Marketing Tourism (maily Nisa Ayu 3a Mpp)

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Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 660–682, 2003  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Printed in Great Britain 0160-7383/03/$30.00

doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(03)00045-8

THE CONTEXT OF THIRD WORLD TOURISM MARKETING Charlotte M. Echtner University of Calgary, Canada Pushkala Prasad Skidmore College, USA Abstract: Recent examination of the content of Third World tourism marketing still lacks discussion concerning context. In this paper, an analysis of brochures representing different Third World countries reveals distinct patterns of marketing images occurring across these destinations. Postcolonial theory is used as a critical, contextual perspective to interpret these patterns. Three Third World tourism ‘Un’ myths are discussed: the myth of the unchanged, the myth of the unrestrained, and the myth of the uncivilized. It is shown that the representations surrounding these myths replicate colonial forms of discourse, emphasizing certain binaries between the First and Third Worlds and maintaining broader geopolitical power structures. Keywords: Third World, tourism marketing, context, postcolonial theory, myth, representation.  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Re´sume´: Le contexte de la promotion du tourisme dans le tiers-monde. Les e´tudes re´centes du contenu de la promotion du tourisme au tiers-monde manque de discussion du contexte. Dans cet article, une analyse des brochures au sujet de diffe´rents pays du tiers-monde re´ve`le des mode`les distincts des images de la promotion qui se rencontrent pour toutes ces destinations. La the´orie postcoloniale est utilise´e comme perspective critique et contextuelle pour interpre´ter ces mode`les. On discute de trois mythes du tiers-monde: le mythe de l’inchange´, le mythe du non limite´ et le mythe du non civilise´. On montre que les repre´sentations qui entourent ces mythes reproduisent les formes coloniales du discours, qu’elles soulignent certains binaires entre les pays industrialise´s et le tiers-monde et qu’elles maintiennent, sur un plan plus large, la re´partition des pouvoirs ge´opolitiques. Mots-cle´s: tiers-monde, promotion du tourisme, contexte, the´orie postcoloniale, mythe, repre´sentation.  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION The marketing of Third World countries for tourism is increasingly common, and the fastest growing destinations are in these regions. Currently, about 30% of all international tourist arrivals are in the Third World and this proportion has nearly tripled over the past 20 years (World Tourism Organization 1999). However, over the last few decades, there has been mounting criticism of the portrayal of these

Charlotte Echtner completed this research while a Ph.D student in the Faculty of Management, University of Calgary (Calgary, Alberta, Canada T2N 1N4. Email ). Her areas of interest include destination image and Third World tourism. Pushkala Prasad holds the Zankel Chair in Management and the Liberal Arts at Skidmore College, USA. Her areas of expertise include organization theory and qualitative research. 660

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destinations and their people in promotional materials (Britton 1979; Echtner 2002; Mohamed 1988; Silver 1993; Sturma 1999; Wilson 1994). For the most part, this previous research focuses on examining the content (or the what) of Third World tourism marketing. As a result, there remains a notable lack of critical attention to the context (or the why) surrounding and defining these representations. As noted by Adams (1984) and Reimer (1990), a remarkable marketing situation characterizes Third World promotion. That is, these destinations are most often promoted by multinational tour operators, travel agencies, and other intermediaries with origins in the First World. The primary targets of these marketing efforts are also located in the First World, as the developed countries are the main generators of tourists. As a result, the vast majority of Third World destination marketing is created and distributed by First World promoters who are economically motivated to sell a particular brand of fantasy to a First World market. The considerable level of content control exerted by the First World points to an important aspect of the context of Third World marketing. Specifically, the study of this promotional arrangement can be located within a much broader area of research concerned with the representation of the Third World by the First World. Although representation in this broader geopolitical and ideological context has been extensively addressed in other fields of study, especially by postcolonial theorists, this perspective has been virtually ignored by tourism scholars. Therefore, the primary objective of this paper is to address this significant gap in research by using postcolonial theory to critically interpret the context of Third World tourism marketing. CONTEXT OF THIRD WORLD TOURISM MARKETING Previous research addressing the context of Third World tourism marketing is somewhat limited. Britton acknowledges the similarities between the “dictated roles ... advanced by imperialists ... [and the] traits perpetuated in travel industry imagery” (1979:324). More recently, Morgan and Pritchard (1998) take a comprehensive look at the context of marketing by examining the relationship between tourism promotion and power. In particular, they argue that “... images of the Third World ... tend to reflect a western, white, male, colonial perspective”, whereby “... a dynamic First World contrasts itself with a static, timeless and unchanging Third World” (Morgan and Pritchard:169, 242). In a similar vein, the connections between colonial imagery and Third World marketing are addressed by Wilson (1994), Palmer (1994) and Sturma (1999). Wilson concludes that, over the ages, the stereotypical tourism images of, for example, the Seychelles “reflect the interests and objectives of white Europeans ... and have little to do with the actualities of Seychellois belief or behavior” (1994:774). Palmer, using the Bahamas as a case study, contends that “by relying on the images of a colonial past, the tourism industry merely perpetuates the ideology of colonialism and prevents the local people from defining a national identity of their own” (1994:792).

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Further, Sturma points out that colonial stereotypes continue to be “replicated and reinforced through narrative, fictions, art and films ... [and] in turn have become part of the ... language of tourism”. Accordingly, he concludes that a “representational loop” has been established where stereotypical images originating with colonial narratives are continually reiterated (1999:713). Even though previous research is quite limited, several important common threads emerge. First, reference is repeatedly made to historical context by suggesting that these representations replicate colonial forms of discourse. Second, the predominant role of First World tourism in creating and controlling promotional images is emphasized. Third, the asymmetric nature of the industry relationships between the First and Third Worlds is highlighted. Historically, as well as currently, the latter remains far more traversed by First Worlders than the other way around. As discussed later, these three aspects provide strong justifications for the application of postcolonial theory when critically examining the context of Third World marketing. Preparatory Methods Countries were selected from a total of 130 defined as the Third World by the World Bank (1996). From this set, 30 were chosen based on high tourism earnings (as ranked by the World Tourism Organization 1996) and amount spent on promotion (World Tourism Organization 1995). These countries were then grouped into five regions and a sample of 12 selected based upon geographic representation. These included Costa Rica and Ecuador (Latin America); Jamaica and Cuba (the Caribbean); Fiji (Pacific Islands); China, Thailand, and India (Asia); Egypt and Turkey (North Africa/Middle East); and Kenya and Namibia (Sub-Saharan Africa). A sample of 223 brochures was collected from 47 North American travel agencies. Collection continued until a saturation point (additional travel agency visits did not produce new brochures) was reached for each of the 12 destinations contained in the study. Subsequently, brochures with small amounts of verbal and visual data were eliminated, resulting in 115 brochures for the 12 countries. While this data set is probably the most comprehensive attempt to date to examine Third World tourism marketing, it inevitably has limitations. Obviously, not all Third World “tourism oriented” countries are included in the collection, although an attempt is made to cover the widest possible geographic regions. In a similar vein, data gathering is limited to the brochures produced in a sample of the North American marketplace. While postcolonial theory would predict that the stereotypical images uncovered in this study will be replicated across other Third World destinations and in other First World promotional material (for example, a set of European brochures), such additional data sets provide an interesting area for further examination. Next, the verbal and visual components of the data set were meticulously inventoried. In the verbal analysis, the nouns, verbs, and descriptors (such as adjectives and adverbs) in the text were recorded. Nouns

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were chosen as a unit of analysis because they focus attention on specific natural and built attractions at the destination. Nouns are also used to label the tourists and hosts, or the actors, in the tourism experience. Verbs, the second unit of analysis, are important as they are used to convey the range of actions while at the destination. The last category, descriptors, create atmosphere by describing the attractions, hosts, and tourists in a certain way—for example, the ancient temple, the simple people, the adventurous tourist, etc. In order to relate to the verbal analysis, the visual analysis similarly focused on the attractions, actors, actions, and atmosphere portrayed in the pictures. A number of cross-checks were used throughout the research. For example, at certain stages in the analysis, grouping procedures were used to uncover themes in the data (especially with regard to actions and atmosphere). These grouping procedures and themes were independently verified by other researchers. In addition, the verbal and visual analyses were conducted by two separate researchers to avoid cross-contamination of results. Further, since the analysis of the pictures was somewhat more interpretive than that of the text (which simply involved an inventory of the nouns, verbs, and descriptors), another researcher completed an analysis of a random subset of the pictures to cross-check these results. Overall, the contents of the 115 brochures produced a pool of nearly 10,000 words, consisting of 5,408 nouns, 1,566 verbs, and 2,961 descriptors. In addition, 678 pictures were examined for the visual analysis. A complete description of this data set is discussed elsewhere (Echtner 2002). For the current discussion, the most relevant and important results are not the individual components of each country’s representation but the emergence of patterns across destinations. Specifically, three clusters of Third World destinations are revealed based on significant similarities in the most common types of attractions, actors (hosts and tourists), actions, and atmosphere portrayed in the verbal and visual components of their brochures. As shown across the top of Table 1, the three country clusters consist of the “Oriental” countries of China, Egypt, India, Turkey, and Thailand; the “sea/sand” countries of Cuba, Fiji, and Jamaica; and the “frontier” countries of Costa Rica, Ecuador, Kenya and Namibia (Thailand and Costa Rica exhibit a tendency to crossover between groupings, as is explained below). As illustrated in Table 1, the first characteristic that varies among the country clusters is the emphasis placed on natural versus built attractions. The portrayals of the Oriental countries stress the latter attractions, especially ruins, religious sites, palaces, and monuments from the ancient past, plus certain gateway cities. In contrast, the representations of the frontier cluster emphasize various natural attractions almost to the complete exclusion of anything built. In between these two extremes, the images of the sea/sand cluster provide a mix of natural and built attractions. In this cluster, the former focus mainly on beaches, ocean, and an island setting, whereas the primary built attractions are modern resorts. The crossover country of Thailand mixes sea/sand images with the past built attractions emphasized in the Oriental countries. In a similar vein, the portrayal of Costa Rica

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Table 1. Summary of Patterns of Representation from Content Analysisa Oriental

Sea/Sand

Representation

China, Egypt, India, Turkey

Thailand

Attractions

Actors Hosts

Tourists

Actions Hosts

Tourists

Frontier Cuba, Fiji, Jamaica

Costa Rica

man-made (from Oriental the past): ruins, plus: religious sites, beaches palaces, monuments, city gateway

nature: beaches, ocean, island; man-made: resorts

Frontier plus: beaches, ocean

more males, in peasant dress, indistinct/stoic expressions

Oriental plus: females, smiles

visitors, travelers—mixed gender groups

Oriental

more Frontier females,in uniform/ costume, smiling vactioners, Frontier sunseekers, lovers, sportspersonscouples in swimwear

no interaction: objects to gaze upon

Oriental but some:serve, entertain discover, journey, only: experience, discover, indulge indulge

Atmosphere mystical, opulent, mystical, strange, past vs. opulent, present pastnatural, pristine, tropical, verdant

interaction: serve, entertain, welcome indulge, do (many activities) natural, pristine, tropical, verdant, gentle, amiable, best

Ecuador, Kenya, Namibia nature: wildlife, parks/reserves, landscape

more males, in tribal dress, mixed stoic, smiling adventurers, explorers, nature lovers— mixed gender groups

Frontier

no interaction: objects to gaze upon

Frontier plus: indulge, do Frontier plus: tropical verdant

discover, observe

natural, pristine, strange, famous, best

a

Only the most common representations across country clusters provided: for full details of data by country, refer to Echtner (2002).

interjects some sea/sand images into a focus on the natural environment that is characteristic of the frontier countries. Moving on to the next rows of the table, the actors portrayed also vary among the country clusters. Oriental hosts are more often men, usually in rural settings in simple ethnic dress (such as peasants). Their facial expressions tend to be indistinct or stoic. In contrast, the sea/sand hosts are commonly smiling and more frequently female. These hosts are usually found in a resort setting, dressed in the often

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alluring uniforms or costumes that identify them as servers and entertainers. In the frontier cluster, hosts are greatly de-emphasized. When they are portrayed, there is a slight tendency towards males, with a mixture of stoic or smiling expressions. Dress is usually tribal (such as bare chests, painted bodies, spears) and hosts are portrayed as part of the surrounding wild landscape. The crossover country of Thailand provides an amalgam of Oriental and sea/sand hosts, exhibiting more smiling peasants and females than are present in the other Oriental countries. Whereas hosts are frequently portrayed in the brochures, tourists are represented in more limited ways. In both the Oriental and frontier clusters, they tend to be pictured in mixed gender groups in no special form of dress. However, when described in the text some differences emerge. Tourists to the Oriental countries are labeled visitors or travelers, while in the frontier countries they are adventurers, explorers, and nature lovers. In the sea/sand countries, many different terms are used to describe them, including vacationers, sunseekers, lovers, and various types of sportspersons (for example, scuba divers and golfers). These sea/sand tourists are predominantly pictured as couples in swimwear lounging near the pool or beach. Both Thailand and Costa Rica do not exhibit any crossovers with representations of sea/sand tourists, remaining entrenched in the Oriental and frontier clusters, respectively. Not only do the characteristics of the tourists and hosts vary among country clusters, but their actions are also different. As shown in Table 1, Oriental and frontier hosts primarily serve as passive objects to be gazed upon. They are attractions for, rather than interacting with, the tourists. On the other hand, sea/sand hosts are represented as ready and willing to serve, entertain and welcome. In the crossover country of Thailand, hosts are portrayed in the act of serving/entertaining much more frequently than in other Oriental destinations. However, Costa Rica does not alter the portrayal of its hosts from the frontier image. As to the tourists, in the Oriental countries they are engaged in discovering, journeying, experiencing, and indulging. While the actions of the tourists in the frontier countries also focus on discovery, in this case, they also concentrate on observing the natural surroundings. Moreover, in such a savage environment, indulgence is considerably de-emphasized. In contrast, indulgence is the core activity presented to the tourists in the sea/sand country cluster. In addition, there is an emphasis on doing. Here, overall expectations are created of destinations full of various recreational activities and indulgences. The crossover country of Costa Rica combines all of the activities of the frontier and sea/sand tourists. Thailand, on the other hand, focuses on only two activities: discovery—an action characteristic of the Oriental countries and indulgence—an action crossing over between the Oriental and the sea/sand clusters. Besides variations in terms of attractions, actors, and actions, unique atmospheres are revealed for each country cluster. As the last row of Table 1 illustrates, Oriental countries are distinctly characterized by an

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atmosphere that combines the themes of mystical, opulent, strange (exotic), and past versus present. As previously noted, the attractions described by these atmosphere themes tend to be ancient built sites rather than natural features. The theme of past versus present is almost exclusively reserved for the portrayals of gateway cities, as they are inevitably described as a meeting place for the ancient and modern, the old and new. In addition, they are portrayed as the staging points to enter the unchanged Orient beyond. In contrast, the atmosphere created around the sea/sand country cluster is entirely different, consisting of natural, pristine, tropical, verdant, gentle, amiable, and best themes. The first five of these themes are used to describe natural attractions. They paint a picture of an untarnished natural environment characterized by tropical, gentle lushness. Complementing these soft natural surroundings are the hosts, who are described with gentle and amiable themes. The built attraction of resorts is the final element of the sea/sand atmosphere, typified as providing the best (finest, superb) amenities available. The overlapping country of Thailand exhibits many of the sea/sand atmosphere themes, as well as offering the mystical, opulent, and past atmosphere of the Oriental destinations. The frontier cluster shares a natural, pristine atmosphere with the sea/sand destinations but also incorporates an element of strangeness. Hence, the pristine nature in the frontier destinations is not harmless and soft (as in the sea/sand countries) but described as wild and savage. Significantly, similar natural, pristine, and strange/savage themes are used to represent the tribal frontier hosts. Two additional themes (best and famous) are used to emphasize that these destinations offer unmatched opportunities to see these renowned attractions. In the crossover country of Costa Rica, the frontier atmosphere is slightly softened through the additional sea/sand themes of tropical and verdant. Overall, the above results (Table 1) reveal the patterns of representation that are uncovered from a detailed analysis of the visual and verbal contents of Third World tourism marketing. Specifically, three country clusters are consistently evident, each with a different set of attractions, actors, actions, and atmospheres. Such patterns of representation provide the initial groundwork that facilitates a contextual examination of the overarching myths and stereotypes created around Third World destinations. Overview of Postcolonial Theory Postcolonial theory (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin 1998, 1995; Gandhi 1998) emerges out of a fundamental belief that colonialism has been, and remains, one of the most compelling influences on the West’s interpretations of and interactions with people from different (mainly non-Western) cultures. Therefore, postcolonial theory is constantly alert to the legacies of colonialism in diverse contemporary institutional settings, including tourism and business interactions (Prasad and Prasad 2002). As such, the application of postcolonial theory results in a particular interpretation of context, one that is immersed in

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the distinctions drawn between the First and Third Worlds. Specifically, postcolonial theory provides a critical perspective that draws attention to the power structures constructed and maintained via forms of discourse. As Gandhi points out, discourses exercise power through representation; they “control and delimit both the mode and the means of representation in a given society” (1998:77). According to postcolonial theory, colonial discourse—the form of discourse popularized during the colonial eras of expansion and exploitation—continues to dominate any form of representation of the Third World by the First World (Mishra and Hodge 1991). Said’s (1978) seminal work, Orientalism, is one of the first detailed examinations of colonial discourse and is generally regarded as the principle catalyst for the development of postcolonial theory. In his book, he demonstrates how the texts produced during the colonization of the East created a type of colonial discourse, which he labeled “Orientalism”. He contends that its language was used to portray the East as mysterious, exotic, sensual, splendid, cruel, despotic, and sly. According to Said, such discourse reflected an ideology which expounded the superiority of the Western world. A power relation was defined by creating a boundary between the West and the East through a series of hierarchical binary oppositions, where the former was represented as forward and advancing, with the latter thus being systematically constituted as backward and stagnant (or decaying). He concludes that such juxtapositions were used to encourage and justify the exploration, exploitation, colonization, and “civilization” of the East. It should be noted that the term Oriental has a mixed history in Western scholarship. For most of the 19th and early 20th century, it was a relatively commonplace word used to refer to specific geographical areas and cultures typically comprising all of the Middle East and most of Asia. Said’s work brought the term into provocative prominence by uncovering both its pejorative and romantic elements that emerged in the complicated encounter between the colonial European powers and the Middle East. This paper’s use of the term refers to specific geographical sites, but it also carries many of the connotations first surfaced by Said. Over the past two decades, postcolonial theory has evolved by examining many other forms and facets of colonial discourse. Perhaps the most comprehensive compilation of influential postcolonial theory writings is available in the volume entitled The Post-Colonial Studies Reader (Ashcroft et al 1995). This substantial collection of studies provides an indication of the extensive usage of postcolonial theory by a variety of disciplines. More recently, Said’s notion of Orientalism has been expanded by others into that of “Tropicalization”, a term used to denote a set of discursive bifurcations between the cultures from socalled temperate and tropical zones. While Tropicalization is seen as being more prevalent with respect to Caribbean and Latin-American countries, it also constitutes tropical cultures as sensual, luxuriant, pleasure-seeking, and profoundly idle (Aparicio and Chavez-Silverman 2000). From a broader ontological perspective, postcolonial theorists draw

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attention to the persistence of colonialism on an ideological level. They contend that although the formal territorial control of much of the Third World ended with the rise of independent nationhood in the 20th century, the ideological domination of the West is a continuing reality. Specifically, it is proposed that the continuing Western control of most forms of discourse serves to define and maintain First World/Third World boundaries and power structures. Within this power structure, the former assumes a privileged, authoritative and central ideological position, marginalizing the latter to the peripheries (Mishra and Hodge 1991). This marginalization occurs through the creation of binary oppositions such as colonizer/colonized, First World/Third World, developed/developing, civilized/primitive, scientific/superstitious, industrialized/undeveloped, active/passive, disciplined/unrestrained, normal/exotic, etc. (Prasad 1997:291). From an epistemological perspective, postcolonial scholars are interested in uncovering the discursive aspects of power and control present in First World representations of the Third World. According to postcolonial theory, these representations remain disturbingly tied to a set of nostalgic colonial images. Specifically, they continue to perpetuate various forms of colonial discourse that serve to maintain ingrained power structures long after the territorial and political withdrawal of the colonial powers. As such, the critical examination of Third World representations and their linkage to colonial forms discourse are primary objectives of postcolonial theory. The specific ontological and epistemological perspective of postcolonial theory accounts for its widespread application by researchers studying a wide variety of Third World representations. As shown in the compilation by Ashcroft et al (1995), postcolonial theory has been fruitfully used in various disciplines including literature, cultural studies, political science, ethnology, education, and history. To date, however, postcolonial theory has not been applied to the interpretation of tourism promotion. This oversight is significant, since postcolonial theory provides a fertile framework for understanding the context of this particular form of Third World representation. Interpreting Context The interpretation of the context of Third World tourism marketing is based on the results of the preparatory methods. The unique patterns of representation exhibited for each of the three country clusters—the unchanged (Oriental cluster), the unrestrained (sea/sand cluster), and the uncivilized (frontier cluster)—(Table 1)—can be used to reveal certain overarching tourism myths underlying the marketing of these destinations. Postcolonial theory provides a critical, contextual perspective to revisit and interpret each cluster under the heading of a corresponding myth. As already explained, a postcolonial theory perspective provides an interpretation of context that is focused on the distinctions drawn between the First and Third Worlds. Of particular interest are the representations that replicate colonial forms of discourse and emphasize

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certain oppositional binaries. The ways that these nostalgic colonial images and their corresponding binary contrasts are reiterated in each of the myths constitute the focus of the discussion. The Myth of the Unchanged. As summarized in the first column of Table 1, this myth is used to fix certain Third World destinations firmly in the past, one that is represented by timeless places. It is in the Oriental country cluster (such as China, Egypt, India, Turkey, and Thailand) that this myth is most omnipresent and becomes the overarching theme that delimits all representations. In these destinations the tourist, once through a city gateway, journeys backward in time to a world of ancient civilizations. The built attractions of relics and ruins in these fabled places are the primary focus for the tourism gaze. The past portrayed is surrounded by atmospheric themes of opulence, mysticism, and strangeness. These are places where built structures are characterized as extravagant and exotic, and are surrounded by mysterious legends. By contrast, the people inhabiting these legendary lands are characterized by their enduring, peasant simplicity. But like the ancient structures, the people are relics—unchanged and exotic remnants of another time. Thus, these two characteristics, relic people and places, comprise the primary features of the myth of the unchanged. As such, representations of modern built attractions and people are avoided whenever possible. Natural features are de-emphasized as, for the most part, they are not a useful complement except where they can contribute to the atmosphere of a timeless, strange, and mystical place. Visual representations of the unchanged are shown in Figure 1, which provides examples of the relic places and people typically portrayed in the Oriental country brochures. The myth of the unchanged systematically portrays the destinations as firmly entrenched in a time ripe for a journey of discovery. Through both the verbal and visual representations, the tourist expects to find legendary lands—to uncover their mystical secrets, to marvel at their exotic people, and to wonder at their opulence. These representations are strongly reminiscent of the colonial eras of exploration, trade and conquest. In many ways, modern day tourists are encouraged to relive the journeys and experiences of colonial explorers, traders, treasure hunters, archeologists, etc. Consequently, in order to re-enact these journeys, these Third World destinations must appear to remain unchanged. Another significant aspect of the myth of the unchanged relates to the portrayal of past opulence. The representations highlight and perpetuate the long lost glory of the destinations. They focus on the leftover traces of wealthy, powerful ancient empires and dynasties; on remaining structures, monuments, and treasures. The tourist is directed to marvel at the relics of these amazing eras (and to observe and note the simplicity of the peasant people). It is through this contrasting representation of the past opulence and present simplicity of the destinations that the myth cannot avoid implying their decadence. The representations discussed above are hardly unexpected from a postcolonial theory perspective. Indeed, such depictions are largely predicted by Said’s (1978) work. As already mentioned, Said describes

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Figure 1. The Myth of the Unchanged

the most common forms of discourse surrounding Western attempts to delineate and differentiate the Orient. Some of the prominent themes he identifies in colonial descriptions of Oriental lands include mysterious, exotic, sensuous, and splendid. As the current research quite clearly demonstrates, these themes continue to be central in the portrayal of these regions for tourism.

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Said further notes that colonial discourse about the Orient inevitably suggests that these places are past their prime: “[t]heir great moments were in the past; they are useful in the modern world only because the powerful and up-to-date empires have effectively brought them out of the wretchedness of their decline” (1978:35). Thus, the modern First World tourists are encouraged to feast on the past built glories of these Third World destinations, for apparently these features—and not their present day state—are the most worthy of their gaze. According to Said, negative themes surrounding the Orient are also present in colonial discourse, including cruelty, deceit, laziness, and despotism. While these themes are widely emphasized in many other current representations of the Third World (including the media, popular literature, cinema), they are largely eliminated from tourism marketing. A similar lack of negative imagery and sanitized representations in Third World marketing has already been noted in previous research (Britton 1979; Dann 1996a; Wilson 1994). These omissions are to be expected since tourism promotion, like most forms of marketing, is designed to sell a product. As such, the myths borrow only selective marketable stereotypes from Oriental representations, by embellishing positive aspects and de-emphasizing those aspects not advantageous to the myth. In the process, the tourist is attracted to the destination by a set of pleasurable images. But these selected marketing representations are nonetheless instrumental in reinforcing ideologies that “... are grounded in [the] relations of power, dominance and subordination which characterize the global system” (Morgan and Pritchard 1998:3). Specifically, the myth of the Unchanged reinforces several binary relationships between the First and Third Worlds. These binaries include changed/unchanged, modern/ancient, and advancing/ decaying. As a result, there are necessary and significant silences surrounding any aspects of change, modernity, and advancement (the latter two terms always being defined from the Western perspective). Overall, the myth draws upon a highly pre-defined caricature of these places; it hinges on the embellished essences and aesthetic stereotypes of Orientalism. As such, the representations must ensure that these destinations remain fixed in a time and place that is classically and pleasingly Oriental. In more general terms, postcolonial theory suggests that the representation of the Third World in any context (whether popular literature, the media, or tourism promotion) cannot be separated from colonial discourse. Seen from this perspective, the current images are simply reiterative, reflecting and reinforcing historically embedded colonial myths. As Gandhi points out, there is a “persisting Western interest in the...production of what we might call exotic culture[s]” (1998:59–60). Therefore, tourism representations adopt the myths and also serve as another vehicle that continues to perpetuate them. Taken to an ontological level, the implication is that social reality continues to be defined and represented from a First World perspective. As Said argues, “Orientalism is a style of thought based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction made between ‘the Orient’

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and (most of the time) ‘the Occident’ ... because of Orientalism the Orient was not (and is not) a free subject of thought or action” (1995:88–89). Seen at this level, tourism marketing is one of the many forms of Third World representation that, in sometimes subtle but nonetheless serious ways, serves to maintain and reinforce colonial discourse and the power relations and ideology it fosters. At a more tangible level, these images move beyond the domains of tourism into different spheres of policymaking where the Orient, by virtue of its unchangeability is also regarded as being incapable of keeping up with the times and thus constantly in need of Western assistance and control. The Myth of the Unrestrained. While the myth of the Unchanged focuses on legendary lands, the myth of the unrestrained takes the tourist to the luxuriant lands of the sea/sand destinations (such as Cuba, Fiji, and Jamaica). As the middle column of Table 1 illustrates, these are places with both very select natural and built attractions: verdant tropical beaches, the best resorts, and serving, entertaining hosts. Naturally, this surrounding environment entices the tourist to be selfindulgent and sensuous. These characteristic representations are presented in Figure 2. The myth of the unrestrained is the overarching theme that affects all other representations of these Third World countries, whether referring to natural, built, or host/tourist characteristics. In these destinations, the tourist enters not the opulent past, as in the myth of the unchanged, but a present paradise. These are places where nature is pristine and never harsh, where the people are friendly and never unwilling to cater to every tourist need, and where the resorts offer amenities to satisfy every sensual desire, whether active or passive. Unlike the myth of the unchanged, these places are not mystical and strange, but completely comprehensible and comfortable. The myth of the unrestrained depicts Third World destinations as fully available for the indulgent. The tourists (described as sunseekers, lovers, and sportspersons) expect to have unfettered access to abundant nature, well-equipped amenities, and submissive (be it serving or smiling) hosts. Whereas the myth of the unchanged perpetuates the idea of colonial exploration, the myth of the unrestrained, in many ways, presents a romanticized version of colonial exploitation. This exploitative aspect of the portrayal of paradise in Third World destinations has already been extensively noted (Britton 1979; Crick 1989; Dann 1996a; Palmer 1994; Sturma 1999; Wilson 1994). Britton (1979) takes a critical stance on these themes of paradise. He notes that “[t]he tourism industry continues to portray these places as ‘paradise,’ ‘unspoiled,’ ‘sensuous,’ or other distortions, presumably to compensate for the obvious poverty beyond the hotel or sightseeing bus” (Britton 1979:318). Obviously, the aspect of poverty is not conducive to paradise and so must remain absent from the representations. In a similar vein, Dann remarks that “one can easily see the disadvantages of including the raw nature elements of an exotic tropical destination...since if these items were featured, it would be necessary to refer to torrential rain, hurricanes, cockroaches, poisonous

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Figure 2. The Myth of the Unrestrained

snakes, and so on” (1996a:247). In the myth of the unrestrained, the destination and its people must be portrayed as open and willing to offer a bountiful, comfortable environment to the tourist. Harsh nature and human conditions are simply not conducive to paradise. There are other significant silences that are necessary to maintain

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the myth of the unrestrained. The focus on pristine nature discourages portrayals of most built characteristics. The only necessary components are resorts, which offer luxurious bases to exploit the pristine surroundings. Any hint of advancement in the form of urbanization or industrialization is best avoided. Similarly, representations of the built past are not complementary to the myth. As a result, these destinations are locked into a permanent pristine paradise or as Sturma suggests, a “static utopia” (1999:712). The people inhabiting this paradise are a very central component of the myth of the unrestrained. Unlike the myth of the unchanged, where the rather stoic peasant inhabitants assume a passive role as mere props, the people of paradise are essential for catering to the tourist’s indulgence. These people must be smiling, serving and submissive. The tensions perpetuated by these representations of local people are noted by Crick: “in many areas of the Third World—the West Indies is a leading example—tourism is associated strongly with servility; it reawakens memories of the colonial past and so perpetuates resentments and antagonisms” (1989:330). In effect, these types of representations resurrect the asymmetrical relationships between the former colonizers and colonized, relationships often characterized by the power divisions between master and servant. Postcolonial theory draws attention to another important, relevant tension that existed in the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized. As Ashcroft et al summarize, there was a concern among the colonizers about going native—“[t]he construction of native cultures as either primitive or degenerate in a binary discourse of colonizer/colonized led...to a widespread fear of ‘going native’ amongst the colonizers in many colonial societies...[as this could] lead to moral and even physical degeneracy” (1998:115). Despite this anxiety, the simple sensuousness of the native lifestyle greatly intrigued and attracted the colonizers as is constantly evident in colonial writing. To constrain such attractions, the colonizers were strongly discouraged (sometimes even by law) from any sort of interaction outside the master/servant realm, most especially a sexual liaison. Now, tourism representations seem to encourage freedom from these colonial fears and restraints. The experience of the sensuousness of paradise, and its people, is represented as readily available to the modern day, uninhibited tourist. This “hedonistic face of neo-colonialism” (Crick 1989:322) is most explicitly portrayed in the visual components of the brochures, as Figure 2 clearly demonstrates. As the above discussion highlights, the myth of the unrestrained reinforces several colonial binaries between the First and Third Worlds, including advancing/stagnant, industrialized/undeveloped, disciplined/unrestrained, and master/servant. During colonial expansion, these types of binaries were used to defend colonial expansion and exploitation. The myth of the unrestrained is a reincarnation of this type of binary colonial discourse and continues to represent neocolonial exploitation in Third World settings. As Dann notes, such exploitative “indulgence...can be particularly ego-enhancing if enacted

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in a Third World setting where feelings of touristic superiority are already present” (1996a:114). Postcolonial theory proves useful in situating the myth of the unrestrained within the broader context of the power structures created and maintained between the First and Third Worlds. In this case, tourism to paradise is a First World experience that takes place in a stereotypical, tropical Third World destination. This destination is not a place “that may involve such discomforting actualities as mosquitoes, mangrove swamps and poisonous fauna, as well as human poverty and exploitation; instead it becomes an imaginative construct that says more about the...fantasy than the actual location in which it finds its setting” (Ashcroft et al 1998:98). Viewed from an ontological level, the reality (and the fantasy) of these destinations are once again solidly entrenched in a First World perspective—this is paradise as seen through Western eyes. The Myth of the Uncivilized. The final myth surrounding the portrayal of tourism in the Third World is that of the uncivilized (reading the last column of Table 1). In this case, the tourist does not journey into the past to discover ancient, opulent civilizations. Nor does s/he luxuriate in modern resorts, surrounded by lush, soft nature. On the contrary, the tourist undertakes an expedition into an almost primordial place, where civilization is largely absent and nature is savage. The myth of the uncivilized is most thoroughly expressed in the frontier country cluster of Costa Rica, Ecuador, Kenya and Namibia. Typical visual representations are presented in Figure 3, which shows the tourist encountering primitive, untamed nature and natives in these destinations. Conspicuously missing from the myth of the uncivilized are references to anything built, either past or present. Destinations are represented as beyond the furthest frontiers of civilization (untouched and untamed). These “lands at the limit” are further embellished with their pristine and strange atmosphere. The landscapes portrayed are supposedly savage, covered with inhospitable and bizarre vegetation that harbors rare, often dangerous animals. In a similar manner, the people inhabiting these areas are distinguished by their tribal features and unpredictable dispositions. This portrayal of nature and people is almost opposite to the gentle and comfortable environment represented in the myth of the unrestrained. Missing also are the relic places and peasants so characteristic of the myth of the unchanged. The myth of the uncivilized creates destinations perfect for penetrating journeys of discovery. Similar to the myth of the unchanged, this representation draws heavily from a highly nostalgic version of the era of colonial exploration. But in this case, the journey takes the form of the great expedition to the deepest, darkest frontiers. Modern day tourists—like the great (White) explorers, hunters, traders, scientists, anthropologists and missionaries—can participate in expeditions to discover and observe these wild frontiers (as can be seen in the portrayals in Figure 3). Therefore, the primordial, pristine nature of these Third World destinations must be preserved to allow this tourism expedition to occur.

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Figure 3. The Myth of the Uncivilized

The appropriate people props are placed—sparingly—into a primordial landscape. These inhabitants are not the ever present smiling, serving, submissive locals who seem to entice the tourist to go native. Nor are they timeless, simple, stoic peasants scattered around ancient built settings. Instead, they are people matched to the myth; namely

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untouched, untamed, primitive. They are savage in appearance and somewhat surprising in their disposition (unpredictable: sometimes stoic, sometimes smiling). In this case, the colonial tension associated with going native remains largely intact as frolicking with these rather primitive people is not encouraged in the representations. Bruner (1991) and Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1994) provide two rather rare examples of critical studies examining the use of local people as props in a frontier Third World setting of East Africa. The first study notes that the inhabitants must appear in a primitive state “despite the industrial revolution, colonialism, wars of independence, nationalism, the rise of new countries, economic development, tourism, and the entire production of modern technology” (1991:239). Later, while studying performances by the Maasai people, the latter authors remark that this spectacle “enacts a colonial drama of the savage/pastoral Maasai and the genteel British, playing upon the explicit contrast between the wild and the civilized so prevalent in colonial discourse and sustained in East African tourism” (1994:435). With regard to the myth of the uncivilized, postcolonial theory has widely addressed the notion of the primitive as applied to the Third World. Perhaps the best way to summarize the salient points is to draw upon definitions of Ashcroft et al (1998) for certain key terms related to the discourse of the primitive including: frontier, native, primitivism and the binary between savage/civilized. According to them, frontier areas during colonial expansion were those regions beyond the limits of (Western) civilization. Whereas the Orient was recognized as having achieved some level of civilization (although always portrayed in a state of decay), regions such as Africa and South America were described as the absolute frontier containing the wild and the savage. The native inhabitants of these regions “quickly became associated with such pejorative concepts as savage, uncivilized or child-like” (1998:158). But they also exhibited a fascinating pureness and raw sensuality, which was a contrast against the industrialization and complication of Western society. As a result, while the natives usually remained objects of debasement to be controlled and ultimately civilized, occasionally they were idealized as the noble savage. This fascination with the primitive penetrated art and literature, reaching an intellectual and popular peak early in the 20th century in a movement called primitivism. The broadest examination of the Western obsession with primitivism is Torgovnick’s (1990) multidisciplinary book, Gone Primitive. Her study is in the same vein as Said’s Orientalism, except that she attempts to summarize the discourse surrounding the notion of primitive. As such, the primary focus of Torgovnick’s examination is the powerful and seductive images structuring all discourse about a “civilized us” and a “primitive them”. Torgovnick traces primitivist discourse to the colonial era and suggests that it remains largely static. According to Torgovnick primitivist discourse is another “rhetoric of control, in which demeaning colonialist tropes get modified only slightly over time” (1990:245). She highlights the colonial binaries that continue to be used to emphasize advanced/primitive, civilized/uncivilized and controlled/unrestrained dichotomies. Moreover, Torgovnick identifies

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the areas of Africa, South America, and Oceania as the contemporary focal areas for this discourse. Obviously, primitivism finds fertile outlets in the promotion of frontier Third World destinations. Through the myth of the uncivilized, the notion of the primitive inherent in colonial discourse is maintained. Consequently, these destinations and their people remain fixed in civilized/uncivilized, advanced/primitive, controlled/untamed and developed/undeveloped binaries. Stated from an ontological perspective, the primitive nature of the Third World continues to be defined by the First World. As Torgovnick notes “the primitive can be—has been, will be (?)—whatever Euro-Americans want it to be” (1990:9). In this case, the myth of the uncivilized is the very essence of how the First World travel industry wants these Third World frontiers to remain. Synopsis of The Un-Myths Identification of the colonial discourse, and corresponding binaries, underlying Third World marketing provides considerable contextual insight into the why of particular patterns of representation. Following Sturma (1999), these marketing portrayals can be traced to a form of discourse made popular during the colonial era and are merely another turn in the representational loop. It is evident that colonial binaries recur in each of the three Un-myths. These are the contrasts between the states of advancing, progressive, modern, developed and disciplined versus decadent, stagnant, ancient/primitive, undeveloped, and unrestrained. These persistent underlying binaries illustrate quite clearly the extent of colonial discourse permeating the representation of the Third World in tourism marketing. Table 2 provides a synopsis of the Un-myths by extracting the underlying essences with regard to the place, time, natural characteristics, built characteristics, hosts and tourists. Reading down allows each myth to be distinctly characterized, while reading across allows comparisons with the other myths on each of the key elements presented. Table 2 presents the Un-myths as a set of three archetypical Third World tourism experiences. Once typecast within this framework, the representation of each particular destination is largely predetermined. While Table 2. A Synopsis of Third World Tourism Marketing “Un” Myths Myths

Unchanged

Unrestrained

Uncivilized

The The The The The

Lands of Legend Past Significant Silence Relics Peasant (Simple/ Stoic) Explorer into the Past

Lands of Luxuriance Present Soft Resorts Pleasant (Serving/ Smiling) Exploiter into Paradise

Lands at the Limit Primordial Savage Significant Silence Primitive (Savage/ Surprising) Expedition into the Primitive

Place Time Natural Built Host

The Tourist

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unique attractions are most certainly used to distinguish each country, these sights, plus the other places and people that surround them, must be carefully chosen to mold into the overarching myth. The Un-myths are structured through a process of both emphasizing and suppressing difference (or stereotyping). On the one hand, difference is expressed in the binaries created between the First and Third Worlds, and in the positioning of the destination into one (or slightly overlapping two) of the myths. However, once entrenched, the process becomes one where any difference contrary to the myth is silenced. What is excluded, namely the significant silences, are just as important as what is included. Consequently, the destination is, in the end, both differentiated and essentialized. This careful combination of only select representations encourages the tourist to expect not the totality of the place but the myth of the destination. If, as Dann points out, tourism is a tautology where tourists “merely confirm the discourse which persuaded them to take the trip” (1996a:65), then these marketing representations provide an influential framework for expectations, attitudes and actions in Third World destinations. But there are also important implications on a broader ideological level. That discourse constitutes reality is a long established and wellknown position—“the world is not simply ‘there’ to be talked about, rather, it is through discourse itself that the world is brought into being” (Ashcroft et al 1998:70–71, with reference to Foucault 1971). Thus, the tenacity of colonial discourse, in tourism marketing and in other forms of representation, ensures that certain realities surrounding the Third World remain entrenched. This ideological underpinning has significant impacts in maintaining much broader, ingrained geopolitical and cultural power structures. In particular, one of the more important implications of colonial tourism discourses is that they repeatedly spill over into other areas such as policymaking, management and so on. Given the pervasiveness of tourism in modern Western society, this discourse can strongly influence many other domains of everyday existence as well. CONCLUSION By focusing on the context of Third World marketing, this paper directs attention to the why of these forms of representation. Using a postcolonial theory perspective, insights are provided into the origins and tenacity of the discourse embedded in tourism promotion. In particular, as the discussion in this paper reveals, these forms of marketing are infused with colonial discourse sustaining myths of the unchanged, unrestrained, and uncivilized. This facet of context draws attention to a colonial legacy of certain attitudes, images, and stereotypes that continue to be reflected and reified. Stemming from the results of this study, there are many areas for future research. Further studies could examine the extent to which the myths are replicated in other Third World destinations or in other forms of First World marketing, for example, the internet. The consequences of these forms of marketing discourse for both tourists and

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hosts are also fertile areas for future research. In addition, alternate readings of the promotional material from feminist and cultural studies perspectives would provide insight into the complex ways that gender and race are interwoven into colonial discourse. But perhaps most importantly, attention now needs to be turned to the forms of countercolonial discourse needed to resist these representations. However, as the means of resistance to colonial discourse are considered, some of the most significant shortcomings of postcolonial theory are confronted. As noted by Ashcroft et al, the how of resistance constitutes one of the final stumbling blocks for postcolonial theorists: “[a]ll are agreed, in some sense, that the main problem is how to effect agency for the postcolonial subject. But the contentious issue of how this is to be attained remains unresolved” (1995:9). In addition, the issue of who should/can author counter-colonial discourse is perhaps even more problematic. In one of the most influential pieces of postcolonial writing, Gayatri Spivak (1985) asks the question “Can the Subaltern Speak?”, suggesting that the most powerless subalterns are often not ready or able to speak, at least not without the considerable interference of the more powerful. Thus, while it is laudable to suggest more local participation in order to wrest the control of Third World representation from First World tourism marketers, postcolonial theory forewarns of some of the very troublesome issues ahead. The above points are not made to dissuade further research into the how and who of counter-colonial discourse in Third World tourism marketing. Nor are they intended to discredit the usefulness of postcolonial theory in that endeavor. On the contrary, the means of resisting the Un-myths are critical areas for future study since these representations demean Third World places and people. The writings of postcolonial theorists, especially their efforts towards resistance and counter-colonial forms of discourse, are an invaluable resource that this future research should draw upon. While this paper does not offer much insight in this direction, it has introduced postcolonial theory as a valuable perspective for creating a critical awareness of context. The uncovering of the myths, and their colonial underpinnings, provides an impetus for investigating change. Now that the current forms of Third World marketing are better understood, the rather thorny A paths to resistance remain to be explored.왎 Acknowledgements—Funding for this research was provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

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Submitted 21 September 2001. Resubmitted 16 August 2002. Accepted 11 September 2002. Final version 23 December 2002. Referred anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Graham M.S. Dann