္ႏွင့္အမွ် ေဝတို႔အဖြဲ႔အတြက္ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးအပါအဝင္ ေမွာင္ခိုလုပ္ငန္း အမ်ားအျပားကို လုပ္ကိုင္ႏိုင္သည့္ အခြင့္အေရး ရရွိခဲ့သည္။

ႏိုင္ငံေရးအျမင္တြင္လည္း ေဝႏွင့္ က်န္ UWSA အဖြဲ႔တို႔ အျမင္မတူၾက။ တိုင္းရင္းသား

ဝ'လူမ်ဳိးစုေခါင္းေဆာင္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားတြင္ စီးပြားေရးအက်ဳိးစီးပြားမ်ား ရွိၾကသလို၊ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အက်ဳိးစီးပြားလည္း ရွိၾကသည္။ ေဝကမူ သူ႔စီးပြားေရးအက်ဳိးစီးပြားမ်ား ဆက္လက္ခ်ဲ႕ထြင္ အရယူႏိုင္ေရးကိုသာ ပို၍စိတ္ဝင္စားသည္။

ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြားျခင္းသည္ ေဝ၏ရႈေထာင့္မွၾကည့္လွ်င္ စီးပြားေရးအတြက္ မေကာင္းသည္မွာ ေသခ်ာသည္။ သူ၏ တရားဝင္စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းအမ်ားစုမွာ ျမန္မာျပည္မထဲတြင္ ရွိၿပီး သူဆံုးရံႈးရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္မက္ျဖစ္ပြားလာလွ်င္

မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးထုတ္လုပ္မႈႏွင့္ ေမွာင္ခိုေရာင္းဝယ္မႈကို အဟန္႔အတားျဖစ္ေစလိမ့္မည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ထိုင္းလံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားက သူတို႔နယ္စပ္မွေန၍ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္၏ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို အေထာက္အကူျပဳေပးလိမ့္မည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

195

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif စစ္အစိုးရက ဤအခ်က္ကို ေကာင္းေကာင္းသိသည္။ ေဝကို သီးသန္႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရယူၿပီး

အစိုးရေက်ာေထာက္ေနာက္ခံျပဳသည့္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အဖြဲ႔သို႔ ေျပာင္းလဲရန္ အၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ၾကိဳးစား ခဲ့သည္။ အေသးစိတ္ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကို အေသအခ်ာ မသိရေသာ္လည္း

ႏွစ္ဖက္သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မ်ားအရ ေဝက သူ၏ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးထုတ္လုပ္မႈႏွင့္ သယ္ေဆာင္ေရာင္းဝယ္မႈကို အေႏွာင့္အယွက္မရွိ လုပ္ခြင့္ရမည္ဟု ယူဆရသည္။ ေဝသာသူ႔ကံၾကမၼာကို စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ပံုအပ္ထားလိုက္လွ်င္ UWSA အတြက္ ဘ႑ာေရး အခက္အခဲ အၾကီးအက်ယ္ ေတြ႔ရေတာ့မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ေဝ၏ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါးလုပ္ငန္းၾကီးမွ ရွာရသမွ် ေငြအေျမာက္အျမားတို႔လည္း ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံက ရယူသြားေတာ့မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤဆံုးရံႈးရသမွ်ကိုလည္း တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းက

အစားထိုးျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးႏိုင္မည္မဟုတ္။ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံက ေပးအပ္ေနေသာ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအကူအညီႏွင့္ အျခား နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ေပးအပ္ေသာ အကူအညီမ်ားသည္ မူးယစ္ေဆးဝါး မလုပ္ရဟူေသာ စည္းကမ္းခ်က္ျဖင့္ ေပးအပ္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးအတြက္

ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေထာက္ခံမႈကို ရရွိရန္မွာလည္း ဤစည္းကမ္းခ်က္သည္ အၾကံဳးဝင္သည္။ ဝ'အဖြဲ႔ကို တိုက္ခိုက္အႏိုင္ယူရန္မွာ ယခင္ရက္သတၱပတ္က ကိုးကန္႔ကို တိုက္ခဲ့သေလာက္ လြယ္ကူလွ်င္ ျမန္မည္မဟုတ္ေသာ္လည္း ေဝ၏ ဘ႑ာေရးအကူအညီ အေထာက္အပံ့သာ မရလွ်င္

ဝ'အတြက္လည္း ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ကို ရင္ဆိုင္တိုက္ခိုက္ရန္ အလြန္ခက္ခဲလိမ့္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုအထိေတာ့ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ဝ'အဖြဲ႔က စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကို ခုခံျငင္းဆန္ေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။ ေစ့စပ္ညိႇႏိႈင္းမႈ မွန္သမွ်ကို ပန္ဆန္းႏွင့္သာ ျပဳလုပ္ပါဟု ေျပာဆုိေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။ ဝ' တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားကမူ ျဖစ္ပြားလာေတာ့မည့္ မည္သည့္ ရန္လုိတုိက္ခိုက္မႈကိုမဆို ရင္ဆိုင္ရန္ အသင့္အေနအထားတြင္ ျပင္ဆင္ထားသည္ဟု သိရွိရသည္။ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ယခင္ အပတ္က လ်င္ျမန္စြာ က်ဆံုးအေရးနိမ့္သြားျခင္းႏွင့္ ဖုန္ၾကားရွင္၏ ေနရာတြင္ အစိုးရက

ေက်ာေထာက္ေနာက္ခံျပဳေပးထားေသာ ၿပိဳင္ဘက္ႏွင့္ အစားထိုးလိုက္ျခင္းတို႔ကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး

ေဝအဖြဲ႔ကလည္း သူတို႔အတြက္ ေရြးလမ္းကို ျပန္စဥ္းစားလာႏိုင္သည္။ ေရွ႕တြင္လည္း ၁၉၉၆ ခုႏွစ္က ခြန္ဆာျပခဲ့ေသာ အစဥ္အလာက ရွိခဲ့ၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။ ဘိန္းဘုရင္အိုၾကီးသည္ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း သူ ေသဆံုးခ်ိန္အထိ ရန္ကုန္တြင္ပင္ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္း သက္ေသာင့္သက္သာ ေနသြားခဲ့သည္။

(မဇၩိမ အဂၤလိပ္ပိုင္းတြင္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၃ ရက္ေန႔က ေဖာ္ျပထားျပီးျဖစ္ေသာ Brian McCartan ၏ UWSA will be in a spot if Wei sides with junta ကို ဘာသာျပန္ဆိုပါသည္။)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

196

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

ျမန္မာ၏ နယ္စပ္ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေရးၾကိဳးပမ္းမႈက တ႐ုတ္ကို အခက္ေတြ႔ေစ ေဆာင္းပါး လယ္ရီ ေဂ်ဂင္ ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ 04 ရက္ 2009 ခုႏွစ္ 13 နာရီ 18 မိနစ္ ဘန္ေကာက္ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။

။ ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံအၾကား သံတမန္အသြားအလာမ်ား ဆက္တုိက္

ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ျမန္မာႏွင့္ တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္တြင္ မလြယ္ကူလွေသာ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ျပန္လည္ရရွိလာသည္။ ျပည္ထဲေရးဝန္ၾကီးဌာန ဒုဝန္ၾကီးဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ဘုန္းေဆြ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ျမန္မာအဖြဲ႔သည္

တ႐ုတ္ျပည့္သူ႔လံုၿခံဳေရး ဝန္ၾကီး မန္ဂ်ီယန္ႏွင့္ တနလၤာေန႔က တ႐ုတ္ျပည္တြင္ အဆင့္ျမင့္ အစည္းအေဝးတခု ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ “ျမန္မာဘက္က နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္မွာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းတည္ၿငိမ္ေအာင္ ျမန္ႏုိင္သမွ် အျမန္လုပ္ေပးမယ္လို႔ ကတိေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္“ ဟု အဂၤါေန႔က ေပက်င္းတြင္ ပံုမွန္ျပဳလုပ္ေသာ

သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲတခု၌ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ၾကီးဌာန ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ ဂ်ီယန္ယုက သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားကို ေျပာၾကားသည္။ ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံသံတမန္မ်ားသည္ တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္တြင္ ကိုးကန္႔တိုင္းရင္းသား သူပုန္မ်ားကို ေခ်မႈန္းရန္အတြက္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္မွ ႐ုတ္တရက္ ထိုးစစ္ဆင္မႈအၿပီး

သီတင္းပတ္အနည္းငယ္အတြင္း အလြန္ပင္ အလုပ္႐ႈပ္သြားခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား ေနရာထိုင္ခင္း စီစဥ္ေပးထားေသာ ယူနန္နယ္မွ တ႐ုတ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား အဆိုအရ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ သီတင္းပတ္အတြင္းက တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ေရွာင္ရွားႏုိင္ရန္ ဒုကၡသည္ ၃၀,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ ဝင္ေရာက္ လာခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ မဟာမိတ္တပ္မေတာ္ (MNDAA) ဟုေခၚေသာ ကိုးကန္႔တပ္အား တိုက္ခိုက္မႈသည္ ေပက်င္းကို တုန္လႈပ္သြားေစခဲ့သလို စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အလြန္နီးကပ္စြာ တည္ရွိေနေသာ ၎၏ ဆက္ဆံေရးကိုလည္း ခါရမ္းပစ္လိုက္ေလသည္။ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားကတည္းက တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရသည္ အေျခအေနကို

မထိန္းႏိုင္မသိမ္းႏိုင္မျဖစ္ခင္ တည္ၿငိမ္မႈရွိေအာင္ ၾကိဳးစားသည့္အေနႏွင့္ ခ်က္ခ်င္းပင္ ေပက်င္း၏ သံေရးတမန္ေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား လုပ္လာခဲ့သည္။ ႏွစ္ဖက္အျပန္အလွန္ အစည္းအေဝးမ်ားကို ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

197

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ ေပက်င္းတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ပူပန္သတိရွိမႈ၊ အံၾသမႈတို႔ႏွင့္အတူ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာႏိုင္ေျခရွိေသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္တားဆီးႏိုင္ရန္

ေပက်င္းက ထိုေဒသတြင္းသို႔ ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ အပိုတပ္မ်ားႏွင့္ လက္နက္တပ္္ဆင္ထားေသာ ရဲမ်ားကို ေစလႊတ္ခဲ့သည္။ အေျခအေနအရ အမည္မေဖာ္ဘဲ ေျပာဆိုေသာ တ႐ုတ္အထက္တန္းအစိုးရအရာရွိတဦး၏ အဆိုအရ တ႐ုတ္ ဗဟုိအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားသည္ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္၏

အျပဳအမူေၾကာင့္ အလြန္အမင္း စိတ္အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ျဖစ္ရကာ ၾကိဳတင္အသိမေပးျခင္းအေပၚ ေဒါသျဖစ္ရသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ ေပက်င္း၏ စိတ္မခ်မ္းမေျမ႕ျဖစ္ရမႈကို ေျပာၾကားရန္အတြက္ အထက္တန္း သံတမန္တဦးသည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္အပတ္က ေနျပည္ေတာ္သို႔ ေလယာဥ္ျဖင့္ သြားေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ၾကီးဌာနမွ အရာရွိမ်ား အဆိုအရ တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ ယခုအခါ ျမန္မာက ေတာင္းပန္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။ နယ္စပ္သည္ ေပါက္ကြဲႏိုင္ေျခရွိေသာ ေနရာတခုမဟုတ္ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း ကူမင္းမွ

အမည္မေဖာ္လိုေသာ တ႐ုတ္ေဒသခံ အရာရွိတဦးက မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ “အခုလက္ရွိေတာ့ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲကို ျပန္ေနၾကၿပီ။ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က အေျခအေနဟာ ျမန္ျမန္ဆန္ဆန္ ျပန္ေကာင္းလာႏုိင္ပါတယ္“ ဟု မစ္စ္ဂ်ီယန္က ေျပာသည္။ “တ႐ုတ္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာဟာ ရင္းႏွီးတဲ့ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းေကာင္းေတြ ျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ျမန္မာဟာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔

တည္ၿငိမ္မႈကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားႏိုင္တာကို ျမင္ရဖို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္“ ဟု သူမက ထပ္ေျပာသည္။ ယခုအခါ ေဒသတြင္းရွိ အျခားႏုိင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရအား စစ္မွန္သည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေျပာင္းလဲမႈႏွင့္ မိတ္ဆက္ေပးႏုိင္ရန္ တြန္းအားေပးေရးအတြက္ အျပည္အျပည္ဆိုင္ရာမွ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈမ်ားအေပၚ အေရးၾကီးေသာ ႐ုိက္ခတ္မႈကို ျဖစ္ေပၚေစႏုိင္သည့္ ႏုိင္ငံႏွစ္ခုအၾကား တည္ရွိေနေသာ ထင္ရွားသည့္ အက္ကြဲေၾကာင္းသည္ ပိုမို၍ သက္ေသျပႏိုင္လာပါသည္။ နယ္စပ္ေဒသအတြင္းရွိ အထူးသျဖင့္ ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္ ဝ က့ဲသုိ႔ေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုအမ်ားစုသည္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရး သေဘာတူညီမႈ ရယူထားသလို

အစဥ္အလာအားျဖင့္လည္း တ႐ုတ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္ နီးကပ္ေသာ ဆက္သြယ္မႈမ်ား ရွိေနၾကသျဖင့္ ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံအၾကား ၾကီးထြားလာေသာ ဆန္႔က်င္ကြဲျပားလာမႈသည္ အဆိုပါ ေဒသမ်ားသို႔ သိသာစြာ သက္ေရာက္မႈမ်ား ရိွေနႏုိင္သည္။ ထိုေဒသသည္ စီးပြားေရးအရေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈအရေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ျမန္မာအစိုးရထက္ တ႐ုတ္ႏွင့္ ပိုမိုနီးကပ္မႈရွိသည္မွာ အေသအခ်ာ ျဖစ္သည္။

ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ တ႐ုတ္စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားသည္

လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္အတြင္းက ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကို အလံုးအရင္းႏွင့္ ဝင္ေရာက္လာကာ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

198

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အလုပ္အကို္င္မ်ားႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရး အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ား ရွာေဖြခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထိုတိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ အမ်ားအျပားသည္ က်န္းမာေရးကုသမႈ ခံယူရန္ နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္၍ တ႐ုတ္ေဆး႐ံုမ်ားသို႔ သြားေရာက္ၾကကာ၊ သူတို႔၏ သားသမီးမ်ားကိုလည္း တ႐ုတ္ေက်ာင္းမ်ားသို႔ ပို႔ထားၾကသည္။ တ႐ုတ္ဘာသာစကားႏွင့္ တ႐ုတ္ေငြေၾကး ယင္မင္ဘီ ကိုပင္ ရွမ္းျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္ ဝ' ေဒသတခုလံုးတြင္ သံုးစြဲၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းရွိ သူတို႔၏ တိုင္းရင္းသားညီအကိုမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ဝ၊ ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္ ဗဟိုအစိုးရအၾကား ေရြးခ်ယ္ရန္ ေပက်င္းအား ဖိအားေပးသည့္ မည္သည့္အရာမဆို ေပက်င္းအား

ၾကီးမားေသာျပသာနာ ျဖစ္ေစသည္။ အဆံုးတြင္ ျမန္မာႏွင့္ တ႐ုတ္ဝင္႐ုိး၏ တကယ့္သဘာဝကို ထင္ရွားျပတ္သားစြာ ေတြ႔ျမင္ရမွာျဖစ္သည္။ ကိုးကန္႔မ်ားသည္ လူမ်ဳိးအရ တ႐ုတ္အႏြယ္မ်ားျဖစ္ကာ တ႐ုတ္စကား ေျပာဆိုၾကေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္း၌ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သူတို႔တြင္

ကုိယ္ပိုင္လက္နက္ကိုင္ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္မ်ားရွိကာ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးကုိ သေဘာမတူခင္အထိ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ကို္ယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ ေတာင္းဆိုရင္း ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္အား တိုက္ခိုက္လာခဲ့သည္။

လာမည့္ႏွစ္တြင္ က်င္းပရန္ စီစဥ္ထားေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္ခင္ စစ္အစိုးရသည္ အပစ္ရပ္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ေတာ္လွန္ေရး အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအား (အဓိကအားျဖင့္) ကခ်င္၊ ကိုးကန္႔ႏွင့္ ဝ တို႔ကို လက္နက္ခ်ရန္ ဖိအားေပးလ်က္ရွိသျဖင့္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ လေပါင္းမ်ားစြာၾကာေအာင္ တင္းမာမႈမ်ား ရွိေနခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေလသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရက သူတို႔အား နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရး တပ္မ်ားအေနႏွင့္ လက္ခံေပါင္းစည္းေစခ်င္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္ရွိ အဓိက တိုင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စုမ်ားက ထိုကိစၥကို တင္းခံေနခဲ့သည္။

“ေနာက္ပိုင္းရက္မ်ားတြင္ ထိပ္တိုက္ရင္ဆိုင္ရမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္ေရးရင္ဆိုင္မႈမ်ား ပိုမိုရွိလာမည္ဟု ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ရကာ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ရြာသားမ်ားသည္ ထိုစစ္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမ်ားအား ေရွာင္ရွားႏိုင္ရန္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္သို႔

ထြက္ေျပးလာေနၾကသည္“ ဟု ကိုးကန္႔အဖြဲ႔မွ ထုတ္ကာ ယခုသီတင္းပတ္ အေစာပိုင္းက မဇၥ်ိမသို႔ ပို႔ေပးခဲ့ေသာ ေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ပါရွိသည္။ ကိုးကန္႔ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္လာသည့္ ေနရာႏွင့္ မေဝးလွေသာ တ႐ုတ္ၿမိဳ႕တၿမိဳ႕ျဖစ္သည့္ ႐ုိင္လီအေျခစိုက္ ျမန္မာအတိုက္အခံမ်ား အဆိုအရ အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ သက္တမ္းရွိေသာ စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ကိုးကန္႔တို႔အၾကား အပစ္ရပ္ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မွာ အမွန္တကယ္ အဆံုးသတ္သြားသည္ဟု ထင္ရေၾကာင္း ဆိုသည္။ တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္အနီး တိုက္ပြဲမ်ားမွာ ေခတၱခဏ ရပ္သြားသည္ဟု ဆိုႏုိင္ေသာ္လည္း

ကိုးကန္႔ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္လည္းျဖစ္၊ နယ္စပ္ၿမိဳ႕လည္းျဖစ္ေသာ ေလာက္ကိုင္ ေတာင္ဘက္ပိုင္း၏ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

twGJ 2

199

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif အေျခအေနမွာမူ တင္းမာေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိေဒသရွိ UN အဖြဲ႔မ်ား အဆိုအရ ကိုးကန္႔ေျပာက္က်ားမ်ားအား ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ေနေသာ အဆက္မျပတ္ စစ္ဆင္ေရးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ လားရႈိးလမ္းကိုလည္း ပိတ္ထားရေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ယခုအခါ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ားသည္ ျပန္တိုက္ရန္ ေသခ်ာသေလာက္ရွိေသာ ဝ'တပ္ဖြဲ႔ကို ဖယ္ပစ္ရန္ ၾကိဳးစားလိမ့္မည္ဟူေသာ စိုးရိမ္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚေနေလသည္။ ဝ'တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ားသည္ ကိုးကန္႔ေျပာက္က်ားတပ္မ်ားလို မဟုတ္ဘဲ ေစလႊတ္ႏုိင္ေသာ (ေရွ႕ထြက္အင္အား) လက္နက္ကိုင္စစ္သား ၁၅,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ ရွိသည္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကိစၥကို နီးကပ္စြာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနေသာ တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရအရာရွိတဦး အဆိုအရ တ႐ုတ္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ လက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား ျပန္ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္သည့္ ၾကီးမားေသာ အႏၲရာယ္ရွိေနသည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။ “ျပႆနာကေတာ့ ဝ'ေတြဟာ တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရနဲ႔

အရမ္းနီးစပ္ၾကၿပီး တ႐ုတ္က သူတို႔ကို အခုလို အေရးၾကီးေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ ပစ္ထားဖို႔ အရမ္းခက္ေနတာပါပဲ“ ဟု သူက ထပ္ေျပာျပသည္။ ေပက်င္းသည္ ယခုအခါ ၾကီးမားေသာ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရခက္သည့္ အေျခအေနတခုတြင္

ေရာက္ရွိေနသည္။ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေျခလွမ္းသည္ စစ္အစိုးရအတြင္း တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရအား မၾကဳိက္ႏွစ္သက္မႈမ်ား တိုးလာေနသည္ဟုေသာ မၾကာေသးခင္က ေတြးဆခ်က္ကို ပိုမို၍သာ အားေကာင္းလာေစခဲ့သည္။

ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ လအနည္းငယ္က စစ္အစိုးရသည္ ေပက်င္းႏွင့္ သေဘာထားကြဲမႈ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာခဲ့သည္။ အဓိကအားျဖင့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအုပ္စုမ်ား၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ တ႐ုတ္ႏွင့္ အထူးဆက္ဆံေရး ရွိေနေသာ အဖြဲ႔မ်ားအား လက္နက္အပ္ရန္ စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ၾကိဳးစားမႈကို စိတ္ပါလက္ပါႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ေနာက္ဆုတ္ရန္ မလုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ႏုိင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအတြက္ အၿမဲတမ္း ထိန္းသိမ္းထားေသာ၊ အေရးအၾကီးဆံုးလည္းျဖစ္ေသာ အေမရိကန္ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ဂ်င္မ္ဝက္ဘ္အား စိတ္အားထက္သန္စြာ လက္ခံခဲ့ျခင္းသည္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္တြင္ ေျပာင္းလဲေနေသာ အေျခအေနအား ရွင္းလင္းစြာ

ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ေသာ အခ်က္တခ်က္ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ရန္ကုန္မွ သံတမန္အသိုင္းအဝိုင္း အဆိုအရ ျမန္မာႏွင့္ ေပက်င္းအၾကား အျခား အက္ေၾကာင္းကို ေဖာ္ျပေသာ အျခားအခ်က္တခုမွာ

အပတ္စဥ္ထုတ္ သတင္းစာတခုျဖစ္ေသာ ျမန္မာတိုင္းမ္ သတင္းစာ၏ ယခုတပတ္ထုတ္ သတင္းစာထဲတြင္ စိစစ္ေရးက်ၿပီးျဖစ္သည့္ တိဘက္ဘာသာေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဒလိုင္လားမား ထုိင္ဝမ္သို႔ သြားေရာက္ျခင္းအေပၚ ေရးသားထားေသာ ေဆာင္းပါးအတိုေလးကို ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။

၎သည္ ေပက်င္းအား အထိမခံျဖစ္ေစေသာ တိဘက္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အႏွစ္ ၂ဝ ေက်ာ္အတြင္း သူ႔နာမည္ကို ျပည္တြင္း ျမန္မာသတင္းမ်ားတြင္ ပထမဆံုးအၾကိမ္ ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္တို႔သည္ လက္ရွိတြင္ ဘာလုပ္ရမည္ကို မေတြးတတ္ေအာင္ ျဖစ္ေနေလသည္။ သူတို႔၏ အၾကီးမားဆံုး စိုးရိမ္မႈမွာ ျမန္မာသည္ သူတုိ႔ကို ေက်ာ္ကာ အေနာက္သို႔ ႐ုတ္တရက္ လွည့္သြားမည္ကိုပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ အေမရိကန္ထံသို႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ “က်ေနာ္တို႔ ညတြင္းခ်င္းကို အားလံုး လက္လႊတ္လိုက္ရႏုိင္တယ္“ ဟု တ႐ုတ္သံတမန္တဦးက ျပစ္တင္ေျပာၾကားသည္။ ေပက်င္းသည္ အိုဘားမား၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္တြင္

အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ၌ အေမရိကန္၏ ျပန္လည္အသစ္ျပင္ထားေသာ စိတ္ဝင္စားမႈွႏွင့္ ေဒသတြင္း၌ သူ၏ တည္ရွိမႈကို ျပန္လည္အားေကာင္းလာေစရန္ သူ၏ ၾကိဳးစားမႈကို စိုးရိမ္ၾကီးစြာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနသည္။

တ႐ုတ္အစုိးရသည္ ျမန္မာကို ပြင့္လင္းစြာ ေဝဖန္၍ မရႏိုင္သလို လြဲေခ်ာ္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္သည့္အတြက္ အစိုးရကို ဖိအားမ်ားျပားစြာ ေပးျခင္းလည္း မျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္သည္ကို နားလည္သည္။ “ျမန္မာေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားဟာ အေတာ္ပဲ အထိမခံသူေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္ဟာ

စစ္အစိုးရအေပၚ ရွိထားတဲ့ ဘယ္လႊမ္းမိုးမႈကိုမဆို အဆံုးအရႈံးမခံႏုိင္တဲ့ စိုးရိမ္မႈေၾကာင့္ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ပါးစပ္ကို မဟတာသာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္“ ဟု တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရ အရာရွိတဦးက မၾကာေသးခင္က မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာျပသည္။

ယခုထိဆိုလွ်င္ တ႐ုတ္သည္ အနည္းဆံုး ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းေသာ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈကိုသံုးရန္ ပိုမိုျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ထိုသို႔ အေရးၾကီးေသာ က်န္ရွိေနေသးသည့္ ေမးခြန္းမွာ ဝ' ကိစၥအား မည္သို႔ကိုင္တြယ္မည္ကို ေပက်င္းႏွင့္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္အၾကား သေဘာတူညီမႈ ရရွိႏုိင္ပါမည္လားဆိုသည္ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။

လာမည့္လမ်ားတြင္ ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံအၾကား၌ အႏၲရာယ္ျဖစ္ေစႏုိင္မည့္ အေၾကာင္းမ်ား ပိုမို၍ပင္ ရွိေကာင္း ရွိလာႏုိင္ေသာ္လည္း ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံထားမႈမ်ားမွာ မ်ားျပားလွသည့္အတြက္ ႏွစ္ဖက္စလံုးမွ ေနာက္ထပ္ မည္သည့္ျပႆနာကိုမဆို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေသာ ေျဖရွင္းမႈျဖင့္သာ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ အလိုရွိၾကလိမ့္မည္။ ( မဇၩိမ၏ အဂၤလိပ္ပိုင္းဝက္ဆိုက္တြင္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔က ေဖာ္ျပျပီးျဖစ္ေသာ Larry

Jagan ၏ Burma’s push to control border sends China into a spin ကို ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ဘာသာျပန္ဆိုပါသည္။)

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Burmese Army might be targeting UWSA: Observer by Mungpi Thursday, 03 September 2009 23:03 New Delhi (Mizzima) - After having overrun and occupied the Kokang area in north-eastern Shan State and driving away its leader, the Burmese military junta might have initiated its move against one of the largest ceasefire groups, the United Wa State Army, an observer said. Khuensai Jaiyen, editor of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN), who is close to UWSA, said Wa leaders in Panghsang in eastern Shan state have received a letter from the Burmese Army demanding the extradition of Kokang leader Peng Jiasheng and three others. The junta had issued arrest warrants against them. “Nobody is sure where Peng and his group are staying right now. It is absurd that the Burmese Army has demanded that the Wa hand over Peng. It seems to me that the junta is starting to pick on the Wa,” Khuensai said. The letter dated September 1, 2009 was received by Wa leaders in Panghsang on September 2. Worried over the issue, the Wa leaders sat at a meeting on Thursday morning and decided not to respond to the letter, he added. “The Wa leaders believe that the demand could be a point to pick by the junta and so decided to remain silent without replying to it,” said Khuensai. He said, whichever way the Wa replies, the junta could find fault. Even by remaining silent, the junta could still find fault and find reasons to launch an attack. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Peng Jiasheng, the once supreme leader of the Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), also known as the Kokang Army, was forced to flee Loa Kai, capital of Kokang region, after the Burmese junta issued an arrest warrant for him along with three others including his brother on charges of running an arms and ammunition factory and trafficking. Peng’s flight left his deputy Bai Suoqing and a few other MNDAA soldiers, who support the junta. The MNDAA was later reformed with the help of the Burmese Army and Bai was appointed the new leader. “When I asked Wa leaders about the whereabouts of Peng, they told me that he would most probably be with his son-in-law but did not deny or agree that Peng might be in Wa controlled area,” Khuensai said. According to the Wa leader’s response, Peng and his troops are most likely to be with the Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) or Mongla, whose leader Sai Leun is Peng’s son-in-law. While the information on the junta’s demand to the Wa to extradite Peng cannot be independently verified, a Sino-Burma border based military analyst Aung Kyaw Zaw said, he does not believe any such demand has been made. “I have not heard of the demand but I think it is unlikely and Brig Gen Win Maung commander of the Regional Operations Command (ROC) in Lao Kai has no such power to make the demand as the case is to be handled by the Ministry of Home Affairs,” he added. But he said, in connection with the conflicts last week in Kokang region, Burmese Deputy Home Minister Phone Shwe and a team of delegates, earlier this week, visited Kun Ming, capital of China’s North-western province of Yunnan, and met regional Chinese officials. Aung Kyaw Zaw said, while the junta is determined to neutralise ethnic armed groups, particularly the ceasefire groups, in eastern Shan State, the UWSA might not be the first target to choose. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Observers agreed that the junta is unlikely to declare war on the UWSA, which is believed to have up to 20,000 soldiers, but use different tactics including ‘divide and conquer’ by exploiting the differences between the leaders, Wei Hsueh-kang and Bao You-Xiang.

UWSA will be in a spot if Wei sides with junta by Brian McCartan Thursday, 03 September 2009 16:22 Much has been made of the junta’s ‘divide-and-rule’ tactics, but often overlooked is the fact that Burma’s military rulers do not create many of these situations, but exploit existing divisions. One that could have potentially serious consequences to follow-on moves against the ceasefire groups is that between the northern and southern Wa under Wei Xuegang. The territory under the control of the United Wa State Army (UWSA) is split between a northern region along the Sino-Burma border and a southern region on the Thai border. The northern region is the former operating area of the Burmese Communist Party (BCP) from which the Wa mutinied in April 1989 before signing a ceasefire with the government later in the year. The southern area was originally the operating area of a non-communist Wa group that eventually joined northern Wa after the mutiny. The southern Wa was led by Maha Sang, a former Wa prince and his lieutenant, an ethnic Chinese from the Sino-Burma border area, Wei Xuegang. Designated the 171st Military Region, the area eventually came under the firm leadership of Wei and his brothers Wei Xueyin and Wei Xuelong. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif In addition to the leadership of the southern Wa, Wei and his brothers are considered by many Burma watchers as the bankrollers of the UWSA. Appointed a central committee member of the group’s political wing, the United Wa State Party, in 1996, Wei was also the UWSA’s finance head from July 2006 until December 2007. Wei’s financial standing in the UWSA comes largely from his control of heroin and methamphetamine production facilities along the Thai border and international trafficking connections. The huge profits made by Wei and his associates enabled the UWSA to greatly expand its control over areas of Shan State as well as increase its number of soldiers and quality of equipment and weapons. Further reinforcing Wei’s position was the forced relocation of tens of thousands of Wa villagers from the China border to the southern Wa area in 1999. The Wa came to dominate the area, establishing new villages and towns and largely forcing the original Shan inhabitants out. Many of the old strongholds of former opium warlord Khun Sa, which the Wa had fought against for years, were absorbed by Wei’s group after his surrender in 1996. Many of those areas were along the Thai border giving the organization increased opportunities for trade in various forms of contraband including narcotics. Where Wei and the rest of the UWSA leadership differ is in their political outlook. While many of the ethnic Wa leaders of the UWSA have definite nationalist interests as well as business, Wei is known to be dismissive of politics and interested more in ensuring the continued expansion of his business interests. An outbreak of fighting with the Burmese Army would certainly not be good for business from Wei’s standpoint. Most of his more legitimate businesses are in central Burma and he would stand to lose them. Hostilities could also potentially disrupt narcotics production and trafficking, particularly if Thai security forces support Burmese moves on their side of the border. The junta certainly understands this as well and has made several ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif attempts to persuade Wei to make his own peace and transform his forces into a government-backed militia. Although details are sketchy, it can be assumed any arrangement would include a provision wherein Wei would be granted non-interference in his narcotics production and trafficking. Should Wei cast his lot with the junta, it would put the UWSA in serious financial difficulty. Lost would be access to Thailand and the large amounts of cash generated by Wei’s narcotics business. Cross-border trade to China would not be able to make up for the shortfall and a prohibition on narcotics trafficking to China is reportedly a condition for Chinese assistance on development projects and other forms of crossborder aid as well as political support against Burma’s generals. While victory would by no means be as swift as against the Kokang last week, without Wei’s forces and financial backing, the UWSA would find it all the harder to resist the Burmese Army. So far, the southern Wa have resisted the junta’s overtures saying that all negotiations must be with Panghsang and Wa troops are reportedly on standby for any outbreak of hostilities. The rapid fall of the Kokang last week and the replacement of Peng Jiasheng with a rival backed by the government, however, may give Wei reason to rethink his options. After all, a precedent has already been set by the retirement of Khun Sa in 1996. The old warlord went on to live very comfortably in Rangoon until his death in 2007.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Beginning of the end by Mungpi Wednesday, 02 September 2009 23:11 New Delhi (Mizzima) - The recent armed conflict in Northeastern Shan State between the Burmese Army and ethnic Kokang rebels, which split the Myanmar Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), could be the beginning of the end for armed groups not ready to comply with the military junta’s proposal on the contentious Border Guard Force. On August 27 fighting erupted between the junta’s troops and Koakang rebels loyal to their supreme leader Peng Jiasheng. The gun battles lasted two days till August 29, when several of Peng’s troops surrendered to the Chinese authorities. But sources said, with Peng and his troops still remaining in the jungles, sporadic clashes continue in various places outside Lao Kai, capital of the Kokang area. Though Peng and his troops continue to fight, analysts said, for the junta, gaining control over Lao Kai and the Kokang region is more important than fighting the remaining factions led by Peng. The Burmese Army after driving away Peng and his loyalists, on August 25 reformed the MNDAA under a new name ‘Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee’ and named Peng’s deputy Bai Suoqian as the new leader. The junta shrewdly manipulated the differences between Bai and Peng by supporting Bai, who is willing to accept the junta’s proposal to transform the MNDAA into a ‘Border Guard Force’. Analysts say the attack on the Kokang, which violated 20 years of ceasefire agreement, is the first step by the junta against the ceasefire ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif groups. And it could be testing the waters before launching attacks on other groups including the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which is reported to have 20,000 soldiers. But with the junta busy preparing for its 2010 elections, which critics said would legitimize the military’s role, the question is: Why would the junta want to neutralise the rebels? According to the junta’s 2008 constitution, which it claimed was approved by over 90 percent of voters’ in the May 2008 referendum, there will be only one armed force administered under the new government. According to Htay Aung, a researcher with the Thailand-based Network for Democracy and Development (NDD), the junta cannot allow any groups to have individual armies contrary to the constitution that it has drafted. “I think, most likely the junta would try and persuade these [ceasefire] groups to transform their armies. But it might also be forced to launch attacks if these groups continuously keep rejecting the proposal,” he added. The military regime in April sent a proposal to the 17 armed groups, with whom they have a ceasefire pact, to transform their armies into a ‘Border Guard Force’, which will be administered by the Burmese Army. While a few groups such as the New Democratic Army – Kachin (NDA-K) in northern Burma consented to the proposal, major groups including the UWSA and the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) along with the Kokang and others rejected the proposal, stating that they prefer maintaining their own armies. The rejections notwithstanding, the junta for the second time sent the proposal and set a deadline of October for the groups to decide. Htay Aung said for the junta, to claim legitimacy and to prove that its roadmap is all inclusive, it is imperative that the 17 ceasefire groups transform their armies and join them in the 2010 elections. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif “Without that it will be difficult to claim that its roadmap is an all inclusive process,” Htay Aung analysed. But he said, the attacks might not necessarily be a direct military campaign. It could be different tactics including a ‘divide and conquer’ policy. “It is clear now that the junta will make its move on other groups but the regime definitely would like to avoid armed conflict,” he added. Though skirmishes between the Burmese soldiers and Kokang rebels broke out last week, the junta’s attacks had begun much earlier, after the Kokang leader Peng rejected the proposal to transform his army. Since early August, at least seven battalions of the Burmese Army had been moving into the Kokang areas, according to a Sino-Burma border based military observer Aung Kyaw Zaw. Combined with the battalions that were already stationed in the Kokang area, the presence of government troops suddenly grew, he added. Simultaneously, the junta accused Peng and three others of operating an arms and ammunition factory in Lao Kai town. On this pretext, regime soldiers on August 8 raided Peng’s house. But Peng and his three friends evaded arrest and fled Lao Kai. The court in Lashio, after the four refused to appear, declared them fugitives. Taking advantage of Peng’s absence the “Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee” was formed and Bai, deputy of the MNDAA, was named its leader. “It is a typical Burmese junta tactic of breaking down rebels and opposition groups. It is ‘Divide and Conquer’,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw adding that other groups including the UWSA can start worrying. Who is next? ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif According to Khuensai Jaiyen editor of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News (SHAN), an online ethnic Shan news agency, the junta’s greatest rival among the ceasefire groups is the UWSA and any military confrontation between the two will result in a bloodbath. But Khuensai believes that the junta might make its next move on the Nationalities Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), also known as the Mongla militia, as it would be strategically important against the Wa Army. “If the junta can gain control over the Kokang and the Mongla, which are located both in the North and South of Wa, it would be extremely difficult for UWSA,” he said. Chinese factor China has clearly indicated stability along the border is its first priority, leading some analysts to believe that if the junta opts for a direct military attack, China is likely to protest. Despite the fact that China is worried over the conflicts on the border that drove up to 30,000 refugees into its territory, the Chinese Foreign Ministry issued a mild statement urging the Burmese government to handle its internal affairs properly. “The Chinese government will disapprove of any disturbances along the border, especially that which concerns the Chinese people living on either side of the border,” Htay Aung said. “But even the Chinese do not have much influence on the actions and decisions taken by the Burmese junta. So, even if the Chinese protest, the junta is unlikely to change its decision,” he added. Professor Ian Holliday, Dean of Social Sciences in the University of Hong Kong, said the key principle of Chinese foreign policy is non-interference and the statement issued by the Foreign Ministry is about right as the recent conflicts are not high level problems yet. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Holliday said, if conflicts escalate China will be definitely worried but “the Chinese are unlikely to issue more strident public statements. Most of the activity will be behind the scenes.” However, Holliday said, he believes “the [Burmese] junta will continue its campaign to ‘pacify’ the border area.”

Fresh parleys between junta and NMSP over BGF by Phanida Wednesday, 02 September 2009 22:12 Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – There was renewed parleys between Burmese military junta representatives and Mon leaders relating to the pressure being mounted on the ceasefire 'New Mon State Party' (NMSP) troops to transform to the Border Guard Force. The junta's Southeast Command Commander Maj. Gen. Thet Naing Win met NMSP Vice-Chairman Nai Rao Sa, Joint Secretary Nai Chan Twe and Central Executive Committee member Nai Dala Ny at Command headquarters on August 28. "During the last meeting we told them that it was difficult for us to accept their proposal of transforming our troops into the BGF," an official from the NMSP headquarters said on condition of anonymity. He added that they are not aware of the junta's response since their leaders are yet come back to the headquarters. The NMSP sent the resolution of its six-day central committee meeting held between July 27 and August 1 at the party headquarters in Ye Chaung Phya in Ye Township to Maj. Gen. Thet Naing Win on August 5. Now they are meeting again and holding discussions on the contentious issue. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The NMSP has informed the military regime that they cannot accept separation of their party and the army or disbanding their army and transforming it into the BGF without guarantee of the right to selfdetermination for Mon people. It further said it would maintain the current ceasefire with the junta and would demand of the next government to resolve the political issue through dialogue. Despite the constant pressure exerted on ceasefire groups by the junta, the powerful ceasefire groups, including the NMSP, are still rejecting the junta’s proposal. This meeting between NMSP leaders and the regional command commander is the third since March this year. The NMSP reached a ceasefire agreement with the junta in 1995 and attended the National Convention in 2004. But it scaled down its representation at the National Convention to observer status next year protesting against the meeting procedures of the NC.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ခုိးဆုိးလုယက္မႈ မ်ားျပား ဓာတ္ပုံ သတင္း စက္တင္ဘာ ၃၊ ၂၀၀၉

ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသရိွ သူ၏ အထည္ဆုိင္မွ ကုန္ပစၥည္းမ်ား လုယူခံရေၾကာင္း သိရသျဖင့္ ငုိေၾကြးေနေသာ ဆုိင္ရွင္

တရုတ္အမ်ဳိးသမီး။ ၿပီးခ့ဲသည့္ လကုန္ပုိင္းက ျဖစ္ပြားသည့္ ၃ ရက္ၾကာ စစ္ပဲြအၿပီး တရုတ္ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ရိွ ကုိးကန္႔ေဒသတြင္ ခုိးဆုိးလုယက္မႈ အမ်ားအျပား ရိွခ့ဲသည္။ ယေန႔ထုတ္

ျမန္မာသတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ခုိးမႈ က်ဴးလြန္ေသာ ေဒသခံ အရပ္သား ၅၁ ဦးကုိ ေထာင္ ၂ ႏွစ္စီ အျပစ္ေပးခ့ဲသည္ဟု ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွ လုံၿခဳံေရး တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ားက လုယက္မႈမ်ား

ျပဳလုပ္ခ့ဲသည္ဟူေသာ သတင္းမ်ားလည္း တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား အၿပီးတြင္ ထြက္ေပၚခ့ဲသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ထုိသတင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျမန္မာ အစုိးရက တုံ႔ျပန္ျခင္း မရိွေသးေပ။ (photo: AP)

Transport fare in Panghsang increased, high demand Friday, 04 September 2009 17:31 Hseng Khio Fah

Transport fare in Panghsang, capital town of United Wa State Army (UWSA), has been increased as thousands of villagers are still fleeing every day since early this month due to fear of another round of hostilities breaking out, according to local sources. Up to date, transports are still in higher demand as each and everyone rushes to leave the town, he said. On 1 September, the fare from Panghsang to Tangyan, northern Shan State, was only around Kyat 40,000 ($ 36.7), but on the following day it went up to Kyat 45,000 ($41.28). Yesterday, it further increased to Kyat 100,000($91. 74) and this morning it is Kyat 120,000 ($110.09) and 150, 000($137.61) if one goes further to Lashio, according to a local who wishes not to be named. Yesterday, the total number of transports going to Tangyan/ Lashio was about 40 and those going to China about 100, according to another source. “The total of transports that remain in town [Panghsang] is only about 14,” he said. Since 1 September, thousands of villagers under the control of Wa Army has been leaving for China, Tangyan, Lashio, Kengtung and Tachilek townships on the Thai-Burma border. “Last evening, there were about 20 4 wheelerss, 6 wheelers and vans waiting to cross the ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif bridge over the Namkha river to China, after the bridge was closed at 6 pm by the Chinese police,” the source said. Until this morning, the number of people that have fled into China was around10, 000. Most of them were Chinese businessmen who had made huge investments in the Wa territory. Others were NGO workers, said a local resident in Panghsang. Organizations that have been working in the Wa areas include World Food Program (WFP), Care Myanmar, AMI, WHHGAA, Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and Health Unlimited (HU) from China. “Some members of Care Myanmar were already in Lashio and some were back to Kengtung,” said a source who asked to remain anonymous. On the one hand, those aid workers were also asked by the Wa authorities yesterday to evacuate to their home towns temporarily for their safety. However, on the other hand, the Wa authorities distributed leaflets to people saying, “We [the Wa] can handle the situation even though it is getting worse. Therefore people need not be panicked.” The latest report says that Wa authorities are busy patrolling the town’s quarters. Chinese border security has been also reinforcing more troops at the border with Wa. Yesterday, Lt-Gen Ye Myint, Burma’s Chief negotiator wrote another letter to National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State better known as Mongla to withdraw its troops opposite Mongyang Township because it had served to cause more people to flee to neighboring country, according to a source close to NDAA-ESS leadership. The Kokang war ended on 29 August and the next target would be the UWSA, according to some analysts.

Rebel kin on the run Friday, 04 September 2009 17:11 S.H.A.N.

As tensions between Wa and the Burma Army that has recently seized control of Kokang increased, families and relatives of the Wa leadership have been quietly taking refuge in neighboring countries, several sources on the border reported. Peng Jiafu

They however have not given specific information. Meanwhile, unconfirmed report coming from a reliable Kokang rebel source says Peng Xiaoyi, the third daughter of Peng Jiasheng, deposed Kokang leader, was arrested on Wednesday (2 September) at the Mingladon airport along with her children. “She was about to leave the country,” said the source. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Wife of Peng’s younger brother Jiafu, who is living in Rangoon, was also detained the day before. “All their houses and assets in Rangoon, Mandalay, Pyin Oo Lwin (Maymyo) and elsewhere have been raided /searched and seized,” he said. Overnight, Peng, who had been enjoying the status of “one of the national race leaders,” has become a drug runner after his rejection of Naypyitaw’s proposal to change his armed group a Burma Army-controlled border security force, leading the path to be followed by other ethnic leaders who, like himself, are continuing their rejection of the proposal

Naypyitaw’s negotiator postpones meeting with KIO leaders Written by KNG Thursday, 03 September 2009 21:40 Naypyitaw’s chief negotiator and Chief of Military Affairs Security (MAS) Lt-Gen Ye Myint today postponed a meeting with the leaders of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). The meeting was meant to be held in the group's Laiza headquarters in northern Burma, said KIO sources. The meeting was originally slated for September 5 but it was rescheduled for September 6 (Sunday). This was because on September 5 a meeting was scheduled between KIO leaders and invited regional Kachin community leaders, according to KIO officials in Laiza. KIO officials added, the urgent meeting was initiated by Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the ruling junta's chief Naypyitaw negotiator to all ethnic ceasefire groups in the country but it was again postponed for several days by Lt-Gen Ye Myint himself. A fresh date for the meeting is yet to be announced. Lt-Gen Ye Myint (center with green uniform) visited to KIO's HQ Laiza in last year. If Lt-Gen Ye Myint meets KIO leaders, he will be the first senior military officer to meet them in the midst of escalating military tension between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed-wing of KIO and the Burmese Army, according to KIO sources. Regarding the visit of Lt-Gen Ye Myint to Laiza, the KIO leaders do not expect a positive outcome. However, the KIO will welcome the junta's negotiator from Naypyitaw, said a KIO officer in Laiza. Col. Thet Pung, a special messenger of Naypyitaw and Commander Maj-Gen Soe Win of Northern Regional Command (Ma-Pa-Kha) based in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, met KIO leaders in Laiza headquarters on August 29 over the clashes with Kokang ceasefire group in northeast Shan State. KIO officers in Laiza said, the KIO was informed by Col. Thet Pung not to get involved in the Kokang conflict and that it was not the concern of the KIO. He also suggested to KIO leaders not to pay heed to Burmese media in exile. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif The junta keeps pressurizing the KIO to convert its armed-wing the KIA to a battalion of the Border Guard Force (BGF) controlled by the Burmese Army ignoring the KIO's demands for changing KIA to a brigade level Kachin Regional Guard Force (KRGF) and direct participation of the KIO in the new Kachin State government formed after next year’s elections, said KIO officials. The KIO had twice sent a group of civilian peace negotiators led by Rev. Dr. Lahtaw Saboi Jum, former general secretary of Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) and current director of Shalom Foundation (also called Nyein Foundation) to Naypyitaw to meet the junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe to explain the KIO's demands but the peace group could not meet Snr-Gen Than Shwe, according to KIO officials. At the moment, ethnic Kachin people inside and outside Burma are increasingly demanding that the KIO breaks the 15-year-old ceasefire agreement with the junta and resumes civil war, according to Kachin media in exile. From early this week, Kachin civilians in Lweje (Loie in Kachin), Laja Yang village in the controlled areas of the junta and the two KIO controlled areas of Laiza and Mai Ja Yang have sent their important family belongings to Chinese territories by crossing the border in fear of hostilities between the KIO and the junta, said civilians in those areas. http://www.kachinne ws.com/index. php/news/ 1075-naypyitaws- negotiatorpostpones- meeting-with- kio-leaders. Html.

မိုင္းလားတပ္ဖြဲ႕ထံ စရဖ ၫႊန္ခ်ဳပ္ စာေရးေခြၽးသိပ္ ေသာၾကာေန႕၊ 04 စက္တင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ ကိုးကန္႕အေရးအခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္ျခင္းမ႐ွိရန္ အထူးေဒသ ၄ မုိင္းလားတပ္ဖြဲ႕ထံ စရဖၫႊန္ခ်ဳပ္ ဒု -ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ရဲျမင့္ စာေရးေခြၽးသိပ္ေက်ာသပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း တ႐ုပ္နယ္စပ္သတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ဆိုပါသည္။

“အခုတေလာ ၀ နယ္နဲ႕ မိုင္းလားနယ္ထဲက ျပည္သူေတြ၊ ဗမာတပ္ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ မိုင္းယန္းၿမိဳ႕ေပၚက ေဒသခံ ၇၀% ေတြ က်ဳိင္းတံု-တာခ်ီလိတ္ဘက္ ဆီလူးဘက္ကေန

တ႐ုပ္နယ္စပ္ဘက္ေျပာင္းေ႐ြ႕ေနတယ္။ အေျခအေနကသိပ္မေကာင္းလို႕တဲ့။

ဗမာတပ္ဘက္ကေတာ့ မုိင္းလားကို - စစ္မတိုက္ပါဘူး၊ ပံုမွန္အတိုင္းေနသြားပါ - ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲျမင့္ကစာေရး တယ္ေျပာတယ္” - ဟု အမည္မေဖၚလိုသည့္ ပန္ဆန္းကုန္သည္တဦးကေျပာပါသည္။

စက္တင္ဘာ ၁ ရက္ေန႕ရက္စြဲပါ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲျမင့္ထံမွေပးစာတြင္ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၃ မ်က္ႏွာေက်ာ္ပါေၾကာင္း၊ ပါ၀င္သည့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားမွာ - ကိုးကန္႕ကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ စိုးရိမ္ထိပ္လန္႕ဖြယ္တစံုတရာမွ်မ႐ွိေစရန္ႏွင့္ လက္နက္စက္႐ုံ၊ မူးယစ္ခ်က္႐ုံအေၾကာင္း ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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ေျဖ႐ွင္းခ်က္ေတာင္းခဲ့သည္ကို ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းအုပ္စုက လက္ခံေျဖ႐ွင္းျခင္းမျပဳဘဲရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႕အား ပစ္ခတ္ တိုက္ခိုက္သည့္အတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း ပါ၀င္သည္။

ထို႕အျပင္ မိုင္းလားတပ္ဖြဲ႕သည္ အစိုးရ၏ ရင္းနွီးေသာမဟာမိတ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ေဒသဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရး ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေရးအတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ရမည့္ လုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာအမ်ားအျပား႐ွိေၾကာင္း၊ ပူပင္ေသာကေရာက္ေစမည့္ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ဳိးတပ္မေတာ္ ဘက္မွ အထူးေ႐ွာင္႐ွား မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊

အဆိုပါအေၾကာင္းမ်ား မိုင္းလားအရာ႐ွိမ်ားႏွင့္ေဒသခံ ျပည္သူမ်ားအား ႐ွင္းျပ

ေစလိုေၾကာင္း - ေရးသားထားသည္ ဟု အပစ္ရပ္ထိပ္ပိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သည့္ ကုန္သည္တဦးကေျပာျပပါ သည္။

ျပည္သူအမ်ားအျပား ေဒသအတြင္းစြန္႕ခြါထြက္ေျပးရသည့္အေၾကာင္းရင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍လည္း က်ဳိင္းတံုခ႐ုိင္ ဒု -ရဲမႉးႀကီး ကလည္း ၁/၀၉/၀၉ ရက္ေန႕က မိုင္းယန္းသို႕သြားေရာက္ၿပီး ဌာနစံုညီအစည္းအေ၀း တရပ္ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ေသးေၾကာင္း - မိုင္းယန္း ေဒသခံတဦးက သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သို႕ ဤကဲ့သို႕ေျပာျပပါသည္။

“ဒု-ရဲမႉးႀကီးအဓိကေဟာေျပာတာက အေၾကာင္းအရာ ၅ ခုပါတယ္၊ (၁) -

ျပည္သူေတြေနရပ္စြန္႕ခြာေအာင္ဘယ္သူက သတင္းစျဖန္႕တာလဲ၊ စစ္တပ္အတြင္းလား

ျပည္သူအတြင္းလား ဘယ္သူကလုပ္ႀကံလဲ ေသခ်ာစစ္ေဆးဖို႕၊ (၂)- ေဒသခံ လူထုနဲ႕အတူ

တိမ္းေ႐ွာင္ေနတဲ့ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ စစ္တင္ဘာ ၃ ရက္ေန႕ေနာက္ဆံုးထားၿပီးအလုပ္ျပန္၀င္ရမယ္။ မေရာက္ရင္ ရာထူး ဖယ္႐ွားပစ္မယ္၊ အေရးယူခံရမယ္ (၃) - ေနရပ္ရင္းစြန္႕ခြာတဲ့

ျပည္သူအားလံုးေဒအတြင္းအျမန္ျပန္လာၾကပါ။ တစံုတရာ႐ုန္းရင္းဆန္ခတ္မျဖစ္ေစရဘူး၊ တိုက္ပြဲလည္းမျဖစ္ပါဘူး၊ (၄) - ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးစစ္သား ၃ ေယာက္ (တေယာက္ျပန္ ေတြ႕

/ေခါင္းကြဲၿပီး မိုင္းယန္းေဆး႐ုံ၌ ကုသေန) ကိစၥကလည္းအရက္မူးလို႕ ထင္ရာစိုင္းသြားၾကတာ၊ သက္ဆိုင္ရာတာ၀န္႐ွိ တပ္ရင္းတပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြ ေျဖ႐ွင္းဖို႕ျဖစ္တယ္၊ (၅) ေနာက္တခု

မဟုတ္မမွန္သတင္းျဖန္႕တာက အခြင့္အေရးသမားေတြ လုယက္ ခ်င္တဲ့ သူခိုးဂ်ပိုး ေတြေၾကာင့္တာျဖစ္ရတာ”- စသည္ျဖင့္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္ဟုသိရ၏။

ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းတို႕အားလြဲအပ္ေပးရန္ ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ထံ နအဖ တပ္မႉးစာေရးေတာင္း ေသာၾကာေန႕၊ 04 စက္တင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ အာဏာလက္လြတ္ခဲ့ရသူ ကိုးကန္႕ ဥကၠဌ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းတို႕ ညီအစ္ကို သားအဖ ၄ ဦး အား လြဲအပ္ေပးရန္ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ အာဏာပိုင္က ၀ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ထံ

စာေရးအေၾကာင္းၾကားေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ေၾကာင္း တ႐ုပ္နယ္စပ္သတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ေျပာပါ သည္။ အာဏာလက္လြတ္ခဲ့ရသူ ကိုးကန္႕ ဥကၠဌ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္း ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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စက္တင္ဘာ ၂ ရက္ေန႕ ေလာ၀္ကိုင္း စကခ မႉး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္၀င္းေမာင္ က တိမ္းေ႐ွာင္ေနသူ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းတို႕ ၄ ဦးအား လြဲအပ္ေပးရန္ ပန္ဆန္း ၀ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ထံ

စာေရးအေၾကာင္းၾကားလိုက္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းအပါအ၀င္ ၎၏ညီဖုန္ၾကားဖူး၊ သားျဖစ္သူ ဖုန္တာ့႐ွန္း၊ ဖုန္တာ့လီ တို႕အား နာမည္ႏွင့္တကြ ေဖၚျပခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိ႐ွိရ၏။

“မေန႕တုန္းက က်ေနာ္တို႕ဆီစာေရာက္တယ္၊ ဒီေန႕ ၃/၉/၀၉ အစည္းအေ၀းထိုင္တယ္၊

ဘာမွအေၾကာင္း မျပန္ဖို႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ တယ္” - ဟု အမည္မေဖၚလိုသည့္ ၀ အရာ႐ွိတဦးက အခိုင္အမာေျပာေၾကာင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္အခ်ဳိ႕ ႏွင့္ ရင္းႏွီး၀င္ဆန္႕သူ တေယာက္က သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ သို႕ေျပာျပပါသည္။

“အေၾကာင္းျပန္ျပန္ မျပန္ျပန္ ျပႆနာ႐ွာခ်င္တဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရအဖို႕ ျပႆနာတခုခုဖန္တီးလာမွာဘဲ”ဟု ၀ ထိပ္ပိုင္းေခါင္း ေဆာင္မ်ား ယံုၾကည္ေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိပါသည္။

ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းႏွင့္ အေပါင္းပါမ်ား ၀ ျပည္ေသြးစည္းေရးတပ္မေတာ္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမအတြင္း ပုန္းေ႐ွာင္ေနသည္ဟု နအဖ စစ္တပ္က ယူဆ ထင္မွတ္ေသာ္လည္း “ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာ

ဖုန္ၾကား႐ွင္းဘယ္မွာ႐ွိတယ္ဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႕မေျပာႏိုင္ေသးဘူး” - ဟု အပစ္ရပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးက သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္တို႕ေျပာျပပါသည္။

ကိုးကန္႕အေရးအခင္းမွ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနေၾကာင့္ ၀ ေဒသအတြင္း၀င္ေရာက္ အကူအညီေပးေနသည့္ NGOs အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအား ၀ နယ္မွ ထြက္ခြါေပးရန္လည္း ၀ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ေမတၱာရပ္ခံထားေၾကာင္း - ၀ အရာ႐ွိႏွင့္ ရင္းႏွီးသည့္ ကုန္သည္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းကေျပာပါသည္။

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Kokang incident From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Kokang incident Part of Internal conflict in Burma

Date Location Status

August 27, 2009 – August 30, 2009 Kokang Special Region, Burma Thousands of refugees displaced

Belligerents Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) Burma United Wa State Army Kachin Independence Army Commanders Pheung Kya-shin (MNDAA Vice Senior General Maung Aye [1] only) (Army)[citation needed] Casualties and losses According to junta government:[2] According to junta government:[2] 8 killed 26 killed 640[3] weapons seized 47 wounded 1 Chinese civilian killed[4] 30,000 refugees[2]

The Kokang incident is a violent conflict or series of skirmishes that broke out in August 2009 in the Kokang Special Region (also known as Special Region 1) in Burma's (also known as Myanmar) northern Shan State.[5] Several clashes between the Burmese military junta forces (including the Myanmar Armed Forces, also known as Tatmadaw, and the Myanmar Police Force)[citation needed] and ethnic minorities have taken place.[6] As a result of the conflict, as many as 30,000 refugees have fled to Yunnan province in neighboring China.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Contents [hide] 

   

1 Events o 1.1 Background o 1.2 Drug raid and standoff o 1.3 Violence 2 Casualties and refugees 3 Reaction 4 See also 5 References

[edit] Events [edit] Background Before the events, the military government had a cease-fire with most of the region's ethnic groups since 1989.[5][7] Since 2008, however, the military junta has proposed that the ethnic armies (so-called "cease-fire groups"[8][9]) be assimilated into the Tatmadaw and converted into "border guards"; most of the ethnic armies have opposed this.[6][10][8] Some political analysts claim that the the junta's motivation for this proposal is to "disarm" and "neutralize"[11] the cease-fire groups before the Burmese general election scheduled to take place sometime in 2010.[6][12] The Kokang Special region is a self-administrating area[13][14] in northern Shan State; it has been ruled by chairman Pheung Kya-shin (Peng Jiasheng, 彭家声) since its establishment in 1989,[15] and is populated mostly by Kokang people (果敢), the name for Han Chinese living in Burma. Since its inception, Kokang has been implicated in the illegal drug trade and trafficking[8][16] as well as gambling[17] and prostitution.[17][16] Kokang has its own army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, with about 1,000[18] to 1,500[12] soldiers. Recently there has been an inter-faction split within the army,[8] with Pheung being opposed by deputy chairman Bai Suoqian—while Pheung has opposed efforts to integrate the Kokang army with the Tatmadaw, Bai has supported it and gained the junta's backing.[18] According to the activist newspaper Shan Herald, several factions of the Kokang army have become loyal to the junta,[15] and three high-ranking army officials informed the junta government that Pheung was secretly producing illicit weapons and drugs.[19]

[edit] Drug raid and standoff Tensions came to a head on 8 August when the junta military moved into the region for a raid on a gun factory suspected of being a drug front[5][10][14] and on Kokang leader Pheung's ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 2

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home.[10][16][20] This confrontation, according to the activist newspaper Shan Herald, was only a "stand-off", with no shots being fired;[21][22] nevertheless, it triggered a mass exodus of locals who were worried about the possibility of violence.[10][22] and a resident of the Kokang regional capital Laukkai later described the city as a "ghost town".[19] Chinese officials had to intervene in the face-off, and by 17 August officials claimed that the situation in Kokang was "normal" again.[22]

[edit] Violence Laukkai Location of Laukkai, regional capital of Kokang

By 20 August, however, government troops were beginning to gather near Laukkai, and Kokang leaders reportedly urged residents to "be prepared", which prompted even more people to flee.[23] On 24 August, junta troops captured and occupied Laukkai[18] "without firing a shot".[8][15] The anti-junta Kachin News claimed that the takeover was aided by a "mutiny" staged by Kokang army leaders who had become loyal to the junta.[24] On 27 August,[25] the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army began to open fire on junta troops outside the city;[8][7] according to a government statement, the Kokang army raided a police checkpoint near the border.[2] Later Wa, Kachin, and as many as nine other ethnic groups joined in the fighting;[6] the United Wa State Army, Burma's largest ethnic military force, was also involved in the fighting, as was the National Democratic Alliance Army (also known as Mong La).[7][26] On 27 and 28 there were more battles in the villages of Yan Lon Kyaik and Chin Swe Haw, near the Chinese border.[6] Across the border, the Chinese army increased its numbers in attempt to maintain border stability.[26][1] By late 29 August, the United States-based Campaign for Burma claimed that as many as 700 Kokang fighters, outnumbered by junta troops, had fled, surrendered to the Chinese, and given up their weapons.[2][27] Kokang soldiers interviewed in China after surrendering also said they had been overrun.[17] While the Kokang army appears to have been routed, the larger United Wa State Army was still active, and Al Jazeera reported that the government was requesting reinforcements to deal with them;[17] the New York Times, however, reported that the Wa army had withdrawn as early as 28 August.[28] The government issued a statement on 30 August claiming that the fighting had ended,[2] and later formed a new "Kokang Region Provisional Leading Committee" in Laukkai.[29]

[edit] Casualties and refugees No official casualty count was released in the first two days of fighting,[25] although Pheung Kya-shin claimed that his forces had killed over thirty Tatmadaw troops.[1] One Chinese person was killed during fighting when a bomb went over the border.[4][30] On 30 August, the 221 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 2

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif junta government released its first figures, claiming that the fighting had killed twenty-six junta troops (fifteen police, eleven soldiers) and wounded forty-seven (thirteen police, thirtyfour soldiers),[3] and that eight rebel bodies had been found so far; the figures have not been independently confirmed, however.[2] From 8 to 12 August, as many as 10,000 residents fled to Yunnan province in neighboring China, becoming refugees.[6][5][31] The total number of refugees fleeing in the entire month may be as high as 30,000, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees[2] and later the Yunnan provincial government.[32] Yunnan's police chief later reported that the number of refugees in Yunnan reached 37,000, including Burmese refugees as well as Kokang.[33][34] Yunnan government officials stated they have established seven locations (particularly near the city of Nansan, where most of the refugees arrived[5]) to house and treat the refugees; some locals, however, claimed that not all the refugees were being housed,[16] or were being housed in unfinished buildings and tents.[1] According to one refugee, about 13,000 of the refugees were housed in the tents, and 10,000–20,000 more stayed with friends or family in the area.[35] By August 31, some refugees (as many as 4,000, according to local officials,[36] or 2,800 according to the junta government[29]) had started returning to Kokang,[37] although said they were afraid to go back yet.[35] Pheung was also rumored to have fled Kokang,[15][38] and is currently in China,[12] although his precise location has not been revealed.[1] Before the Kokang forces surrendered, he claimed that he was still controlling them from abroad.[1]

[edit] Reaction Although China has in the past supported the military junta,[4] this time it has warned Burma to end the situation, saying Burma should "properly handle domestic problems and maintain stability in the China-Myanmar border region"[6][7] and urging Burma to protect "Chinese citizens in Myanmar".[4] Chinese officials were said to be "furious" and "extermely upset" over not being forewarned about the offensive on the border.[39] Chinese and other analysts expressed concern that this conflict could lead to a civil war in Burma.[1][4] The Burmese Foreign Ministry lated apologised to China about the incident, but also ran a story on the Dalai Lama in the government newspaper the Myanmar Times, the first mention of him in the state controlled Burmese media for 20 years.[39] The United Nations has also expressed concern about reports of fighting and thousands of refugees fleeing across the border.[40] The United States government also voiced its concern, and called on the junta to end its military campaign against the cease-fire groups.[41]

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif [edit] See also  

Burma – People's Republic of China relations Internal conflict in Burma

[edit] References 1. ^ a b c d e f g "Over 30 gov't soldiers killed; civil war possible in Myanmar". Global Times. 29 August 2009. http://world.globaltimes.cn/asia-pacific/200908/462324.html. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 2. ^ a b c d e f g h Ng Han Guan. "Ethnic rebels flee Myanmar, abandoning weapons and uniforms for safe haven in south China". Chicago Tribune. http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/sns-ap-as-chinamyanmar,0,2397711.story. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 3. ^ a b "Myanmar says 34 killed as border fighting ends". Agence France-Presse. 30 August 2009. http://ca.news.yahoo.com/s/afp/090830/world/myanmar_china_unrest_ethnic_media. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 4. ^ a b c d e Dasgupta, Saibal (29 August 2009). "Fresh violence near China-Myanmar border". The Times of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/NEWS/World/China/Fresh-violence-near-ChinaMyanmar-border/articleshow/4948974.cms. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 5. ^ a b c d e Agence France-Presse (27 August 2009). "More fighting feared as thousands flee Burma". Bangkok Post. http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/152806/morefighting-feared-as-thousands-flee-burma. Retrieved 28 August 2009. 6. ^ a b c d e f g Fuller, Thomas (28 August 2009). "Refugees Flee to China as Fighting Breaks Out in Myanmar". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/29/world/asia/29myanmar.html?ref=world. Retrieved 28 August 2009. 7. ^ a b c d Johnson, Tim (29 August 2009). "China Urges Burma to Bridle Ethnic Militia Uprising at Border". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2009/08/28/AR2009082803764.html. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 8. ^ a b c d e f Wai Moe (28 August 2009). "Junta Renews 'Divide-and-Rule' Tactic in Shan State". The Irrawaddy. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=16662. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 9. ^ Kate, Daniel Ten (28 August 2009). "Myanmar Takes Rebel-Held Town Near China Oil Projects". Bloomberg L.P.. http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601091&sid=anSfhGW8jick. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 10. ^ a b c d Lawi Weng (10 August 2009). "Kokang Thwart Burma Army Drug Raid". The Irrawaddy. http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=16525. Retrieved 28 August 2009. 11. ^ Petty, Martin (29 August 2009). Reuters. 12. ^ a b c Magnier, Mark (29 August 2009). "Myanmar troops attack minority militia in the north". Los Angeles Times. http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/lafg-myanmar-fighting30-2009aug30,0,4841699.story. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 13. ^ (Chinese) "果敢乱局当前 传“果敢王”已逃离". 29 August 2009. http://ngdsb.hinews.cn/html/2009-08/29/content_154639.htm. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 14. ^ a b "Tense situation in N. Myanmar's Shan state prevails". Xinhua. 28 August 2009. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-08/28/content_11955561.htm. Retrieved 27 August 2009. 15. ^ a b c d "Kokang capital falls: "Not shoot first" policy under fire". Shan Herald. 26 August 2009. 223 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 2

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2695:kok ang-capital-falls-not-shoot-first-policy-under-fire&catid=86:war&Itemid=284. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 16. ^ a b c d Bodeen, Christopher (28 August 2009). "Fighting in Myanmar sending refugees to China, underscoring Beijing's border woes". Associated Press. http://www.canadaeast.com/news/article/774873. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 17. ^ a b c d "Myanmar fighters cross into China". Al Jazeera News. 30 August 2009. http://english.aljazeera.net/news/asia-pacific/2009/08/20098306161918344.html. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 18. ^ a b c "Myanmar military moves to crush Kokang Chinese". Earth Times. 27 August 2009. http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/283048,myanmar-military-moves-tocrush-kokang-chinese.html. Retrieved 28 August 2009. 19. ^ a b "Junta's ploy: push Kokang to shoot first". Shan Herald. 14 August 2009. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2678:jun tas-ploy-push-kokang-to-shoot-first&catid=86:war&Itemid=284. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 20. ^ "Situation in Myanmar's Kokang region remains". China Daily. 29 August 2009. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2009-08/29/content_8630621.htm. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 21. ^ "Junta and Kokang almost come to blows". Shan Herald. 10 August 2009. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2673:jun ta-and-kokang-almost-come-to-blows&catid=86:war&Itemid=284. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 22. ^ a b c "Kokang returns to "normal"". Shan Herald. 17 August 2009. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2681:kok ang-returns-to-normal&catid=86:war&Itemid=284. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 23. ^ "Tension sparks people to flee into China". Shan Herald. 24 August 2009. http://www.shanland.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2692:ten sion-sparks-people-to-flee-into-china&catid=86:war&Itemid=284. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 24. ^ "Burmese troops and Kokang soldiers clash". Kachin News. 30 August 2009. http://www.kachinnews.com/index.php/news/1062-burmese-troops-and-kokangsoldiers-clash.html. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 25. ^ a b "Fightings (sic) keep on in Myanmar's Kokang region". Xinhua. 30 August 2009. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-08/30/content_11964522.htm. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 26. ^ a b Saw Yan Naing (28 August 2009). "Burmese Cease Fire Breaks Down". The Irrawaddy. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=16658. Retrieved 29 August 2009. 27. ^ Wai Moe (30 August 2009). "Fighting Stops as Kokang Surrender Arms to Chinese". The Irrawaddy. http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=16667. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 28. ^ Fuller, Thomas (30 August 2009). "Myanmar Forces Overwhelm Rebels". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/31/world/asia/31iht-myanmar.html?hp. Retrieved 30 August 2009. 29. ^ a b "More than 2,800 Myanmar border inhabitants return to Kokang after fightings end". Xinhua. 1 September 2009. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/200909/01/content_11980792.htm. Retrieved 2 September 2009. 30. ^ 1 killed by bomb along China-Myanmar border: media. AFP. August 29, 2009. 31. ^ "'Thousands Flee Burma Violence'". BBC News. 26 August 2009. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8223430.stm. Retrieved 28 August 2009. 32. ^ Tran, Tini (August 29, 2009). New Myanmar clashes leave 1 dead, dozens injured. Associated Press. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 33. ^ "Myanmar border inhabitants begin to return from China as situation calms". Xinhua. 30 August 2009. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/200908/31/content_11968443.htm. Retrieved 31 August 2009. 34. ^ Buckley, Chris (31 August 2009). "Myanmar refugees weigh risks of returning from China". Reuters. http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSTRE57S0IR20090831. Retrieved 31 August 2009. 35. ^ a b "Myanmar refugees wary of return". Al Jazeera. 31 August 2009. http://english.aljazeera.net/news/asia-pacific/2009/08/200983173936250395.html. Retrieved 31 August 2009. 36. ^ Ng Han Guan (31 August 2009). "Myanmar refugees begin to return home from China". Associated Press. http://www.miamiherald.com/news/world/AP/story/1210766.html. Retrieved 31 August 2009. 37. ^ Shearf, Daniel (31 August 2009). "Burma Refugees in China Head Home as Fighting Dies Down". Voice of America News. http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-08-31-voa19.cfm. Retrieved 31 August 2009. 38. ^ (Chinese) "果敢乱局当前 传“果敢王”已逃离". 29 August 2009. http://ngdsb.hinews.cn/html/2009-08/29/content_154639.htm. Retrieved 29 August 2009. "传言果敢特区领导人彭家声已经逃离。 English: "It is rumored that the leader of the Kokang Special Region, Peng Jiasheng, has also fled."" 39. ^ a b Jagan, Larry (September 1, 2009). Border war rattles China-Myanmar ties. Asia Times Online. 40. ^ Islam, Siddique (August 29, 2009). U.N. Voices Concern As Fresh Fighting Breaks Out In Northeastern Burma. AHN. 41. ^ "U.S. urges end to violence in Myanmar". Xinhua. 31 August 2009. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-09/01/content_11974326.htm. Retrieved 31 August 2009

Pheung Kya-shin From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Pheung Kya-shin (Chinese: 彭家声; pinyin: Péng Jiāshēng)[1] is the chairman of the Kokang Special Region in Burma (Myanmar) and a leader of the Kokang people's army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army.

[edit] Biography Pheung is of Sichuanese descent, and was born near Kokang's Red Rock River (红石头河) in 1931. He was the oldest of seven children.[2] In 1949 he studied military affairs under Sao Edward Yang Kyein Tsai, the saopha of Kokang at that time, and became the captain of Yang's defense force, where he remained until Yang's was deposed by the Myanmar Armed Forces (the military junta ruling Burma) in 1965. Later that year he established the "Kokang People's Revolutionary Army" and began leading a small group of youth in guerilla warfare

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif against the Myanmar Armed Forces, at which time his younger brother Pheung Kya-fu also became a military leader.[2] In April 1969, Kokang province was established with Pheung as its leader.[2] For 20 years he controlled Kokang as a member of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB).[3] In 1989, however, the CPB split up[3] and Pheung established his own army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army,[2] with which he mutinied and captured the city of Mong Ko.[4] After this he signed a cease-fire with the military junto, which allowed the Kokang army to retain their weapons, and established an autonomous Kokang region as the "First Special Region" of Myanmar.[2][5] Pheung has played a large role in drug production in Burma. According to Bertil Lintner, he established the first heroin factory in Kokang during the 1970s and continued trafficking heroin for at least 20 years.[6] In 1990, he legalized opium planting in Kokang.[2] Later, however, he said he opposed the drug trade: in a 1999 talk to journalists and narcotics experts he said he was working on "purging [the] area of opium", and that he had been trying to end the opium trade for 10 years.[6] The Kokang government declared the region "drug-free" in 2003.[2][7][8] The central government and narcotics experts, however, still suspect the region of being involved in the drug trade.[7][8] The cease-fire with the military junto was broken in August 2009 after the government sent troops to conduct a drug raid on a factory suspected of being a drug front,[5][9] and on Pheung's own house.[7][10] At the same time, Pheung was challenged from within the army, as his deputy Bai Suocheng and others were said to have become loyal to the junta.[11][12][13] The confrontation with junta troops eventually led to violent conflict (the Kokang incident); Pheung himself was driven out by his competitors in from within the army[13] and is rumored to have fled,[2] after a warrant was issued for his arrest.[12]

Kachin Independence Army From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is the military arm of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), a political group composed of ethnic Kachins in northern Burma (Myanmar). The Kachins are a coalition of six tribes whose homeland encompasses territory in Yunnan, China and far-eastern India, in addition to Kachin State in Burma. The KIA does not reveal statistics on strength, but has about 5,000 active soldiers in the ranks, with additional reserves. The soldiers are divided into five brigades, plus one mobile brigade. Most are stationed in bases close to the Chinese border, in strips of territory held by ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif the KIO. One brigade is stationed in northern Shan state, where there is a large Kachin population. The KIA formed in 1961 in response to a military coup in Burma led by General Ne Win, who attempted to consolidate Burmese control over regions on the periphery of the state which were home to various ethnic groups. From 1961 until 1994, the KIA fought a grueling and inconclusive war against the Burmese junta. Originally the KIA fought for independence, but now the official KIO policy goal is for autonomy within a federal union of Burma. The 1994 ceasefire agreement between the KIA and the Burmese junta froze the conflict in place. The KIA has not disarmed or surrendered, and continues to recruit, train and mobilize soldiers. Prior to the ceasefire the KIA was predominantly a low-tech guerrilla force, but peace has provided the breathing room to establish a military academy and design rigorous officer training programs. The KIA is fully funded by the KIO, which raises revenue through taxes and the exploitation of natural resources such as jade, timber and gold. The KIA and KIO do not presently engage in opium production or trade and are dedicated to eradicating the drug in Kachin state. Some KIA soldiers are under the age of 18, but the KIA does not actively recruit underage soldiers. Although well equipped for jungle warfare, the KIA does not have much modern weaponry. Their rifles are a motley collection of AK-47s, and commanders claim to have some artillery. KIA headquarters are located outside the town of Laiza, in southern Kachin state near the Chinese border. Former headquarters, located at Pajau, are a 2-3 hour drive from Laiza, high in the mountains along the border. Although the ceasefire between the government and the KIA has endured since 1994, many Kachins expect a renewed outbreak of war in the future, perhaps in conjunction with elections scheduled for 2010. The Military junta that runs Burma is demanding that all ethnic armies disarm before the general elections because the new constitution requires only one army in Burma but the Kachin army is unwilling to disarm. According to Gen. Gam Shawng Gunhtang, the chief of staff of the KIA, the demands to disarm are "not acceptable".[1]

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Internal conflict in Burma From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Internal conflict in Burma

Date Location Status

April 1948–present Burma minor uprisings    

8888 Uprising Work of activist Aung San Suu Kyi 2007 anti-government protests Cyclone Nargis Belligerents Anti-junta factions Various ethnic groups Alleged:

Burmese military government

United Kingdom France Ideological/Financial Backing: Singapore

40,000

Strength over 6,000 Casualties and losses over 7,000 killed

The internal conflict in Burma is a term that is employed to refer to the current violence in Burma that has existed since approximately April 1948 between the Burmese government and the various ethnic groups in the country. More recently, the conflict has been against the military regime that has ruled the country since 1962. The conflict is the oldest ongoing war in the world, and has received international attention as a result of the 8888 Uprising in 1988, the work of activist Aung San Suu Kyi, the anti-government protests in late 2007, and the tragic devastation of Cyclone Nargis that left over 80,000 dead and 50,000 missing in mid2008. In November 2005, the military junta started moving the government away from Yangon to a location near Kyatpyay just outside Pyinmana, to a newly designated capital city. This public action follows a long term unofficial policy of moving critical military and government infrastructure away from Yangon to avoid a repetition of the events of 1988. On Armed Forces Day (March 27, 2006), the capital was officially named Naypyidaw Myodaw (Royal

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif City of the Seat of Kings), but is commonly called Naypyidaw. Over 7,000 people, almost all participating in anti-government uprisings have been killed in the conflict. Since 2006, an offensive of the Burmese army against the Karen National Union has been going on in Karen State, resulting in the displacement of tens of thousands. An estimated half a million people have been displaced within eastern Burma due to armed conflict and the forcible relocation of villages.[1] There is an informal yet relatively widespread controversy about what would be the most accurate term to describe Burma's internal conflict. A common argument would be that a civil war would have started in 1948 as the result of the social, economic and political background of the country and thus current violence could not be considered an isolated phenomenon. This application of the term civil war to the ensuing conflict that began in Burma has been considered debatable by some, as another position held by several analysts would point out that the conflict's characteristics, scale and intensity have not reached those of a full blown civil war. Today organizations out of the ethnic groups of the Karen and Shan (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army) in the east of the country fight against the government. Also in other regions, there are sporadic battles. Due to the conflicts, around 160,000 Burmese refugees live in Thailand and many more live in other countries in the region. Burma gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1948. Immediately afterwards, communist rebels began an uprising against the new government. Uprisings and ethnic conflicts began breaking out in various provinces of Burma continuing into 1949. The Karen, led predominantly by the Christian Karen National Union (KNU) began fighting for an autonomous Karen state, Kawthoolei, in the eastern part of the country. The situation worsened when Buddhism was made the official religion, and questions regarding the rights of the Christian Karen, Chin, and Kachin peoples under federalism were never really addressed. Due to the split of the party in power, the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) became used as a transitional military government from 1958 to 1960. In August 2007, about 160,000 Burma refugees fled to the Thai boundary provinces of Chiang Mai and Ratchaburi. The refugee camps lie mostly directly at the border with Burma. Of the refugees, about 62% are Karen. Thailand has formed humanitarian organizations to help the refugees. In recent reports, the Burmese government has accused the governments of the United Kingdom, France and Singapore for giving incentives to rebels against Burma[citation needed]. France had also planned for talks with Thailand to join the incentives. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Karen people From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search Karen Total population

7,400,000

Regions with significant populations

Burma Thailand

7,000,000 400,000 Languages Karen Religion Buddhism, Christianity, Animism

The Karen (Burmese: Ø ó ÜČô ăñ ŭĆċ; MLCTS: kayin lu myo:), self-titled Pwa Ka Nyaw Po or Kayan, and also known in Thailand as the Kariang (Thai: กะเหรี่ยง) or Yang, are some languages and many ethnic groups in Burma and Thailand. The Karen make up approximately 7 percent of the total Burmese population of 47 million people.[1] The Karen have fought for independence from Burma since 31 January 1949. Consequently, 31 January is recognized amongst the Karen as Karen Revolution Day. In 1938 the British colonial administration recognised Karen New Year as a public holiday.[2][3]

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif Contents [hide]  

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1 Distribution 2 Divisions o 2.1 Red Karen o 2.2 Pwo o 2.3 Black Karen 3 Political history 4 Language 5 Religion 6 Kawthoolei 7 See also 8 Footnotes 9 References o 9.1 Print o 9.2 Online o 9.3 Film 10 External links

[edit] Distribution The Karen people live mostly in the hills bordering eastern region and Irrawaddy delta of Burma,[4] primarily in Karen State, with some in Kayah State (Karenni State), southern Shan State (MoBye Region), Ayeyarwady Division (Irrawaddy Division), Southern Kawthoolei (Tenasserim Coastal Region) and in western Thailand. As with many widely-used ethnonyms — e.g., Miao — Karen was originally applied pejoratively by enemies. However, the term has since been claimed by the Karen themselves as a badge of pride. The total number of Karen is difficult to estimate. The last reliable census of Burma was conducted in the 1930s. A 2006 VOA article cites an estimate of seven million in Burma. There are another 400,000[5] Karen in Thailand, where they are by far the largest of the hill tribes.

[edit] Divisions It is difficult to split up Karen because all groups had gradual borders and "islands" in other groups.

[edit] Red Karen Sgaw The largest and most widely scattered group.

[edit] Pwo Pho Pgho In a western Thailand. ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif [edit] Black Karen In Shan States.  

Padaung (Kayan) Bwè, Bghai, Kayaw

[edit] Political history

A Karen village in Thailand. In 1881 the Karen National Associations (KNA) was founded by western-educated Christian Karens to represent Karen interests to the British. They argued at the 1917 MontaguChelmsford hearings in India that Burma was not "yet in a fit state for self-government", but 3 years later, after submitting a criticism of the 1920 Craddock Reforms, won 5 (later 12) seats in the Legislative Council of 130 (later 132) members. The majority Buddhist Karens were not organised until 1939 with the formation of a Buddhist KNA.[2] During World War II, when the Japanese occupied the region, long-term tensions between the Karen and Burma turned into open fighting. As a consequence, many villages were destroyed and massacres committed by both the Japanese and the Burma Independence Army (BIA) troops who helped the Japanese invade the country. Among the victims were a pre-war Cabinet minister, Saw Pe Tha, and his family. A government report later claimed the 'excesses of the BIA' and 'the loyalty of the Karens towards the British' as the reasons for these attacks. The intervention by Colonel Suzuki Keiji, the Japanese commander of the BIA, after meeting a Karen delegation led by Saw Tha Din, appeared to have prevented further atrocities.[2] The Karen people aspired to have the areas where they were the majority formed into a subdivision or "state" within Burma similar to what the Shan, Kachin and Chin peoples had been given. A goodwill mission led by Saw Tha Din and Saw Ba U Gyi to London in August 1946 failed to receive any encouragement from the British government for any separatist demands. When a delegation of representatives of the Governor's Executive Council headed by Aung San was invited to London to negotiate for the Aung San-Atlee Treaty in January 1947, none of the ethnic minority members was included by the British government. The following month at the Panglong Conference, when an agreement was signed between Aung ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif San as head of the interim Burmese government and the Shan, Kachin and Chin leaders, the Karen were present only as observers; the Mon and Arakanese were also absent. The British promised to consider the case of the Karen after the war. While the situation of the Karen was discussed, nothing practical was done before the British left Burma. The 1947 Constitution, drawn without Karen participation due to their boycott of the elections to the Constituent Assembly, also failed to address the Karen question specifically and clearly, leaving it to be discussed only after independence. The Shan and Karenni states were given the right to secession after 10 years, the Kachin their own state, and the Chin a special division. The Mon and Arakanese of Ministerial Burma were not given any consideration.[2] In early February 1947, the Karen National Union (KNU) was formed at a Karen Congress attended by 700 delegates from the Karen National Associations, both Baptist and Buddhist (KNA - founded 1881), the Karen Central Organisation (KCO) and its youth wing, the Karen Youth Organisation (KYO), at Vinton Memorial Hall in Rangoon. The meeting called for a Karen state with a seaboard, an increased number of seats (25%) in the Constituent Assembly, a new ethnic census, and a continuance of Karen units in the armed forces. The deadline of March 3 passed without a reply from the British government, and Saw Ba U Gyi, the president of the KNU, resigned from the Governor's Executive Council the next day.[2]

Judson Memorial Baptist Church is the main place of worship for the Karen community in Mandalay After the war ended, Burma was granted independence in January 1948, and the Karen, led by the KNU, attempted to co-exist peacefully with the Burman ethnic majority. Karen people held leading positions in both the government and the army. In the fall of 1948, the Burmese government, led by U Nu, began raising and arming irregular political militias known as Sitwundan. These militias were under the command of Major Gen. Ne Win and outside the control of the regular army. In January 1949, some of these militias went on a rampage through Karen communities. In late January, the Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Smith Dun, a Karen, was removed from office and imprisoned. He was replaced by fanatic Burmese ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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nationalist Ne Win.[2] These events happened at exactly the same time a commission looking into the Karen problem was due to make its report to the government. The events effectively killed the report. The Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO), formed in July 1947, then rose up in an insurgency against the government.[2] They were helped by the defections of the Karen Rifles and the Union Military Police (UMP) units which had been successfully deployed in suppressing the earlier Burmese Communist rebellions, and came close to capturing Rangoon itself. The most notable was the Battle of Insein, nine miles from Rangoon, where they held out in a 112-day siege till late May 1949.[2] Years later, the Karen had become the largest of 20 minority groups participating in an insurgency against the military dictatorship in Rangoon. During the 1980s, the KNU fighting force numbered approximately 20,000. After an uprising of the people of Burma in 1988, known as the 8888 Uprising, the KNU had accepted those demonstrators in their bases along the border. The dictatorship expanded the army and launched a series of major offensives against the KNU. By 2006, the KNU's strength had shrunk to less than 4,000, opposing what is now a 400,000-man Burmese army. However, the KNU continued efforts to resolve the conflict through political means. In 1994-5 dissenters from the Buddhist minority in the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) formed a splinter group called the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and went over to the side of the military junta. The split is believed to have led to the fall of the KNU headquarters at Manerplaw in January 1995.[6] The conflict continues as of 2006, with a new KNU headquarters in Mu Aye Pu, on the Burmese–Thai border. In 2004, the BBC, citing aid agencies, estimates that up to 200,000 Karen have been driven from their homes during decades of war, with 120,000 more refugees from Burma, mostly Karen, living in refugee camps on the Thai side of the border. Many [1] [2], including some Karen [3] [4], accuse the military government of Burma of ethnic cleansing. The U.S. State Department has also cited the Burmese government for suppression of religious freedom [5]. This is a source of particular trouble to the Karen, as between thirty and forty percent of them are Christians [6][7] and thus, among the Burmese, a religious minority. Further information: Internal conflict in Burma

[edit] Language The Karen languages are members of the Tibeto-Burman group of the Sino-Tibetan language family. The three main branches are Sgaw, Pwo, and Pa'o; they are not considered to be mutually intelligible (Lewis 1984). Karenni (also known Kayah or Red Karen) and Kayan ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif (also known as Padaung) are related to the Sgaw branch. They are almost unique among the Tibeto-Burman languages in having a Subject Verb Object word order; other than Karen and Bai, Tibeto-Burman languages feature a Subject Object Verb order [8]. This is likely due to influence from neighboring Mon and Tai languages (Matisoff 1991).

[edit] Religion

Buddhist Karen at Ngahtatgyi Pagoda in Yangon Karens were Animists originally, but today the majority is Buddhist in conjunction with Animism. The Buddhist influence came from the Mon who were dominant in Lower Burma until the middle of the 18th century. Ko Tha Byu, the first convert to Christianity in 1828, was baptised by Rev George Boardman, an associate of Adoniram Judson, founder of the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society. Persecution of Christians by the Burmese authorities has continued to this day, fueled by the belief that Western imperialists have sought to divide the country not only on ethnic but on religious grounds.[7]

[edit] Kawthoolei Kawthoolei is the Karen name for the state that the Karen people of Burma have been trying to establish since the late 1940s. The precise meaning of the name is disputed even by the Karen themselves; possible interpretations include Flowerland and Land without evil, although, according to Martin Smith in Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity, it has a double meaning, and can also be rendered as the Land Burnt Black; hence the land that must be fought for. Kawthoolei roughly approximates to present-day Kayin State, although parts of the Burmese Ayeyarwady River delta with Karen populations have sometimes also been claimed. Kawthoolei as a name is a relatively recent invention, penned during the time of former Karen leader Ba U Gyi, who was assassinated around the time of Burma's independence from Britain.

[edit] See also 

Kayin state

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif 

Karen-Ni

[edit] Footnotes 1. ^ Radnofsky, Louise (2008-02-14). "Burmese rebel leader shot dead". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/feb/14/burma. Retrieved 2008-03-08. 2. ^ a b c d e f g h Smith, Martin (1991). Burma - Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books. pp. 50–51,62–63,72–73,78–79,82–84,114–118,86,119. 3. ^ "The First Karen New Year Message, 1938". Karen Heritage: Volume 1 - Issue 1. http://burmalibrary.org/docskaren/Karen%20Heritage%20Web/pdf/Karen%20Culture%20200 5.pdf. Retrieved 2009-01-11. 4. ^ This area is generally referred to as the Karen hills in colonial literature, especially natural history texts such as Evans (1932). 5. ^ Delang, Claudio O. (Ed.) (2003). Living at the Edge of Thai Society: The Karen in the Highlands of Northern Thailand. London: Routledge. 6. ^ Ba Saw Khin (1998 - revised 2005). "Fifty Years of Struggle: A Review of the Fight for the Karen People's Autonomy (abridged)". kwekalu.net. http://www.kwekalu.net/photojournal1/soldier/story6.htm. Retrieved 2009-01-11. 7. ^ Keenan, Paul. "Faith at a Crossroads". Karen Heritage: Volume 1 - Issue 1, Beliefs. http://burmalibrary.org/docskaren/Karen%20Heritage%20Web/pdf/Faith.pdf.

it still has 5 tirbes

[edit] References [edit] Print    

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Evans, W.H. (1932). The Identification of Indian Butterflies (2nd ed). Mumbai, India: Bombay Natural History Society. Delang, Claudio O. (Ed.) (2003). Living at the Edge of Thai Society: The Karen in the Highlands of Northern Thailand. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-32331-2. Lewis, Paul; Elaine Lewis (1984). Peoples of the Golden Triangle. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. ISBN 0-500-97472-1. Matisoff, James A. (1991). "Sino-Tibetan Linguistics: Present State and Future Prospects". Annual Review of Anthropology (Annual Reviews Inc.) 20: 469–504. doi:10.1146/annurev.an.20.100191.002345. Falla, Jonathan (1991). True Love and Bartholomew: Rebels of the Burmese Border. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-390192. Smith, Martin (1991). Burma - Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books. ISBN 0-86232-868-3/ISBN 0-86232-869-1 pbk. Phan, Zoya (2009). Little Daughter: a Memoir of Survival in Burma and the West. Simon & Schuster.

[edit] Online   

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"Burma:International Religious Freedom Report 2005". U.S. State Department. 200511-08. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51506.htm. Retrieved 2006-07-18. "Karen Weblinks". http://www.stolaf.edu/people/leming/karenlinks.htm. Retrieved 2006-07-18. Kendal, Elizabeth (2006-03-09). "Day of Prayer for Burma". Christian Monitor. http://www.christianmonitor.org/documents.php?type=Prayers&item_ID=233&action =display&lang=English&&PHPSESSID=db74c41. Retrieved 2006-07-18. "Description of the Sino-Tibetan Language Family". http://stedt.berkeley.edu/html/STfamily.html. Retrieved 2006-07-18.

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif [edit] Film 

The ongoing persecution of the Karen by the Burmese army is depicted in the 2008 film Rambo.

[edit] External links Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Karen people   

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Karenpeople.org, a non-profit web portal on the Karen peoples Karen Human Rights Group, a new website documenting the human rights situation of Karen villagers in rural Burma Drum Publication Group, web site of a community based Karen organization including an on-line English - Sgaw Karen Dictionary and Sgaw Karen and Burmese language e-books to download. The Karen Hilltribes Trust a UK charity helping the Thai Karen. They work in partnership with the local Karen on a number of projects such as installing clean water systems and teaching English in the schools. Kawthoolei meaning "a land without evil", is the Karen name of the land of Karen people. An independent and impartial media outlet aimed to provide contemporary information of all kinds — social, cultural, educational and political Burma's Karen Face Hard Times as Insurgency Begins Sixth Decade Voice of America, February 2006 Free Burma Rangers, website of NGO that provides humanitarian assistance to Internally Displaced People U.S. Dept. of State 2005 International Religious Freedom Report on Burma Index of IRF reports on Burma 2001-5 Help without Frontiers The Quest for Karen Unity Ashley South, Irrawaddy, October 2006 Revolution Reviewed: The Karens' Struggle for Right to Self-determination and Hope for the Future Saw Kapi, February 26 2006, Retrieved on 2006-11-12 Kwekalu literally "Karen Traditional Horn", the only online Karen language news outlet based in Mergui/Tavoy District of Kawthoolei Karen Women's Organization Karen Mahouts Throw an Elephant Party Irrawaddy, June 27, 2007 YouTube coverage of Burma and Karen documentary filmmaker CNN, October 6, 2007 Video of Karen The Globe and Mail Remembering our heroes and rethinking the revolution Saw Kapi, Mizzima, August 13, 2008 Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) (Myanmar) Jane’s Information Group, Nov 11, 2008

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Karen National Union From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search

Official flag of KNU The Karen National Union (KNU) is a political organisation with an armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army that represents the Karen people of Burma. It operates in Eastern Burma, and has underground networks in other areas of Burma where Karen people live. In Karen, this Karen State area is called Kawthoolei. The KNU is a democratic organisation, and supports human rights and democracy in Burma. The KNU was dominated in the last three decades by Bo Mya, who was president from 19762000. The KNU was for many years able to fund its activities by controlling black market trade across the border with Thailand, and through local taxation. After the failed 8888 Uprising of the Burmese people in 1988, the Burmese military government turned to China for help. Various economic concessions were offered to China in exchange for weapons. The Burmese Army was massively expanded and began to offer deals to groups fighting the government. The groups were offered the choice of cooperating with the military junta or being destroyed. The KNU's effectiveness was severely diminished after the fall of its headquarters at Manerplaw, near the Thai border, in 1995. Also in 1994, a group of Buddhist soldiers in the KNLA, citing discrimination by the KNU's overwhelmingly Christian leadership against the Buddhist Karen majority, broke away and established the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army or DKBA. They were led by a monk widely thought to be an agent of the Burmese dictatorship. The DKBA quickly agreed to a ceasefire with the Burmese army and was granted business concessions at the expense of their former KNU overlords. The KNU and DKBA have since been in regular fighting, with the DKBA actively supported by the Burmese army. Pado Mahn Shar, the secretary-general of the union was shot dead in his home in Mae Sot, Thailand, on February 14, 2008, possibly by soldiers of the DKBA. [1][2][3] Since then, the KNU and KNLA have continued to fight the Burma state military (Tatmadaw) by forming guerrilla units and basing themselves in temporary jungle camps on the Thai-Burmese border. Following its principle of no surrender, the KNU continues despite a precarious state of existence. Nonetheless, their fight continues to garner the sympathy of 238 ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ - twGJ 2

vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif the international community since the KNU represent the Karen people, one of the many ethnic nationalities of Burma that are experiencing ethnic cleansing under the military regime's Four Cuts campaigns (Pya Ley Pya), a strategy where intelligence, finances, food and recruits are eliminated through a scorched-earth policy.[citation needed] Several attempts have been made to conclude a form of peace with Burma's military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but with little success. The 2004 peace talks yielded only an informal ceasefire which the regime used to reinforce their frontline troops. Analysts realized this was a ruse, and sure enough, offensives against KNU held areas have resumed in earnest. The Karen conflict is the longest internal war in the world, having been waged since January 31, 1949. The KNU wants a political settlement and supports a federal Burma. Following the assassination of Padoh Mahn Sha elections were held and the current Secretary General of the KNU is Naw Zipporrah Sein.[1] She was formerly head of the Karen Women's Organisation.[2]

Democratic Karen Buddhist Army From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigation, search This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please improve this article if you can. (March 2008) The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) is a breakaway group of Buddhist former soldiers and officers of the Karen National Liberation Army, one of the larger insurgent armies in Myanmar. Since shortly after their breakaway in 1994, the DKBA have enjoyed a ceasefire with the Myanmar army. The Karen insurgency began with Burma or Myanmar's independence from the British in 1948 and is the longest running in Myanmar today. Though the majority of Karens are Buddhist, the Karen political leadership and leadership of the Karen insurgency have always been overwhelming Christian, a legacy of American missionary influence over the 19th and early 20th centuries. The DKBA breakaway was rooted in the perceived discrimination by the Christian leadership against local Buddhist Karen communities and the Buddhist Karen rankand-file of the Karen insurgency KNLA. The Myanmar army was quick to exploit the breakaway and soon agreed to a ceasefire arrangement with the DKBA, who have since profited from various sanctioned business ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif arrangements, at the expense of the KNLA who long dominated trade and revenue extraction in the area. Much fighting since 1994 in the Karen state have seen the DKBA closely allied with the Myanmar army against the remnant KNLA forces, who have gradually lost more and more territory and bases inside the country. This group was reportedly given territory inside of Burma to rule over in exchange. They played a significant part in the capture of Manerplaw, a rebel Karen stronghold headquarter. Pado Mahn Shar, the secretary-general of the Karen National Union was shot dead in his home in Mae Sot, Thailand, on February 14, 2008. Many analysists claim that the assassination was possibly carried out by soldiers of the DKBA. [1][2][3]

[edit] References 1. ^ "Burmese rebel leader shot dead". www.guardian.co.uk. 2008-02-14. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/feb/14/burma. Retrieved 2008-02-14. 2. ^ "Burmese rebel leader is shot dead". BBC News. 2008-02-14. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7244684.stm. Retrieved 2008-03-08. 3. ^ Radnofsky, Louise (2008-02-14). "Burmese rebel leader shot dead". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/feb/14/burma. Retrieved 2008-03-08.

[edit] External links    

Revolution Reviewed: The Karens' Struggle for Right to Self-determination and Hope for the Future Saw Kapi, February 26 2006, retrieved on 2006-11-30 Fifty Years of Struggle: A Review of the Fight for the Karen People's Autonomy {abridged) Ba Saw Khin, 1998 (revised 2005), retrieved on 2006-11-30 Determined Resistance: An Interview with Gen. Bo Mya Irrawaddy, October 2003 Photos by James Robert Fuller

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Karen_Buddhist_Army"

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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Determined Resistance By SAW BO MYA, GEN

Wednesday, October 1, 2003

The Irrawaddy spoke to deputy chairman of the KNU, Gen Saw Bo Mya, 76, about Rangoon’s latest political gestures and the future of the Karen struggle. After almost 55 years of resistance, the Karen National Union (KNU) is Southeast Asia’s oldest insurgent group. The Irrawaddy spoke to deputy chairman of the KNU, Gen Saw Bo Mya, 76, about Rangoon’s latest political gestures and the future of the Karen struggle. Question: What is your assessment of Burma’s newly appointed prime minister, Gen Khin Nyunt, and his road map? Answer: I think Gen Khin Nyunt was appointed prime minister of Burma because he is a good liar and keeps telling lies to the international community. In regard to his road map, we see there is no trace of democracy. It is meaningless for the KNU, the other ethnic groups and the people of Burma who long for peace and democracy. It has been drafted by the military to prolong their time in power. Q: According to reports, the government has been telling ceasefire groups that it will continue to work with ethnic groups, but not with Aung San Suu Kyi. Will the Karen National Union (KNU) join the National Convention if Suu Kyi does not take part? A: We want to know why Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is being barred from the National Convention. The KNU will definitely not join the National Convention because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been excluded. The KNU will take part in the National Convention when the process fully and sincerely guarantees the democratic rights of the people of Burma. Q: As the daughter of independence hero Aung San, should Aung San Suu Kyi have a role in politics? A: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should continue to play a vital role as she is trusted and fully supported by the people of Burma. She should continue her struggle until peace and democracy is restored in Burma. Q: Thailand is now pushing the Shan State Army (SSA) back into Burma. Is Thailand putting similar pressure on the KNU? Are there ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif still plans to resume ceasefire talks with Rangoon? A: The Thai army is not forcing out the KNU like it has been doing to the SSA. The Thai army has always been interested in acting as a mediator between the KNU and the military regime, however, almost every time the initiative was flatly rejected by the regime. A few years ago, I met with a representative from the Rangoon junta, Col Kyaw Thein, and asked if we could meet again in a third country in the presence of observers from either the US or Thailand. He did not agree and kept telling me that ours is an internal problem and this problem should be solved quietly among ourselves inside Burma. He also told me he never considers Thailand or the US their tutor. In regard to talks on a ceasefire, the KNU always opens the door for such talks. That is part of our policy. Q: What kind of role should the Thai government play in Burma’s crisis? A: The Thai government should call on the military regime to begin the process of national reconciliation and restore peace and democracy in Burma. I personally feel that the Thai government should not do any business with Rangoon while this civil war drags on. Q: The latest Landmine Monitor Report says the KNU and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) defends its use of landmines because of the need to protect internally displaced Karen from attacks by the Burma Army. Can you explain this further? Are you still using landmines? A: The landmines that we use for self-defense are handmade and last for only a few months. However, the mines used by government troops on the frontline are very powerful and last for several years, especially the ones from China. Government troops often lay mines around villages, paddy fields, and on roads connecting villages which endangers villagers and their livestock. Moreover, it is general practice to lay discarded mines near camps without warning villagers. The worst part is that any person who steps on a government mine has to pay a fine of 500 to 1,000 kyat (900 kyat = US $1). Q: Do you still have support from Karen people? Some human rights groups have alleged that the KNU uses child soldiers? How do you recruit new soldiers for the KNLA? A: Yes, we still have the full support of our Karen people. The KNLA does not have child soldiers. However in a few cases, where parents and other family members of a child were ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif murdered, and the child has wanted to take revenge on the government, children have joined the KNLA. The recruitment of new soldiers is entirely voluntary. Q: How does the KNU support itself financially? A: The civil war has dragged on for the last five decades and the KNU has never received any kind of assistance from anywhere. We are a self-supported organization and I firmly believe that with the blessing of our God Almighty, we will carry on our struggle until our goal is achieved. Q: Many analysts say that Burma’s ethnic insurgency is on its last legs. Do you agree? A: I strongly disagree. The people who share such opinions are short-sighted, or simply cross-eyed. Q: You have strong ties with the Burmese democratic forces led by Burmans. What are the advantages and disadvantages of this? A: Well, as I always used to say, although we have been fighting with successive Burmese regimes for 50 years we have never seen the Burmese as our enemy. Our main enemies are the military cliques who practice the ideology of chauvinism. By having closer ties with the Burman-led democratic forces, there is a lot of mutual benefit, including a better understanding of each other’s problems. They come to know our suffering and our genuine desire to have peace and democracy. We also come to realize that they are people who struggle to promote this goal. With this in mind, we can be good friends for many generations to come. Q: Many of the top KNU leaders are reaching the age of retirement, are there any fresh faces to fill those shoes? A: There will always be young blood who love their people and their country enough to take up leadership responsibilities when the time comes.

Copyright © 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pif

Karen National Liberation Army From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Emblem of Karen National Liberation Army

The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) is the military branch of the Karen National Union (KNU). At the time of Burma's independence from the British in 1948, there was considerable tension between the Karen community and Burma. Some Karens sought independence while others attempted co-existence within Burma. In early 1949, portions of a socialist political militia raised by the government went on a rampage in Karen civilian areas. The Burmese government then arrested the Karen leader of the armed forces and replaced him with radical Burmese anti-Karen nationalist Ne Win. This action led to civil war with some Karen units of the Burma Army coming over to the side of the Karen political leaders and others being imprisoned by the government. Early in the fighting, Karen forces overran much of Northern Burma including towns such as Mandalay and established strong positions outside Rangoon at Insein. But lacking a port from which to receive military supplies, the Karen forces gradually withdrew to the southeast of Burma. Since that time, the KNLA has been fighting for an independent state, called Kawthoolei, to be located in eastern Burma near the border with Thailand and in other places with large Karen populations.

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Karen National Liberation Army

This Southeast Asian history-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karen_National_Liberation_Army"

ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ စစ္အစိုးရႎႀင့္ ၀, ကိုးကန္႔ ႏွင့္ မုိင္းလား အဖၾဲႚ -

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