Rilpac 101599 News

RILPAC

Newsletter Volume 1 Issue 2

http://www.mileniolatino.com/rilpac

October 15,1999

'We're not here to fight for a bigger share of the pie. We're here to bake A bigger pie.' with America -at-large our course of 500 hundred years diversity and pride as a of history. From the earliest people. mission towns to modern-day Miami, the vitality of the Latino community has always With a salute to Christopher Hispanic Heritage Month been evident. And as our Columbus and a bow to the climaxes with el dia de la presence grows we are slowly many Hispanics in Raza or Columbus Day which infusing America with our Providence, Hispanic celebrates the fusion of two culture even as we in turn Heritage Month is once again cultures, the European become more American. We upon us. Spaniard with the Indigenous will change the face of People of the Americas. Commencing on September America even as we will be 15, with Independence Day changed by our new Hispanic-Americans can look for Central America and homeland. back with pride and ending on October 15, the four weeks of celebration will Inside This Issue acknowledge the impact that be pack with social events President's Message 1 Spanish explorers had over and festivals honoring Latino Advocacy Awards 2 the Americas and the birth of Hispanic contributions to Changing Political Landscape 3 an empire. America. Si Todos Votaran 4 Hispanic Heritage Month is Top Hispanic Leader tohead 5 In many ways, one month the occasion for the Latino Tension Between Black & Brown 6 seems paltry when you community to come together About RILPAC 7 consider the contributions not only to celebrate their made by Hispanics over the accomplishments, but to share

President's Message;

2 Over the next month, we can reflect upon our heritage and renew our sense of la raza even as we embrace American culture.

RILPAC Announced the winners of it's first annual Bill Richardson Latino Advocacy Award. By Tomás Alberto Avila Providence, RI – The Rhode Island Political Action Committee (RILPAC) a nonpartisan political organization announced today the winners of the organization's first annual Bill Richardson Latino Advocacy Awards, to be presented at it's 2nd annual fundraiser to be held at the Rhode Island Foundation, one Union Station Building, Providence RI Saturday October 9th, 1999 6:00-8:00 PM. According to Dr. Pablo Rodriguez, President of the Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee, "These awardees best represent the mission of the PAC, based on their track record in support of the Latino community". Based on the awardees involvement in the Latino community, they know firsthand the issues affecting every one of us in the Latino community. Their life

experience, track record and advocacy on behalf of the Latino community of Rhode Island provide us with a clear choice in this selection. The award winners were chosen from individuals who were nominated by community residents and committee members attesting to their leadership in advocating on behalf of the Latino community of Rhode Island. The awardees are: Senator Jack Reed, whose work in Congress on behalf of Latino immigrants has been invaluable to those most vulnerable to the 1996 Immigration Law. To him goes the First Bill Richardson Award for Latino Advocacy of an elected official. Maria Luisa Vallejo, whose constant presence in the Legislature has made it possible for bills such as English Plus and Court Interpreters to become law, to the benefit of non English speakers in the State, goes the Latino Advocacy Award for Public Policy. To Leo DiMaio goes the Advocacy Award for Education, for having inspired a whole generation of Latino and minority students attending the University of Rhode Island to become the best that they could be.

Charles M. Bakst, whose column in the Providence Journal has made the case for Latinos as a political force worth reckoning with, and for constantly pointing out the lack of minority representation in the upper echelons of government, goes the Latino Advocacy Award in Public Education and Media. The Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee is a nonpartisan organization formed to influence the political process in the state of Rhode Island in order to improve the quality of life of Latino and urban communities.

RILPAC Anuncia los ganadores de los primeros Premios Bill Richardson Por Tomás Alberto Avila Providencia, RI - El Comité de Acción Política Latino de Rhode Island (RILPAC) una

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

3 organización política no partidista anunció hoy los ganadores del primer Premio anual de de Abogacía Latina Bill Richardson, a ser presentado én su segundo evento de recaudación de fondos a ser realizado en el edificio del Rhode Island Foundation, Unión Station, Providencia, el sábado 9 de octubre, 1999 6:00-8:00 PM. Según el Dr. Pablo Rodriguez, Presidente del Comité de Acción Política Latino de Rhode Island, " Estos ganadores mejor representan la misión del PAC, basado en su record de defensa de la comunidad Latina. Basado en el envolvimiento de los ganadores en la comunidad Latina, ellos conocen de primera mano los problemas que afectan a cada uno de nosotros en la comunidad Latina. Sus experiencias, historial y abogacía por la comunidad Latina de Rhode Island nos proporcionan una opción clara en esta selección. Los ganadores del premio fueron escogidos de individuos que fueron nombrados por los residentes de la comunidad y miembros del comité de elección que atestan a su liderazgo en defenza de la comunidad Latina de Rhode Island. Los ganadores son los siguientes:

Senador Jack Reed cuyo trabajo en el Congreso por los inmigrantes Latinos ha sido invalorable por los más vulnerable por la Ley de Inmigración de 1996. A él le va el Primer premio Bill Richardson por su Abogacía en defensa de la comunidad Latina por un oficial electo. María Luisa Vallejo cuya presencia constante en la Legislatura del estado ha hecho posible que las legislaciones como la Ingles + y los Intérpretes Judiciales se conviertan en ley, a beneficio de los que no hablan Ingles en el Estado, va el Premio de Abogacía Latina por la Política Pública. A Leo DiMaio el Premio de Abogacía va por la Educación, por haber inspirado una generación entera de latinos y estudiantes minoritarios que asisten a la Universidad de Rhode Island para convertirse en lo mejor que ellos pudieran ser. Charles M. Bakst cuya columna en el Periódico de Providencia ha reconocido los Latinos como una fuerza política con que luchar, y por señalar constantemente la falta de representación minoritaria en los escalones superiores de gobierno, va el Premio de Abogacía Latino en la Educación Pública y Medios de comunicación.

El Comité de Acción Político Latino de Rhode Island es una organización no partidista formadó para influenciar el proceso político en el estado de Rhode Island para mejorar la calidad de vida de los Latino y las comunidades urbanas.

CHANGING POLITICAL LANDSCAPE: An Opportunity For Latinos

By- Victor Capellán The announcement by Senator John Chafee, not to seek a fifth term in the United States Senate, provides the Latino community an opportunity to change the Political Landscape in the State of Rhode Island. Such a move by a person at the "top" of the state political arena will cause a "moving up" fever among many in the state political arena. Once the announcements for bids to the coveted United States Senate Seat are said and done, we could be looking at many empty posts throughout the state and this could provide an opportunity for BIG gains in the Latino political scene. The Latino community is the largest minority group in the

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

4 state and one with a growing voting power in the state and certainly throughout the nation. However, we must ask ourselves a few questions, before we begin throwing our hats in for any specifics races or begin speculating which posts will become available. However, it only takes one such move, as the one by Senator Chafee to change the face of politics and those that prepare and plan ahead might be well served in such a move. From mayors of the cities, to state-wide office holders, Junior Congress members, to ex-candidates, state legislators, political aficionados, third party candidates, and wannabe's everyone wishes a shot at the big seat. Therefore, what will be created is a myriad of possible empty seats at entry level posts that an emerging political-immigrant force such as Latinos are well suited, qualified, and in demand fill. This is an opportunity that must be garnished because we are facing one the most crucial times in terms of the need for Latino elected officials as well as opportunities to elect them. The next election cycle will prove to be a key for Latinos. We have the opportunity the Census 2000 presents for us

to be accurately accounted and we must fight to ensure that such accuracy happens. The dangers presented by Redistricting with the possibilities of Jerry Mandering, in 2001, worsened by the shrinkage of the state legislature in 2002 clearly point to the need for underrepresented communities to make their move in the year 2000. Therefore, if we combine the announcement by Senator Chafee not to seek reeelection, the myriad of Politicos scrambling to grab that seat, leaving a number of entry level post opened and the latter in terms of what the post 2000 events could bring, the Latino community needs to "Mobilize" the "Awakened" Sleeping Giant, make its numbers count and flex its political muscle in order to WIN BIG in 2000. When you think about this also ponder the thought that, the last United States Senator Claiborne Pell served for 36 years before John Chafee who will have served for 24 years in the Senate. Add to this a Census that only takes place every decade and as Latinos we are in a sort of way "The Flavor of the Millenium." We must keep in mind that this scenario only happens once or

maybe twice a life-time, then our moment to act is now! Latinos, we must strategize, mobilized and realize the dreams that this change in Political Landscape offer us.

Top Hispanic leader to head Democrats' 2000 convention Politics: Lydia Camarillo, who runs the nation's largest voter registration project, will oversee the party's 2000 event in Los Angeles. Sep 22 1999 8:20PM

SAN ANTONIO (AP) -- The Democratic National Committee has tapped Lydia Camarillo, leader of the Southwest Voter Registration Project in Texas, to head the party's 2000 national convention, which will be held in Los Angeles in August. Party leaders are expected to announce the appointment of Camarillo, who heads the nation's largest voter registration project, and introduce other members of the convention management team in Los Angeles today, sources said. The appointment ends a long and frustrating search by Democratic leaders to find the right person to serve in the

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

5 high-profile job and become a symbol for the party. Los Angeles was selected as the convention site in part because the city provides a perfect backdrop for the party's message that it is the party of diversity, with what is expected to be a highly focused appeal for Latino votes. Those close to the selection process said aides to Vice President Al Gore, who is playing an influential role in organizing the convention, wanted a Latina. Several other candidates were approached but reportedly turned the job down before Camarillo accepted. Camarillo, although she has worked from her base in San Antonio for the last eight years, has strong ties to Los Angeles and California. She previously worked for the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund and was a program director for the Latino Issues Forum. Party leaders say they like Camarillo as much for her hard-nosed political organizing skills as for what they believe will be her ability to handle the media spotlight that inevitably comes with the job. "She has been very important in registering more voters for

our party," said a party official. "We like her focus on grass-roots organizing and her efforts to reach out to new voters. That is an important message we are sending out." The convention will be held Aug. 14-17 at the new Staples Center in downtown Los Angeles and will bring together 4,366 delegates and 610 alternates.

Politicians Court Hispanic Vote By Ceci Connolly Washington Post Staff Writer Thursday, September 16, 1999; Page A12 The annual Congressional Hispanic Caucus dinner is a regular stop on the Washington dinner circuit. But it wasn't until this year that first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton decided to go. Now that she's running for the Senate, Clinton took center stage at the Washington gala last night to woo 1,500 Latino activists. Vice President Gore, focusing on his campaign for president, shared the spotlight, and delivered a kiss on each cheek to the first lady. Gore's leading Republican rival, Texas Gov. George W. Bush, spent last night

celebrating Mexican independence from Spain at a traditional Dieciseis de Septiembre (16th of September) party in Detroit. And over at the Republican National Committee, officials are finalizing plans to run the first-in-a-decade television ads targeting Latino voters. As the 2000 campaign gets underway, politicians of every stripe--at every level--are rushing to win over the increasingly influential Hispanic vote. "If a candidate wants to divide this nation instead of uniting us, if a candidate speaks the rhetoric of inclusion but pursues policies of exclusion, then that candidate is going to pay at the ballot box," Gore told the crowd at the Hispanic dinner. "You will make sure of that." The reason for all the attention is simple math. New census data released yesterday show the Hispanic population increased by more than 35 percent in the 1990s. By the end of 2004, census counters project, Latinos will be the largest minority group in the nation. More importantly to the politicians, Latinos vote, and with their numbers climbing and their willingness to cross

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

6 party lines, Hispanics could tip the scales in critical races next year. In the last presidential election, 18.5 million Hispanics voted, accounting for 5 percent of the total turnout, according to Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (HOPE), a nonpartisan organization formed to promote Hispanic participation in government. In national elections, their clout is magnified because it is concentrated in five electorally rich states: California, Texas, Florida, New York and Illinois.

Hispanic Chamber Commerce in San Diego.

of

"I tell my colleagues, 'If you're not opening your eyes to this demographic group you're going to fail miserably,' " said Rep. Henry Bonilla (RTex.), who is helping Bush pursue the Latino vote nationwide. Bush, who recently gave a major education speech at a meeting of the Californiabased Latin Business Association, is scheduled next week to attend the Republican National Hispanic Association in Washington.

"From New York to California, I have met Hispanic leaders and citizens who have been and now are attaining what they demanded--a seat at the table and an opportunity to chart their own destiny," said Hillary Clinton.

Republican Sen. John McCain, who has consistently drawn a solid bloc of Hispanic votes in his home state or Arizona, also has begun a series of breakfast meetings with Latino leaders around the country, said aides.

This week, kicking off Hispanic Heritage Month, several large Hispanic political organizations convened in Washington to lobby leaders of both parties. On Tuesday, Gore collected the endorsements of 521 Hispanic state and local officials, as well as members of Congress. "Lo accepto"--I accept--a beaming Gore said at a boisterous rally. Today he plans to address the

Compared to four years ago, when Latinos felt neglected if not outright offended by Republican Robert J. Dole and his support for a range of anti-immigrant initiatives, it appears Hispanics will be courted by the GOP in 2000, said Lisa Navarrete, spokeswoman for the National Council of La Raza, the nation's largest Latino advocacy organization.

"Almost regardless of who gets the nomination in either party, the Latino vote is being sought after quite aggressively," she said. "That's a dramatic difference from 1996." Both Gore and the first lady attacked the proposed Republican tax cut plan, saying it would decimate educational and health care programs that especially benefit Latino children. Speaking in Spanish, Gore promised the president would veto the bill with the simple message: "My signature? Not today. Not tomorrow. Never." But tensions remain. Hillary Clinton angered Puerto Rican leaders when she announced she opposed President Clinton's clemency offer to members of a violent independence movement known as FALN. Yesterday, she tried to bandage those wounds in an appearance with Bronx Borough President Fernando Ferrer. "We have so many common goals," she said during an afternoon news conference in New York. "There will be disagreements. I think, though, they pale in comparison to what we can do on behalf of the people in this city . . . and I look

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

7 forward to working with Freddy and everyone here." California Assembly Speaker Antonio Villaraigosa said in an interview that Hillary Clinton "mishandled the response . . . it was a gaffe." But he said she could survive the contretemps. Gore, when asked where he stood on the clemency offer, told reporters he was waiting for the "analysis." Later, in a less-than-glowingendorsement, he said he would not "second guess" the president. Bush too has disappointed some Hispanic activists with his refusal to attend several major conventions this summer. Hispanic Democrats also charge that Bush--and his Republican Party--have been hostile to the concerns of the working poor, many of them Hispanic. At the Gore rally, California Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante, criticized Bush for his opposition to gun control, the high number of Hispanic children in Texas without health insurance and low graduation rates among Texas Latinos. Referring to a popular salsa song, he said: "If anybody thinks that George W. Bush is good for Latinos, they are living 'La Vida Loca' [The Crazy Life]."

Gore, who received a rousing welcome, bragged to the audience that his first grandchild was born on July 4. "My next one I hope will be born on Cinco de Mayo." © 1999 The Washington Post Company

From Minority to Mainstream, Latinos Find Their Voice By Gregory Rodriguez Sunday, January 24, 1999; Page B01 LOS ANGELES—Latino Americans have never fit neatly into the civil rights mold. To begin with, the wildly heterogeneous population of Mexicans, Cubans, Puerto Ricans and other Central and South Americans does not have a shared history or common American experience to draw on. For three decades, Latino advocacy groups and firstgeneration politicians tried in vain to squeeze this burgeoning population into the guise of a single racialinterest group. The Chicano movement of the 1960s sought to imitate the successful strategies of black leaders. And, as recently as 1996, Latino activists organized a march on

Washington that was deliberately reminiscent of the civil rights era. But their attempts have always appeared little more than derivative. Their political style wasn't forged from the Latino experience, which was never as starkly defined as that of African Americans'. But now that a growing electorate has given them greater clout, Latino politicians--foremost among them local politicians in states with large Latino populations such as California and Texas-are developing their own style and agenda. While in the past, their adherence to minority-style politics brought them into direct competition with other minorities over set asides or federal "minority dollars," more and more Latino officials are choosing to highlight broader concerns, many of which they share with mainstream America. Last December, the most influential Latino official here in California declared that it was time to move beyond 1960s-style confrontational politics. During his swearingin for his second term as speaker of the California State Assembly, Antonio R. Villaraigosa, who was once a militant campus activist, went out of his way to reject what he called "the politics of protest." He quoted his late

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

8 mother's admonition that it is "not enough to always be against. When you grow up, you must also be for something." Within the past few years, Latinos have indeed made historic strides in California. In addition to Villaraigosa, the lieutenant governor, the assembly minority leader and the senate majority leader are Latinos. The number of Latinos in both Houses of the state legislature--24 and growing--has changed the nature of Latino politics. No longer content to vie for special attention, Latino officials are assuming responsibility and leadership for the entire state. And while the demographic shifts that have led to this political transformation are local, there are now signs of this new, more confident Latino leadership all the way across the country in Washington. This shift in Latino politics is a sign of maturation. The new Latino leaders represent the second generation in elected offices. It's hard to believe when you look at the 17member Hispanic Congressional Caucus that it was just over 20 years ago, in 1977, that Edward Roybal, California's first Latino congressman, approached House Speaker Tip O'Neill with the idea of forming a

caucus. "Where are you going to hold the meetings," the speaker teased Roybal, "in a telephone booth?" The bipartisan caucus began that year with only five voting members--four Democrats and one Republican. But the path of those Democratic members is instructive. The changes in Latino politics are clearly symbolized by the generational shift from Henry B. Gonzalez, an irascible Texas liberal, who retired this year after 37 years in the House, to his son and successor, former judge Charles Gonzalez. The younger Gonzalez calls himself more of a consensus builder than his father. "The era that my father grew up in, in which his principles and values were formed, was totally different than my own," says Charles Gonzalez, who represents San Antonio. "He was a product of a time when discrimination was open and obvious. We are products of a different process." Another House member from the 1970s made the transition out of old-style minority politics within his own lifetime--by switching parties. Last year, New York Puerto Rican member Herman Badillo, who served in the House from 1971 to 1977, declared that he was joining

Republican Party because, he argued, the Democrats have taken minority groups for granted and held them to a lower standard of excellence. Likewise, E "Kika" de la Garza, who represented Texas's Lower Rio Grande Valley from 1964 to 1996, has been succeeded by Ruben Hinojosa, a fellow Democrat but a stridently pro-business candidate who also happens to be one of the wealthiest members of the House. So perhaps it is no surprise to find that this year, Roybal's daughter Lucille RoybalAllard, who is taking the helm of the Hispanic Congressional Caucus, is hoping to redefine its image and to convince Washington that "Latino issues and American issues are one and the same." For instance, in the past, when the Caucus weighed in on education issues, they focused almost exclusively on the preservation of bilingual education. This year, however, the caucus will put new school construction and class-size reduction near the top of its agenda. In the words of the Los Angeles Democrat, who is now in her fourth House term, "We're going to deal with broader issues and not be so narrow." That's a sentiment that can be heard more and more among Latino officials. "Part of the

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

9 old agenda--bilingual education, affirmative action or equal opportunity--are still issues, but less high-profile," says Armando Gutierrez, a political consultant to the Democratic National Committee. What you see now, he explains, is a new "generation looking for new cutting-edge issues. We are at the stage of trying to figure out where we are." And that means putting aside some of the old agenda. For the past few years, immigration has been at the core of the caucus's agenda. Not by choice, but as a reaction to the anti-immigrant sentiment on Capitol Hill. The immediate past chair of the caucus, Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-Calif.), did an admirable job of calling attention to immigrant issues and defending Latino rights and benefits in the Republicancontrolled House. Yet while gaining greater visibility for the caucus, Becerra and caucus immigration chair Luis V. Gutierrez, the Puerto Rican representative from Chicago, ended up pigeonholing themselves as ethnic activists--and thus undermining the caucus's credibility among other House members on immigration issues. According to one Washington-based immigrant advocate, "The caucus was

building a reputation--fair or not--as a bunch of lefties who want to open the border." Becerra further weakened the caucus by provoking the departure of its only two Republican members with his ill-timed trip to Cuba and then refusing to make a public call for free and democratic elections on the island. Now that the caucus has a new chair, the two CubanAmerican members, Reps. Lincoln Diaz-Balart and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida, are considering rejoining the fold. In fact, for Latino politicians, balancing ethnic and mainstream concerns has often been the key to success. A case in point is Rep. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), a Cuban American who has refused to be typecast by politics or ethnicity, and who was recently elected as vice chair of the Democratic Caucus. Indeed, the greatest irony of Latinos playing civil-rightsstyle politics for so long was that it never seemed to get them very far. Groups such as the National Council of La Raza, a Washington-based Latino advocacy group, seemed bent on pushing Latino politicians to compete with African Americans for the status of mostdiscriminated-against minority. And they succeeded

largely in including Latinos in the perverse federal game of showcasing their dysfunctions--with the spoils going to the loser. It seems clear that Washington has not yet gotten over the skewed image of Latinos that this sort of minority politics perpetrated, and therefore has been slower than some local communities to recognize the true diversity of the group that will soon become the nation's largest minority. Roybal-Allard says that she intends to broaden the image of Latinos beyond victims. She hasn't succeeded yet. "In Washington, the image of Latinos is based a lot on stereotypes," says Georgina Verdugo, former regional council at the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund. "Washington is so removed from Latinos themselves that everything becomes an ideological argument here." That may be so, but Latino politicians are becoming increasingly uncomfortable with old-style minority politics, particularly those who come from regions in which Latinos are the emergent majority. With so many Latino assemblymen, judges and local mayors in places such as San Antonio and Los Angeles County, it is increasingly difficult for

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

10 Latinos in those regions to continue to see themselves as members of a marginalized group. In short, these recent political successes have altered the way Latino officials see themselves and their constituencies. Ironically, the Latinization of these areas has helped to undermine the strictly racebased approach to social ills. "We're beginning to see that Hispanic issues are more class issues than ethnic issues," says political consultant Armando Gutierrez. Many of these districts suffer from significant poverty and other social problems, but the presence of a viable Latino middle class and a political infrastructure suggests that the answers to problems do not lie in a civil rights approach. Of course, as the numbers of Latino officials at the national level increases, so does their diversity. In 1996, an overwhelmingly Latino congressional district in El Paso County, Texas, shocked political observers by electing Silvestre Reyes, a former ranking official of the U.S. Border Patrol and architect of Operation Hold the Line, the INS strategy to prevent illegal immigration along the southwest border. The new generation of Latino officials comes from a wider variety of

backgrounds than the old. They are also better trained and more able to hold their own in Washington--even though they are still very much in a minority there.

Gregory Rodriguez, an associate editor at Pacific News Service, is a fellow at the New America Foundation and the Pepperdine Institute of Public Policy.

But the transition of Latino politics is not quite complete. The new generation seems to know that they must move beyond the old approaches, but they still cannot fully articulate a new agenda. They may agree that they would like the caucus to become more mainstream. But not one of them is willing to admit the possibility that the diverse group of 30 million Americans from a variety of national origins may not share any given agenda. "I'd like to think that we as Latinos are just as interested in health care, retirement security and our place in the world as any other American," says Menendez, the first Latino to win an elected congressional leadership position. "We should be going beyond the issues we're forced to deal with by necessity, and into other issues where we can make a difference. We are coming into our own." As national Latino officials gain greater comfort with the diversity of their political voices, they could very well help reshape America's stale politics of race.

© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company

Si todos votaran Editorial Presencia 16 de Agosto, 1999 Miles de banderas, aplausos, entusiasmo, risas, felicidad compartida al estilo de nucstros pueblos, a lo que hay que agregar un extraordinario orden y respeto de los participantes Respeto por el evento, respeto por nuestra comunidad que es mirada con ojos inquisidores por una mayoria blanca en el estado que ve cómo los hispanos crecemos en numero y mostr amos capacidad de organizar y realizar grandes cosas. Yo recuerdo los inicios del festival dominicano, soñado y hchó realidad por Margarita Cepeda, y aquel. festival latinoamericano que inició y

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

11 desarrolló Victor Mendoza en diez o doce ediciones sucesivas. Tarea extraordinariamente dura para los organizaciones, pero que fue creando una experiencia capaz de mostrar que no somos una jauria desordenada ni una in ontonera de caballos salvajes, sino una comunidad que crece en orden, una comunidad que trabaja y que, naturalmente, tiene algunos individuos de comportamiento irregular comó en todas las sociedades del mundo. Mirabamos de cerca esos rostros alegres cuajados de esperanza, a todos los presentes. Los que Ilegaron abandonando sus raices por circunstancias adversas: guerras intemas, depresión económica que complicaba la vida familiar; aquellos que pertenecen a la segunda generación inmigrante, nacidos en este pais o llegados muy pequeños, que avanzan en sus estudios y ocupan posiciones en la administración publica y privada, y nuestra tercera generación de gringuitos morenos capaces de hablar español en casa y un ingles sin acento en la escuela. Esa tercera gcneración que se siente ligada a sus raices, filente de su identidad, es la esperanza de nuestra comunidad, esperanza de lideres que la orienten, de

politicos que Ia representen, de florecimiento econ6mico que nos coloque al nivel de las comunidades europeas residentes en este pais. Pero, se me ocurre pensar: ¿No hay una suerte de complejo entre nosotros al considerar que todos los problemas de discriminación y de, falta de poder tendran, que esperar un futuro, incierto en el tiempo, para poder ser resueltos? Quince o veinte mil hispanos reunidos en el Palacio de la Musica del Parque Roger Williams y en sus alrededores, ¿no son capaces de votar, ahora, ya, en las próximas elecciones presidenciales a lo menos la mitad de ellos? En sus casas, trabajando, de vacaciones, o en otros afanes se quedaron otros ochenta mil hispanos que viven en Rhode Island. Entre los del parque y los otros, ¿no son capaces de ir a votar a lo menos veinte mil hispanos? Nadie posee estadisticas exactas de cuantos ciudadanos de origen hispano existen en el estado, solamente se conoce el numero de aquellos que se han inscrito en los registros electorales y Ia desagradable realidad que la mayoria de los inscritos no concurren a votar el dia de las elecciones.

Esa es la triste experiencia de los ultimos años. Nuestra gente que se queja de las leyes de inmigración, cada vez más estrictas y discriminatorias con los hispanos, de la perdida de ayudas en la atención de salud, de la dificultad de nuestros jóvenes para continuar sus estudios despue's del High School. Esa gente nuestra no concurre a votar cuando corresponde. Y cuando los inscritos no son capaces de emitir su voto, estamos frente a un pecado de irresponsabilidad, nos estamos dafiando nosotros mismos y a nuestra comunidad, al mantener escondido un poder electoral que Si se manifestara, obligaria a todos los politicos del estado a tomamos mucho más en serio, no como los pobres hispanitos 'que' hay que ayudar porque representan un tres o cuatro por ciento de los electores, sino como una real fuerza capaz de decidir las elecciones para los puestos ma's representativos del estado. Votar es un derecho en una democracia, pero en esta democracia norteamericana, una comunidad 'que crece y crece más rapido que ninguna otra, como es el caso de la comunidad hispana, votar es una obligación. Las puertas del poder se abren a un grupo

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

12 etnico en USA solamente cuando es capaz de demostrar su capacidad de expresi6n politica en las elecciones. No hay otro camino. De una vez por todas es bueno que terminemos de pensar que votando le estamos haciendo un favor a un amigo o a alguien que golpeó nuestra puerta para solicitarnos el voto. Votar es una obligación. Si deseamos terminar con todas las modificaciones abusivas de Ia ley de inmigración que solamente tienen como objetivo frenar la inmigración hispana y mandar el mayor numero posible de regreso a su pais de origen, Si deseamos terminar con los cortes presupuestarios a las ayudas soc iales, a los servicios de salud para los que no son ciudadanos, no hay otro camino que demostrar que somos un poder electoral y para eso tenemos la obligación de inscribirnos en los registros electorales y votar el dia de las elecciones. De una vez por todas debe terminar con la excusa irresponsable: "Me olvide de ir a votar", "nadie me pidió el voto", "no tenia movilización". El destino de nuestros hijos hispanos depende de lo que seamos

capaces de hacer hoy per ellos. Deseamos que esta frase se transforine en un slogan. para los nuestros: "Votar es un derecho, y para los hispanos votar es tambien una obligación"

Despierta 'el Gigante' y Entierra un Cliché Los nuevos votantes Latinos están más interesados en descubrir qué soluciones prácticas a sus problemas les ofrecen los políticos que en saber a qué partido pertenecen o a qué ideologías responden. By

FRANK

del

OLMO

La elección de 1997 para la alcaldía de la ciudad de Los Angeles confirmó un hecho apenas visto en la elección presidencial de 1996, que el llamado "gigante dormido" finalmente despertó. Desde hace tiempo, el cliché del "gigante dormido" ha sido utilizado por periodistas y políticos para describir a la enorme pero a menudo políticamente impotente población Latina de California y de algunos otros estados clave. Como sucede con casi todos los clichés, el término se utilizó hasta la náusea porque

parecía estar basado en los hechos: los Latinos simple y sencillamente no salían a votar en números masivos. Esto traía como resultado que su influencia política en ciudades como Los Angeles y San Diego o en estados como Texas y Arizona no era un reflejo fiel de su numerosa presencia. En noviembre de 1996, cuando los Latinos salieron a votar en número récord, la cosa empezó a cambiar. Una encuesta señaló que la participación de los Latinos en California fue del 70% de los votantes elegibles mientras que la participación de todos los votantes elegibles en el estado fue de un 65.5%. Aproximadamente el 70% del voto Latino favoreció a los candidatos del partido Demócrata, ayudando así al presidente Clinton a ganar la reelección y llevando a 20 Latinos a ganar escaños en la legislatura estatal. El voto del 8 de abril de 1997 en Los Angeles también contó con una enorme participación Latina y su resultado debería alentar a los Republicanos. De acuerdo a una encuesta hecha por el Times, aproximadamente un 60% de los Latinos votaron por el alcalde Richard Riordan, un Republicano. Esto significa que el gigante

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

13 recién despertado no necesariamente está enojado con el partido Republicano aún cuando es bastante obvio que fueron ellos quienes lo despertaron. Esto sucedió en 1994, cuando el gobernador Pete Wilson decidió usar la inmigración como "cuña" para ganar votos entre el electorado Anglo que parecía estar preocupado por los problemas sociales derivados del cambio en la composición étnica del estado. Como sucede frecuentemente en el fragor de las campañas políticas un asunto complejo acabó siendo distorsionado y reducido a términos simplistas que incluso llegaron a generar temores. La Òcuña" de Wilson fue la Proposición 187, la iniciativa que excluía a los inmigrantes ilegales de las escuelas públicas y los servicios sociales. La Proposición 187 le dio a Wilson el apoyo de miles de consternados Anglos, pero también atemorizó a miles de Latinos mayores de edad que hasta entonces habían pospuesto hacerse ciudadanos y los motivó a naturalizarse. También es cierto que la 187 generó la ira de los hijos de los inmigrantes y los politizó con el propósito de vengarse de Wilson y de otros candidatos anti-inmigrantes en futuras elecciones.

El cobro de la factura empezó en la elección de 1996, cuando el candidato presidencial Republicano, Bob Dole, haciéndole caso a Wilson usó una retórica antiinmigrante que fracasó totalmente. La victoria de Riordan, por otro lado, sugiere que la rabia contenida del votante Latino contra los Republicanos puede ser superada. En su actuación como alcalde, Riordan ocupó el centro del espectro político y trabajó al lado de los Latinos, no solamente de los ricos sino con los pobres y con la clase trabajadora también. Los nuevos votantes Latinos están más interesados en descubrir qué soluciones prácticas a sus problemas les ofrecen los políticos que en saber a qué partido pertenecen o a qué ideologías responden. Nada simboliza mejor el pragmatismo de Riordan que su entusiasta apoyo a la Proposición BB, que dotó con dos mil cuatrocientos millones de dólares a las escuelas en la reciente elección en Los Angeles. Los Latinos son ahora la mayoría abrumadora de los estudiantes en las escuelas, de tal manera que la Proposición BB era un asunto sumamente importante

para los padres estudiantes.

de

los

El 80% de los votantes favorecieron la Proposición BB, de acuerdo con la encuesta del Times ayudando a que la medida excediera el difícil requerimiento constitucional de ser aprobada por dos tercios de los votantes. Habiendo tenido que escribir en mi larga carrera en el periodismo sobre el gigante dormido muchas más veces de las que yo hubiera querido, me da mucho gusto finalmente ayudar a cavar la tumba para enterrar el viejo cliché. Latinos en las Urnas Aún cuando el voto Latino continuó teniendo poca representación en la elecció presidencial de 1996, un numeroso contingente de votantes Latinos recién reistrados fue a las urnas en la que fueron el resto de votantes primerizos y en mayor proporción que la totalidad de los votantes. Su participación electoral rompió parcialmente el estereotipo de la politica en California que sostenia que los Latinos tienden a votar menos que otros grupos.

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

14

Our Mission The Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee is a nonpartisan organization formed to influence the political process in the state of Rhode Island in order to improve the quality of life of Latino and urban communities.

New census report illustrates nation's expanding diversity By WILL LESTER Associated Press September 14, 1999,

WASHINGTON -The Hispanic and Asian populations of the United States surged during the 1990s, the number of Hispanics growing by more than 35 percent and Asians

more than 40 percent, the Census Bureau says. A report released Tuesday furnishes fresh evidence of increasing ethnic diversity and its unpredictable impact on the nation's political and social landscape. The trend is leading to a time when "everybody's a minority," said Vanderbilt University historian Hugh Davis Graham. Blacks, whose numbers grew almost 13 percent between 1990 and 1998, remain the nation's largest minority at 12.7 percent, or 34.4 million of the nation's population of about 270 million in 1998. Hispanics made up 9 percent of the population in 1990, and that grew by 1998 to just over 11 percent of the total, 30.3 million, the annual update of the 1990 Census said. The high number of Hispanics in large Electoral College states such as Texas, California, Florida and New York gives the group substantial political clout, but the growth of Hispanics showed up in less expected areas. "Four states had their Hispanic populations double - Arkansas, Georgia, Nevada and North Carolina," said census statistician Larry Sink.

·Arkansas' Hispanic population increased by 150 percent to 49,000. · Georgia's increased by 102 percent to 220,000. · Nevada's increased by 124 percent to 78,000. · North Carolina's increased by 110 percent to 161,000. The Hispanic population, already one of the nation's largest minorities, will overtake the non-Hispanic black population by the end of 2004, Sink said. "We've seen race relations as a black-white issue," said Roderick Harrison of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, a Washington think tank. "Clearly, the size of the Hispanic population and the Asian population turns it into a multicultural issue." The Asian and Pacific Islander population grew in the 1990s from 3 percent of the overall population to almost 4 percent at 10.5 million. · In Nevada, the Asian-Pacific Islander population increased by 106 percent to 81,000. · In Georgia, it increased by 95 percent to 150,000.

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

15 · In North Carolina, it increased by 87 percent to 100,000. Dinah Choi, project director for the Asian Pacific Policy and Planning Council, said the rapid growth in numbers of Asians emphasizes a need for an accurate census count in 2000. The country's population of American Indians, Eskimos and Aleuts grew 14 percent to 2.4 million during the period. States that already had significant populations of specific minorities showed less dramatic rate increases. For example, California increased its Hispanic population by 31 percent and its Asian population by 34 percent. The explosion in Hispanic population lets Latinos sense their growing political potency. "This is a very critical (presidential) race for us, and we will be the defining group," Aida Alvarez, chief of the Small Business Administration, said Tuesday at a rally for Vice President Al Gore's presidential campaign. "The 21st century will be a Latino century, no doubt about it."

George W. Bush, governor of Texas and the front-runner in the race for the Republican presidential nomination, also is targeting the Hispanic vote. A recent poll said he and Gore are splitting the Hispanic vote in Texas, but Bush trails in California. Republican consultant David Hill of Houston warned a decade ago that the GOP needed to gain a bigger share of the Hispanic vote or lose gains made when they carved away some whites who traditionally voted Democratic before the Reagan era. These Democrats came to be known as "Reagan Democrats." "The only way to change the equation is for Republicans to get a larger share of the Hispanic vote," Hill said. Hispanics voted for President Clinton in 1996 by more than 3-1, according to exit polls. "The Democratic Party has always believed that one of our greatest strengths is the diversity of our party, and Hispanics and Asians have felt comfortable with Democrats," said Jenny Backus, a Democratic spokeswoman. Presidential candidates from both parties have made clear this year that they want the Hispanic vote, said Lisa

Navarrete, spokeswoman for the National Council of La Raza, the Latino advocacy group. "We have been experiencing something people have been predicting for a long time," she said. "The growth has been amazing since the 1970s. What has really made a difference is the growth of the Latino communities where they normally have not been."

El CENSO 2000 y Nuestra Comunidad Nosotros los miembros de RILPAC somos fieles creentes en nuestros esfuerzos para asegurar que todos los Latinos en el estado se conviertan accionistas en el futuro de Rhode Island haciendose contar en el Censo 2000. Nuestra misión es de asegurar que todos los ciudadanos Latinos en el estado de Rhode Island sean contados en el Censo 2000, y aclarar los mitos acerca del censo al igual que concientizar a nuestra comunidad de la importancia de ser contados. En virtud de nuestros esfuerzos y de quienes nos

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

16 apoyan. Residentes del estado de Rhode Island de todos los grupos etnicos que participen en este esfuerzo de ser apropiadamente contados veran nuestro compromiso en la lucha por el futuro de la comunidad Latina. Nosotros traemos al Censo 2000 de este estado; las esperanzas y aspiraciones de los nuevos miembros de las familias de este estado. Acompáñenos en la continuación del sueño de las innumerables generaciones de inmigrantes quienes al final del trayecto empezamos nuestro futuro juntos. Hagase Contar en el Censo 2000 llenando el formulario

¿Que es el Censo de los Estados Unidos? El Censo de los Estados Unidos esta diseñado para colectar información demografica de todo los Estados Unidos.

¿Porque se toma el Censo? La constitución de los Estados Unidos requiere que el Censo nacional sea mandatorio (articulo 1, sección 2) cada diez años para que este pueda redistribuir la representación congresista. El Censo también provee información básica

socioeconomico de nuestra gente en el aspecto de vivienda, empleo, ingresos y origen. Organismos gubernamentales en todo los niveles, negocios y organizaciones de todo tipo utilizan esta información en planeamiento de su futuro.

¿Porque usted debe de llenar el Censo? La información que se recoge del Censo afecta a su comunidad. Las cifras del censo ayudan a los planificadores locales a encontrar los mejores lugares para las escuelas, carreteras, hospitales, guarderias infantiles, centros de atención para personas de la tercera edad y viviendas para gente de poco ingreso, entre otras cosas. Cada año, mas de $100 billones de fondos federales y aún mas en fondos estatales son otorgados y distribuidos basados en los resultados del censo.

¿En que consiste el formulario del censo? La mayoría de las personas van a recibir el formulario corto. Este consiste en siete preguntas: Nombre, sexo, edad, relación, origen hispano, raza y vivienda (si es dueño de una propiedad o si

renta). Este formulario toma 10 minutos en llenar. El otro formulario es mas largo. Este consiste en treinta y cuatro preguntas. Algunas preguntas son: Educación, empleo, linaje, tipo de calefacción e incapacidad. Este formulario toma 38 minutos para llenar.

¿Como puede estar seguro que su respuesta es confidencial? Sus respuestas y privacidad están protegidas por Ia ley. Cada empleado del Censo a juramentado no divulgar información confidencial. Por ley (Titulo 12, United States Code), los empleados del censo seran multados $5,000 y/o encarcelado por cinco años si este(a) revela información confidencial. No esta permitido que otra organización obtenga o vea la información colectada por las oficinas del censo, incluyendo, CIA, FBI, IRS, INS o la presidencia de los Estados Unidos. El Censo tiene una buena reputación de mantener protegida la información colectada. Ademas, el cuestionario del censo no requiere su número de seguro social.

¿Cuando se va a llevar acabo el

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

17 próximo Censo? Comenzando a mediados de Marzo 2000 Los formularios seran distribuidos. 1 de Abril del 2000 - Dia del Censo. Marzo a Mayo 2000 Empleados del censo visitaran viviendas rurales y areas remotas para dejar y recoger los formularios. Abril a Junio del 2000 Empleados del censo visitaran las viviendas que no devolvieron el formulario. Octubre a Noviembre 2000 - El trabajo inicial será terminado. Diciembre 31, 2000 – Los resultados del censo serán entregadas a la presidencia. Si tiene alguna pregunta favor de llamar a los telefonos en este folleto.

English-Only Tests Said Unfair By ANJETTA McQUEEN AP Education Writer SEPTEMBER 16, 03:20 EDT WASHINGTON (AP) — As more Hispanic children enter the nation's schools, educators debate whether they could be hard hit by

high-stakes tests.

English-only

A presidential panel on Hispanic education says such tests, often used to move children ahead or graduate them, may violate the rights of millions of Hispanic children. Others still say any accommodations could cheat them out of a fair assessment of their abilities. ``State education leaders have compromised the future of Hispanic students by making high stakes decisions based on inaccurate and inadequate information,'' said the report by the President's Advisory Commission on Educational Excellence for Hispanic Americans, released on Wednesday. It urged the Education Department to investigate. The Education Department is currently investigating two cases related to testing and language ability, said Rodger Murphey, a spokesman for the civil rights branch. Murphey said he could not discuss the cases, in Nevada and in Texas, or disclose the filing parties. About 20 percent of the 5,000 cases filed each year specifically relate to laws that prohibit racial discrimination against students, he said. A 1974 Supreme Court ruling in

essence includes language ability in that ban by requiring schools to provide help for students with limited English. However, opponents of bilingual education argue that accommodating children on high-stakes tests will hurt them in the long run. ``You want to make sure kids don't graduate with a degree that they can't even read,'' said Jorge Amselle, the vice president for education of the Center for Equal Opportunity, a Washington group that opposes bilingual education and affirmative action. ``The purpose of education in the United States is to prepare students to survive and succeed in this society and that requires mastery in English. ``To say that a student should be able to do math and science and read and write in English is simply a matter of accountability, not a matter of discrimination,'' Amselle added. There is no one national measure of how well a schoolchild is learning. Nearly every state has developed its own achievement tests to gauge progress in core subjects such as math and reading — and the tests vary. The presidential panel said current state approaches to

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

18 students who are not native English speakers are too vague for tests that are often tied to a child's promotion or graduation. Currently, 19 states require students to pass tests before they receive high school diplomas; seven more plan to follow suit by 2003. The Hispanic education panel, which was created in 1990 by President Bush, issued its first report in 1992. The group is charged with bolstering Hispanics' participation in federal education programs and targeting ways to eliminate educational gaps. Educating the nation's 3.4 million Hispanic children properly is more important than ever, the group says, as such students' enrollment grows but their achievement does not. In 10 states, the number of children who are not native English speakers more than doubled from the 1992-93 to 1996-97 school years. And 70 percent of those children are Hispanic. But in learning, Hispanic children are slipping behind. Young Hispanic children perform half as well as their native-English-speaking peers. Hispanic high school students drop out at double the rate of non-Hispanics.

Even well-to-do families will produce dropouts if English is not learned, the panel said. The panel praised states such as Oregon, which offers its 4,000 Hispanic students tests in English and Spanish; the tests are matched carefully and questions that cannot be matched in both languages are dropped.

Tensions between Latinos and African Americans Heat Up By Andrés T. Tapia While society, the media, and the church continue to think in only black/white terms when it comes to race relations, outside the public view tensions are building between other ethnic groups. One of the more worrisome developments is the increasing animosity between African Americans and Latinos. Black / Brown Divide In Washington DC a few years ago a riot erupted in a predominantly Central American neighborhood when

a black police officer shot a Latino during an arrest. In LA violent clashes have erupted between Latinos and Blacks competing for day labor. African Americans resent that Latinos seem to be getting the kinds of jobs hat used to go to them and many Latinos respond with "tough luck." As the Latino population surges some chauvinistic Latino leaders are saying, "While blacks sing 'We shall overcome' we say 'We shall overwhelm.'" To the African American community, which has struggled long and hard to make a place for themselves in a nation that has put every imaginable roadblock in front of them, the Latino numbers are staggering and threatening. According to the Census Bureau, by 2076 the 21 million Latinos legally in the U.S. today (there are estimated up to 10 million here illegally) will have multiplied to 57 million, making them the largest minority in the country. In LA County 38% of the population are Latinos compared to 11% who are African American. Neighborhoods that have been long assumed to be primarily black such as Watts and South Central are, in fact, already half Latino and by

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

19 the end of the century will be predominantly so as the rapid replacement of BBQ pork joints by taquerias demonstrates. The Latino population surge is creating an ironic phenomenon -- black flight. Black families and churches, faced with a changing neighborhood and the influx of people not like them, are choosing to move rather than reach out to their new neighbors. Some black churches are instead establishing a landlord / tenant relationship by renting their buildings to growing upstart Latino churches. Real estate agents, smelling panic, are swooping in and offering black families cash for their homes at a belowmarket price with veiled references to what the largely illegal immigrant presence will do to property values -a tactic used on frightened white families when blacks began moving into their neighborhoods in the fifties.

political base and have clearly identified spokespeople, leaving them ill-represented in church and secular efforts. Lack of political clout, however, has not hindered their economic opportunities. Though the African American community's political savvy gained over decades of civil rights struggle ensures that government aid keeps coming their way, blacks are quietly being replaced in the workforce by Latinos willing to work for less. As Jack Miles reported in the Atlantic Monthly "janitorial firms serving downtown LA have almost entirely replaced their unionized black work force with non-unionized immigrants." This phenomenon repeats itself in various other cities such as Chicago and Denver and in different manual labor jobs such as baging groceries, waiting tables, and doing landscaping. Even blackowned businesses often have more Latino workers than African American.

Despite their large numbers, Latinos remain largely invisible. Though there's been a longstanding Mexican American presence in LA, many of the Latino population are newly-arrived immigrants representing 16 different nationalities. This makes it nearly impossible for them to build a cohesive

This economic displacement goes a long way in explaining African American anger toward the Latino. For many blacks this seems to be more evidence that mainstream, or white, society still views African Americans as undesirable. As Miles writes, "To Anglos, Latinos, even when they are foreign, seem

native and safe, while blacks, who are native, seem foreign and dangerous." Finding Each Other Manny Ortiz, a Puerto Rican professor in the practical theology department at Westminster Theological Seminary is concerned that the highly publicized statistic that Latinos are about to displace African American as the largest minority is setting up both communities for great tensions. "Demographics means money, scholarships, and other resources," he says. "We Hispanics need to talk about our own racism and begin bridging gaps between us and other communities, especially blacks." [African Americans such as John Perkins say the reverse is also true.] How can this be done? First, we need to get to know each other personally. Nothing demolishes stereotypes like getting to know each other's families and seeing how much we are alike. It is also imperative that we learn each other's history. As Latinos learn more about African American blood spilled in the streets of America so that all ethnic groups can enjoy more freedom we will be more slow to dismiss African American opinions and have a better understanding of why the

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

20 growing Latino presence can be so disheartening and threatening to blacks. Latinos, like many other minority groups, piggybacked on the Civil Rights struggles of African Americans. While Latinos have also been oppressed and humiliated in this country, it is presumptuous to equate our historical struggles. The African American experience is unique. Blacks are the only ethnic group that was brought to this country against its will and dehumanized through slavery and later by being told in public where they could get a drink or even go to the bathroom. On the positive side no other racial group has had the same kind of impact on this country's culture as has African American culture, which permeates every facet of mainstream life. Gospel, the blues, rhythm and blues, rock 'n' roll, disco, and house music all have their roots in the black musical expression. In fact, the roots of Latin salsa are also African. In addition, dread locks, Afros, break dancing, bell bottoms, high tops, sports jackets, and X baseball caps are just some of the myriad fashion fads that began in the black community and were then coopted by white mainstream

America. Some of this country's greatest athletes in practically every sport also are African American. Add to this the black soldiers who died defending this nation and the many black professionals and inventors who made breakthroughs benefitting everyone such as traffic lights, gas masks, flush toilets, golf tees, ice cream, and peanut butter. Conversely, as Blacks get acquainted with the fact that Latinos in the Southwest are living in the land that was stolen from them by the U.S. in the Mexican-American War in 1848 they might have an easier time not seeing Latinos as invaders but rather as people who can rightfully claim that this place is also their home. As the blacks who have gotten close to Latinos can attest, contrary to the common perception in the African American community, Latinos are not siphoning money from welfare but rather, in their desire to make it, are motivated to work long hours to make a place for themselves. Latinos have also left an indelible mark on popular culture with the rhythms of cha cha, rumba, and salsa. Linda Rondstat, Jerry García, Raquel Welch, and Carly Simon are all of Latino

descent. And who can forget baseball greats Roberto Clemente, Fernando Valenzuela, and [I need one more] Tacos and enchiladas are as common as hot dogs and hamburgers from Santa Fe, New Mexico to Willmar, Minnesota, which explains why salsa recently replaced ketchup as the number 1 North American condiment. And we certainly would be a lot less articulate without the words macho, grande, piñata, gusto, olé, bronco, bandido, and gracias to name a few of the words that have spiced up the English language. As each group finds out about each other's heroes -Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, César Chavez -- and accomplishments they will see that both have fought at a great cost for many of the same things, which at their most basic is the freedom and opportunity to live a healthy and peaceful life with one's family and neighbors. These understandings should then more easily lead us to take the key step in true reconciliation: recognizing our negative attitudes toward one another, apologizing for them, and then making a commitment to work together for each other's good. Black / Brown Bridges

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

21 In Chicago two churches have followed these steps with wonderful results. Noel Castellanos is a Latino pastor that a few years ago came to the Windy City to start a church. With the full pastoral and some significant financial support from Lawndale Community Church, a predominantly black church in Lawndale, Castellanos now has a thriving church in a nearby predominantly Latino neighborhood. Castellanos, who came as an outsider, is on staff at the Lawndale Community Church and has significant and important personal relationships with the blacks and whites there. In addition, Lawndale Community Church serves both African Americans and Latinos with tutoring, job training, food, and health services. Cooperation rather than competition is giving more power and dynamism to the ministries of both congregations. One of my closest friends is Holly Davis, a talented, generous, funny, and creative black woman. Over the past few years my wife, who is white, myself, and Holly have freely shared each other's worlds. We have rocked with Holly to some gospel numbers in various black churches and she has

enthusiastically sang Spanish coritos and said "Gloria a Dios" in Latino services. Holly calls me a Latin spicy tomato, but it is she who spices up the various parties we have at our home or hers. Since we all love to eat, the opportunity to experience a Peruvian ají de gallina or some soul food has the three of us salivating and ready to go. Holly also dearly loves my two-year-old daughter Marisela buying her funky clothes and saying sweet things to her. And just last night, Marisela found a picture of our latinized African American friend. With great enthusiasm she yelled "Holly!" and then kissed Holly's smiling face. It moments like these I find myself wondering, "So tell me again, why are we hating each other?" Latino's insular attitudes and their lack of vision for cooperating with other ethnic groups in the struggles we all share is a symptom that as a group we have bought into mainstream society's divide and conquer structure. Latinos feel we are in competition with other ethnic groups and that it is a zero sum game. The prevailing attitude is "we have sacrificed much to leave our impoverished communities in Latin America that we will

stick with our own and do everything we can to succeed." While this is an understandable response it is a parochial view detrimental to all groups. And for Latino Christians this approach has no biblical justification. Politically and economically African American, Latinos, and Asians need each other to fight against the injustices society inflicts on people of color. And spiritually we all have a responsibility and commitment to one another that must transcend the color of our skins. ©Andrés T. Tapia

Tensiones Latinos y Americanos Aumentan

Entre Afro

Por Andrés T. Tapia Mientras la sociedad, los medios de comunicación, y la iglesia continuan a solo pensar en términos de blanco y negro cuando se trata de relaciones entre las razas, fuera del foro publico las tensiones entre diferentes grupos minoritarios están aumentando. Una de las tensiones mas preocupantes es lo que está pasando entre negros y Latinos. Divisiones En Washington DC hace algunos años hubieron

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

22 disturbios en un barrio Latino cuando un policia negro le disparó a un Latino durante un arresto. En Los Angeles han habido confrontaciones violentas entre Latinos y negros que estaban competiendo por trabajo manual. Muchos negros se molestan que muchos de los tipos de trabajos que eran de ellos ahora son otorgados a Latinos. Pero muchos Latinos responden en una forma arrogante diciendo, "Mala suerte. Ahora nos toca a nosotros." Para la comunidad negra en este país, que ha luchado con grandes sacrificios para sobreponerse a doscientos años de injusticias, las estad'sticas demográficas de los Latinos les es amenazante. De acuerdo a la Oficina Federal del Censo por el año 2076 los 23 millones de Latinos que están aquí legalmente se multiplicarán a 57 millones, haciendo que los Latinos sean el grupo minoritario más grande en los Estados Unidos. En el condado de Los Angeles 38% de la poblacion es Latina comparado con los 11% que son negros. Barrios como Watts y South Central que por mucho tiempo han sido barrios negros, efectivamenteya son por lo menos 50% barrios Latinos.

Manny Ortiz, un profesor puertorriqueño en teología práctica en el seminario teologico de Westminster en Philadelphia, está preocupado quel crecimeinto dramático de la poblaci--n Latina va a aumentar paulatinamente las tensi--nes entre Latinos y negros. "Estad'sticas demográficas significan dinero, becas, y otros recursos," dice el. "Nosotros los Latinos necesitamos hablar sobre nuestro propio racismo y comenzar a establecer puentes de enlace entre nosotros y otras comunidades, especialmente con la comunidad negra." ¿Como podemos hacer esto? Primeramente tenemos que conocernos personalmente. Nada quiebra los estereotipos más eficazmente que conociéndonos unos a otros y a nuestras familias. Es también imperativo que aprendamos las historias de cada uno de los grupos. Cuando nosotros los Latinos aprendamos más sobre sangre negra derramada en las calles de este país para que todos los grupos étnicos puedan vivir más libremente, seremos mas lentos en desprestigiar las opiniones de esta comunidad y a la misma vez tener un mejor entendimiento de porque los negros nos ven de reojo cuando parece que les estamos quitando trabajo.

Es cierto que Latinos han sido tratados en formas humillantes en este país pero nada se compara con la agon'a y sufrimiento de la esclavitud. Los negros venieron a este país a la fuerza, raptados de sus hogares mientras que la mayor'a de nosotros hemos venido por nuestra propia cuenta. Por el lado positivo los negros como una comunidad han aportado grandes riquezas de su cultura y talento a este país en música, arte, modas, atletismo, y muchos inventos como el semáforo, el inodoro, la máscara de gas, y la mantequilla de maní. A la misma vez, una vez que los negros descubran que Latinos en el sur oeste de los Estados Unidos están viviendo en tierras que fueron quitadas de México por los Estados Unidos en la guerra Mexicana Americana de 1848 verán a los Latinos no como invasores sino como gente que legítimamente puede proclamar esas tierras como suyas. Y al conocer a familias Latinas los negros podrán ver que estas son familias muy trabajadoras dispuestas a sacrificar mucho para establecerce en este país y que la mayoría no a venido para abusar el sistema de

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

23 "welfare" como muchas veces se nos acusa de hacer. Latinos también han dejado una marca profunda en la vida cultural de este país con nuestros ritmos de música, grandes jugadores de beisbol como Roberto Clemente y Fernando Valenzuela, y comida que se come desde San Diego, California a Willmar, Minnesota, que explica porqué la salsa remplaza-- a catsup como el condimento número uno de los Estados Unidos. Y que sería del inglés si no tuviera palabras españolas para sazonarlo como macho, grande, piñata, gusto, olé, bronco, bandido, and gracias. Estos entendimientos harán más facil tomar los verdaderos pasos de reconciliación: reconocer nuestras actitudes negativas hacia el otro grupo, pedir perdón por ellas, y, finalmente, comprometernos a trabajar juntos para el bien de nuestras dos comunidades. Puentes Dos iglesias en Chicago han tomado estos pasos con resultados magníficos. Noel Castellanos es un pastor Latino que hace unos años llegó a la Ciudad de Grandes Vientos para establecer una iglesia. Con el apoyo pastoral y financiero de Lawndale Community Church, una

iglesia predominantemente negra, Castellanos ahora tiene una iglesia Latina que es muy dinámica y que está creciendo. Castellanos, quien vino como un forastero, ahora es parte del personal de Lawndale Community Church and ah' tiene muy buenos amigos negros y blancos. Además Lawndale Community Church brinda servicios sociales como tutoría, entrenamiento de trabajo, y salud a las comunidades negras y Latinas de Lawndale. Cooperacion en vez de competición le ha dado a las dos iglesias más eficacia en su ministerio cristiano en la ciudad de Chicago. Una de mis mejores amigas es Holly Davis, una talentosa, generosa, chistosa, y creativa mujer negra. En los últimos años mi esposa Lori, quien es blanca, Holly, y yo hemos compartido libremente nuestros mundos. Nos hemos mecido al compás de números de gospel en varias iglesias negras y ella ha cantado coritos en español entusiastamente y dicho "Gloria a Dios" en cultos Latinos. Como a los tres nos encanta comer, qualquier oportunidad de saborear un ají de gallina peruano o comida negra llamada "soul" nos tiene chupándonos los dedos y

listos para comer. Holly le quiere mucho a nuestra hija Marisela de dos años y además de comprarle regalitos le dice cosas muy cariñosas. Y justo el otro d'a, Marisela, al encontrar una foto de nuestra amiga negra latinizada, agarr-- la foto con gran entusiasmo y gritó "Holly!" y le dio un gran beso a su imagen sonriente. En momentos como ese me pregunto, "Alguien quiere explicarme por qué nos estamos odiando tanto?" Las actitudes insulares de nuestra comunidad Latina y nuestra falta de visión para cooperar con otros grupos étnicos para enfrentar los desafios que todos compartimos es prueba que hemos aceptado los argumentos del mundo secular que la única forma de sobrevivir en esta sociedad es teniendo la actitud de que la vida es una de todos contra todos. Esto es un gran error. Políticamemente todos los grupos minoritarios de este país se necesitan unos de los otros para enfrentar las injusticias que esta sociedad inflicta contra las personas de color. Y espiritualmente todos tenemos la responsabilidad y compromiso cristiano a los otros miembros del cuerpo de Cristo que debe transcender el color de nuestras pieles.

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

24 Andrés Tapia es periodista y con su familia atiende Second Baptist Church, una iglesia negra en Evanston, Illinois.

The value of one vote In 1645, one vote gave Oliver Cromwell control of England. In 1649, one vote caused Charles I of England to be executed. In 1776, one vote gave America the English language instead of German.

In 1941, one vote saved Selective Service—just weeks before Pearl Harbor was attacked.

About RILPAC The Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee is a nonpartisan organization formed to influence the political process in the state of Rhode Island in order to improve the quality of life of Latino and urban communities. OUR GOALS •

To increase participation.

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To support and/or endorse candidates from Rhode Island for state and local office who are committed to our mission.

In 1845, one vote brought Texas into the Union. In 1868, one vote saved President Andrew Johnson from impeachment. In 1875, one vote changed France from a monarchy to a republic.

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political

To raise awareness on issues and/or candidates that could benefit or adversely impact the Latino community. MEMBERSHIP

In 1876, one vote gave Rutherford B. Hayes the presidency of the United States.

Active Membership: Active Members must attend all meetings and will have voting privileges.

In 1923, one vote gave Adolf Hitler leadership of the Nazi Party.

Associate: Associate members will receive a quarterly newsletter but will have non-voting

status. Donor: Donors are supporters who contribute to RILPAC but are not active or associate members.

Board of Directors Pablo Rodriguez, MD President Alina Ocasio Executive Vice President Juan M. Pichardo Vice President Michelle Torres Secretary Margarita Guedes Assistant Secretary Tomás Alberto Avila Treasurer Betty Bernal Assistant Treasurer Victor F. Capellán Gladys Corvera-Baker, Francisco J. Cruz José González, Ed.D. Nellie Gorbea Ricardo Patiño Vidal Perez Tomás Ramirez Jenny Rosario Delia Smidt Angel Taveras, Esq.

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee

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RILPAC P.O. Box 23020 Providence, RI 02903 Phone (401) 274-5204 Fax (401) 272-8974 Email:[email protected] http://www.mileniolatino.com/rilpac

Rhode Island Latino Political Action Committee