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The organizational evolution, systematic construction and empowerment of Langde Miao's community tourism* Zhiyong Chen a, *, Lejing Li a, Tianyi Li b a b

Regional Tourist Research Institute, Guizhou Normal College, Guiyang 550018, China Nationality and Society Institute, Guizhou Nationalities University, Guiyang 550018, China

h i g h l i g h t s  Uses Langde Miao Village as an example of Village reconstruction through tourism.  Indicates the use of culture and its revival through tourism.  Examines the nature of the “free rider” problem in village social dynamics.  Indicates nature of social change and village empowerment through tourism.

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 7 March 2016 Accepted 7 March 2016 Available online xxx

Tourism in the village of Langde Miao is an example of ethnic village tourism in China. Its mode of operation and organization e characterized by community guidance, public participation, and its work point system is known as the “Langde Mode”. Its success, both social and financial, provides an ideal model by which to investigate community empowerment and its role in promoting tourism. To this end, using literature reviews and empirical research, this paper evaluates the Langde Miao people's community participation in its tourism. It is suggested that the evolution of the Lande Miao community's organizational and systematic skills to develop tourism have fostered the local community's economic, social, and political success. This success can then further support community empowerment, requiring limited subsequent intervention by the government. It is suggested that the model can then be expanded to other localities throughout China. © 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Keywords: Landge Miao village Community tourism Organizational evolution Systematic construction Empowerment significance

1. Introduction With the implementation tourism pro-poor policies in western China, and the growing diversity of tourism consumer demands, the culture of, and pristine landscapes occupied by minority peoples, are attracting greater numbers of tourists, and leading to a boom of tourism development. In addition these policies are being used to implement a scientific concept of development, protection and ‘in-heritage national culture’, to solve rural issues of deprivation, employment creation and outward migration to cities with its

* This paper was originally published in Chinese as: Chen Zhiyong, LI Lejing, and LI Tianyi. (2013). The organizational evolution, systematic construction and empowerment significance of Langde Miao's community tourism. Tourism Tribune, 28(6), 75e86. * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (Z. Chen), [email protected] (L. Li), [email protected] (T. Li).

consequent negative impact on village life. However, recent research by the authors in Guiyang City Flower Town Hill Buyi village, Southeast Liping County Zhaoxing, Stealing Xijiang Miao Village, town Tianlongtunbao Pingba County, Guizhou1 and elsewhere has found that tourism development is not wholly satisfactory. It has been noted that within the villages, an imbalance exists in the villagers' participation rates in tourism development and the distribution of tourism revenues and not only do some residents not only do not benefit, but they also bear the negative impacts of shortages of materials and services, inflation and other results of tourism development. Additionally, due to the intrusive involvement of government and external corporations, several residents have become marginalized and are not involved in decision making. Existing literature and media reports indicate that the

1 吴昌良、陈志永. 影响民族村寨旅游业持续发展因素综合分析d以黎平肇兴侗寨为 例, 贵州教育学院学报, 2008年第3期.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2016.03.012 0261-5177/© 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

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above phenomenon is not unique and similar examples can be found in Yunnan, Guangxi, Sichuan and other places. Under such circumstances, residents will lose enthusiasm for resource protection and further participation in tourism development, which loss is a direct threat to sustainable tourism development. This represents a problem for both research and practical policy implementation. Langde Miao village in Guizhou Stealing Leishan town has, since the start of 1987, put the core principle that “everyone has contributed to the construction and protection of villages, and everyone should benefit from it”, at the forefront of policy formation. They have sought to ensure that villagers are always the dominant partners in community tourism development, and are the main stakeholders leading tourism development management and decision-making, so ensuring compliance on the part of tour operators and hospitality providers for the maintenance of community cultural resources and environmental protection. Its mode of operation and revenue distribution system e characterized by community guidance, public participation, and its work point system is known as the “Langde Mode” (Li & Xu, 2011). In view of foreign scholars' call to actively promote community participation in tourism development and community empowerment, it is notable that the Langde people have put this concept into practice for more than 20 years. This provides an ideal “testing ground” with which to analyze tourism community empowerment models and their evolution. In the current state of Chinese community tourism development process, it is worthwhile asking how the ethnic minority villages like Langde have achieved empowerment through reliance on the community's efforts and to what degree they have been successful? What is the empowerment model and path? What are the typical referent value systems? This paper provides an analysis of Langde Miao village's community organization evolution and system building process, examining the path of community empowerment and reference value from community empowerment model. 2. Literature review The term “empowerment” has a very rich content, and different scholars offer different opinions. The basic value is to assist vulnerable groups and their members, through action, social policies and programs, to create a just society, providing equal opportunities for people to fully utilize their capacity and resources (Lee, 1994). Empowerment theory is rooted in Western countries' social work traditions, maintaining citizens' rights and women's movements, as well as the grassroots organizations movement, and came to the fore in the 1960s. With the growing interdisciplinary nature of tourism research, empowerment theory was extended to tourism in the 1980s. Akamal (1996) first proposed the necessity of community empowerment tourism, Scheyvens (1999) built an empowerment framework for community tourism that included political, economic, psychological, and social dimensions, Sofield (2003) further deepened the tourism empowerment's concepts, theories and methods. Since 2008, Chinese scholars Zuo and Bao (2008a,b), Bao and Sun (2008), Sun (2008) and Zou (2009) introduced tourism empowerment theory to China, based systematic classifications and applications of empowerment theory, proposed a base evolution model of tourism empowerment, and took the Tibetan community of Shangri-La in Yunnan and the Xishuangbanna Dai Park community as examples, and explored approaches by using tourism empowerment theoretical frameworks in Chinese tourism practices. Influenced by this, Chen and Li (2010) and Chen and Yang (2011) took the Guizhou Langde Miao village and Lijiang Miao Village as examples, and conducted statistical analysis of the situation about community residents' perception on tourism

empowerment respectively. Guo (2010), Guo and Huang, (2010) and Wen and Huang (2010) proposed a rotation system model to analyze empowerment in the Yunnan Shangri-La Tibetan community's participation in tourism development, employing horizontal comparative analysis of the performance of community empowerment with that of Yunnan Dai Park. Huang Ya (2010) through a discussion of the power relationship among individuals, organizations and communities at the community level, analyzed community empowerment during the development of traditional folk art and architecture. The above results provide an important background to tourism empowerment in China and its research. Despite this however, it was felt that current research left unanswered questions from the organizational and institutional perspectives. Organizations and institutional arrangements are two important inventions of mankind, and are used to run political, economic, and cultural activities. The relationship between the organizational and institutional has also been the focus of social science research. Since 2000 institutional analysis methods have increasingly incorporated economics, and the concepts are widely used in government, enterprises, and social organizations' system building and innovation (Shi, 2011). In view of this, the current paper is based on organizational and institutional theoretical perspectives, referencing Scheyvens (1999) built tourism empowerment framework model including political, economic, psychological, and social dimensions, through analyzing Guizhou Langde Miao village's tourism development community and its organizational institutional evolution. 3. The research site and method of research 3.1. Grande Southeast Guizhou Langde Miao village Grande Southeast Guizhou Langde Miao village is located in the northwest of Leishan in Guizhou Qiandongnan state, 260 km west of the provincial capital Guiyang, Kaili, 27 km south of the state capital, and 13 km north of the city Leishan. This village has 134 families and a total of 540 residents, and all belong to the Hmong group of people. The village has won a number of honors and titles through its beautiful natural environment, rich ethnic culture and customs and long cultural history, and has long attracted foreign tourists. It is one of the key national tourism villages of the “Barak river rural tourism demonstration project area” in Guizhou Province. In 2006, Langde Miao village was listed as a ‘world-class rural tourism village’ by the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), and is promoted as a successful case study to the world. Its revenue distribution system and operation model's typical characteristics are community guidance, public participation, and the work-point system, attracting many scholars long-term attention. Taking Langde Miao village as an example, empirical research about community empowerment in tourism destination is enhanced as the village has become theoretically and practically significant because it represents an extension of western empowerment theory to a Chinese context. However, due to the obvious gaps between China and Western countries in terms of the democratization, the different degrees of the maturation of civil organizations and tourism development stages, and differences in law relating to land ownership and other factors (Bao & Sun, 2006), research specifically located within China's rural villages is a prerequisite to better understand the issues involved. 3.2. Research methods and processes This study adopts qualitative research methods. The researcher adopted various modes of data collection ways through interaction with the object of study to obtain an understanding of the behavior

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and significance of the site (Chen, 2000). Data collection methods included in-depth interviews, field observations and document analysis. The researchers visited Langde Miao village seven times from July 2008 to July 2012, and conducted in-depth interviews with Leishan Tourism Administration, Cultural Affairs, Development and Reform Bureau and other departments' principals, the two mayors responsible for tourism in Langde town, the Langde Miao village party secretary, members of families owning accommodation and the villagers, as well as experts and scholars who have long studied Langde Miao village's social culture and tourism development. Secondary documents related to tourism development were provided by Langde Miao village committee, and Langde Miao village related plans, documents, work summaries, etc. were also provided by Leishan Tourism Administration, Cultural Affairs and other departments, and academic articles, theses, and monographs about Langde Miao village tourism were also accessed. These were duly sorted, classified and analyzed. 4. Langde Miao village and tourism impacts Statistics show that although the Hmong have experienced hardships, and after migration formed different branches of the tribal people, they nonetheless retained many common features of the Miao ethnic groups and their strict social organizational forms. In different regions of China the different branches of Miao, namely ‘Zhailao’, ‘Gushe’, and ‘Yilang’, have consistently retained their traditional social structures with specific roles and cultural patterns remaining largely unchanged for a long time (Xie, 2008). After the founding of New China, especially in the period of commune establishment, which was characterized by the “political and social unity”, “three-level ownership by the commune, the production bridge and the production teams” system that established a set of top-down economic and administrative control networks, and which generated a country wide system of unprecedented scale and detail that infiltrated and controlled rural society, the Hmong community's traditional social structure was severely weakened. After China implemented a land contract system, the village committee became a statutory autonomous organization under government guidance, and the village committee and affiliated villager groups became extension organizations for the county managers. Rural residents, belonging to these external imposed institutional arrangements, however operated under natural geographical attributes and continued to function implementing public administrative management but within the local village framework. Under the macroscopic single system, statutory autonomous organizations and actual grassroots administrative organization were combined into one, carrying a large number of top-down administrative functions. Their main job is still to complete the various tasks assigned by the government, rather than meet the public affairs needs of the community (Xu, 2009). Thus, while possessing village committees comprising local residents the responsibilities to external hierarchical authorities inhibit complete selfmanagement, self-education and self-service autonomous functions. Although farmers have access to surplus production, as the people communes' disintegrated and production units were divided into smaller private family units as a result of family members dying, in the majority of formal structures in the poor areas became less efficacious in meeting needs. To translate a saying, “Do not rely on you having a house and land, do not ask you if you have food and drink, engage in no fighting, and find when you when have a problem, scold if handled properly”, became a vivid portrayal of the then farmers' psychological situation and ways of dealing with problems (Chen, 2002). In this way, the alienation of villagers' autonomous functioning and the division of farmer's productive labor into smaller plots led to a degradation of

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rural life and traditional culture appeared depressed, lost and went into decline. This was the common state of the majority of the minority rural communities' organizational structures in the 1980s. Subsequently in the reforms of the last decade and the growing interest in rural, ethnic (vulgar) cultural tourism, some resourcerich, well preserved traditional cultural ethnic villages have been able to engage in tourism development for reasons of economic, social and cultural regeneration and. Langde Miao village is one of those typical cases. In 1982, the Guizhou Cultural Department issued “Investigation of ethnic villages”, and Langde Village's unique historical culture and village landscape attracted the attention of the Provincial Cultural Department, and was listed as a protected ethnic village and received subsidies in 1986 to regain and protect its heritage. For the local villagers, the government funded refurbishment of the village and the valuing of native tradition at an official level represented some degree of recognition and affirmation from the country and government, and validated the population's ethic identity and social status as being of value (Xiao, 2006). Duly encouraged the villagers used the Provincial Department of Culture's funding and under Secretary Chen Zheng Tao's leadership, commenced renovating the village's environment and appearance, restoring the old Ping drums destroyed during the Cultural Revolution and rebuilding Yang Daliu's2 residence. In order to enhance the traditional welcoming ambience, village heads risked being condemnation and detention,3 and established a Lusheng team of performers, encouraged villagers to wear Hmong costumes, and reestablished a set of twelve drink ceremonies at the entrance to the village and held Lusheng dance performances for visitors. Because of the loss of other work caused in hosting guests, visitors usually gave cash gifts to the villagers as compensation. At that time the then villagers' understanding of the tourism industry was deficient, the number of participants were few, and coupled with the small numbers of visitors in the early stages of tourism development, the villagers received little compensation, and the incentives for participating in tourism were not strong. Nonetheless the village committee continued to press the case for tourism and encouraged participation by the residents. Since 2000, with an increasing number of tourists, the villagers who have participated in reception and dancing performance have also increased in number and they became active participants in shifting the economy of the village from one of agriculture towards tourism. Some villagers also sell locally produced agricultural products and handicrafts at performances. In addition the village committee's principal leaders spearheaded a programme of hosting families and providing food and accommodation services to visitors. Through the experiences of hosting and interacting with visitors, the villagers came to realize that tourism could promote local economic development, increase employment opportunities and incomes, and promote cultural exchanges and heritage. Consequently they came to accept the need to develop tourism. When participating in collective receptions and tourism operations, the villagers enhanced their own sense of ownership; and to achieve their own ends they became actively involved in decision-making relating to tourism development and established a management system. Thus, the Langde Miao villagers evolved from an initial individual, passive

2 Yang Daliu, formely known as Chen Lalue, Langde people, participated in the Miao against Qing uprising leaded by Zhao Xiumei in Qing Xianfeng years (1855), has built kinds of military facilities in his hometown Up Langde Miao village, such as the trenches, fences, narrow doors, bridleways, arsenal and other military facilities. Heroic sacrifice as the uprising failed. 3 According to the local custom, playing Lusheng after every year's new eating festival (Lunar June the rice developing booting), otherwise would affecting the current year's rice gravest.

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participation to one of community-wide involvement. Simultaneously the village committee gradually took over some local government roles and functions establishing a tourism reception office and developing a team to be responsible for hosting visitors,4 and becoming responsible for organizing the affairs including how villagers participated in tourism operations, overall supervision and tourism community management. Much of this was supported by government and as the representative of the community elite, Chen Zhengtao's organization, and Langde Miao residents gradually shifted from a scattered single agricultural production and individual labor to increasingly becoming involved in an organized collective hospitality and tourism business. An autonomous organization e the tourism reception group (the main body of village committee) was formed and its role and functions evolved and gradually extended and changed. Today it plays a cohesive function in the village's tourism development. Under tourism's impact, the Langde Miao villagers have undertaken collective action, created a transformation of the villagers' organizations and their role and functions, have promoted effective participation by the community, reformulated the meaning of village autonomy, re-constructed the rural community organization system, and have made strides in achieving the goal of village autonomy, all with important socio-economic changes. 5. Systematic construction: the commitment of Langde Miao village to sustainable tourism development 5.1. Construction of the induced system As a cultural and economic unit, ethnic village tourism development should reflect the concept of “cultural economy”, follow the ideal of a “cultural economy, people-oriented” development while pursuing harmony between man and nature, society, economy, culture, and promoting the comprehensive development of social forms of development and realization of being human (Luo. 2006). Nonetheless there remain issues due to the context of history e namely the characteristics of public ownership of village tourism resources, a century of revolutionary movements and the shocks of entering a market economy, the constraints on social capital and eventually the over-emphasis on economic returns and a past ignoring of public responses (Chi & Cui, 2006; He, 2007). Consequently during collective development processes, it was a struggle to keep up and maintain a sense of community, and a “tragedy of the commons” adversely affecting the sustainable development of tourism was present. A problem that had to be addressed by Langde Miao village was to ensure rational collective action, sustain farmers' income, prevent free-riding behaviors, avoid an over use of public land, and ensure an equitable distribution of income through the community. 5.1.1. Establishment of community public organization management system The Langde Miao tourism committee formed a tourist reception group composed of about 20 villagers who were elected by the villagers and subject to a rotation system. Each had a specific responsibility, and the main work is: contacting with travel agencies and tour groups, determining the price and time of performance,

4 In fact, Langde Miao village committee and tourism reception team are two brands while one set of staff, thus, this article did not distinguish them strictly. Villagers who served as the village party secretary, village director, accountant or others, they are not only the important members of village committee, but also the core member of tourism reception office, thereby coordination between village committee and office provides public goods and services for villagers and organizing villagers participated in tourism reception and operation.

using radio to inform and organize package tours; preparing the drinks, tables, Lusheng and other appliances for parties; organizing work points cards and registrations, points calculations and ascertaining dividends, organizing performance teams to practice in low season, and maintaining village sanitation, public order and orderly markets. 5.1.2. Constructing interest distribution system The provision of cultural performances is the most important tourism project in Langde Miao village, and every resident has the opportunity to participate in the performances and earn money. In order to encourage active participation in hosting tourists, to encourage the manufacturing of items for sale that express the village's strong national cultural atmosphere and keen sense of hospitality, and for contributing to the sense of community and local tourism development, a set of regulations have been established based on work points. The “work points” system works as follows: ① A salary is paid based on work points collected and distributed according to one's performance. Tourism reception is based on the family as a unit, and families gain work points based on family size and work done, with monthly accounting and payments made. ② Different functions and performance roles get different points Thus, for example, a team captain who organizes a performance team would get 22 points, and a tourist host officer member gets 18 points. Due to the book keeping involving a large amount of calculations, those responsible get paid 3 RMB additional compensation for calculating each account. Each male performer gets 22 points, and a female obtains 20 points, but additional points are calculated based on costume. To further encourage participation in hosting tourists, additional points can be gained from roles that enhance the cultural atmosphere and generating spectacle by, for example wearing national costumes and standing around and playing bronze drums. ③ The points are also based on three stages to ensure residents arrive on time and do not depart early.5 Thus points are awarded for prompt arrival and avoidance of early departure, and for correct attire. ④ The work points and credited dividends are calculated at the end of month. After the performance, each group's auditor is responsible for the collection and registration, and summarizing of personal work point, and for calculating total revenue earned to calculate individual's revenues. Work points and revenues are published and scrutinized by the residents. ⑤ A village tourism development fund is also sourced by these activities. Of the total revenue 25% is allocated to this fund, and the monies are used for the maintenance of roads, bronze drum ground, Lusheng purchasing and other travelrelated collective expenses.

5.1.3. Constructing market trading system Care is taken to achieve economies of scale to reduce transaction costs, and to attract repeat visitors. With the increasing number of tourists, the frequency of trading between Langde Miao residents and tourists has increased. To provide visitors with a satisfactory commercial environment, and to maintain a positive Langde Miao

5 The distribution of work point experienced 3 stages changes, determining through villagers' constantly communication. As the processes are too complex, so not talking here.

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tourism image, the tourism and hospitality reception group has cooperated with the village local Chinese Communist Party branch to establish the “Langde Village Tourism Handicraft Sales Regulation Convention”. Among the provisions are the Langde village handcrafts sales draw that asks that a person who attended the crafts sales must consciously ballot as to the sales. The ballot requires participants to check their mark so as to sell tourism products at the delineated areas. Under the convention each household can also sell souvenirs after the show; but must not sell fake and shoddy goods, nor must they harass tourists or engage in hard sale techniques. 5.1.4. Traditional culture protection and environmental hygiene systematic construction In order to further strengthen the protection of traditional culture in Langde Miao village and maintain sustainable tourism development, under the “People's Republic of China Cultural Relics Protection Law” and local management regulations, and after many discussions within the village, the village committee formulated “Langde Miao Village Pacts” (hereafter referred to as Pacts) for protecting traditional culture protection. This was done in January 2001. “Pacts” detail provisions on the protection of traditional cultural objects and measures. According to the rules, wooden houses on stilts inside the village, Yang Dalu residences, folk showrooms, the Yang Dalu Bridge, village gate, ditches, trees and other scenic landscape appearances of the village are considered important objects much protected by the villagers. If the above facilities sustain damage, those responsible will be subject to 50 to 500 RMB penalties. In order to protect the integrity of the village's landscape, “Pacts” also inhibit Village residents from using brick instead of wood in their constructions, and if one wants to build such a brick building, the construction should be built in an agreed location and be required by the village. In addition, the committee has drawn up a “Langde Village Tourism Health Management Convention” that governs a village sanitation management system that has been adopted by the villagers and the village collective. Under it, each family implements the “three guarantees” at the entrance to the village and public areas by which special cleaning staff are employed. The cleaning staff get paid by receiving credits for activities such as prohibiting the stacking of piled debris, removing faeces and urine left by livestock in public areas, and stopping the discharge of sewage into public alleys, etc. Langde Miao villagers have spontaneously advocated, constructed, and organized the community to enable opportunities for profit while permitting the community to continue its patterns of life and create a sustainable development of tourism. However, due to the lack of authority of the rural collective led system model under the hierarchical patterns of Chinese government, the collective is unable to provide sufficient incentives for community members, and can only inadequately punish those who violate the “rules of the game. ” Opportunism therefore arises and with the difficulties of collective action (Chi & Cui, 2006), and the “free rider” problems (1) and various public welfare problems can and do arise. If collective action is not coherent in action, then the public organization becomes what might be described as ‘hotch pot’ with “selfishness” corroding the “public” will. In Langde Miao Village the collective performances that welcome tourists have inhibited individualistic efforts to derail community action (especially in the dance performances), although it remains difficult to fully assess the position in that individual effort may not always be of the highest. Consequently at times individuals may benefit from collective action even though their own effort has been deficient. The tourist hosting team cannot always effectively supervise any one participants' effort level, rendering it difficult to truly reflect the principle of ‘recompense is made according to the amount of labor

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expended’ under the work-point system. Egalitarianism in the distribution system reduces the correlation between the participants' salary and their level of effort. Thus, on the one hand, the a measurement of labor with work points was created, but the number of individual workers who hold a post without proper qualifications is increasing, and in addition the myth of collectivism runs the danger that no-one person takes responsibility for the ownership of performances and other functions. For example, the hosting reception team had identified some villagers who did not fully participate in the singing and dancing performance, but just waited for the last reunion dance to join the others at the bronze drum ground. The other issue about this practice was that some dancers would fail to turn up, so taking advantage of the inability of other dancers to attend to their retail stores by continuing to offer retail sales to tourists, thereby gaining from the absence of competitors. Equally it was observed that many males simply gathered at the field not far from Lusheng ground, and spent their time chatting, playing cards, and wait for the final moment when they can join a dance or performance in order to gain work points. There is also a tendency for some villagers to leave early, thereby undermining a sense of hospitality and thereby threatening an aspect of the community's important competitive tourism capital e its warmth of welcome for tourists, and thereby damage the brand. An additional problem is one of organizational efficiency, or rather the lack of such efficiency. According to the logic of collective action, the more people are involved, the greater is the scale, and the greater is the difficulty of collective collaboration and decisionmaking. In Langde Miao village, major tourism development issues need to be decided by the voting in the Villager Congress. Due to the many numbers involved in the decision-making, and individual's different goals, collective decision-making is difficult. For example, a continuing problem has been the development and maintenance of contacts with travel agents and tour operators, and then the distribution of income to villagers from such contacts. This has been the subject of some dispute within the village. Issues exist as to demarcations of responsibility. During the interviews, villagers generally considered public infrastructure, product development and market promotion to be the concerns of government. A limited sense of the development of village capability coupled with insufficient community tourism development funds meant it was difficult to develop Langde Miao village's rich cultural tourism resources. Although possessing an experience of nearly 20 years in tourism, the village tourism product is still basically one where tourists make a brief visit to the Village, see its architecture and landscape, and watch a song and dance performance. Consequently visitor numbers consistently failed to break the million mark until 2000. Competition between the villagers has also continued to be characterized by a harassment of visitors urging them to buy souvenirs despite the Langde Miao village conventions. More than 90 households sell souvenirs and other services in the village, and host team members responsible for supervision and management are often not able to effectively implement their decisions for various reasons. A major one is the nature of social relationships within the village, and a need to retain long term relationships with people who are not only possible competitors but also neighbors. There also remain concerns about a need to retain support for the election of village cadres. An additional concern is a consequence of the one child policy. Villagers are dependent upon each and those holding managerial positions do not wish to offend others for fear of adversely influencing future cooperation. Comments have been known to be made such as a person “being rich and cruel” or “refusing to have anything to do with all kinds and friends”. The risk of social marginalization is real. For these reasons competition for

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customers remains disorderly. Another problem lies in an over use of tourism resources. The pattern of public property ownership in China leads to a lack of clear responsibilities and often there are not exclusive rights over tourism assets. Tour groups also do not always adhere to schedules. In some instances villagers have sourced items from outside the village, but made false claims by stating they were made locally in the village. Revelations of such practice undermine any perception of Langde Miao village as a simple, thrifty and hospitable place and damaged its tourist image. Langde Miao villagers' excessive pursuit of individual rationality leads to the loss of collective efficiency, causes an imbalanced overuse of tourism resources, leads to difficulties in the formation of collective action and threatens the sustainable development of tourism. In the long run, there is a danger that decisions are made on the basis of individual and not collective interest. Thus, to maximize the long-term interests of the villagers' psychological needs coupled with intrinsically altruistic motives force the villagers to change from individual to collective rationality. This reinforces the importance of external pressures requiring a mandatory institutional arrangement that addresses community tourism development and which overcomes the “free rider” problem. “When the village's internal order is more and more difficult, an exogenous orderly arrangement is necessary” (He, 2008). 5.2. Construction of a mandatory system During the development of Langde Miao community tourism it has become evident that to rely on the power of the community to solve an endogenous disorderly market has not been wholly successful. Faced with the development of ethnic community tourism and the consciousness of the market place it has aroused, the ‘Langde model’ based on sharing, rational and balanced interests has sought to cope with contradictory issues of the collective and the individual, the radical and the conservative, and the independent and dependent as it attempts to achieve cultural protection and development. Therefore a need has arisen for government intervention and the establishment of disciplinary rules and regulations. During the development of Langde Miao Village as a tourism resource, the government's role has been one of: (1) Support and improve the tourism infrastructure In the case of ethnic minorities in poor areas, the community is deficient in social and financial capacities and is unable to undertake large infrastructure investment and generate products. 'Poverty alleviation' has become an important mission for government at all levels. As one of the eight pilot villages for minority villages for poverty relief through tourism in Guizhou province, Langde Miao has been a recipient of a succession of financial support schemes at all levels. Using these monies Langde Miao village rebuilt the Yang Daliu residence, built folk showrooms, the wind and rain bridge, tourism offices and reception buildings, and improved the village roads (creating pathways in the 1970s, and road hardening in 2003). In 2003, Guizhou Province designated the “Bala River Country Tourism International Demonstration Project” as one of the province's nine demonstration projects, and it further received tourism assistance from the government. The trail commences with three trees in the Kaili town's Huaienbu village as a starting point, proceeds along the Parana River, 20 km south upstream, until reaching the Leishan area, and includes seven villages along the river, namely Nanhua, Langde, Jidao, Huaienbu, Maomaohe, Nanmeng, and Jiaomeng, This is now designated as the “World Heritage Reserve Hmong”. The project also used funds for restoration and presentation of the Langde Miao village cultural

relics collection, (including the “kitchen change”, “water change”, “toilet change”, and “power change”) and installed fire-fighting facilities. The trail from Up Langde to Down Langde along the Wangfeng river was constructed as an eco-trail with interpretive signage for landscape and history. Basic facilities' construction and improvement thereby provided important support to Langde Miao's community tourism development. (2) Expanding market promotion, raising attraction awareness Since 2000, based on the Leishan government's better understanding of the situation and identification of comparative advantage, a proposal was made to create a pattern of “a mountain” (Leigong Mountain), “two villages” (Langde Miao and Xijiang Miao) and “one line” (the Bala River path). Press conferences were held in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chongqing, Guiyang, and other places, disseminating information. A programme of familiarizations were held for tour and travel agencies. The region became actively involved in the Pearl River Delta tourism promotion activities organized by Guizhou. By holding six consecutive sessions of “Miao Year” activities from 2000 to 2006, the campaign sought to develop awareness of Lei Mountain and Langde Miao villages as the cultural centre of the Chinese Hmong peoples. Due to local government pressure, in June 2008, the regions became on the sites for an Olympic torch relay stations at Kaili in Langde, Such activities attracted domestic and international recognition an the numbers of domestic and foreign tourists reached their highest numbers. (3) Market regulation and information compensate To enhance visitor experiences the Guizhou Province and Leishan town governments adopted the “Guizhou Province Rural Accommodation Quality Rating Management Approach”, the “Quality Grading and Evaluation Criteria of Rural Tourism in Guizhou Province”, “The Reception Standards of Leishan Rural Accommodation” and the “Leishan Star Hospitality Household Assessment Standards” amongst other similar measures. Management systems have been introduced to better regulate the rural tourism market place in attempts to ensure visitors get a satisfactory experience. Among the measures announced has been that made by the local tourism administration department which has located a tourism complaint call centre prominently sited in each village in Leishan, thereby protecting tourists' legitimate rights and interests. (4) Education and training for villagers In order to enhance the quality of the villagers, and promote effective community participation in tourism, the Leishan League, Tourism Bureau and other departments have adopted what is termed the ‘please come in’ and ‘go outside’ approaches. This provides free training for villagers about traditional cultural knowledge, skills for conducting guided tours, dance performances, cooking skills, service etiquette, laws and regulations and other contents. Some villagers have been able to visit and conduct further study in Guilin, Guangxi, Sichuan, Guizhou Tianlongtunbao and other places. Under these schemes, the skills of Langde Miao villagers have increased, better enabling them to participate in tourist hosting and business, and their awareness of sustainable tourism development has been significantly enhanced. (5) Legal support Langde Miao village has preserved its ancient architectural style and rich ethnic customs. The village has won a key national protection status, that of Ethnic Village Museum, being now listed as

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one of a hundred specialty National Museums and has won other honors and titles, such as being listed as a national key cultural relics protection unit by the State Council in 2001. These honors and titles provide legal protection to Langde Miao traditional practices as well as enhancing the visibility and reputation of the village to some extent. It also means that villagers need to comply with regulations to protect the village, and an outcome has been that village income has increased due to tourism, living standards continue to improve, and some villagers have built new houses. However such new homes must comply with traditional practice and thus far no brick or western-style buildings have been constructed and the whole village is still full of wooden structures stilts, so ensuring the original appearance of the village. (6) Tourism planning Developing and implementation These measures have permitted the emergence of a Guizhou rural tourism based on the villages and their culture and tourist awareness programs. A Guizhou rural economic, social, cultural and environmental coordinated and sustainable development has been created that promotes a new countryside socialist construction under public participation, exploring a feasible way for villager selfdevelopment capacity as well as achieving and an effective protection of cultural heritage and folk heritage. As an example the Guizhou Province Tourism Bureau has organized and planned ‘Guizhou Province Tourism Development Whole Plan’, and the ‘2006e2020 Guizhou Rural Tourism Plan’. Among the plans, seven Miao villages along the River Bala are listed as planned representatives of Langde Miao village life. According to the above plans, the Leishan government has organized and documented the ‘Leishan Tourism Development Whole Plan’, and the Langde Miao Village Comprehensive Construction Detailed Plan’ and the completion and implementation of the above plans will provide for the sustainable development of tourism in Langde Miao. 6. Seeing the significance of empowerment from Langde Miao community organizational evolution and systematic construction Wen (2009) was of the view that China's rural future needs to address the tension between people and land ownership in the context of a small-scale peasant economy for many years to come in China, and a need exists for institutional innovation and organization in the peasant economy. This is evidenced by the history of Langde Miao village and its struggles to develop a meaningful organizational structure capable of letting community residents achieve empowerment in tourism and enabling the economic development of the community. 6.1. Economic empowerment: the villagers' self-development ability improved by the organizations and institutions organic unity The topography of Langde Miao village is a mountainous plateau accessed by poor roads and few basic facilities. Due to its high altitude and poor arable land, agricultural development remains poor and in many years fails to achieve self-sufficiency. Hence, although retaining the essence of traditional culture, village selfdevelopment and incomes have remained extremely limited. Since the reform and opening up, and the implementation of the household contract responsibility system with a combination of direct labor and the publication of production data at the individual level: these initiatives have, to some extent, led to improvements in per capita output, some product differentiation by individuals and increased village well-being. However the issues of marginality to mainstream economic life remain and the village has, partly

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through trial and error, sought to overcome the basic vulnerabilities of the community's economy. It has sought to do this through mutuality and relationship construction (Chen & Pan, 2004). Through government support, the leadership of the community elites and the villagers' active participation, the village environment has improved, traditional culture has been restored and reconstructed, and these have laid a solid foundation for the development of village tourism. Organizing villagers to participate in hosting visitors, and participating in song and dance performances are a core element in Langde Miao village's tourism product and the design of visitors' experiences. Based on a collective action, the village has increased the number of tourism products and sought to extend the duration of the visitor time. The policies have sought to emphasis the interest of the whole community and is the preferred choice of local self-development under the current limitations of financial and social capital. Actions have been taken to limit income flows to interests outside the community. The plans have sought to build upon principle of community, simplicity, harmony and stability from the cultural aspect to achieve an organic unity of organization to jointly promote the sustainable development of local tourism. The purpose is to grow tourism revenues while protecting social and cultural assets and the environment. The success of this process is identified in Table 1 that records the growing role of tourism in local income. 6.2. Political empowerment: building discourse, nurturing village civic awareness, and enhancing the right to speak With the commencement of Langde Miao village's tourism development, the tourism reception team has become not only a means by which to organize village participation tourism, but also an important site for the villagers to express their demands and aspirations. According to village regulations, major events associated with tourism and management development and modification requires the tourism reception team to organize village participation, to listen to individual villagers' views, and often require voting by the village Congress. This not only increases the farmers' participation in tourism but it has also cultivated a sense of participation and an awareness of rights based on interests and the exchange of ideas in a public domain. A sense of citizenship in public life has emerged. Against the background of China's new socialist rural village construction and autonomy, the practice of Langde Miao community participation in tourism development has accelerated. Traditional village governance based on villager qualification is transforming to a modern village based on citizen qualification to achieve the reconstruction of rural governance through tourism development and promoting. Lipset (1997) [30] stated in his book Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, that differences in opinions can help communities and organizations unify when bound within legal constraints. This requires adherence to basic legal systems that permit people, through a variety of ways, to express their legitimate interests. Under this systematic construct, effective expression arises and people create loyalty from membership and institutional vitality (Yu, 2010) more so than when compared with more arbitrary, albeit seemingly unified organizations. For Langde Miao village, when faced with intrusion from external stakeholders, the response was to fight for community interests and preferences, relying on an inherent loyal vitality gained from their institutional reconstruction achieved from tourism development that permitted political empowerment. The year 2008 represented a significant breakthrough for the village when it was chosen as a Beijing Olympic torch relay station. But prior to the event significant differences of opinion existed as to the torch procession between the local government and villagers.The villagers thought the location chosen by the government for

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Table 1 Tourism and income in Langde Miao ethnic village. Year

The proportion of tourism income in village's total income (%)

The proportion of tourism income per capita in net income per capita (%)

1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007

5.2 6.6 15.9 19.5 18.3 15. 2 39.2 56.5

3.2 4.5 6.9 12 11.4 9. 4 24.4 48.9

Sources:Jin Yingruo, Zhou Lingqing. The research of rural tourism development under the Eastern and Western Comparative Perspective [M]. Beijing:China Social Sciences Press, 2011:106

a torch monument adversely influenced the village's Fengshui, desecrated the goddess who protected the villages, and that the groundbreaking would bring bad luck to the whole village. Under the community elites guidance, and the villagers resistance to the plans the local government eventually heeded villagers' opinions, and changed the location of the monument. In another example the local governments wished several time to introduce outside capital to develop Langde Miao village tourism, but each proposal met unanimous opposition from villagers. During these processes of resistance the villagers not only relied on their collective strength to enhance their voice, but learnt how to use legal weapons to safeguard their legitimate rights and interests. They made resort to various tactics to resist the claims of external corporates by, for example, raising issues of the need to protect key national cultural relics, informing developers of largescale intervention if tourism development could be said to involve acts of vandalism, and reporting any transgressions to the authorities. The deterrents of creating high transaction costs involved in negotiations with the community and the use of legal sanctions if destruction of national heritage occurs have generally deterred external stakeholders from inappropriate investment. 6.3. Social empowerment: improving the community integration, standardizing the social order, promoting social trust, generating social capital As a traditional rural community, the villagers live in an interwoven network formed by the kinship and patterns of relationships built by generations, Each family exists in a vertical and horizontal pattern of relationships as knots in a cloth (Cao & Zhang, 1992). However, after a century of revolutionary movements, multiple shocks derived from a market economy and modern technology, an atomization of rural families has occurred, unravelling the past blood and kinship relationships. At the same time Langde Miao village has sought to recycle community organizations through village organizations and systematic social construction through a mechanism of tourism development. The organization adopted by Langde Miao village and its collective participation in tourism combined with the income distribution system of ‘work points’ has gone some way to eliminating inequality, hatred and jealousy caused by the inequality of opportunity within the community. The growth due to tourism and the continuous increases of tourism income has enhanced community participation motivation and enthusiasm. As noted by He Xuefeng, etc. the ‘ … highly market-oriented system has brought many economic resources, a revival of traditional culture and traditional relationships, thereby enhancing community memory [26]”. The repetitive nature of the tourism routine (and unexpected emergencies) has meant that the long term, invisible and vague “agreement” formed between people has given way to villagers having more clear expectations as to each other's behavior, and

parties share a “commitment” to, or identity with, the “rules of the game” (He & Tong, 2002), thereby generating endogenous order. The tourism reception team is not only a platform for tourism cooperation between villagers, but also a platform for a game, with the demands for expression, the collision of ideas, and achievement of consensus. During this process, the villagers’ consciousness, dominant position and organizational identity are strengthened and implemented in practice, thereby generating social capital in a modern sense d an organizational identity and gradually developed network relationship, complete with a “social trust” developed by networks and identity. 6.4. Psychological empowerment: improving the national selfconfidence, forming cultural consciousness In Langde Miao village the revival and reconstruction of traditional culture has generated an authoritative power with a folk grass-roots style, relying on the collective memory of all members of the village and their cultural enthusiasm. Through this movement hearts and minds have gradually changed:the previous commonplace customs and rural environment have become the main resources to attract tourists. The village has now a pride in its own cultural traditions and customs, improving its self-confidence and enhancing cohesion. Not only that, the “work points” practice benefits females who are now beautifully dressed and who specialize in all types of cabaret. The children now learn to sing, dance and blow the Lusheng from an early age. Before 1987, the whole village had only 15 sets of traditional silverware dress, but this increased to 118 sets after 10 years, and almost every family has one set, while females who can dance will have 2 or 3 sets. Due to the higher income derived from the sale of better quality traditional artefacts, the skills of weaving and embroidery have, in turn, significantly improved through competition. When compared with the neighboring villages that lack tourism development, the skill of the Langde Miao village females is much higher. However, when females marry partners from outside Langde Miao, there is a transfer of skill to the other villages in the region, and more generally such a transfer also occurs as visitors become aware of what might be achieved. Through this process there is emerging a restoration of villages' traditional culture, an awareness of “marginalized group cultures” and their importance and contribution to national identity and self-identity. Thus, the success of Leishan Xijiang Miao village tourism has had wider ramifications based on a policy the old secretary Chen Zhengtao described as:“We are confident to achieve in a steady manner”. 7. Conclusions and implications This study has described community organizational evolution and systematic tourism development in the western poor area of Guizhou Langde Miao village, and analyzed the significance of

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community empowerment. Although Langde Miao village community empowerment is confined to a small region and history, it is still thought significant for the tourism development of other ethnic minorities as a model of what can be achieved. Potentially important key elements include the following: 7.1. Farmers' organization is a valid path of tourism community empowerment The case illustrates the importance of farmers being organised . The history of Langde Miao village's empowerment, the processes of residents' interaction, and the gradual establishment of regional and social economy organizations through appropriate tourism development that went beyond individual families has permitted the formation of effective community organizations. This has enable the village to benefit from improved economic opportunities while retaining a control of rights against the outside stakeholders. It is an example of regulating the social order, enhancing social trust, and generating social capital, thereby improving the nation's self-confidence, forming cultural consciousness, and promoting the protection of heritage. Langde Miao village represents a valid model for community empowerment. [24] [8]

7.2. Systematic approaches provide effective protection for tourism community empowerment Wang (2006a,b) noted the importance of system empowerment, arguing that a community sense of identity and its self-awareness were not enough to sustain a traditional identity, and hence formal systems were required to protect a community's interest. Langde Miao village autonomous organization based on its tourism reception team has laid the foundation of Langde Miao village sustainable tourism development and the means to protect its culture. Nonetheless although the community created a rural tourism management system there remained a need for a supportive government involvement. Such support solved issues of shortages in local supply of resources, and an initial slow market development and furthermore played an important role in maintaining an orderly local tourism market that protected tourism resources and their sustainable use. This “Bottom-up” approach has created a systematic and mandatory system that has effectively provided for community empowerment. 7.3. The community elites effectively playing the role is the booster for tourism community empowerment Since Langde Miao village first developed tourism, an increasing number of communities has become involved in tourism development. It might be said there now exists an ‘elite’ in rural tourism development, who dared to break the stereotypes of peasants, and who have demonstrated an entrepreneurial spirit coupled with a view of placing their home community first. Equally they were not afraid to attract senior leaders and celebrities as allies as they protected tourism resources against outside stakeholders by strongly representing local interests. Individuals such as Chen Zhengtao have played prominent roles through their strong organizing and planning abilities, and their strong desire and motivation to promote the farmer cooperation. They are the system's drafters, managers and implementers. 7.4. The government's limited intervention benefit to expend the space of tourism community empowerment The history of Langde Miao village community empowerment nonetheless still shows a need for government guidance and

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support. In the early period of tourism development, each level government gradually organized decentralized, independent farmers to formulate collective actions through promotion, demonstration, support and mobilization of local residents. Within the Villager committee organizational law government provided means for community autonomy and political empowerment. The existing regulations when applied to tourism, have helped create the necessary partnerships governmental cadre and farmers. Thus, even though the tourism empowerment active advocate, Sofield (2003) suggested that real empowerment can be achieved through a community's own ability, full empowerment needs the government's support and authorization in the long term [6]. References Akamal, J. (1996). Western environmental values and nature-based tourism in Kenya. Tourism Management, 17(8), 567e574. Bao, J., & Sun, J. (2006). A contrastive study on he difference in community participation in tourism between China and the west. Acta Geographica Sinica, 61(4), 401e413 [保继刚、孙九霞. 社区参与旅游发展的中西差异[J]. 地理学报, 2006, 61(4) :401-413.]. Bao, J., & Sun, J. (2008). Community participation in tourism of yubeng village: Means of participation and its significance for empowerment. Tourism Forum, 1(1), 58e65 [保继刚, 孙九霞. 雨崩村社区旅游:社区参与方式及其增权意义[J]. 旅游 论坛, 2008, 1(1) :58-65. ]. Cao, J., & Zhang, L. (1992). The social and cultural characteristics of traditional villages. Exploration and Free views, 2, 51e59 [曹锦请、张乐天. 传统乡村的社会文化 特征[J]. 探索与争鸣, 1992, (2):51e59. ]. Chen, X. (2000). Qualitative research in social science (p. 13). Beijing: Education Science Press [陈向明. 质的研究方法与社会科学研究[M]. 北京:教育科学出版社, 2000. 12. ]. Chen, W. (2002). The mechanism of rural community: organization system and action frame. Academic Research, 7, 24e28 [陈万灵. 农村社区机制:组织制度及其 行为框架[J]. 学术研究, 2002, (7) :24e28. ]. Chen, Z., & Li, L. (2010). A study of villagers' perceptions on tourism empowerment in national minority. Commercial Research, 9, 173e178 [陈志永、李乐京. 少数民 族村寨社区居民对旅游增权感知研究[J]. 商业研究, 2010, (9):173e178. ]. Chen, Q., & Pan, S. (2004). The characteristics and the dynamics of the economic transition of the ethnic villages. Ethno-national Studies, 1, 28e37 [陈庆德、潘盛 之. 中国民族村寨经济转型的特征与动力[J]. 民族研究, 2004, (1):28e37. ]. Chen, Z., & Yang, G. (2011). Spatial variation of the tourism empowerment perception of ethnic village community residents: a case study of Xijiang Qianhu Miao Village in Guizhou. Tropical Geography, 31(2), 216e222 [陈志永, 杨 桂华. 少数民族村寨社区居民对旅游增权感知的空间分异研究d以贵州西江千户苗 寨为例[J]. 热带地理, 2011, 31(2):216-222. ]. Chi, J., & Cui, F. (2006). A study on “the tragedy of the Commons”in the process of the development of on-limits rural tourism destinationsdA case of Meijiawu, Longwu and Shangougou in Hangzhou. Tourism Tribune, 21(7), 17e23 [池静、崔 凤军. 乡村旅游地发展过程中的“公地悲剧”研究d以杭州梅家坞、龙坞茶村、山沟 沟景区为例[J]. 旅游学刊, 2006, 21(7):17-23. ]. Guo, W. (2010). Study on the“alternate system mode”regarding rural residents’participation in tourism development and community empowerment effectiveness. Tourism Tribune, 25(3), 76e83 [郭文. 乡村居民参与旅游开发的轮流 制模式及社区增权效能研究d云南香格里拉雨崩社区个案[J]. 旅游学刊, 2010, 25(3):76-83. ]. Guo, W., & Huang, Z.-fang (2010). Study on the development of community power and functions under the background of the development of rural tourism -based on the investigation of two typical cases in Daizu Garden and Yubeng Community, Yunnan Province. Tourism Tribune, 25(3), 76e83 [郭文、黄震方. 乡 村旅游开发背景下社区权能发展研究d基于对云南傣族园和雨崩社区两种典型案例 的调查[J]. 旅游学刊, 2011, 26(12):83-92. ]. He, X. (2007). Rural prospectdnew countryside construction and Chinese way (p. 154). Jinan: Shandong People Press [贺雪峰. 乡村的前途d新农村建设与中国道路 [M]. 济南:山东人民出版社, 2007. 154. ]. He, X. (2008). What is Countryside, and what is its Problem (p. 122). Beijing: Law Press [贺雪峰. 什么农村 什么问题[M]. 北京:法律出版社, 2008. 122. ]. He, X., & Tong, Z. (2002). On social solidarity of villagesealso on the social basis of village order. Social Sciences in China, 3, 124e134 [贺雪峰、仝志辉. 论村庄社会关 联d兼论村庄秩序的社会基础[J]. 中国社会科学, 2002, 23(3):124e134. ]. Huang, Y. (2010). The study of “Community Empowerment”in the traditional folk arts development of ethnic minority. Guizhou Ethnic Studies, 31(4), 31e38 [黄娅. 少数民族传统民艺开发中的“社区增权”研究[J]. 贵州民族研究, 2010, 31(4):31-38]. Lee. (1994). The empowerment approach to sicial work practice. New York: Columbis Univercity Press [转引自王慧娟. 增权:一个理论综述[J]. 长沙民政职业技术学院学 报, 2007, 14(4) :20e23. ]. Li, H.-e, & Xu, Q. (2011). A model of ethnic tourism:review on Langde of Leishan in Guizhou. Journal of Kaili University, 29(2), 83e86 [李会娥、徐圻. 民族旅游的典 范d贵州雷山郎德上寨研究述评[J]. 凯里学院学报[J]. 2011, 29(2):83-86. ]. Lipset, S. M. (1997). Political man: the social bases of politics (p. 1). Shanghai: Shanghai People Press [西摩. 马丁. 李普塞特;张绍宗, 译. 政治人:政治的社会基础

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Zhiyong Chen serves as a full professor in the School of Geography and Tourism at Guizhou Normal College. He holds a Master's degree in Tourism Management from Yunnan University. Professor Chen's research mostly lies in ethnic village tourism and area governance. He has led more than 10 research projects of National Social Science Fund and provincial level projects. Up to now Prof. Chen has published one academic monograph, one co-authored book, and over 40 articles.

Li Lejing serves as full professor in the School of Geography and Tourism at Guizhou Normal College. He holds a Master's degree in Tourism Management from Dongbei University of Finance and Economics. Professor Li's research mostly lies in ethnic village tourism. He has hosted one Humanities and Social Science Research Project from the Ministry of Education, and published 10 articles.

Tianyi Li serves as Associate Professor in the School of Ethnology and Sociology at Guizhou Minzu University. Professor Li's research mostly lies in ethnic culture and ethnic tourism. He has hosted and implemented many research projects, and published over 20 academic articles.

Please cite this article in press as: Chen, Z., et al., The organizational evolution, systematic construction and empowerment of Langde Miao's community tourism, Tourism Management (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2016.03.012