World History Docs(2)

THE ANCIENT WORLD Mesopotamia  From The Code of Hammurabi (1750 BCE) 195. If a son strike his father, his hands shall be hewn off.  196. If a man put out the eye of another man, his eye shall be put out. [ An eye for  an eye ]  197. If he break another man's bone, his bone shall be broken.  198. If he put out the eye of a freed man, or break the bone of a freed man, he  shall pay one gold mina.  199. If he put out the eye of a man's slave, or break the bone of a man's slave, he  shall pay one­half of its value.  200. If a man knock out the teeth of his equal, his teeth shall be knocked out. [ A  tooth for a tooth ]  201. If he knock out the teeth of a freed man, he shall pay one­third of a gold  mina.  202. If any one strike the body of a man higher in rank than he, he shall receive  sixty blows with an ox­whip in public.  203. If a free­born man strike the body of another free­born man or equal rank,  he shall pay one gold mina.  204. If a freed man strike the body of another freed man, he shall pay ten shekels  in money.  1

205. If the slave of a freed man strike the body of a freed man, his ear shall be  cut off.  206. If during a quarrel one man strike another and wound him, then he shall  swear, "I did not injure him wittingly," and pay the physicians.  207. If the man die of his wound, he shall swear similarly, and if he (the  deceased) was a free­born man, he shall pay half a mina in money.  208. If he was a freed man, he shall pay one­third of a mina.  209. If a man strike a free­born woman so that she lose her unborn child, he shall  pay ten shekels for her loss.  210. If the woman die, his daughter shall be put to death.  211. If a woman of the free class lose her child by a blow, he shall pay five  shekels in money.  212. If this woman die, he shall pay half a mina.  213. If he strike the maid­servant of a man, and she lose her child, he shall pay  two shekels in money.  214. If this maid­servant die, he shall pay one­third of a mina.  215. If a physician make a large incision with an operating knife and cure it, or if  he open a tumor (over the eye) with an operating knife, and saves the eye, he  shall receive ten shekels in money.  216. If the patient be a freed man, he receives five shekels.  217. If he be the slave of some one, his owner shall give the physician two  shekels.  218. If a physician make a large incision with the operating knife, and kill him, or  open a tumor with the operating knife, and cut out the eye, his hands shall be cut  off. 

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219. If a physician make a large incision in the slave of a freed man, and kill him,  he shall replace the slave with another slave.  220. If he had opened a tumor with the operating knife, and put out his eye, he  shall pay half his value.  221. If a physician heal the broken bone or diseased soft part of a man, the  patient shall pay the physician five shekels in money.  222. If he were a freed man he shall pay three shekels.  223. If he were a slave his owner shall pay the physician two shekels.             

JUDAISM The Covenant: Genesis 17 Abram fell on his face. God talked with him, saying, "As for me, behold, my covenant is with you. You will be the father of a multitude  of nations. Neither will your name any more be called Abram, but your name will be  Abraham; for I have made you the father of a multitude of nations. I will make you exceedingly fruitful, and I will make nations of you. Kings will  come out of you.  I will establish my covenant between me and you and your  seed after you throughout their generations for an everlasting covenant, to be a  God to you and to your seed after you.  I will give to you, and to your seed after  you, the land where you are traveling, all the land of Canaan, for an everlasting  possession. I will be their God."

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 God said to Abraham, "As for you, you will keep my covenant, you and your seed  after you throughout their generations. This is my covenant, which you shall  keep, between me and you and your seed after you. Every male among you shall  be circumcised.  You shall be circumcised in the flesh of your foreskin. It will be a  token of the covenant between me and you. He who is eight days old will be  circumcised among you, every male throughout your generations, he who is born  in the house, or bought with money from any foreigner who is not of your seed.  He who is born in your house, and he who is bought with your money, must be  circumcised. My covenant will be in your flesh for an everlasting covenant.  The  uncircumcised male who is not circumcised in the flesh of his foreskin, that soul  shall be cut off from his people. He has broken my covenant."

The Ten Commandments: Exodus 20:2­17  1.

"I am the LORD thy God, which have brought thee out of the land of Egypt,  out of the house of bondage. Thou shalt have no other gods before Me." 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness of any  thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the Earth beneath, or that is in the  water under the Earth. Thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, nor serve  them: for I the LORD thy God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the  fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that  hate Me; and shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love Me, and keep  My Commandments. 3. Thou shalt not take the Name of the LORD thy God in vain; for the LORD  will not hold him guiltless that taketh His Name in vain. 4. Remember the Sabbath Day, to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labor, and  do all thy work: but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the LORD thy God: in it  thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy  manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within  thy gates: for in six days the LORD made heaven and Earth, the sea, and all  that in them is, and rested the seventh day: wherefore the LORD blessed the  Sabbath Day, and hallowed it. 5. Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land  which the LORD thy God giveth thee.

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6. Thou shalt not kill. 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 8. Thou shalt not steal. 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor. 10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s house; thou shalt not covet thy  neighbor’s wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his  ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor’s. 

Psalm 23  The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want. 2 He maketh me to lie down in green  pastures: he leadeth me beside the still waters. 3 He restoreth my soul: he  leadeth me in the paths of righteousness for his name's sake. 4 Yea, though I  walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil: for thou art with  me; thy rod and thy staff they comfort me. 5 Thou preparest a table before me in  the presence of mine enemies: thou anointest  my head with oil; my cup runneth  over. 6 Surely goodness and mercy shall follow me all the days of my life: and I  will dwell in the house of the Lord for ever. 

Psalm 137 The Mourning of the Exiles in Babylon 137By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, when we remembered Zion. 2 We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. 3 For there they that carried us away captive required of us a song; and they that wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. 4 How shall we sing the Lord's song in a strange land? 5 If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. 6 If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy. 7 Remember, O Lord, the children of Edom in the day of Jerusalem; who said, Rase it, rase it, even to the foundation thereof. 8 O daughter of Babylon, who art to be destroyed; happy shall he be, that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us. 9 Happy shall he be, that taketh and dasheth thy little ones against the stones. 5

Isaiah 11:1-10 11A shoot shall come out from the stock of Jesse,    and a branch shall grow out of his roots.  2 The spirit of the Lord shall rest on him,    the spirit of wisdom and understanding,    the spirit of counsel and might,    the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the Lord.  3 His delight shall be in the fear of the Lord. 

He shall not judge by what his eyes see,    or decide by what his ears hear;  4 but with righteousness he shall judge the poor,    and decide with equity for the meek of the earth; he shall strike the earth with the rod of his mouth,    and with the breath of his lips he shall kill the wicked.  5 Righteousness shall be the belt around his waist,    and faithfulness the belt around his loins. 

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The wolf shall live with the lamb,    the leopard shall lie down with the kid, the calf and the lion and the fatling together,    and a little child shall lead them.  7 The cow and the bear shall graze,    their young shall lie down together;    and the lion shall eat straw like the ox.  8 The nursing child shall play over the hole of the asp,    and the weaned child shall put its hand on the adder’s den.  9 They will not hurt or destroy    on all my holy mountain; for the earth will be full of the knowledge of the Lord    as the waters cover the sea. 

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10 On that day the root of Jesse shall stand as a signal to the peoples; the  nations shall inquire of him, and his dwelling shall be glorious. 

HINDUISM THE Rig Veda—Hymn 129 1. THEN was not non­existent nor existent: there was no realm of air, no sky  beyond it.      What covered in, and where? and what gave shelter? Was water there,  unfathomed depth of water? 2. Death was not then, nor was there aught immortal: no sign was there, the  day's and night's divider.      That One Thing, breathless, breathed by its own nature: apart from it was  nothing whatsoever. 3. Darkness there was: at first concealed in darknew this All was indiscriminated  chaos.      All that existed then was void and form less: by the great power of Warmth  was born that Unit. 4. Thereafter rose Desire in the beginning, Desire, the primal seed and germ of  Spirit.      Sages who searched with their heart's thought discovered the existent's  kinship in the non­existent. 5. Transversely was their severing line extended: what was above it then, and  what below it?      There were begetters, there were mighty forces, free action here and energy  up yonder 6. Who verily knows and who can here declare it, whence it was born and  whence comes this creation?      The Gods are later than this world's production. Who knows then whence it  first came into being? 7. He, the first origin of this creation, whether he formed it all or did not form it,      Whose eye controls this world in highest heaven, he verily knows it, or  perhaps he knows not.

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The Caste System The Bhagavad Gita says this about the varnas:  [41] The works of Brahmins, Ksatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras are different, in  harmony with the three powers of their born nature.  [42] The works of a Brahmin are peace; self­harmony, austerity, and purity;  loving­forgiveness and righteousness; vision and wisdom and faith.  [43] These are the works of a Ksatriya:  a heroic mind, inner fire, constancy,  resourcefulness, courage in battle, generosity and noble leadership.  [44] Trade, agriculture and the rearing of cattle is the work of a Vaishya. And the  work of the Shudra is service.  [Chapter 18, Juan Mascaró translation, Penguin Books, 1962]

THE  BHAGAVAD­GITA, Chapter 1  Entitled "Arjun­Vishad,"  Or "The Book of the Distress of Arjuna."     Then, at the signal of the aged king,   With blare to wake the blood, rolling around   Like to a lion's roar, the trumpeter   Blew the great Conch; and, at the noise of it,   Trumpets and drums, cymbals and gongs and horns   Burst into sudden clamour; as the blasts   Of loosened tempest, such the tumult seemed!   Then might be seen, upon their car of gold   Yoked with white steeds, blowing their battle­shells,   Krishna the God, Arjuna at his side:   Krishna, with knotted locks, blew his great conch   Carved of the "Giant's bone;"

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 Arjuna blew  Indra's loud gift;

              "Killing these  Must breed but anguish, Krishna! If they be   Guilty, we shall grow guilty by their deaths;   Their sins will light on us, if we shall slay   Those sons of Dhritirashtra, and our kin;   What peace could come of that, O Madhava?   For if indeed, blinded by lust and wrath,   These cannot see, or will not see, the sin   Of kingly lines o'erthrown and kinsmen slain,   How should not we, who see, shun such a crime­   We who perceive the guilt and feel the shame­

  O thou Delight of Men, Janardana?   By overthrow of houses perisheth   Their sweet continuous household piety,   And­ rites neglected, piety extinct­   Enters impiety upon that home;   Its women grow unwomaned, whence there spring   Mad passions, and the mingling­up of castes,   Sending a Hell­ward road that family,   And whoso wrought its doom by wicked wrath.   Nay, and the souls of honoured ancestors   Fall from their place of peace, being bereft   Of funeral­cakes and the wan death­water.   So teach our holy hymns. Thus, if we slay   Kinsfolk and friends for love of earthly power,   Ahovat! what an evil fault it were!  "   Better I deem it, if my kinsmen strike,     To face them weaponless, and bare my breast     To shaft and spear, than answer blow with blow." 

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    So speaking, in the face of those two hosts,   Arjuna sank upon his chariot­seat,   And let fall bow and arrows, sick at heart. **********************************         

Sacred Texts Speak On Ahimsa The roots of ahimsa are found in the Vedas, Agamas, Upanishads, Dharma  Shastras, Tirumurai, Yoga Sutras and dozens of other sacred texts of Hinduism.  Here is a select collection. Peace be the earth, peaceful the ether, peaceful heaven, peaceful the waters,  peaceful the herbs, peaceful the trees. May all Gods bring me peace. May there  be peace through these invocations of peace. With these invocations of peace  which appease everything, I render peaceful whatever here is terrible, whatever  here is cruel, whatever here is sinful. Let it become auspicious, let everything be  beneficial to us.­­Atharva Veda: X. 191. 4 Let us have concord with our own people, and concord with people who are  strangers to us; Asvins, create between us and the strangers a unity of hearts.  May we unite in our midst, unite in our purposes, and not fight against the divine  spirit within us. Let not the battle­cry rise amidst many slain, nor the arrows of the  War­God fall with the break of day.­­Atharva Veda Let your aims be common, and your hearts be of one accord, and all of you be of  one mind, so you may live well together.­­Rig Veda X . 191 The twice­born should endure high­handed criticism; he should insult none.  While yet in his body, he should not pick enmity with anyone; he should not return  anger with anger; decried, he should say a good word.­­Dharma Shastras: VI. Nonviolence, truthfulness, nonstealing, purity, sense control­­this, in brief, says  Manu, is the dharma of all the four castes.­­Dharma Shastras: X.

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One should never do that to another which one regards as injurious to one's own  self. This, in brief, is the rule of dharma. Yielding to desire and acting differently,  one becomes guilty of adharma. ­­Mahabharata XVIII:113.8. Those high­souled persons who desire beauty, faultlessness of limbs, long life,  understanding, mental and physical strength and memory should abstain from  acts of injury.­­Mahabharata XVIII:115.8. Ahimsa is the highest dharma. Ahimsa is the best tapas. Ahimsa is the greatest  gift. Ahimsa is the highest self­control. Ahimsa is the highest sacrifice. Ahimsa is  the highest power. Ahimsa is the highest friend. Ahimsa is the highest truth.  Ahimsa is the highest teaching.­­Mahabharata XVIII:116.37­41. It is the principle of the pure in heart never to injure others, even when they  themselves have been hatefully injured.­­Tiru Kural, Verse 312. If a man inflicts sorrow on another in the morning, sorrow will come to him  unbidden in the afternoon.­­Tiru Kural, Verse 319 What is virtuous conduct? It is never destroying life, for killing leads to every other  sin.­­Tirukural, Verse 321 Many are the lovely flowers of worship offered to the Guru, but none lovelier than  non­killing. Respect for life is the highest worship, the bright lamp, the sweet  garland and unwavering devotion.­­Tirumantiram, Verse 197 May all beings look at me with a friendly eye. May I do likewise, and may we all  look on each other with the eyes of a friend.­­Yajur Veda: 36.18. Spiritual merit and sin are our own making. The killer of other lives is an outcast.  Match your words with your conduct. Steal not, kill not, indulge not in self­praise,  condemn not others to their face.­­Lingayat Vacanas If the diet is pure the mind will be pure, and if the mind is pure the intellect also  will be pure.­­Manu Samhita Ahimsa is not causing pain to any living being at any time through the actions of  one's mind, speech or body.­­Sandilya Upanishad

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Whatever I dig from Earth, may that have quick growth again. O Purifier, may we  not injure your vitals or your heart. ­­Atharva Veda XII When one is established in non­injury, beings give up their mutual animosity in  his presence.­­Yoga Sutras Without doing injury to living things, flesh cannot be had anywhere; and the killing  of living beings is not conducive to heaven; hence eating of flesh should be  avoided.­­Dharma Shastras Everyone should make offerings to all creatures; thereby one achieves the  propitiation of all creatures. Every day one should make gifts, even if it be only  with a cup of water: thus one achieves the propitiation of human beings.­­Yajur  Veda The injury that we have caused to heaven and earth, mother or father­­from that  sin may the domestic fire ceremony pull us out.­­Taittiriya Aranyaka Without congestion, amidst men, She who has many heights, stretches, and level  grounds, who bears herbs of manifold potency, may that Earth spread out and be  rich for us. Let all the people milk Her with amity.­­Rig Veda XII. 1 The peace in the sky, the peace in the mid­air, the peace on earth, the peace in  waters, the peace in plants, the peace in forest trees, the peace in all Gods, the  peace in Brahman, the peace in all things, the peace in peace, may that peace  come to me.­­ Rig Veda X Do not injure the beings living on the earth, in the air and in the water.­­Yajur  Veda The Lord said, 'Fearlessness, purity of heart, steadfastness in knowledge and  devotion, alms­giving, self­control and sacrifice, study of the scriptures, austerity  and uprightness, nonviolence, truth, freedom from anger, renunciation, tranquility,  aversion to slander, compassion to all living beings, freedom from covetousness,  gentleness, modesty, courage, patience, fortitude, purity and freedom from  malice and overweening conceit­­these belong to him who is born to the heritage  of the Gods, O Arjuna.'­­Bhagavad Gita: Chapter 16

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BUDDHISM The Four Noble Truths THUS has it been said by the Buddha, the Enlightened  One: It is through not understanding, not realizing four things,  that I, Disciples, as well as you, had to wander so long through  this round of rebirths. And what are these four things? They  are the Noble Truth of Suffering, the Noble Truth of the Origin  of Suffering, the Noble Truth of the Extinction of Suffering,  the Noble Truth of the Path that leads to the Extinction of  Suffering. As long as the absolutely true knowledge and insight as  regards these Four Noble Truths was not quite clear in me, so  long was I not sure, whether I had won that supreme  Enlightenment which is unsurpassed in all the world with its  heavenly beings, evil spirits and gods, amongst all the hosts of  ascetics and priests, heavenly beings and men. But as soon as  the absolutely true knowledge and insight as regards these Four  Noble Truths had become perfectly clear in me, there arose in  me the assurance that I had won that supreme Enlightenment  unsurpassed. And I discovered that­profound truth, so difficult to  perceive, difficult to understand, tranquilizing and sublime,  which is not to be gained by mere reasoning, and is visible  only to the wise. The world, however, is given to pleasure, delighted with  pleasure, enchanted with pleasure. Verily, such beings will  hardly understand the law of conditionality, the Dependent  Origination of every thing; incomprehensible to them will also  be the end of all formations, the forsaking of every substratum  of rebirth, the fading away of craving; detachment, extinction,  Nirvana. 13

Yet there are beings whose eyes are only a little covered  with dust: they will understand the truth. FIRST TRUTH THE NOBLE TRUTH OF SUFFERING WHAT, now, is the Noble Truth of Suffering? Birth is suffering; Decay is suffering; Death is suffering;  Sorrow, Lamentation, Pain, Grief, and Despair, are suffering;  not to get what one desires, is suffering; in short: the Five  Groups of Existence are suffering. What, now, is Birth? The birth of beings belonging to this  or that order of beings, their being born, their conception and  springing into existence, the manifestation of the groups of  existence, the arising of sense activity­this is called Birth. And what is Decay? The decay of beings belonging to  this or that order of beings; their getting aged, frail, gray, and  wrinkled; the failing of their vital force, the wearing out of the  senses­this is called Decay. And what is Death? The parting and vanishing of beings  out of this or that order of beings, their destruction,  disappearance, death, the completion of their life­period,  dissolution of the groups of existence, the discarding of the  body­this is called Death. And what is Sorrow? The sorrow arising through this or  that loss or misfortune which one encounters, the worrying  oneself, the state of being alarmed, inward sorrow, inward  woe­this is called Sorrow. And what is Lamentation? Whatsoever, through this or  that loss or misfortune which befalls one, is wail and lament,  wailing and lamenting, the state of woe and lamentation this is  called Lamentation. And what is Pain? The bodily pain and unpleasantness,  the painful and unpleasant feeling produced by bodily contact­ this is called Pain. And what is Grief? The mental pain and unpleasantness,  14

the painful and unpleasant feeling produced by mental contact­ this is called Grief. And what is Despair? Distress and despair arising  through this or that loss or misfortune which one encounters,  distressfulness, and desperation­this is called Despair. And what is the "suffering of not getting what one  desires?" To beings subject to birth there comes the desire: "O  that we were not subject to birth! O that no new birth was  before us!" Subject to decay, disease, death, sorrow,  lamentation, pain, grief, and despair, the desire comes to them:  "O that we were not subject to these things! O that these things  were not before us!" But this cannot be got by mere desiring;  and not to get what one desires, is suffering. SECOND TRUTH THE NOBLE TRUTH OF THE ORIGIN OF SUFFERING WHAT, now, is the Noble Truth of the Origin of  Suffering? It is that craving which gives rise to fresh rebirth,  and, bound up with pleasure and lust, now here, now there,  finds ever fresh delight. [In the absolute sense, it is no real being, no self­ determined, unchangeable, Ego­entity that is reborn. Moreover,  there is nothing that remains the same even for two consecutive  moments; for the Five Khandhas, or Groups of Existence, are  in a state of perpetual change, of continual dissolution and  renewal. They die every moment, and every moment new ones  are born. Hence it follows that there is no such thing as a real  existence, or "being,"  but only as it were an  endless process, a continuous change, a "becoming," consisting  in a "producing," and in a "being produced"; in a "process of  action," and in a "process of reaction," or "rebirth." This process of perpetual "producing" and "being  produced" may best be compared with an ocean wave. In the  case of a wave, there is not the slightest quantity of water  traveling over the surface of the sea. But the wave structure,  15

that hastens over the surface of the water, creating the  appearance of one and the same mass of water, is, in reality,  nothing but the continuous rising and falling of continuous, but  quite different, masses of water, produced by the transmission  of force generated by the wind. Even so, the Buddha did not  teach that Ego­entities hasten through the ocean of rebirth, but  merely life­waves, which, according to their nature and  activities (good, or evil),  manifest themselves here as men,  there as animals, and elsewhere as invisible beings.]

THIRD TRUTH THE NOBLE TRUTH OF THE EXTINCTION OF  SUFFERING WHAT, now, is the Noble Truth of the Extinction of  Suffering? It is the complete fading away and extinction of this  craving, its forsaking and giving up, the liberation and  detachment from it. But where may this craving vanish, where may it be  extinguished? Wherever in the world there are delightful and  pleasurable things, there this craving may vanish, there it may  be extinguished. Be it in the past, present, or future, whosoever of the  monks or priests regards the delightful and pleasurable things  in the world as "impermanent," "miserable," and "without an  Ego," as a disease and cancer; it is he who overcomes the  craving. And released from Sensual Craving, released from the  Craving for Existence, he does not return, does not enter again  into existence. NIRVANA This, truly, is the Peace, this is the Highest, namely the  end of all formations, the forsaking of every substratum of  16

rebirth, the fading away of craving: detachment, extinction­ Nirvana. Enraptured with lust, enraged with anger, blinded by  delusion, overwhelmed, with mind ensnared, man aims at his  own ruin, at others' ruin, at the ruin of both parties, and he  experiences mental pain and grief. But, if lust, anger, and  delusion are given up, man aims neither at his own ruin, nor at  others' ruin, nor at the ruin of both parties, and he experiences  no mental pain and grief. Thus is Nirvana immediate, visible in  this life, inviting, attractive, and comprehensible to the wise. The extinction of greed, the extinction of anger, the  extinction of delusion: this, indeed, is called Nirvana.

CHINA DAOISM—“The Way” On Government The more restrictions there are, the poorer the people. The more sharp weapons, the more trouble in the state. The more clever cunning, the more contrivances. The more rules and regulations, the more thieves and robbers. Therefore the wise say, "Do not interfere, and people transform themselves. Love peace, and people do what is right. Do not intervene, and people prosper. Have no desires, and people live simply." Making Things Ugly When people see beauty, they think, "that's beautiful". Thinking of something as beautiful makes you think other things are ugly. Calling something "good" forces you to call some other things "evil." The ideas "difficult" and "easy" support each other.

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"Long" and "short" define each other. "High" creates "low" "Tone" creates "noise" "Before" creates "after" "Have" creates "don't have" This is why the Sage acts without effort and teaches without words. New things are created and the Sage just accepts them. Things fade away and the Sage accepts that too. A Sage can have things without feeling they "own" them. The Sage does things without putting an emotional stake into the outcome. The task is accomplished, but the Sage doesn't seek credit or take pride in the  accomplishment. Because the Sage is not attached to the accomplishment, the accomplishment lasts  forever.

CONFUCIANISM Kong­Fu Tze: “Quotes from The Analects” "The expectations of life depend upon diligence; the mechanic that would perfect  his work must first sharpen his tools."  "What you do not want others to do to you, do not do to others."  "To go too far is as bad as to fall short."  "Our greatest glory is not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall."  "A man who has committed a mistake and doesn't correct it is committing another  mistake."  "Faithfulness and sincerity are the highest things."

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"Consideration for others is the basic of a good life, a good society."  "Can there be a love which does not make demands on its object?"  "To love a thing means wanting it to live."  "Mankind differs from the animals only by a little and most people throw that  away."  "When anger rises, think of the consequences."  "Learn as though you would never be able to master it; hold it as though you  would be in fear of losing it."  "If you lead the people with correctness, who will dare not be correct?"  "When you know a thing, to hold that you know it; and when you do not know a  thing, to allow that you do not know it­­this is knowledge."  "The essence of knowledge is, having it, to apply it; not having it, to confess your  ignorance."  "To know is to know that you know nothing. That is the meaning of true  knowledge."  "Acquire new knowledge whilst thinking over the old, and you may become a  teacher of others."  "Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness."  "With coarse rice to eat, with water to drink, and my bent arm for a pillow ­­ I have  still joy in the midst of all these things."  "Man who stand on hill with mouth open will wait long time for roast duck to drop  in."  19

"Ignorance is the night of the mind, but a night without moon or star."  "To be with God."  "We take greater pains to persuade others we are happy than in trying to think so  ourselves."  "The perfecting of one's self is the fundamental base of all progress and all moral  development."  "Have no friends not equal to yourself."  "Love thy neighbor as thyself: Do not to others what thou wouldn't not wish be  done to thyself: Forgive injuries. Forgive thy enemy, be reconciled to him, give  him assistance, invoke God in his behalf."  "A fool despises good counsel, but a wise man takes it to heart."  "The faults of a superior person are like the sun and moon. They have their faults,  and everyone sees them; they change and everyone looks up to them."  "Not to alter one's faults is to be faulty indeed."  "When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them."  "The real fault is to have faults and not amend them."  "The father who does not teach his son his duties is equally guilty with the son  who neglects them."  "Death and life have their determined appointments; riches and honors depend  upon heaven."  "The wheel of fortune turns round incessantly, and who can say to himself, I shall  today be uppermost."  20

"The parents age must be remembered, both for joy and anxiety."  "The strength of a nation derives from the integrity of the home."  "It is not possible for one to teach others who cannot teach his own family."  "I am not concerned that I am not known, I seek to be worthy to be known."  "Faithfulness and sincerity are the highest things."  "A man who has committed a mistake and doesn't correct it is committing another  mistake."  "Our greatest glory is not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall."  "To go too far is as bad as to fall short."  "What you do not want others to do to you, do not do to others."  "The expectations of life depend upon diligence; the mechanic that would perfect  his work must first sharpen his tools."  "To be wronged is nothing unless you continue to remember it."  "I want you to be everything that's you, deep at the center of your being."  "Of neighborhoods, benevolence is the most beautiful. How can the man be  considered wise who when he had the choice does not settle in benevolence."  "Study the past if you would divine the future."  "To see what is right, and not do it, is want of courage, or of principle."  "A man who does not think and plan long ahead will find trouble right at his door." 

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"In a country well governed poverty is something to be ashamed of. In a country  badly governed wealth is something to be ashamed of."  "Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practices it will have neighbors."  "When prosperity comes, do not use all of it."  "Without feelings of respect, what is there to distinguish men from beasts?"  "Before you embark on a journey of revenge, dig two graves."  "He who wishes to secure the good of others has already secured his own."  "The superior man understands what is right; the inferior man understands what  will sell."  "Boldness, without the rules of propriety, becomes insubordination."  "When nature exceeds culture, we have the rustic. When culture exceeds nature  then we the pedant."  "He who conquers himself is the mightiest warrior."  "The more man meditates upon good thoughts, the better will be his world and  the world at large."  "When you see a worthy person, endeavor to emulate him. When you see an  unworthy person, then examine your inner self."  "Silence is the true friend that never betrays."  "Life is really simple, but men insist on making it complicated."  "Sincerity and truth are the basis of every virtue." 

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"We should feel sorrow, but not sink under its oppression."   LEGALISM: The School of Law 

Han Fei, Book 49: The Five Vermin ¶49.5b Today Ru and Mohists alike praise the early kings for their universal love of the  world, saying that they looked after their people the way parents do a beloved  child. What do they use to prove that this is so? They say: "Whenever the  Director of Crime applied the punishments, the lord would cancel his musical  performances because of that and when he heard the announcement of an  execution he would shed tears over it." This is what they praise about the early  kings. If you require that the relation between ruler and minister be like father and  son and make it the condition necessary to produce order in government, the  implication is that there is no such thing as unruly fathers or sons. By inborn  nature, nothing surpasses the love of parents for their children. But even though  all parents have expressed their love their children, this love has never resulted in  all their children being well­behaved. And even if parents were to love the unruly  child even more, would that prevent it from being unruly? The love of the early  kings for their children could not surpass the love of parents' for their children, so  if parents love does not inevitably result in their children not being unruly, how  can the love of kings make their people orderly? Moreover, if when the laws are  applied to punish people the lord weeps about it­­this may exemplify humaneness  but it is not a way to create orderly government. Shedding tears and not wanting  to punish may be humaneness but, however that may be, that the punishments  cannot but be applied is a matter of law. If the early kings let their laws triumph  and did not heed their tears, it is obvious that practicing humaneness cannot be  used to create an orderly government.  ¶49.6 Besides, by nature people submit to authority, but only a few are capable of  cherishing moral principles. Confucius was the world's sage. He cultivated his  conduct, clarified his Dao, traveled across the lands within the seas, but in all  those places only 70 men rejoiced in his humaneness, admired his moral code,  and were willing to become his disciples. To be sure, to prize humaneness  23

belongs to the very few and to be capable of his moral code is a difficult thing.  Thus, in the vastness of the world there were only 70 men who became his  disciples and there was only one man who became humane and moral.  Duke Ai of Lu was an inferior ruler, but when he faced south as lord of his  country, not a single man within the borders of his state would dare refuse to be  his servant. So since people by nature submit to authority, when a person holds a  position of authority it is easy to cause others to submit. Thus it was that  Confucius contrary to expectations remained a servant and Duke Ai, in contrast,  remained lord. It was not a matter of Confucius cherishing the Duke's morality but  of his submitting to his authority. Thus if it was based on morality Confucius  would never have submitted to Duke Ai, but because he wielded authority Duke  Ai made Confucius his servant. Today scholars advise rulers that they should  strive to conduct themselves with humaneness and morality so that it will be  possible for them to become universal kings. They do not advise that they wield  their authority which is certain to triumph. This is to make it necessary for rulers  to reach the level of a Confucius and that all his subjects should act like  Confucius' disciples. Such a policy is certain to fail.  ¶49.9a Ru scholars use their literary skills to destroy law and knights­errant use their  military skills to violate prohibitions, yet rulers universally treat them with special  courtesies so there is general disorder. Those who deviate from the law should  be regarded as criminals but instead all these learned teachers are chosen for  office for their literary accomplishments. Those who violate the prohibitions  should be punished but instead every knight­errant is given a living for using their  swords to further private interest. Thus, what law condemns the lord chooses and  what officials punish their superior patronizes. Law and the ruler's personal  inclinations, superior and subordinate are in contradiction. Where nothing is fixed,  even ten Yellow Emperors would be incapable of governing. Thus those who  practice humaneness and morality should not be those who are praised, for to  praise their conduct is to harm military readiness. Men of literary accomplishment  should not be given office, for giving them office brings confusion to the laws.  ¶49.10b To reward those who cut off enemy heads and yet esteem acts of compassion  and kindness; to provide emoluments and noble titles to those who capture cities  24

and yet put you trust in persuasions which advocate universal love; to strengthen  armor and sharpen weapons in order to be prepared to meet any kind of trouble  and yet admire the ornamented robes and belts of the civil gentry; to try to enrich  the country through agriculture and ward off the enemy with trained soldiers and  yet prize scholars for their literary accomplishments; to disdain people who treat  the ruler with reverence and respect the law and instead patronize knights­errant  who travel from court to court wielding their swords on behalf of private interests­ those who recommend such conduct make it impossible for the state to be either  well governed or strong. When the state is tranquil, it can nurture Ru scholars  and knights­errant, but when difficulties arise, it must use armed knights. But in  the present case, those who would benefit the state are not employed and those  who are employed provide no benefit. This is precisely why those charged with  particular responsibilities are negligent in carrying them out and the number of  traveling scholars increases by the day. This is what causes the disorder of our  age.

The Art of War Sun Tzu / Translated by Lionel Giles Chapter 1: Laying Plans  Sun Tzu said: The art of war is of vital importance to the State.  It is a matter of life and death, a road either to safety or to ruin. Hence it is  a subject of inquiry which can on no account be neglected.  The art of war, then, is governed by five constant factors, to be taken into  account in one's deliberations, when seeking to determine the conditions  obtaining in the field.  These are: (1) The Moral Law; (2) Heaven; (3) Earth; (4) The Commander;  (5) Method and discipline.  The Moral Law causes the people to be in complete accord with their ruler,  so that they will follow him regardless of their lives, undismayed by any  danger.  Heaven signifies night and day, cold and heat, times and seasons.  25

Earth comprises distances, great and small; danger and security; open  ground and narrow passes; the chances of life and death.  The Commander stands for the virtues of wisdom, sincerity, benevolence,  courage and strictness.  By method and discipline are to be understood the marshaling of the army  in its proper subdivisions, the graduations of rank among the officers, the  maintenance of roads by which supplies may reach the army, and the  control of military expenditure.  These five heads should be familiar to every general: he who knows them  will be victorious; he who knows them not will fail.  Therefore, in your deliberations, when seeking to determine the military  conditions, let them be made the basis of a comparison, in this wise: ­­ (1)  Which of the two sovereigns is imbued with the Moral law? (2) Which of  the two generals has most ability? (3) With whom lie the advantages  derived from Heaven and Earth? (4) On which side is discipline most  rigorously enforced? (5) Which army is stronger? (6) On which side are  officers and men more highly trained? (7) In which army is there the  greater constancy both in reward and punishment?  By means of these seven considerations I can forecast victory or defeat.  The general that hearkens to my counsel and acts upon it, will conquer: let  such a one be retained in command! The general that hearkens not to my  counsel nor acts upon it, will suffer defeat: ­­ let such a one be dismissed!  While heading the profit of my counsel, avail yourself also of any helpful  circumstances over and beyond the ordinary rules.  According as circumstances are favorable, one should modify one's plans.  All warfare is based on deception.  Hence, when able to attack, we must seem unable; when using our forces,  we must seem inactive; when we are near, we must make the enemy  believe we are far away; when far away, we must make him believe we are  near.  Hold out baits to entice the enemy. Feign disorder, and crush him.  If he is secure at all points, be prepared for him. If he is in superior  strength, evade him.  26

If your opponent is of choleric temper, seek to irritate him. Pretend to be  weak, that he may grow arrogant.  If he is taking his ease, give him no rest. If his forces are united, separate  them.  Attack him where he is unprepared, appear where you are not expected.  These military devices, leading to victory, must not be divulged  beforehand.  Now the general who wins a battle makes many calculations in his temple  ere the battle is fought. The general who loses a battle makes but few  calculations beforehand. Thus do many calculations lead to victory, and  few calculations to defeat: how much more no calculation at all! It is by  attention to this point that I can foresee who is likely to win or lose.  Chapter 2: Waging War  Sun Tzu said: In the operations of war, where there are in the field a  thousand swift chariots, as many heavy chariots, and a hundred thousand  mail­clad soldiers, with provisions enough to carry them a thousand li, the  expenditure at home and at the front, including entertainment of guests,  small items such as glue and paint, and sums spent on chariots and  armor, will reach the total of a thousand ounces of silver per day. Such is  the cost of raising an army of 100,000 men.  When you engage in actual fighting, if victory is long in coming, then men's  weapons will grow dull and their ardor will be damped. If you lay siege to a  town, you will exhaust your strength.  Again, if the campaign is protracted, the resources of the State will not be  equal to the strain.  Now, when your weapons are dulled, your ardor damped, your strength  exhausted and your treasure spent, other chieftains will spring up to take  advantage of your extremity. Then no man, however wise, will be able to  avert the consequences that must ensue.  Thus, though we have heard of stupid haste in war, cleverness has never  been seen associated with long delays.  There is no instance of a country having benefited from prolonged warfare.  27

It is only one who is thoroughly acquainted with the evils of war that can  thoroughly understand the profitable way of carrying it on.  The skillful soldier does not raise a second levy, neither are his supply­ wagons loaded more than twice.  Bring war material with you from home, but forage on the enemy. Thus the  army will have food enough for its needs.  Poverty of the State exchequer causes an army to be maintained by  contributions from a distance. Contributing to maintain an army at a  distance causes the people to be impoverished.  On the other hand, the proximity of an army causes prices to go up; and  high prices cause the people's substance to be drained away.  When their substance is drained away, the peasantry will be afflicted by  heavy exactions.  With this loss of substance and exhaustion of strength, the homes of the  people will be stripped bare, and three­tenths of their income will be  dissipated; while government expenses for broken chariots, worn­out  horses, breast­plates and helmets, bows and arrows, spears and shields,  protective mantles, draught­oxen and heavy wagons, will amount to four­ tenths of its total revenue.  Hence a wise general makes a point of foraging on the enemy. One  cartload of the enemy's provisions is equivalent to twenty of one's own,  and likewise a single picul of his provender is equivalent to twenty from  one's own store.  Now in order to kill the enemy, our men must be roused to anger; that  there may be advantage from defeating the enemy, they must have their  rewards.  Therefore in chariot fighting, when ten or more chariots have been taken,  those should be rewarded who took the first. Our own flags should be  substituted for those of the enemy, and the chariots mingled and used in  conjunction with ours. The captured soldiers should be kindly treated and  kept.  This is called, using the conquered foe to augment one's own strength.  In war, then, let your great object be victory, not lengthy campaigns.  28

Thus it may be known that the leader of armies is the arbiter of the  people's fate, the man on whom it depends whether the nation shall be in  peace or in peril. 

JAPAN  Shintosim  Ethics Purity is one of the fundamental virtues of Shinto ethics. There are two significations of  purity. One is outer purity or bodily purity and the other inner purity or purity of heart. If a  man is endowed with true inner purity of heart, he will surely attain God­realization or  communion with the Divine. Sincerity is also the guiding ethical principle of Shinto. Ten Precepts Of Shinto i) Do not transgress the will of the gods. ii) Do not forget your obligations to ancestors. iii) Do not offend by violating the decrees of the State. iv) Do not forget the profound goodness of the, gods, through which calamity and  misfortunes are averted and sickness is healed. v) Do not forget that the world is one great family. vi) Do not forget the limitations of your own person.

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vii) Do not become angry even though others become angry. viii) Do not be sluggish in your work. ix) Do not bring blame to the teaching. x) Do not be carried away by foreign teachings. Shinto Sayings The heart of the person before you is a mirror. See there your own form. Even the wishes of an ant reach to heaven. Leave the things of this world and come to me daily with pure bodies and pure hearts. A single sincere prayer moves heaven. You will surely realize the divine presence  through sincere prayer. Where you have sincerity, there also is virtue. Sincerity is a witness to truth. Sincerity is  the mother of knowledge. Sincerity is a single virtue that binds Divinity and man in one. Retribution for good or ill is as sure as the shadow after substance. To do good is to be pure. To commit evil is to be impure. To admit a fault is the beginning of righteousness. The first and surest means to enter into communion with the Divine is sincerity. If you  pray to a deity with sincerity, you will surely feel the divine presence. Common Shinto Prayer Our eyes may see some uncleanliness, but let not our mind see things that are not  clean. Our ears may hear some uncleanliness, but let not our mind hear things that are  not clean.

ZOROASTER

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YASNA 33. 1. According as it is with the laws that belong to the present life, so shall the Judge act with most just deed towards the man of the Lie and the man of the Right, and him whose false things and good things balance (in equal measure). 2. Whoso worketh ill for the liar by word or thought or hands, or converts his dependent to the good -- such men meet the will of Ahura Mazda to his satisfaction. 3. Whose is most good to the righteous man, be he noble or member of the community or the brotherhood, Ahura -- or with diligence cares for the cattle, he shall be hereafter in the pasture of Right and Good Thought [Asha and Vohu Manah]. 4. I who by worship would keep far from Thee, O Mazda, disobedience and Bad Thought, heresy from the nobles, and from the community the Lie, that is most near, and from the brotherhood the slanderers, and the worst herdsmen from the pastures of the cattle; -5. I who would invoke thy Obedience as the greatest of all at the Consummation, attaining long life, and the Dominion of Good Thought, and the straight ways into Right, wherein Mazda Ahura dwells. 6. I, as a priest, who would learn the straight (paths) by the Right, would learn by the Best Spirit how to practice husbandry by that thought in which it is thought of; these Twain of Thine, O Ahura Mazda, I strive to see and take counsel with them. 7. Come hither to me, O ye Best Ones, hither, O Mazda, in Thine own person and visibly, O Right and Good Thought, that I may be heard beyond the limits of the people. Let the august duties be manifest among us and clearly viewed. 8. Consider ye my matters whereon I am active, O Good Thought, my worship, O Mazda, towards one like you, and O Right, the words of my praise. Grant, O Welfare and Immortality, your own everlasting blessing. 9. That Spirit of Thine, Mazda, together with the comfort of the Comrades Twain, who advance the Right, let the Best Thought bring through the Reform wrought by me. Sure is the support of those twain, whose souls are one. 10. All the pleasures of life which thou holdest, those that were, that are, and that shall be O Mazda, according to thy good will apportion them. Through Good Thought advance thou the body, through Dominion and Right at will. 11.

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The most mighty Ahura Mazda, and Piety, and Right that blesses our substance, and Good Thought and Dominion, hearken unto me, be merciful to me, when to each man the recompense comes. 12. Rise up for me, O Ahura, through Armaiti give strength, through the holiest Spirit give might, O Mazda, through the good Recompense [âdâ, offering], through the Right give powerful prowess, through Good Thought give the reward. 13. To support me, O Thou that seest far onward, do ye assure me the incomparable things in your Dominion, O Ahura, as the Destiny of Good Thought. O Holy Armaiti, teach the Daenas about the Right. 14. As an offering Zarathushtra brings the life of his own body, the choiceness of good thought, action, and speech, unto Mazda, unto the Right, Obedience, and Dominion.

THE CLASSICAL WORLD GREECE Science, Medicine, and Values Hippocratic Oath I swear by Apollo the physician, and Asclepius, and Hygieia and Panacea and all the  gods and goddesses as my witnesses, that, according to my ability and judgment, I will  keep this Oath and this contract:  To hold him who taught me this art equally dear to me as my parents, to be a partner in  life with him, and to fulfill his needs when required; to look upon his offspring as equals  to my own siblings, and to teach them this art, if they shall wish to learn it, without fee or  contract; and that by the set rules, lectures, and every other mode of instruction, I will  impart a knowledge of the art to my own sons, and those of my teachers, and to  students bound by this contract and having sworn this Oath to the law of medicine, but to  no others.

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I will use those dietary regimens which will benefit my patients according to my greatest  ability and judgment, and I will do no harm or injustice to them. I will not give a lethal drug to anyone if I am asked, nor will I advise such a plan; and  similarly I will not give a woman a pessary to cause an abortion. In purity and according to divine law will I carry out my life and my art. I will not use the knife, even upon those suffering from stones, but I will leave this to  those who are trained in this craft. Into whatever homes I go, I will enter them for the benefit of the sick, avoiding any  voluntary act of impropriety or corruption, including the seduction of women or men,  whether they are free men or slaves. Whatever I see or hear in the lives of my patients, whether in connection with my  professional practice or not, which ought not to be spoken of outside, I will keep secret,  as considering all such things to be private. So long as I maintain this Oath faithfully and without corruption, may it be granted to me  to partake of life fully and the practice of my art, gaining the respect of all men for all  time. However, should I transgress this Oath and violate it, may the opposite be my fate. Translated by Michael North, National Library of Medicine, 2002.

Thucydides: The Funeral Oration of Pericles (429 B.C.E.) “. . .  So died these men as became Athenians. You, their survivors, must  determine to have as unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray  that it may have a happier issue. And not contented with ideas derived only from  words of the advantages which are bound up with the defense of your country,  though these would furnish a valuable text to a speaker even before an audience  so alive to them as the present, you must yourselves realize the power of Athens,  and feed your eyes upon her from day to day, till love of her fills your hearts; and  then, when all her greatness shall break upon you, you must reflect that it was by  courage, sense of duty, and a keen feeling of honor in action that men were  enabled to win all this, and that no personal failure in an enterprise could make 

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them consent to deprive their country of their velour, but they laid it at her feet as  the most glorious contribution that they could offer.   "For this offering of their lives made in common by them all they each of  them individually received that renown which never grows old, and for a  sepulcher, not so much that in which their bones have been deposited, but that  noblest of shrines wherein their glory is laid up to be eternally remembered upon  every occasion on which deed or story shall call for its commemoration. For  heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from their own,  where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is enshrined in every breast a  record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except that of the heart. These take  as your model and, judging happiness to be the fruit of freedom and freedom of  velour, never decline the dangers of war. For it is not the miserable that would  most justly be unsparing of their lives; these have nothing to hope for: it is rather  they to whom continued life may bring reverses as yet unknown, and to whom a  fall, if it came, would be most tremendous in its consequences. And surely, to a  man of spirit, the degradation of cowardice must be immeasurably more grievous  than the unfelt death which strikes him in the midst of his strength and patriotism!  "Comfort, therefore, not condolence, is what I have to offer to the parents  of the dead who may be here. Numberless are the chances to which, as they  know, the life of man is subject; but fortunate indeed are they who draw for their  lot a death so glorious as that which has caused your mourning, and to whom life  has been so exactly measured as to terminate in the happiness in which it has  been passed. Still I know that this is a hard saying, especially when those are in  question of whom you will constantly be reminded by seeing in the homes of  others blessings of which once you also boasted: for grief is felt not so much for  the want of what we have never known, as for the loss of that to which we have  been long accustomed. Yet you who are still of an age to beget children must  bear up in the hope of having others in their stead; not only will they help you to  forget those whom you have lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement  and a security; for never can a fair or just policy be expected of the citizen who  does not, like his fellows, bring to the decision the interests and apprehensions of  a father. While those of you who have passed your prime must congratulate  yourselves with the thought that the best part of your life was fortunate, and that  the brief span that remains will be cheered by the fame of the departed. For it is 

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only the love of honor that never grows old; and honor it is, not gain, as some  would have it, that rejoices the heart of age and helplessness.  "Turning to the sons or brothers of the dead, I see an arduous struggle  before you. When a man is gone, all are wont to praise him, and should your  merit be ever so transcendent, you will still find it difficult not merely to overtake,  but even to approach their renown. The living have envy to contend with, while  those who are no longer in our path are honored with a goodwill into which rivalry  does not enter.  "On the other hand, if I must say anything on the subject of female  excellence to those of you who will now be in widowhood, it will be all comprised  in this brief exhortation. Great will be your glory in not falling short of your natural  character; and greatest will be hers who is least talked of among the men,  whether for good or for bad.  "My task is now finished. I have performed it to the best of my ability, and  in word, at least, the requirements of the law are now satisfied. If deeds be in  question, those who are here interred have received part of their honors already,  and for the rest, their children will be brought up till manhood at the public  expense: the state thus offers a valuable prize, as the garland of victory in this  race of velour, for the reward both of those who have fallen and their survivors.  And where the rewards for merit are greatest, there are found the best citizens.  "And now that you have brought to a close your lamentations for your  relatives, you may depart."  Thucydides, Peloponnesian War 2.34­46. Trans. Richard Crawley.

Plato on “The Philosopher Kings” Inasmuch as philosophers only are able to grasp the eternal and  unchangeable, and those who wander in the region of the many and variable are  not philosophers, I must ask you which of the two classes should be the rulers of  our State?

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  And how can we rightly answer that question?   Whichever of the two are best able to guard the laws and institutions of our  State­­let them be our guardians.   Very good.   Neither, I said, can there be any question that the guardian who is to keep  anything should have eyes rather than no eyes?   There can be no question of that.   And are not those who are verily and indeed wanting in the knowledge of the  true being of each thing, and who have in their souls no clear pattern, and are  unable as with a painter's eye to look at the absolute truth and to that original to  repair, and having perfect vision of the other world to order the laws about beauty,  goodness, justice in this, if not already ordered, and to guard and preserve the  order of them­­are not such persons, I ask, simply blind?   Truly, he replied, they are much in that condition.   And shall they be our guardians when there are others who, besides being their  equals in experience and falling short of them in no particular of virtue, also know  the very truth of each thing?   There can be no reason, he said, for rejecting those who have this greatest of  all great qualities; they must always have the first place unless they fail in some  other respect. Suppose, then, I said, that we determine how far they can unite  this and the other excellences.   By all means.   In the first place, as we began by observing, the nature of the philosopher has  to be ascertained. We must come to an understanding about him, and, when we  have done so, then, if I am not mistaken, we shall also acknowledge that such a  union of qualities is possible, and that those in whom they are united, and those  only, should be rulers in the State. 

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  What do you mean?   Let us suppose that philosophical minds always love knowledge of a sort which  shows them the eternal nature not varying from generation and corruption.   Agreed.   And further, I said, let us agree that they are lovers of all true being; there is no  part whether greater or less, or more or less honorable, which they are willing to  renounce; as we said before of the lover and the man of ambition.    True.   And if they are to be what we were describing, is there not another quality which  they should also possess?   What quality?   Truthfulness: they will never intentionally receive into their minds falsehood,  which is their detestation, and they will love the truth.   Yes, that may be safely affirmed of them.   "May be." my friend, I replied, is not the word; say rather, "must be affirmed:" for  he whose nature is amorous of anything cannot help loving all that belongs or is  akin to the object of his affections.    Right, he said.   And is there anything more akin to wisdom than truth?   How can there be?   Can the same nature be a lover of wisdom and a lover of falsehood?   Never.   The true lover of learning then must from his earliest youth, as far as in him lies,  desire all truth?

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  Assuredly.   But then again, as we know by experience, he whose desires are strong in one  direction will have them weaker in others; they will be like a stream which has  been drawn off into another channel.   True.   He whose desires are drawn toward knowledge in every form will be absorbed  in the pleasures of the soul, and will hardly feel bodily pleasure­­I mean, if he be  a true philosopher and not a sham one.   That is most certain.   Such a one is sure to be temperate and the reverse of covetous; for the motives  which make another man desirous of having and spending, have no place in his  character.    Very true.   Another criterion of the philosophical nature has also to be considered.   What is that?   There should be no secret corner of illiberality; nothing can be more antagonistic  than meanness to a soul which is ever longing after the whole of things both  divine and human.    Most true, he replied.   Then how can he who has magnificence of mind and is the spectator of all time  and all existence, think much of human life?   He cannot.   Or can such a one account death fearful?   No, indeed.

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  Then the cowardly and mean nature has no part in true philosophy?   Certainly not.   Or again: can he who is harmoniously constituted, who is not covetous or mean,  or a boaster, or a coward­­can he, I say, ever be unjust or hard in his dealings?    Impossible.   Then you will soon observe whether a man is just and gentle, or rude and  unsociable; these are the signs which distinguish even in youth the philosophical  nature from the unphilosophical.   True.   There is another point which should be remarked.   What point?   Whether he has or has not a pleasure in learning; for no one will love that which  gives him pain, and in which after much toil he makes little progress.   Certainly not.   And again, if he is forgetful and retains nothing of what he learns, will he not be  an empty vessel?   That is certain.   Laboring in vain, he must end in hating himself and his fruitless occupation?   Yes.   Then a soul which forgets cannot be ranked among genuine philosophic  natures; we must insist that the philosopher should have a good memory?   Certainly.

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  And once more, the inharmonious and unseemly nature can only tend to  disproportion?   Undoubtedly.   And do you consider truth to be akin to proportion or to disproportion?   To proportion.   Then, besides other qualities, we must try to find a naturally well­proportioned  and gracious mind, which will move spontaneously toward the true being of  everything.    Certainly.   Well, and do not all these qualities, which we have been enumerating, go  together, and are they not, in a manner, necessary to a soul, which is to have a  full and perfect participation of being?   They are absolutely necessary, he replied.   And must not that be a blameless study which he only can pursue who has the  gift of a good memory, and is quick to learn­­noble, gracious, the friend of truth,  justice, courage, temperance, who are his kindred?   The god of jealousy himself, he said, could find no fault with such a study.   And to men like him, I said, when perfected by years and education, and to  these only you will entrust the State.  Source: Plato. The Republic.

Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics Book 5, Chapter 1 WITH regards to justice and injustice we must (1) consider what kind of actions they are concerned with, (2) what sort of mean justice is, and (3) between what extremes the just act is intermediate. Our investigation shall follow the same course as the preceding discussions. 40

We see that all men mean by justice that kind of state of character which makes people disposed to do what is just and makes them act justly and wish for what is just; and similarly by injustice that state which makes them act unjustly and wish for what is unjust. Let us too, then, lay this down as a general basis. For the same is not true of the sciences and the faculties as of states of character. A faculty or a science which is one and the same is held to relate to contrary objects, but a state of character which is one of two contraries does not produce the contrary results; e.g. as a result of health we do not do what is the opposite of healthy, but only what is healthy; for we say a man walks healthily, when he walks as a healthy man would. Now often one contrary state is recognized from its contrary, and often states are recognized from the subjects that exhibit them; for (A) if good condition is known, bad condition also becomes known, and (B) good condition is known from the things that are in good condition, and they from it. If good condition is firmness of flesh, it is necessary both that bad condition should be flabbiness of flesh and that the wholesome should be that which causes firmness in flesh. And it follows for the most part that if one contrary is ambiguous the other also will be ambiguous; e.g. if 'just' is so, that 'unjust' will be so too. Now 'justice' and 'injustice' seem to be ambiguous, but because their different meanings approach near to one another the ambiguity escapes notice and is not obvious as it is, comparatively, when the meanings are far apart, e.g. (for here the difference in outward form is great) as the ambiguity in the use of kleis for the collar-bone of an animal and for that with which we lock a door. Let us take as a starting-point, then, the various meanings of 'an unjust man'. Both the lawless man and the grasping and unfair man are thought to be unjust, so that evidently both the law-abiding and the fair man will be just. The just, then, is the lawful and the fair, the unjust the unlawful and the unfair. Since the unjust man is grasping, he must be concerned with goods -- not all goods, but those with which prosperity and adversity have to do, which taken absolutely are always good, but for a particular person are not always good. Now men pray for and pursue these things; but they should not, but should pray that the things that are good absolutely may also be good for them, and should choose the things that are good for them. The unjust man does not always choose the greater, but also the less -- in the case of things bad absolutely; but because the lesser evil is itself thought to be in a sense good, and graspingness is directed at the good, therefore he is thought to be grasping. And he is unfair; for this contains and is common to both. Since the lawless man was seen to be unjust and the law-abiding man just, evidently all lawful acts are in a sense just acts; for the acts laid down by the legislative art are lawful, and each of these, we say, is just. Now the laws in their enactments on all subjects aim at the common advantage either of all or of the best or of those who hold power, or something of the sort; so that in one sense we call those acts just that tend to produce and preserve happiness and its components for the political society. And the law bids us do both the acts of a brave man (e.g. not to desert our post nor take to flight nor throw away our arms), and those of a temperate man (e.g. not to commit adultery nor to gratify one's lust), and those of a good-tempered man (e.g. not to strike another nor to speak evil), and

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similarly with regard to the other virtues and forms of wickedness, commanding some acts and forbidding others; and the rightly-framed law does this rightly, and the hastily conceived one less well. This form of justice, then, is complete virtue, but not absolutely, but in relation to our neighbour. And therefore justice is often thought to be the greatest of virtues, and 'neither evening nor morning star' is so wonderful; and proverbially 'in justice is every virtue comprehended'. And it is complete virtue in its fullest sense, because it is the actual exercise of complete virtue. It is complete because he who possesses it can exercise his virtue not only in himself but towards his neighbour also; for many men can exercise virtue in their own affairs, but not in their relations to their neighbour. This is why the saying of Bias is thought to be true, that 'rule will show the man'; for a ruler is necessarily in relation to other men and a member of a society. For this same reason justice, alone of the virtues, is thought to be 'another's good', because it is related to our neighbour; for it does what is advantageous to another, either a ruler or a copartner. Now the worst man is he who exercises his wickedness both towards himself and towards his friends, and the best man is not he who exercises his virtue towards himself but he who exercises it towards another; for this is a difficult task. Justice in this sense, then, is not part of virtue but virtue entire, nor is the contrary injustice a part of vice but vice entire. What the difference is between virtue and justice in this sense is plain from what we have said; they are the same but their essence is not the same; what, as a relation to one's neighbour, is justice is, as a certain kind of state without qualification, virtue.

Alexander of Macedon's Oath at Opis, 324 BC: "I wish all of you, now that the wars are coming to an end, to live happily, in peace. All mortals from now on will live like one people, united, and peacefully working towards a common prosperity. You should regard the whole world as your own country with common laws, a country where the best and the brightest rule, regardless of race. I do not separate people, as do the narrow-minded, into Greeks and barbarians. I am not interested in the origin or race of citizens. I only distinguish them on the basis of their virtue. For me each good foreigner is a Greek and each bad Greek is worse than a barbarian. If ever differences arose, never resort to arms, but resolve them peacefully. If need be, I will serve as your arbitrator. Do not consider God as a dictatorial Ruler, but as Father of all, so that your conduct would resemble the cohabitation of siblings within one family. On my part, I consider all of you equal, white or dark, and I would like you not to be only plain subjects of my Commonwealth, but all shareholders, all partners.

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To the extent it is in my power, I shall try to accomplish all that I promise. Keep the oath we are taking with the libation tonight like a Contract of Love" --

ROME The Law of the 12 Tables, 450 BCE •

IV. 1 "A dreadfully deformed child shall be killed."

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IV. 2 "If a father surrender his son for sale three times, the son shall be free."

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V. 1 "Our ancestors saw fit that "females, by reason of levity of disposition, shall remain in guardianship, even when they have attained their majority."

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V. 7 A spendthrift is forbidden to exercise administration over his own goods.

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V. 8 The inheritance of a Roman citizen-freedman is made over to his patron, if the freedman has died intestate and has no natural successor.

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VI. 1 When a party shall make bond or conveyance, what he has named by wordof-mouth that shall hold good.

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VI. 2 Marriage by `usage' (usus): If a man and woman live together continuously for a year, they are considered to be married; the woman legally is treated as the man's daughter.

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VIII. 1 "If any person has sung or composed against another person a SONG (carmen) such as was causing slander or insult.... he shall be clubbed to death."

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VIII. 2 "If a person has maimed another's limb, let there be retaliation in kind, unless he agrees to make compensation with him." (Lex talionis)

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VIII. 21 "If a patron shall defraud his client, he must be solemnly forfeited (`killed')."

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VIII. 23 "Whoever is convicted of speaking false witness shall be flung from the Tarpeian Rock."

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VIII. 26 "No person shall hold meetings in the City at night."

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IX. 3 "The penalty shall be capital punishment for a judge or arbiter legally appointed who has been found guilty of receiving a bribe for giving a decision."

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IX. 6 "Putting to death... of any man who has not been convicted, whosoever he might be, is forbidden."

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X. 4 "Women must not tear cheeks or hold chorus of `Alas!' on account of a funeral."

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X. 6a "Anointing by slaves is abolished, and every kind of drinking bout....there shall be no costly sprinking, no long garlands, no incense boxes."

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XI. 1 "Marriage shall not take place between a patrician and a plebeian."

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XII. 5 "Whatever the People has last ordained shall be held as binding by law."

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? "There are eight kinds of punishment: fine, fetters, flogging, retaliation in kind, civil disgrace, banishment, slavery, death."

CHRISTIANITY: PAUL 1 Corinthians: Chapter 13 1 If I speak in human and angelic tongues 2 but do not have love, I am a resounding gong or a clashing cymbal. 2 And if I have the gift of prophecy and comprehend all mysteries and all knowledge; if I have all faith so as to move mountains but do not have love, I am nothing. 3 If I give away everything I own, and if I hand my body over so that I may boast but do not have love, I gain nothing. 4 Love is patient, love is kind. It is not jealous, (love) is not pompous, it is not inflated, 5 it is not rude, it does not seek its own interests, it is not quick-tempered, it does not brood over injury, 6 it does not rejoice over wrongdoing but rejoices with the truth. 7 It bears all things, believes all things, hopes all things, endures all things. 8

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Love never fails. If there are prophecies, they will be brought to nothing; if tongues, they will cease; if knowledge, it will be brought to nothing. 9 For we know partially and we prophesy partially, 10 but when the perfect comes, the partial will pass away. 11 When I was a child, I used to talk as a child, think as a child, reason as a child; when I became a man, I put aside childish things. 12 At present we see indistinctly, as in a mirror, but then face to face. At present I know partially; then I shall know fully, as I am fully known. 13 So faith, hope, love remain, these three; but the greatest of these is love.

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO MATTHEW 5 (New International Version)

The Beatitudes Now when he saw the crowds, he went up on a mountainside and sat down. His disciples came to him, 2and he began to teach them saying: "Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are those who mourn, for they will be comforted. Blessed are the meek, for they will inherit the earth. 6Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they will be filled. 7Blessed are the merciful, for they will be shown mercy. 8Blessed are the pure in heart, for they will see God. 9Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called sons of God. 10Blessed are those who are persecuted because of righteousness, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. 11"Blessed are you when people insult you, persecute you and falsely say all kinds of evil against you because of me. 12Rejoice and be glad, because great is your reward in heaven, for in the same way they persecuted the prophets who were before you.

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THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO MARK 5 The Greatest Commandment   28 One of the teachers of the law came and heard them debating. Noticing that  Jesus had given them a good answer, he asked him, "Of all the commandments,  which is the most important?"   29 "The most important one," answered Jesus, "is this: 'Hear, O Israel, the Lord  our God, the Lord is one.[e] 30Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with  all your soul and with all your mind and with all your strength.'[f] 31The second is  this: 'Love your neighbor as yourself.'[g]There is no commandment greater than  these."   32 "Well said, teacher," the man replied. "You are right in saying that God is one  and there is no other but him.  33To love him with all your heart, with all your understanding and with all your  strength, and to love your neighbor as yourself is more important than all burnt  offerings and sacrifices."   

Alexander of Macedon's Oath at Opis, 324 BC: "I wish all of you, now that the wars are coming to an end, to live happily, in peace. All mortals from now on will live like one people, united, and peacefully working towards a common prosperity. You should regard the whole world as your own country with common laws, a country where the best and the brightest rule, regardless of race. I do not separate people, as do the narrow-minded, into Greeks and barbarians. I am not interested in the origin or race of citizens. I only distinguish them on the basis of their virtue. For me each good foreigner is a Greek and each bad Greek is worse than a barbarian. If ever differences arose, never resort to arms, but resolve them peacefully. If need be, I will serve as your arbitrator. Do not consider God as a dictatorial Ruler, but as Father of all, so that your conduct would resemble the cohabitation of siblings within one family.

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On my part, I consider all of you equal, white or dark, and I would like you not to be only plain subjects of my Commonwealth, but all shareholders, all partners. To the extent it is in my power, I shall try to accomplish all that I promise. Keep the oath we are taking with the libation tonight like a Contract of Love"

ISLAM  From the Qu’ran THE Arahat, or The Holy One And for a disciple thus freed, in whose heart dwells  peace, there is nothing to be added to what has been done, and  1. naught more remains for him to do. Just as a rock of one solid [3.14] The  love of desires, of women and sons and hoarded treasures of gold and  silver and well bred horses and cattle and tilth, is made to seem fair to  men; this is the provision of the life of this world; and Allah is He with  Whom is the good goal (of life). 2. [3.31] Say: If you love Allah, then follow me, Allah will love you and forgive  you your faults, and Allah is Forgiving, Merciful 3. [3.32] Say: Obey Allah and the Apostle; but if they turn back, then surely  Allah does not love the unbelievers. 4. [3.57] And as to those who believe and do good deeds, He will pay them  fully their rewards; and Allah does not love the unjust. 5. [3.76] Yea, whoever fulfills his promise and guards (against evil)­­ then  surely Allah loves those who guard (against evil). 6. [3.92] By no means shall you attain to righteousness until you spend  (benevolently) out of what you love; and whatever thing you spend, Allah  surely knows it. 7. [3.118] O you who believe! do not take for intimate friends from among  others than your own people; they do not fall short of inflicting loss upon  you; they love what distresses you; vehement hatred has already  appeared from out of their mouths, and what their breasts conceal is  greater still; indeed, We have made the communications clear to you, if  you will understand.

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8. [3.119] Lo! you are they who will love them while they do not love you, and  you believe in the Book (in) the whole of it; and when they meet you they  say: We believe, and when they are alone, they bite the ends of their  fingers in rage against you. Say: Die in your rage; surely Allah knows what  is in the breasts. 9. [3.134] Those who spend (benevolently) in ease as well as in straightness,  and those who restrain (their) anger and pardon men; and Allah loves the  doers of good (to others). 10. [3.140] If a wound has afflicted you (at Ohud), a wound like it has also  afflicted the (unbelieving) people; and We bring these days to men by  turns, and that Allah may know those who believe and take witnesses from  among you; and Allah does not love the unjust. 11. [3.146] And how many a prophet has fought with whom were many  worshippers of the Lord; so they did not become weak­hearted on account  of what befell them in Allah's way, nor did they weaken, nor did they abase  themselves; and Allah loves the patient. 12. [3.148] So Allah gave them the reward of this world and better reward of  the hereafter and Allah loves those who do good (to others). 13. [3.152] And certainly Allah made good to you His promise when you slew  them by His permission, until when you became weak­hearted and  disputed about the affair and disobeyed after He had shown you that  which you loved; of you were some who desired this world and of you  were some who desired the hereafter; then He turned you away from them  that He might try you; and He has certainly pardoned you, and Allah is  Gracious to the believers. 14. [3.159] Thus it is due to mercy from Allah that you deal with them gently,  and had you been rough, hard hearted, they would certainly have  dispersed from around you; pardon them therefore and ask pardon for  them, and take counsel with them in the affair; so when you have decided,  then place your trust in Allah; surely Allah loves those who trust. 15. [3.188] Do not think those who rejoice for what they have done and love  that they should be praised for what they have not done­­ so do by no  means think them to be safe from the chastisement, and they shall have a  painful chastisement.

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THE MIDDLE AGES: 500 TO 1450 Early European Law: Justinian’s Code How do Natural Law, Law of Nations, and Civil Law work together to create a  legal system? "Civil law is thus distinguished from the law of nations. Every community  governed by laws and customs uses partly its own law, partly laws common to all  mankind. . . . The people of Rome, then, are governed partly by their own laws,  and partly by the laws which are common to all mankind." "{N]ations have established certain laws, as occasion and the necessities of  human life required. Wars arose, and in their train followed captivity and then  slavery, which is contrary to the law of nature; for by that law all men are  originally born free. Further, by the law of nations almost all contracts were at first  introduced, as, for instance, buying and selling, letting and hiring, partnership,  deposits, loans returnable in kind, and very many others." "The laws of nature, which all nations observe alike, being established by a  divine providence, remain ever fixed and immutable. But the laws which every  state has enacted, undergo frequent changes, either by the tacit consent of the  people, or by a new law being subsequently passed." VIII. Slaves  1. Slaves are in the power of masters, a power derived from the law of nations:  for among all nations it may be remarked that masters have the power of life and  death over their slaves, and that everything acquired by the slave is acquired for  the master.  Book II, Of Things  I. Division of Things 

28. If the wheat of Titius is mixed with yours, when this takes place by mutual  consent, the mixed heap belongs to you in common because each body, that is,  49

each grain, which before was the property of one or other of you, has by your  mutual consent been made your common property; but, if the intermixture were  accidental, or made by Titius without your consent, the mixed wheat does not  then belong to you both in common; because the grains still remain distinct, and  retain their proper substance. ...if either of you keep the whole quantity of mixed  wheat, the other has a real actio [claim or suit] for the amount of wheat belonging  to him, but it is in the province of the judge to estimate the quality of the wheat  belonging to each.  On Torture It is declared in the Constitutions that torture should be considered neither  as always trustworthy, nor as always untrustworthy. And as a matter of fact it is a  fickle and dangerous business that ill serves the cause of truth (etenim res   fragilis est et periculosa, et quae veritatem fallat). For there are not a few who are  possessed of such powers of endurance, or such toughness, that they scorn the  pain of torture, so that there is no way the truth can be wrung from them. Others,  however, have so little resistance that they will make up any kind of lie rather than  suffer torment; and that can lead them to keep changing their story, even  incriminating others as well as themselves. 

Pope Gregory VII Dictatus papae (Rules of the Pope) 1. That the Roman church was founded by God alone. 2. That the Roman pontiff alone can with right be called universal. 3. That he alone can depose or reinstate bishops. 4. That, in a council, his legate, even if a lower grade, is above all bishops, and can pass sentence of deposition against them. 5. That the pope may depose the absent. 6. That, among other things, we ought not to remain in the same house with those excommunicated by him.

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7. That for him alone is it lawful, according to the needs of the time, to make new laws, to assemble together new congregations, to make an abbey of a canonry; and, on the other hand, to divide a rich bishopric and unite the poor ones. 8. That he alone may use the imperial insignia. 9. That of the pope alone all princes shall kiss the feet. 10. That his name alone shall be spoken in the churches. 11. That this is the only name in the world. 12. That it may be permitted to him to depose emperors. 13. That he may be permitted to transfer bishops if need be. 14. That he has power to ordain a clerk of any church he may wish. 15. That he who is ordained by him may preside over another church, but may not hold a subordinate position; and that such a one may not receive a higher grade from any bishop. 16. That no synod shall be called a general one without his order. 17. That no chapter and no book shall be considered canonical without his authority. 18. That a sentence passed by him may be retracted by no one; and that he himself, alone of all, may retract it. 19. That he himself may be judged by no one. 20. That no one shall dare to condemn one who appeals to the apostolic chair. 21. That to the latter should be referred the more important cases of every church. 22. That the Roman church has never erred; nor will it err to all eternity, the Scripture bearing witness. 23. That the Roman pontiff, if he have been canonically ordained, is undoubtedly made a saint by the merits of St. Peter; St. Ennodius, bishop of Pavia, bearing witness, and many holy fathers agreeing with him. As is contained in the decrees of St. Symmachus the pope. 24. That, by his command and consent, it may be lawful for subordinates to bring accusations. 25. That he may depose and reinstate bishops without assembling a synod.

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26. That he who is not at peace with the Roman church shall not be considered catholic. 27. That he may absolve subjects from their fealty to wicked men. From: "Pope Gregory VII," in E. F. Henderson, ed., Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages (London: George Bell, 1892), pp. 366-367, 365. Reprinted in Brian Tierney, ed., The Middle Ages, Vol. I: Sources of Medieval History, 4th ed., (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983) pp. 142-143.

Fourth Lateran Council, 1215 CANON 67: On the Treatment of Jews Summary. Jews should be compelled to make satisfaction for the tithes and offerings to churches, which the Christians supplied before their properties fell into the hands of the Jews. Text. The more the Christians are restrained from the practice of usury, the more are they oppressed in this matter by the treachery of the Jews, so that in a short time they exhaust the resources of the Christians. Wishing, therefore, in this matter to protect the Christians against cruel oppression by the Jews, we ordain in this decree that if in the future under any pretext Jews extort from Christians oppressive and immoderate interest, the partnership of the Christians shall be denied them till they have made suitable satisfaction for their excesses. The Christians also, every appeal being set aside, shall, if necessary, be compelled by ecclesiastical censure to abstain from all commercial intercourse with them. We command the princes not to be hostile to the Christians on this account, but rather to strive to hinder the Jews from practicing such excesses. Lastly, we decree that the Jews be compelled by the same punishment (avoidance of commercial intercourse) to make satisfaction for the tithes and offerings due to the churches, which the Christians were accustomed to supply from their houses and other possessions before these properties, under whatever title, fell into the hands of the Jews, that thus the churches may be safeguarded against loss.

The Magna Carta  1215 [Preamble] Edward by the grace of God King of England, lord of Ireland and duke  of Aquitaine sends greetings to all to whom the present letters come. We have  inspected the great charter of the lord Henry, late King of England, our father,  concerning the liberties of England in these words:

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Henry by the grace of God King of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy  and Aquitaine and count of Anjou sends greetings to his archbishops, bishops,  abbots, priors, earls, barons, sheriffs, reeves, ministers and all his bailiffs and  faithful men inspecting the present charter. Know that we, at the prompting of  God and for the health of our soul and the souls of our ancestors and  successors, for the glory of holy Church and the improvement of our realm, freely  and out of our good will have given and granted to the archbishops, bishops,  abbots, priors, earls, barons and all of our realm these liberties written below to  hold in our realm of England in perpetuity. [1] In the first place we grant to God and confirm by this our present charter for  ourselves and our heirs in perpetuity that the English Church is to be free and to  have all its rights fully and its liberties entirely. We furthermore grant and give to  all the freemen of our realm for ourselves and our heirs in perpetuity the liberties  written below to have and to hold to them and their heirs from us and our heirs in  perpetuity. [2] If any of our earls or barons, or anyone else holding from us in chief by  military service should die, and should his heir be of full age and owe relief, the  heir is to have his inheritance for the ancient relief, namely the heir or heirs of an  earl for a whole county £100, the heir or heirs of a baron for a whole barony 100  marks, the heir or heirs of a knight for a whole knight’s fee 100 shillings at most,  and he who owes less will give less, according to the ancient custom of (knights’)  fees. [3] If, however, the heir of such a person is under age, his lord is not to have  custody of him and his land until he has taken homage from the heir, and after  such an heir has been in custody, when he comes of age, namely at twenty­one  years old, he is to have his inheritance without relief and without fine, saving that  if, whilst under age, he is made a knight, his land will nonetheless remain in the  custody of his lords until the aforesaid term.  [5] The keeper, for as long as he has the custody of the land of such (an heir), is  to maintain the houses, parks, fishponds, ponds, mills and other things pertaining  to that land from the issues of the same land, and he will restore to the heir, when  the heir comes to full age, all his land stocked with ploughs and all other things in  at least the same condition as when he received it. All these things are to be  53

observed in the custodies of archbishoprics, bishoprics, abbeys, priories,  churches and vacant offices which pertain to us, save that such custodies ought  not to be sold. [6] Heirs are to be married without disparagement. [8] Neither we nor our bailiffs will seize any land or rent for any debt, as long as  the existing chattels of the debtor suffice for the payment of the debt and as long  as the debtor is ready to pay the debt, nor will the debtor’s guarantors be  distrained for so long as the principal debtor is able to pay the debt; and should  the principal debtor default in his payment of the debt, not having the means to  repay it, or should he refuse to pay it despite being able to do so, the guarantors  will answer for the debt and, if they wish, they are to have the lands and rents of  the debtor until they are repaid the debt that previously they paid on behalf of the  debtor, unless the principal debtor can show that he is quit in respect to these  guarantors. [9] The city of London is to have all its ancient liberties and customs. Moreover  we wish and grant that all other cities and boroughs and vills and the barons of  the Cinque Ports and all ports are to have all their liberties and free customs. [10] No­one is to be distrained to do more service for a knight’s fee or for any  other free tenement than is due from it. [11] Common pleas are not to follow our court but are to be held in a certain fixed  place.  [15] No town or free man is to be distrained to make bridges or bank works save  for those that ought to do so of old and by right. [16] No bank works of any sort are to be kept up save for those that were in  defense in the time of King H(enry II) our grandfather and in the same places and  on the same terms as was customary in his time. [17] No sheriff, constable, coroner or any other of our bailiffs is to hold pleas of  our crown.

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[ [19] No constable or his bailiff is to take corn or other chattels from anyone who  not themselves of a vill where a castle is built, unless the constable or his bailiff  immediately offers money in payment of obtains a respite by the wish of the  seller. If the person whose corn or chattels are taken is of such a vill, then the  constable or his bailiff is to pay the purchase price within forty days. [20] No constable is to distrain any knight to give money for castle guard if the  knight is willing to do such guard in person or by proxy of any other honest man,  should the knight be prevented from doing so by just cause. And if we take or  send such a knight into the army, he is to be quit of (castle) guard in accordance  with the length of time the we have him in the army for the fee for which he has  done service in the army. [21] No sheriff or bailiff of ours or of anyone else is to take anyone’s horses or  carts to make carriage, unless he renders the payment customarily due, namely  for a two­horse cart ten pence per day, and for a three­horse cart fourteen pence  per day. No demesne cart belonging to any churchman or knight or any other  lady (sic) is to be taken by our bailiffs, nor will we or our bailiffs or anyone else  take someone else’s timber for a castle or any other of our business save by the  will of he to whom the timber belongs. [22] We shall not hold the lands of those convicted of felony save for a year and a  day, whereafter such land is to be restored to the lords of the fees. [23] All fish weirs (kidelli) on the Thames and the Medway and throughout  England are to be entirely dismantled, save on the sea coast.  [25] There is to be a single measure for wine throughout our realm, and a single  measure for ale, and a single measure for Corn, that is to say the London  quarter, and a single breadth for dyed cloth, russets, and haberjects, that is to say  two yards within the lists. And it shall be the same for weights as for measures. [26] Henceforth there is to be nothing given for a writ of inquest from the person  seeking an inquest of life or member, but such a writ is to be given freely and is  not to be denied.

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 [28] No bailiff is henceforth to put any man on his open law or on oath simply by  virtue of his spoken word, without reliable witnesses being produced for the  same. [29] No freeman is to be taken or imprisoned or disseised of his free tenement or  of his liberties or free customs, or outlawed or exiled or in any way ruined, nor will  we go against such a man or send against him save by lawful judgement of his  peers or by the law of the land. To no­one will we sell or deny of delay right or  justice.  [34] No­one is to be taken or imprisoned on the appeal of woman for the death of  anyone save for the death of that woman’s husband.  [36] Nor is it permitted to anyone to give his land to a religious house in such a  way that he receives it back from such a house to hold, nor is it permitted to any  religious house to accept the land of anyone in such way that the land is restored  to the person from whom it was received to hold. If anyone henceforth gives his  land in such a way to any religious house and is convicted of the same, the gift is  to be entirely quashed and such land is to revert to the lord of that fee. [37] Scutage furthermore is to be taken as it used to be in the time of King  H(enry) our grandfather, and all liberties and free customs shall be preserved to  archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, Templars, Hospitallers, earls, barons and all  others, both ecclesiastical and secular persons, just as they formerly had. Translation by Professor Nicholas Vincent, Copyright Sotheby's Inc. 2007 

Thomas Aquinas Whether it is always sinful to wage war?  Objection 1: It would seem that it is always sinful to wage war. Because  punishment is not inflicted except for sin. Now those who wage war are  threatened by Our Lord with punishment, according to Mt. 26:52: "All that take  the sword shall perish with the sword." Therefore all wars are unlawful.

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  Objection 2: Further, whatever is contrary to a Divine precept is a sin. But war  is contrary to a Divine precept, for it is written (Mt. 5:39): "But I say to you not to  resist evil"; and "Not revenging yourselves, my dearly beloved, but give place  unto wrath." Therefore war is always sinful.   Objection 3: Further, nothing, except sin, is contrary to an act of virtue. But war  is contrary to peace. Therefore war is always a sin.   Objection 4: Further, the exercise of a lawful thing is itself lawful, as is evident  in scientific exercises. But warlike exercises which take place in tournaments are  forbidden by the Church, since those who are slain in these trials are deprived of  ecclesiastical burial. Therefore it seems that war is a sin in itself.   On the contrary, Augustine says in a sermon on the son of the centurion [*Ep.  ad Marcel. cxxxviii]: "If the Christian Religion forbade war altogether, those who  sought salutary advice in the Gospel would rather have been counseled to cast  aside their arms, and to give up soldiering altogether. On the contrary, they were  told: 'Do violence to no man . . . and be content with your pay' [*Lk. 3:14]. If he  commanded them to be content with their pay, he did not forbid soldiering."   I answer that, In order for a war to be just, three things are necessary. First, the  authority of the sovereign by whose command the war is to be waged. For it is  not the business of a private individual to declare war, because he can seek for  redress of his rights from the tribunal of his superior. Moreover it is not the  business of a private individual to summon together the people, which has to be  done in wartime. And as the care of the common weal is committed to those who  are in authority, it is their business to watch over the common weal of the city,  kingdom or province subject to them. And just as it is lawful for them to have  recourse to the sword in defending that common weal against internal  disturbances, when they punish evil­doers, according to the words of the Apostle  (Rm. 13:4): "He beareth not the sword in vain: for he is God's minister, an  avenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil"; so too, it is their business to  have recourse to the sword of war in defending the common weal against  external enemies. Hence it is said to those who are in authority (Ps. 81:4):  57

"Rescue the poor: and deliver the needy out of the hand of the sinner"; and for  this reason Augustine says (Contra Faust. xxii, 75): "The natural order conducive  to peace among mortals demands that the power to declare and counsel war  should be in the hands of those who hold the supreme authority."    Secondly, a just cause is required, namely that those who are attacked, should  be attacked because they deserve it on account of some fault. Wherefore  Augustine says (Questions. in Hept., qu. x, super Jos.): "A just war is wont to be  described as one that avenges wrongs, when a nation or state has to be  punished, for refusing to make amends for the wrongs inflicted by its subjects, or  to restore what it has seized unjustly."

   Thirdly, it is necessary that the belligerents should have a rightful intention, so  that they intend the advancement of good, or the avoidance of evil. Hence  Augustine says (De Verb. Dom. [*The words quoted are to be found not in St.  Augustine's works, but Can. Apud. Caus. xxiii, qu. 1]): "True religion looks upon  as peaceful those wars that are waged not for motives of aggrandizement, or  cruelty, but with the object of securing peace, of punishing evil­doers, and of  uplifting the good." For it may happen that the war is declared by the legitimate  authority, and for a just cause, and yet be rendered unlawful through a wicked  intention. Hence Augustine says (Contra Faust. xxii, 74): "The passion for  inflicting harm, the cruel thirst for vengeance, an unpacific and relentless spirit,  the fever of revolt, the lust of power, and such like things, all these are rightly  condemned in war."

  Reply to Objection 1: As Augustine says (Contra Faust. xxii, 70): "To take the  sword is to arm oneself in order to take the life of anyone, without the command  or permission of superior or lawful authority." On the other hand, to have recourse  to the sword (as a private person) by the authority of the sovereign or judge, or  (as a public person) through zeal for justice, and by the authority, so to speak, of  God, is not to "take the sword," but to use it as commissioned by another,  wherefore it does not deserve punishment. And yet even those who make sinful  use of the sword are not always slain with the sword, yet they always perish with  their own sword, because, unless they repent, they are punished eternally for  58

their sinful use of the sword.   Reply to Objection 2: Such like precepts, as Augustine observes (De Serm.  Dom. in Monte i, 19), should always be borne in readiness of mind, so that we be  ready to obey them, and, if necessary, to refrain from resistance or self­defense.  Nevertheless it is necessary sometimes for a man to act otherwise for the  common good, or for the good of those with whom he is fighting. Hence  Augustine says (Ep. ad Marcellin. cxxxviii): "Those whom we have to punish with  a kindly severity, it is necessary to handle in many ways against their will. For  when we are stripping a man of the lawlessness of sin, it is good for him to be  vanquished, since nothing is more hopeless than the happiness of sinners,  whence arises a guilty impunity, and an evil will, like an internal enemy."   Reply to Objection 3: Those who wage war justly aim at peace, and so they  are not opposed to peace, except to the evil peace, which Our Lord "came not to  send upon earth" (Mt. 10:34). Hence Augustine says (Ep. ad Bonif. clxxxix): "We  do not seek peace in order to be at war, but we go to war that we may have  peace. Be peaceful, therefore, in warring, so that you may vanquish those whom  you war against, and bring them to the prosperity of peace."   Reply to Objection 4: Manly exercises in warlike feats of arms are not all  forbidden, but those which are inordinate and perilous, and end in slaying or  plundering. In olden times warlike exercises presented no such danger, and  hence they were called "exercises of arms" or "bloodless wars," as Jerome states  in an epistle [*Reference incorrect: cf. Veget., De Re Milit. i].

THE PRINCE by Nicolo Machiavelli CHAPTER XIV That Which Concerns A Prince On The Subject Of The Art Of War

A PRINCE ought to have no other aim or thought, nor select anything else for his study, than war and its rules and discipline; for this is the sole art that belongs to him who rules, 59

and it is of such force that it not only upholds those who are born princes, but it often enables men to rise from a private station to that rank. And, on the contrary, it is seen that when princes have thought more of ease than of arms they have lost their states. And the first cause of your losing it is to neglect this art; and what enables you to acquire a state is to be master of the art. Francesco Sforza, through being martial, from a private person became Duke of Milan; and the sons, through avoiding the hardships and troubles of arms, from dukes became private persons. For among other evils which being unarmed brings you, it causes you to be despised, and this is one of those ignominies against which a prince ought to guard himself, as is shown later on. Because there is nothing proportionate between the armed and the unarmed; and it is not reasonable that he who is armed should yield obedience willingly to him who is unarmed, or that the unarmed man should be secure among armed servants. Because, there being in the one disdain and in the other suspicion, it is not possible for them to work well together. And therefore a prince who does not understand the art of war, over and above the other misfortunes already mentioned, cannot be respected by his soldiers, nor can he rely on them. He ought never, therefore, to have out of his thoughts this subject of war, and in peace he should addict himself more to its exercise than in war; this he can do in two ways, the one by action, the other by study. As regards action, he ought above all things to keep his men well organized and drilled, to follow incessantly the chase, by which he accustoms his body to hardships, and learns something of the nature of localities, and gets to find out how the mountains rise, how the valleys open out, how the plains lie, and to understand the nature of rivers and marshes, and in all this to take the greatest care. Which knowledge is useful in two ways. Firstly, he learns to know his country, and is better able to undertake its defence; afterwards, by means of the knowledge and observation of that locality, he understands with ease any other which it may be necessary for him to study hereafter; because the hills, valleys, and plains, and rivers and marshes that are, for instance, in Tuscany, have a certain resemblance to those of other countries, so that with a knowledge of the aspect of one country one can easily arrive at a knowledge of others. And the prince that lacks this skill lacks the essential which it is desirable that a captain should possess, for it teaches him to surprise his enemy, to select quarters, to lead armies, to array the battle, to besiege towns to advantage. Philopoemen, Prince of the Achaeans, among other praises which writers have bestowed on him, is commended because in time of peace he never had anything in his mind but the rules of war; and when he was in the country with friends, he often stopped and reasoned with them: "If the enemy should be upon that hill, and we should find ourselves here with our army, with whom would be the advantage? How should one best advance to meet him, keeping the ranks? If we should wish to retreat, how ought we to set about it? If they should retreat, how ought we to pursue?" And he would set forth to them, as he went, all the chances that could befall an army; he would listen to their opinion and state his, confirming it with reasons, so that by these continual discussions there could never arise, in time of war, any unexpected circumstances that he could deal with.

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But to exercise the intellect the prince should read histories, and study there the actions of illustrious men, to see how they have borne themselves in war, to examine the causes of their victories and defeat, so as to avoid the latter and imitate the former; and above all do as an illustrious man did, who took as an exemplar one who had been praised and famous before him, and whose achievements and deeds he always kept in his mind, as it is said Alexander the Great imitated Achilles, Caesar Alexander, Scipio Cyrus. And whoever reads the life of Cyrus, written by Xenophon, will recognize afterwards in the life of Scipio how that imitation was his glory, and how in chastity, affability, humanity, and liberality Scipio conformed to those things which have been written of Cyrus by Xenophon. A wise prince ought to observe some such rules, and never in peaceful times stand idle, but increase his resources with industry in such a way that they may be available to him in adversity, so that if fortune changes it may find him prepared to resist her blows.

CHINA From 300 Tang Poems Heng-t'ang-t'ui-Shih, 618-907   Li Bai DRINKING ALONE WITH THE MOON From a pot of wine among the flowers I drank alone. There was no one with me ­­ Till, raising my cup, I asked the bright moon To bring me my shadow and make us three. Alas, the moon was unable to drink And my shadow tagged me vacantly; But still for a while I had these friends To cheer me through the end of spring.... I sang. The moon encouraged me. I danced. My shadow tumbled after. As long as I knew, we were boon companions. And then I was drunk, and we lost one another. ...Shall goodwill ever be secure? I watch the long road of the River of Stars.

Wang Wei

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TO QIWU QIAN BOUND HOME AFTER FAILING IN AN EXAMINATION In a happy reign there should be no hermits; The wise and able should consult together.... So you, a man of the eastern mountains, Gave up your life of picking herbs And came all the way to the Gate of Gold -But you found your devotion unavailing. ...To spend the Day of No Fire on one of the southern rivers, You have mended your spring clothes here in these northern cities. I pour you the farewell wine as you set out from the capital -Soon I shall be left behind here by my bosomfriend. In your sail-boat of sweet cinnamon-wood You will float again toward your own thatch door, Led along by distant trees To a sunset shining on a far-away town. ...What though your purpose happened to fail, Doubt not that some of us can hear high music.

Yuan Jie TO THE TAX-COLLECTORS AFTER THE BANDITS RETREAT In the year Kuimao the bandits from Xiyuan entered Daozhou, set fire, raided, killed, and looted. The whole district was almost ruined. The next year the bandits came again and, attacking the neighbouring prefecture, Yong, passed this one by. It was not because we were strong enough to defend ourselves, but, probably, because they pitied us. And how now can these commissioners bear to impose extra taxes? I have written this poem for the collectors' information. I still remember those days of peace -Twenty years among mountains and forests, The pure stream running past my yard, The caves and valleys at my door. Taxes were light and regular then, And I could sleep soundly and late in the morningTill suddenly came a sorry change. ...For years now I have been serving in the army. When I began here as an official, The mountain bandits were rising again; But the town was so small it was spared by the thieves, And the people so poor and so pitiable That all other districts were looted And this one this time let alone.

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...Do you imperial commissioners Mean to be less kind than bandits? The people you force to pay the poll Are like creatures frying over a fire. And how can you sacrifice human lives, Just to be known as able collectors? -...Oh, let me fling down my official seal, Let me be a lone fisherman in a small boat And support my family on fish and wheat And content my old age with rivers and lakes!

JAPAN 3 Haiku The wind from Mt. Fuji I put it on the fan. Here, the souvenir from Edo. *Edo: the old name of Tokyo..

Sleep on horseback, The far moon in a continuing dream, Steam of roasting tea.

Spring departs. Birds cry Fishes' eyes are filled with tears

Summer zashiki Make move and enter The mountain and the garden. *zashiki: Japanese­style room covered with tatamis and open to the garden. A Tanka Poem

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Saying Goodbye  Carefully I walk Trying so hard to be brave They all see my fear Dark glasses cover their eyes As mine flow over with tears

YAMAUBA: A NOH PLAY Nō (also spelled Noh) drama incorporates folk­tales, poetry, and dance in an   exquisite, very formalized setting. These works are of interest beyond their artistic   appeal, because they are interwoven with Buddhist (and to a lesser extent,   Shinto) traditions and beliefs, and provide deep insight into Japanese culture. (THE DAME OF THE MOUNTAINS) REVISED BY KOMPARU ZENCHIKU UJINOBU FROM AN ORIGINAL BY  SEAMI YAMAUBA is the fairy of the mountains, which have been under her care since  the world began. She decks them with snow in winter, with blossoms in spring;  her task carrying her eternally from hill to valley and valley to hill. She has grown  very old. Wild white hair hangs down her shoulders; her face is very thin. There was a courtesan of the Capital who made a dance representing the  wanderings of Yamauba. It had such success that people called this courtesan  "Yamauba" though her real name was Hyakuma. Once when Hyakuma was travelling across the hills to Shinano to visit the Zenkō  Temple, she lost her way, and took refuge in the hut of a "mountain­girl," who was  none other than the real Yamauba. In the second part of the play the aged fairy appears in her true form and tells the  story of her eternal wanderings­­"round and round, on and on, from hill to hill,  from valley to valley." In spring decking the twigs with blossom, in autumn 

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clothing the hills with moonlight, in winter shaking snow from the heavy clouds.  "On and on, round and round, caught in the Wheel of Fate. . . . Striding to the hill­ tops, sweeping through the valleys. . . ." CHORUS. On and on, from hill to hill. Awhile our eyes behold her, but now She is vanished over the hills, Vanished we know not where. The hill, says a commentator, is the Hill of Life, where men wander from  incarnation to incarnation, never escaping from the Wheel of Life and Death. Source: The Nō Plays of Japan By Arthur Waley [1921]

 Seven Codes of Bushido   Bushido, literally meaning "Way of the Warrior", is the Code of Honour and way of life of the Samurai. There are eight virtues, which a Samurai must try to possess:

Justice (Gi)

Bravery (Yuu)

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Benevolence (Jin)

Politeness (Rei)

Veracity (Makoto)

Honor (Meiyo)

Loyalty (Chuugi)

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THE EARLY MODERN WORLD The European Renaissance Pico della Mirandola “Oration on the Dignity of Man”

I once read that Abdala the Muslim, when asked what was most worthy of awe  and wonder in this theater of the world, answered, "There is nothing to see more  wonderful than man!" Hermes Trismegistus  concurs with this opinion: "A great  miracle, Asclepius, is man!" However, when I began to consider the reasons for  these opinions, all these reasons given for the magnificence of human nature  failed to convince me: that man is the intermediary between creatures, close to  the gods, master of all the lower creatures, with the sharpness of his senses, the  acuity of his reason, and the brilliance of his intelligence the interpreter of nature,  the nodal point between eternity and time, and, as the Persians say, the intimate  bond or marriage song of the world, just a little lower than angels as David tells  us. (2) I concede these are magnificent reasons, but they do not seem to go to  the heart of the matter, that is, those reasons which truly claim admiration. For, if  these are all the reasons we can come up with, why should we not admire angels  more than we do ourselves? After thinking a long time, I have figured out why  man is the most fortunate of all creatures and as a result worthy of the highest  admiration and earning his rank on the chain of being, a rank to be envied not  merely by the beasts but by the stars themselves and by the spiritual natures  beyond and above this world. This miracle goes past faith and wonder. And why  not? It is for this reason that man is rightfully named a magnificent miracle and a  wondrous creation.  What is this rank on the chain of being? God the Father, Supreme Architect of the  Universe, built this home, this universe we see all around us, a venerable temple  of his godhead, through the sublime laws of his ineffable Mind. The expanse  above the heavens he decorated with Intelligences, the spheres of heaven with  living, eternal souls. The scabrous and dirty lower worlds he filled with animals of  every kind. However, when the work was finished, the Great Artisan desired that  there be some creature to think on the plan of his great work, and love its infinite  67

beauty, and stand in awe at its immenseness. Therefore, when all was finished,  as Moses and Timaeus tell us, He began to think about the creation of man. But  he had no Archetype from which to fashion some new child, nor could he find in  his vast treasure­houses anything which He might give to His new son, nor did  the universe contain a single place from which the whole of creation might be  surveyed. All was perfected, all created things stood in their proper place, the  highest things in the highest places, the midmost things in the midmost places,  and the lowest things in the lowest places. But God the Father would not fail,  exhausted and defeated, in this last creative act. God's wisdom would not falter  for lack of counsel in this need. God's love would not permit that he whose duty it  was to praise God's creation should be forced to condemn himself as a creation  of God.  Finally, the Great Artisan mandated that this creature who would receive nothing  proper to himself shall have joint possession of whatever nature had been given  to any other creature. He made man a creature of indeterminate and indifferent  nature, and, placing him in the middle of the world, said to him "Adam, we give  you no fixed place to live, no form that is peculiar to you, nor any function that is  yours alone. According to your desires and judgment, you will have and possess  whatever place to live, whatever form, and whatever functions you yourself  choose. All other things have a limited and fixed nature prescribed and bounded  by our laws. You, with no limit or no bound, may choose for yourself the limits and  bounds of your nature. We have placed you at the world's center so that you may  survey everything else in the world. We have made you neither of heavenly nor of  earthly stuff, neither mortal nor immortal, so that with free choice and dignity, you  may fashion yourself into whatever form you choose. To you is granted the power  of degrading yourself into the lower forms of life, the beasts, and to you is granted  the power, contained in your intellect and judgment, to be reborn into the higher  forms, the divine."  Imagine! The great generosity of God! The happiness of man! To man it is  allowed to be whatever he chooses to be! As soon as an animal is born, it brings  out of its mother's womb all that it will ever possess. Spiritual beings from the  beginning become what they are to be for all eternity. Man, when he entered life,  the Father gave the seeds of every kind and every way of life possible. Whatever  seeds each man sows and cultivates will grow and bear him their proper fruit. If 

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these seeds are vegetative, he will be like a plant. If these seeds are sensitive, he  will be like an animal. If these seeds are intellectual, he will be an angel and the  son of God. And if, satisfied with no created thing, he removes himself to the  center of his own unity, his spiritual soul, united with God, alone in the darkness  of God, who is above all things, he will surpass every created thing. Who could  not help but admire this great shape­shifter? In fact, how could one admire  anything else? . . .  For the mystic philosophy of the Hebrews transforms Enoch into an angel called  "Mal'akh Adonay Shebaoth," and sometimes transforms other humans into  different sorts of divine beings. The Pythagoreans abuse villainous men by  having them reborn as animals and, according to Empedocles, even plants.  Muhammad also said frequently, "Those who deviate from the heavenly law  become animals." Bark does not make a plant a plant, rather its senseless and  mindless nature does. The hide does not make an animal an animal, but rather  its irrational but sensitive soul. The spherical form does not make the heavens  the heavens, rather their unchanging order. It is not a lack of body that makes an  angel an angel, rather it is his spiritual intelligence. If you see a person totally  subject to his appetites, crawling miserably on the ground, you are looking at a  plant, not a man. If you see a person blinded by empty illusions and images, and  made soft by their tender beguilements, completely subject to his senses, you  are looking at an animal, not a man. If you see a philosopher judging things  through his reason, admire and follow him: he is from heaven, not the earth. If  you see a person living in deep contemplation, unaware of his body and dwelling  in the inmost reaches of his mind, he is neither from heaven nor earth, he is  divinity clothed in flesh.  Who would not admire man, who is called by Moses (3) and the Gospels "all  flesh" and "every creature," because he fashions and transforms himself into any  fleshly form and assumes the character of any creature whatsoever? For this  reason, Euanthes the Persian in his description of Chaldaean theology, writes  that man has no inborn, proper form, but that many things that humans resemble  are outside and foreign to them, from which arises the Chaldaean saying:  "Hanorish tharah sharinas": "Man is multitudinous, varied, and ever changing."  Why do I emphasize this? Considering that we are born with this condition, that  is, that we can become whatever we choose to become, we need to understand 

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that we must take earnest care about this, so that it will never be said to our  disadvantage that we were born to a privileged position but failed to realize it and  became animals and senseless beasts. Instead, the saying of Asaph the prophet  should be said of us, "You are all angels of the Most High." Above all, we should  not make that freedom of choice God gave us into something harmful, for it was  intended to be to our advantage. Let a holy ambition enter into our souls; let us  not be content with mediocrity, but rather strive after the highest and expend all  our strength in achieving it.  Let us disdain earthly things, and despise the things of heaven, and, judging little  of what is in the world, fly to the court beyond the world and next to God. In that  court, as the mystic writings tell us, are the Seraphim, Cherubim, and Thrones (4)  in the foremost places; let us not even yield place to them, the highest of the  angelic orders, and not be content with a lower place, imitate them in all their  glory and dignity. If we choose to, we will not be second to them in anything.  Translated by Richard Hooker 

THE REFORMATION OF THE WESTERN CHRISTIAN  CHURCH Martin Luther From the 95 Theses 1. When our Lord and Master Jesus Christ said, "Repent" (Mt 4:17), he willed the  entire life of believers to be one of repentance. 2. This word cannot be understood as referring to the sacrament of penance, that  is, confession and satisfaction, as administered by the clergy. 3. Yet it does not mean solely inner repentance; such inner repentance is  worthless unless it produces various outward mortification of the flesh. 4. The penalty of sin remains as long as the hatred of self (that is, true inner  repentance), namely till our entrance into the kingdom of heaven.

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5. The pope neither desires nor is able to remit any penalties except those  imposed by his own authority or that of the canons. 6. The pope cannot remit any guilt, except by declaring and showing that it has  been remitted by God; or, to be sure, by remitting guilt in cases reserved to his  judgment. If his right to grant remission in these cases were disregarded, the guilt  would certainly remain unforgiven. 7. God remits guilt to no one unless at the same time he humbles him in all things  and makes him submissive to the vicar, the priest. 8. The penitential canons are imposed only on the living, and, according to the  canons themselves, nothing should be imposed on the dying. 9. Therefore the Holy Spirit through the pope is kind to us insofar as the pope in  his decrees always makes exception of the article of death and of necessity. 10. Those priests act ignorantly and wickedly who, in the case of the dying,  reserve canonical penalties for purgatory. 11. Those tares of changing the canonical penalty to the penalty of purgatory  were evidently sown while the bishops slept (Mt 13:25). 12. In former times canonical penalties were imposed, not after, but before  absolution, as tests of true contrition. 13. The dying are freed by death from all penalties, are already dead as far as the  canon laws are concerned, and have a right to be released from them. 14. Imperfect piety or love on the part of the dying person necessarily brings with  it great fear; and the smaller the love, the greater the fear. 15. This fear or horror is sufficient in itself, to say nothing of other things, to  constitute the penalty of purgatory, since it is very near to the horror of despair. 16. Hell, purgatory, and heaven seem to differ the same as despair, fear, and  assurance of salvation.

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17. It seems as though for the souls in purgatory fear should necessarily  decrease and love increase. 18. Furthermore, it does not seem proved, either by reason or by Scripture, that  souls in purgatory are outside the state of merit, that is, unable to grow in love. 19. Nor does it seem proved that souls in purgatory, at least not all of them, are  certain and assured of their own salvation, even if we ourselves may be entirely  certain of it. 20. Therefore the pope, when he uses the words "plenary remission of all  penalties," does not actually mean "all penalties," but only those imposed by  himself. 21. Thus those indulgence preachers are in error who say that a man is absolved  from every penalty and saved by papal indulgences. 22. As a matter of fact, the pope remits to souls in purgatory no penalty which,  according to canon law, they should have paid in this life. 23. If remission of all penalties whatsoever could be granted to anyone at all,  certainly it would be granted only to the most perfect, that is, to very few. 24. For this reason most people are necessarily deceived by that indiscriminate  and high­sounding promise of release from penalty. 25. That power which the pope has in general over purgatory corresponds to the  power which any bishop or curate has in a particular way in his own diocese and  parish. 26. The pope does very well when he grants remission to souls in purgatory, not  by the power of the keys, which he does not have, but by way of intercession for  them. 27. They preach only human doctrines who say that as soon as the money clinks  into the money chest, the soul flies out of purgatory.

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28. It is certain that when money clinks in the money chest, greed and avarice  can be increased; but when the church intercedes, the result is in the hands of  God alone. 29. Who knows whether all souls in purgatory wish to be redeemed, since we  have exceptions in St. Severinus and St. Paschal, as related in a legend. 30. No one is sure of the integrity of his own contrition, much less of having  received plenary remission.

On the Jews and Their Lies, 1543 (Part 1) Martin Luther  Translated by Martin H. Bertram Part 1

I had made up my mind to write no more either about the Jews or against them.  But since I learned that those miserable and accursed people do not cease to  lure to themselves even us, that is, the Christians, I have published this little  book, so that I might be found among those who opposed such poisonous  activities of the Jews and who warned the Christians to be on their guard against  them. I would not have believed that a Christian could be duped by the Jews into  taking their exile and wretchedness upon himself. However, the devil is the god of  the world, and wherever God's word is absent he has an easy task, not only with  the weak but also with the strong. May God help us. Amen.  Grace and peace in the Lord. Dear sir and good friend, I have received a  treatise in which a Jew engages in dialog with a Christian. He dares to pervert  the scriptural passages which we cite in testimony to our faith, concerning our  Lord Christ and Mary his mother, and to interpret them quite differently. With this  argument he thinks he can destroy the basis of our faith.  This is my reply to you and to him. It is not my purpose to quarrel with the  Jews, nor to learn from them how they interpret or understand Scripture; I know  all of that very well already. Much less do I propose to convert the Jews, for that  is impossible. Those two excellent men, Lyra and Burgensis, together with others,  73

truthfully described the Jews' vile interpretation for us two hundred and one  hundred years ago respectively. Indeed they refuted it thoroughly. However, this  was no help at all to the Jews, and they have grown steadily worse.  They have failed to learn any lesson from the terrible distress that has  been theirs for over fourteen hundred years in exile. Nor can they obtain any end  or definite terminus of this, as they suppose, by means of the vehement cries and  laments to God. If these blows do not help, it is resonable to assume that our  talking and explaining will help even less.  Therefore a Christian should be content and not argue with the Jews. But  if you have to or want to talk with them, do not say any more than this: "Listen,  Jew, are you aware that Jerusalem and your sovereignty, together with your  temple and priesthood, have been destroyed for over 1,460 years?" For this year,  which we Christians write as the year 1542 since the birth of Christ, is exactly  1,468 years, going on fifteen hundred years, since Vespasian and Titus destroyed  Jerusalem and expelled the Jews from the city. Let the Jews bite on this nut and  dispute this question as long as they wish.  For such ruthless wrath of God is sufficient evidence that they assuredly  have erred and gone astray. Even a child can comprehend this. For one dare not  regard God as so cruel that he would punish his own people so long, so terribly,  so unmercifully, and in addition keep silent, comforting them neither with words  nor with deeds, and fixing no time limit and no end to it. Who would have faith,  hope, or love toward such a God? Therefore this work of wrath is proof that the  Jews, surely rejected by God, are no longer his people, and neither is he any  longer their God. This is in accord with Hosea 1:9, "Call his name Not my people,  for you are not my people and I am not your God." Yes, unfortunately, this is their  lot, truly a terrible one. They may interpret this as they will; we see the facts  before our eyes, and these do not deceive us.  If there were but a spark of reason or understanding in them, they would  surely say to themselves: "O Lord God, something has gone wrong with us. Our  misery is too great, too long, too severe; God has forgotten us!" etc. To be sure, I  am not a Jew, but I really do not like to contemplate God's awful wrath toward this  people. It sends a shudder of fear through body and soul, for I ask, What will the  eternal wrath of God in hell be like toward false Christians and all unbelievers?  74

Well, let the Jews regard our Lord Jesus as they will. We behold the fulfillment of  the words spoken by him in Luke 21:20: "But when you see Jerusalem  surrounded by armies, then know that its desolation has come near ... for these  are days of vengeance. For great distress shall be upon the earth and wrath upon  this people.  And to fill the measure of their raving, mad, and stupid folly, they boast and  they thank God, in the first place, because they were created as human beings  and not as animals; in the second place. because they are Israelites and not  Goyim (Gentiles); in the third place because they were created as males and not  as females. They did not learn such tomfoolery from Israel but from the Goyim.  For history records that the Greek Plato daily accorded God such praise and  thanksgiving—if such arrogance and blasphemy may be termed praise of God.  This man, too, praised his gods for these three items: that he was a human being  and not an animal; a male and not a female; a Greek and not a non­Greek or  barbarian. This is a fool's boast, the gratitude of a barbarian who blasphemes  God! Similarly, the Italians fancy themselves the only human beings; they  imagine that all other people in the world are nonhumans, mere ducks or mice by  comparison. . , , No one can take away from them their pride concerning their blood and  their descent from Israel. In the Old Testament they lost many a battle in wars  over this matter, though no Jew understands this. All the prophets censured them  for it, for it betrays an arrogant, carnal presumption devoid of spirit and of faith.  They were also slain and persecuted for this reason. St. John the Baptist took  them to task severely because of it, saying, "Do not presume to say to  yourselves, "We have Abraham for our father'; for I tell you, God is able from  these stones to raise up children to Abraham" [Matt. 3:9]. He did not call them  Abraham's children but a "brood of vipers" [Matt. 3:7]. Oh, that was too insulting  for the noble blood and race of Israel, and they declared, "He has a demon"  [Matt. 11:18] Our Lord also calls them a "brood of vipers"; furthermore, in John'  3:39 he states: "If you were Abraham's children would do what Abraham did....  You are of your father the devil." It was intolerable to them to hear that they were  not Abraham's but the devil's children, nor can they bear to hear this today. If they  should surrender this boast and argument, their whole system which is built on it  would topple and change. 

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I hold that if their Messiah, for whom they hope, should come and do away  with their boast and its basis they would crucify and blaspheme him seven times  worse than they did our Messiah; and they would also say that he was not the  true Messiah, but a deceiving devil. For they have portrayed their Messiah to  themselves as one who would strengthen and increase such carnal and arrogant  error regarding nobility of blood and lineage. That is the same as saying that he  should assist them in blaspheming God and in viewing his creatures with disdain,  including the women, who are also human beings and the image of God as well  as we; more over, they are our own flesh and blood, such as mother, sister,  daughter, housewives, etc. For in accordance with the aforementioned threefold  song of praise, they do not hold Sarah (as a woman) to be as noble as Abraham  (as a man). Perhaps they wish to honor themselves for being born half noble, of a  noble father, and half ignoble, of an ignoble mother. But enough of this tomfoolery  and trickery.  We propose to discuss their argument and boast and prove convincingly  before God and the world not before the Jews, for, as already said, they would  accept this neither from Moses nor from their Messiah himself that their argument  is quite empty and stands condemned. To this end we quote Moses in Genesis  17, whom they surely ought to believe if they are true Israelites. When God  instituted circumcision, he said, among other things, "Any uncircumcised male  shall be cut off from his people" [Gen. 17:14]. With these words God consigns to  condemnation all who are born of flesh, no matter how noble, high, or how low  their birth may have been. He does not even exempt from this judgment the seed  of Abraham, although Abraham was not merely of high and noble birth from  Noah, but was also adjudged holy (Genesis 15) and became Abraham instead of  Abram (Genesis 17). Yet none of his children shall be numbered among God's  people, but rather shall he rooted out, and God will not be his God, unless he,  over and above his birth, is also circumcised and accepted into the covenant of  God. . . , Abraham was no doubt even nobler than the Jews, since as we pointed  out above, he was descended from the noblest patriarch, Noah who in his day  was the greatest and oldest lord, priest, and father of the entire world and from  the other nine succeeding patriarchs. Abraham saw, heard, and lived with all of  them, and some of them (as for instance Shem, Shelah, Eber) outlived him by 

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many years. So Abraham obviously was not lacking in nobility of blood and birth;  and yet this did not in the least aid him in being numbered among God's people.  No, he was idolatrous, and he would have remained under condemnation if God's  word had not called him, as Joshua in chapter 24:2 informs us out of God's own  mouth: "Your fathers lived of old beyond the Euphrates, Terah, the father of  Abraham and Nahor; and they served other gods. Then I took your father  Abraham from beyond the River and led him," etc.  Even later, after he had been called and sanctified through God's word  and through faith, according to Genesis 15, Abraham did not boast of his birth or  of his virtues. When he spoke with God (Genesis 18) he did not say: "Look how  noble I am, born from Noah and the holy patriarchs, and descended from your  holy nation," nor did he say, "How pious and holy I am in comparison with other  people!" No, he said, "Behold, I have taken upon myself to speak to the Lord, I  who am but dust and ashes" [Gen. 18:27]. This is, indeed, how a creature must  speak to its Creator, not for getting what it is before him and how it is regarded by  him. For that is what God said of Adam and of all his children (Genesis 3:19 ),  "You are dust, and to dust you shall return," as death itself persuades us visibly  and experientially, to counteract, if need be, any such foolish, vain, and vexatious  presumption. . . . Why should so much ado be made of this? After all, if birth counts before  God, I can claim to be just as noble as any Jew, yes, just as noble as Abraham  himself, as David, as all the holy prophets and apostles. Nor will I owe them any  thanks if they consider me just as noble as themselves before God by reason of  my birth. And if God refuses to acknowledge my nobility and birth as the equal to  that of Isaac, Abraham, David, and all the saints, I maintain that he is doing me  an injustice and that he is not a fair judge. For I will not give it up and neither  Abraham, David, prophets, apostles nor even an angel in heaven, shall deny me  the right to boast that Noah, so far as physical birth or flesh and blood is  concerned, is my true, natural ancestor, and that his wife (whoever she may have  been) is my true, natural ancestress; for we are all descended, since the Deluge,  from that one Noah. We did not descend from Cain, for his family perished  forever in the flood together with many of the cousins, brothers­in­law, and friends  of Noah. . . .

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 But what does it mean to be born in sin other than to be born under God's  wrath and condemnation, so that by nature or birth we are unable to be God's  people or children, and our birth, glory, and nobility, our honor and praise denote  nothing more and can denote nothing else than that, in default of anything to our  credit other than our physical birth, we are condemned sinners, enemies of God,  and in his disfavor? There, Jew, you have your boast, and we Gentiles have ours  together with you, as well as you with us. Now go ahead and pray that God might  respect your nobility, your race, your flesh and blood.  This I wanted to say for the strengthening of our faith; for the Jews will not  give up their pride and boasting about their nobility and lineage. As was said  above, their hearts are hardened. Our people, however, must be on their guard  against them, lest they be misled by this impenitent, accursed people who give  God the lie and haughtily despise all the world. For the Jews' would like to entice  us Christians to their faith, and they do this wherever they can. If God is to  become gracious also to them, the Jews, they must first of all banish such  blasphemous prayers and songs, that boast so arrogantly about their lineage,  from their synagogues, from their hearts, and from their lips, for such prayers  ever increase and sharpen God's wrath toward them. However, they will not do  this, nor will they humble themselves abjectly, except for a few individuals whom  God draws unto himself particularly and delivers from their terrible ruin.  The other boast and nobility over which the Jews gloat and because of  which they haughtily and vainly despise all mankind is their circumcision, which  they received from Abraham. My God, what we Gentiles have to put up with in  their synagogues, prayers, songs, and doctrines! What a stench we poor people  are in their nostrils because we are not circumcised! Indeed, God himself must  again submit to miserable torment if I may put it thus as they confront him with  inexpressible presumption, and boast: "Praised be Thou, King of the world, who  singled us out from all the nations and sanctified us by the covenant of  circumcision!" And similarly with many other words, the tenor of all of which is  that God should esteem them above an the rest of the world because they in  compliance with his decree are circumcised, and that he should condemn all  other people, just as they do and wish to do.  In this boast of nobility they glory as much as they do in their physical  birth. Consequently I believe that if Moses himself would appear together with  78

Elijah and their Messiah and would try to deprive them of this boast or forbid such  prayers and doctrine, they would probably consider all three of them to be the  three worst devils in hell, and they would be at a loss to know how to curse and  damn them adequately, to say nothing of believing them. For they have decided  among themselves that Moses, together with Elijah and the Messiah, should  endorse circumcision, yes, rather that they should help to strengthen and praise  such arrogance and pride in circumcision, that these should, like themselves,  look upon all Gentiles as awful filth and stench because they are not circumcised.  Moses, Elijah, and the Messiah must do an that they prescribe, think, and wish.  They insist that they are right, and if God himself were to do other than they think,  he would be in the wrong. 

THE CATHOLIC COUNTER­REFORMATION The Council of Trent: 1545­1563 On the fourth day of December. 1563. DECREE CONCERNING INDULGENCES. Whereas the power of conferring Indulgences was granted by Christ to the  Church; and she has, even in the most ancient times, used the said power,  delivered unto her of God; the sacred holy Synod teaches, and enjoins, that the  use of Indulgences, for the Christian people most salutary, and approved of by  the authority of sacred Councils, is to be retained in the Church; and It condemns  with anathema those who either assert, that they are useless; or who deny that  there is in the Church the power of granting them. In granting them, however, It  desires that, in accordance with the ancient and approved custom in the Church,  moderation be observed; lest, by excessive facility, ecclesastical discipline be  enervated. And being desirous that the abuses which have crept therein, and by  occasion of which this honourable name of Indulgences is blasphemed by  heretics, be amended and corrected, It ordains generally by this decree, that all  evil gains for the obtaining thereof,­­whence a most prolific cause of abuses  amongst the Christian people has been derived,­­be wholly abolished. But as  regards the other abuses which have proceeded from superstition, ignorance,  irreverence, or from what soever other source, since, by reason of the manifold  79

corruptions in the places and provinces where the said abuses are committed,  they cannot conveniently be specially prohibited; It commands all bishops,  diligently to collect, each in his own church, all abuses of this nature, and to  report them in the first provincial Synod; that, after having been reviewed by the  opinions of the other bishops also, they may forthwith be referred to the  Sovereign Roman Pontiff, by whose authority and prudence that which may be  expedient for the universal Church will be ordained; that this the gift of holy  Indulgences may be dispensed to all the faithful, piously, holily, and incorruptly.  ON CHOICE OF MEATS; ON FASTS, AND FESTIVAL DAYS. The holy Synod furthermore exhorts, and, by the most holy advent of our Lord  and Saviour, conjures all pastors, that, like good soldiers, they sedulously  recommend to all the faithful all those things which the holy Roman Church, the  mother and  mistress of all churches, has ordained, as also those things which,  as well in this Council, as in the other oecumenical Councils, have been  ordained, and to use all diligence that they be observant of all thereof, and  especially of those which tend to mortify the flesh, such as the choice of meats,  and fasts ; as also those which serve to promote piety, such as the devout and  religious celebration of festival days; often admonishing the people to obey those  set over them (Heb. xiii. 17), whom they who hear, shall hear God as a rewarder,  whereas they who contemn them, shall feel God himself as an avenger.  ON THE INDEX OF BOOKS; ON THE CATECHISM, BREVIARY, AND MISSAL. The sacred and holy Synod, in the second Session celebrated under our most  holy lord, Pius IV., commissioned certain chosen Fathers to consider what ought  to be done touching various censures, and books either suspected or pernicious,  and to report thereon to the said holy Synod; hearing now that the finishing hand  has been put to that labour by those Fathers, which, however, by reason of the  variety and multitude of books cannot be distinctly and conveniently judged of by  the holy Synod; It enjoins that whatsoever has been by them done shall be laid  before the most holy Roman Pontiff, that it may be by his judgment and authority  terminated and made public. And it commands that the same be done in regard  of the Catechism, by the Fathers to whom that work was consigned, and as  regards the missal and breviary. 

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ON THE DIVINE RIGHT OF KINGS, 1669 King James I The state of monarchy is the supremest thing upon earth ... Kings are justly called Gods, for that they exercise a manner or resemblance of divine power upon earth. For if you will consider the attributes to God, you shall see how they agree in the person of a king. God has power to create, or destroy, make, or unmake at his pleasure, to give life, or send death, to judge all, and to be judged nor accountable to none: to raise low things, and to make high things low at his pleasure, and to God are both soul and body due. And the like power have Kings; they make and unmake their subjects: they have power of raising, and casting down: of life, and of death: judges over all their subjects, and in all causes, and yet accountable to none but God only. Now in these our times we are to distinguish between the state of kings in their first original, and between the state of kings and monarchs, that do at this time govern in civil kingdoms ... In the first original of kings, whereof some had their beginning by conquest, and some by election of the people, their wills at that time served for law; Yet how soon kingdoms began to be settled in civility and policy, then did kings set down their minds by laws ... And I am sure to go to my grave with that reputation and comfort, that never king was in all his time more careful to have his laws duly observed, and himself to govern thereafter, than I. I conclude then this point touching the power of kings, with this axiom of divinity, that as to dispute what God may do, is blasphemy ... so is it sedition in subjects, to dispute what a king may do in the height of his power: But just kings will ever be willing to declare what they will do, if they will not incur the curse of God. I will not be content that my power be disputed upon: but I shall ever be willing to make the reason appear of all my doings, and rule my actions according to my laws ... Therefore all kings that are not tyrants, or perjured, will be glad to bound themselves within the limits of their laws; and they that persuade them the contrary, are vipers, and pests, both against them and the Commonwealth.

Thomas Hobbes: From Leviathan: Chapter VIII  OF THE NATURAL CONDITION OF MANKIND AS CONCERNING THEIR  FELICITY AND MISERY NATURE hath made men so equal in the faculties of body and mind as  that, though there be found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body or of  quicker mind than another, yet when all is reckoned together the difference  81

between man and man is not so considerable as that one man can thereupon  claim to himself any benefit to which another may not pretend as well as he. For  as to the strength of body, the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest,  either by secret machination or by confederacy with others that are in the same  danger with himself.  And as to the faculties of the mind, setting aside the arts grounded upon  words, and especially that skill of proceeding upon general and infallible rules,  called science, which very few have and but in few things, as being not a native  faculty born with us, nor attained, as prudence, while we look after some what  else, I find yet a greater equality amongst men than that of strength. For  prudence is but experience, which equal time equally bestows on all men in  those things they equally apply themselves unto. That which may perhaps make  such equality incredible is but a vain conceit of one's own wisdom, which almost  all men think they have in a greater degree than the vulgar; that is, than all men  but themselves, and a few others, whom by fame, or for concurring with  themselves, they approve. For such is the nature of men that how so ever they  may acknowledge many others to be more witty, or more eloquent or more  learned, yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves; for  they see their own wit at hand, and other men's at a distance. But this proveth  rather that men are in that point equal, than unequal. For there is not ordinarily a  greater sign of the equal distribution of any thing than that every man is  contented with his share.  From this equality of ability arise the quality of hope in the attaining of our  ends. And therefore if any two men desire the same thing, which nevertheless  they cannot both enjoy, they become enemies; and in the way to their end (which  is principally their own conservation, and sometimes their delectation only)  endeavour to destroy or subdue one another. And from hence it comes to pass  that where an invader hath no more to fear than another man's single power, if  one plant, sow, build, or possess a convenient seat, others may probably be  expected to come prepared with forces united to dispossess and deprive him, not  only of the fruit of his labour, but also of his life or liberty. And the invader again is  in the like danger of another.  And from this diffidence of one another, there is no way for any man to  secure himself so reasonable as anticipation; that is, by force, or wiles, to master  82

the persons of all men he can so long till he see no other power great enough to  endanger him: and this is no more than his own conservation requireth, and is  generally allowed. Also, because there be some that, taking pleasure in  contemplating their own power in the acts of conquest, which they pursue farther  than their security requires, if others, that otherwise would be glad to be at ease  within modest bounds, should not by invasion increase their power, they would  not be able, long time, by standing only on their defence, to subsist. And by  consequence, such augmentation of dominion over men being necessary to a  man's conservation, it ought to be allowed him.  Again, men have no pleasure (but on the contrary a great deal of grief) in  keeping company where there is no power able to overawe them all. For every  man looketh that his companion should value him at the same rate he sets upon  himself, and upon all signs of contempt or undervaluing naturally endeavours, as  far as he dares (which amongst them that have no common power to keep them  in quiet is far enough to make them destroy each other), to extort a greater value  from his contemners, by damage; and from others, by the example.  So that in the nature of man, we find three principal causes of quarrel.  First, competition; secondly, diffidence; thirdly, glory.  The first maketh men invade for gain; the second, for safety; and the third,  for reputation. The first use violence, to make themselves masters of other men's  persons, wives, children, and cattle; the second, to defend them; the third, for  trifles, as a word, a smile, a different opinion, and any other sign of undervalue,  either direct in their persons or by reflection in their kindred, their friends, their  nation, their profession, or their name. 

THE CONQUEST OF THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE BY THE EUROPEAN POWERS Juan Gines Sepulveda Defends the Conquest of the New World Superior Spanish 83

The man rules over the woman, the adult over his children. That is to say, the most powerful and most perfect rule over the weakest and most imperfect. The same relationship exists among men, there being some who by nature are masters and others who by nature are slaves. Those who surpass the rest in prudence and intelligence, although not in physical strength, are by nature the masters. On the other hand, those who are dim-witted and mentally lazy, although they may be physically strong enough to fulfill all the necessary tasks, are by nature slaves. It is just and useful that it be this way. We even see it sanctioned in the Book of Proverbs: "He who is stupid will serve the wise man" [11:29]. And so it is with the barbarous and inhumane peoples [the Indians] who have no civil life and peaceful customs. It will always be just and in conformity with natural law that such people submit to the rule of the more cultured and humane princes and nations. Thanks to their virtues and the practical wisdom of their laws, the latter [the Spanish] can destroy barbarism and educate these people to a more humane and virtuous life. And if the latter [the Indians] reject such rule, it can be imposed upon them by force of arms. Such a war will be just, according to natural law.... Barbaric Indians Until now we have mentioned their impious religion and their abominable sacrifices, in which they worship the Devil as God, to whom they thought of offering no better tribute than human hearts...They placed these hearts on their abominable altars. With this ritual they believed that they had appeased their gods. They also ate the flesh of sacrificed men. War against these barbarians can be justified not only on the basis of their paganism but even more so because of their abominable licentiousness, their prodigious sacrifice of human victims, the extreme harm that they inflicted on innocent persons, their horrible banquets of human flesh, and the impious cult of their idols.... Merciful force Since the evangelical law of the New Testament is more perfect and more gentle than the Mosiac law of the Old Testament, so also wars are now waged with more mercy and clemency. Their purpose is not so much to punish as to correct evils. What is more appropriate and beneficial for these barbarians than to become subject to the rule those whose wisdom, virtue, and religion have converted them from barbarism into civilized

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men (insofar as they are capable of becoming so), from being torpid and licentious to becoming servants of the Devil to becoming believers of the true God? For these barbarians, our rule ought to be even more advantageous than for our Spaniards, since virtue, humanity, and the true religion are more valuable than gold or silver. And if they refuse our rule, they may be compelled by force of arms to accept it. Such a war will be just according to natural law. USE PERSUASION Bartolome de Las Casas The Dominican friar was his era's most outspoken critic of the Conquest. Human equality There are no races in the world, however rude, uncultivated, barbarous, gross, or almost brutal they may be, who cannot be persuaded and brought to a good order and way of life.... Thus, the entire human race is one; all men are alike with respect to their creation and the things of nature, and none is born already taught. And so we all have the need, from the beginning, to be guided and helped by those who have been born earlier. Thus, when some very rustic peoples are found in the world, they are like untilled land, which easily produces worthless weeds and thorns, but has within itself so much natural power that when it is plowed and cultivated it gives useful and wholesome fruits.... Noble Indians All the races of the world have understanding and will, and that which results from these two faculties in man--that is, free choice. And consequently, all have the power and ability or capacity...to be instructed, persuaded, and attracted to order and reason and laws and virtue and all goodness. They are very apt to receive our holy Catholic faith, to be endowed with virtuous customs, and to behave in a godly fashion. And once they begin to hear the tidings of the faith, they are so insistent on knowing more...that truly, the missionaries who are here need to be endowed by God with great patience to endure such eagerness. Some of the secular Spaniards who have been here for many years say that the goodness of the Indians is undeniable, and that is this gifted people could be brought to know the one true God, they would be the most fortunate people in the world. A method contrary to the one we have been defending would be

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the following: Pagans should first be subjected, whether they wished to be or not, to the rule of Christian people, and that once they were subjected, organized preaching would follow. But if the pagans find themselves first injured, oppressed, saddened, and afflicted by the misfortunes of wars, through loss of their children, their gods, and their own liberty...how can they be moved voluntarily to listen to what is proposed to them about faith, religion, justice, and truth...? Merciful persuasion The one and only method of teaching men the true religion was established by Divine Providence for the whole world, and for all times: that is, by persuading the understanding through reasons, and by gently attracting or exhorting his will. Divine Wisdom moves rational creatures, that is, men, to their actions or operates gently....Therefore, the method of teaching men the true religion ought to be gentle, enticing, and pleasant. This method is by persuading the understanding and by attracting the will. Hearers, especially pagans, should understand that the preachers of the faith have no intention of acquiring power over them.... Preachers should be slow themselves so mild and humble, courteous and...good-willed that the hearers eagerly wish to listen and hold their teaching in greater reverence. [Preachers must] posses that same love of charity by which Paul was accustomed to love men in the world that they might be saved: "You are witnesses and God also, how holy and just and blameless was our conduct towards you who have believed."

Requerimiento (1510) (Document written by jurist Palacios Rubios, of the Council of Castile): "On the part of the King, Don Fernando, and of Doña Juana, his daughter, Queen of Castille and León, subduers of the barbarous nations, we their servants notify and make known to you, as best we can, that the Lord our God, Living and Eternal, created the Heaven and the Earth, and one man and one woman, of whom you and we, all the men of the world at the time, were and are descendants, and all those who came after and before us. But, on account of the multitude which has sprung from this man and woman in the five thousand years since the world was created, it was necessary that some men should go one way and some another, and that they should be divided into many kingdoms and provinces, for in one alone they could not be sustained.

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Of all these nations God our Lord gave charge to one man, called St. Peter, that he should be Lord and Superior of all the men in the world, that all should obey him, and that he should be the head of the whole human race, wherever men should live, and under whatever law, sect, or belief they should be; and he gave him the world for his kingdom and jurisdiction. And he commanded him to place his seat in Rome, as the spot most fitting to rule the world from; but also he permitted him to have his seat in any other part of the world, and to judge and govern all Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and all other sects. This man was called Pope, as if to say, Admirable Great Father and Governor of men. The men who lived in that time obeyed that St. Peter, and took him for Lord, King, and Superior of the universe; so also they have regarded the others who after him have been elected to the pontificate, and so has it been continued even till now, and will continue till the end of the world. One of these Pontiffs, who succeeded that St. Peter as Lord of the world, in the dignity and seat which I have before mentioned, made donation of these isles and Tierra-firme to the aforesaid King and Queen and to their successors, our lords, with all that there are in these territories, as is contained in certain writings which passed upon the subject as aforesaid, which you can see if you wish. So their Highnesses are kings and lords of these islands and land of Tierra-firme by virtue of this donation: and some islands, and indeed almost all those to whom this has been notified, have received and served their Highnesses, as lords and kings, in the way that subjects ought to do, with good will, without any resistance, immediately, without delay, when they were informed of the aforesaid facts. And also they received and obeyed the priests whom their Highnesses sent to preach to them and to teach them our Holy Faith; and all these, of their own free will, without any reward or condition, have become Christians, and are so, and their Highnesses have joyfully and benignantly received them, and also have commanded them to be treated as their subjects and vassals; and you too are held and obliged to do the same. Wherefore, as best we can, we ask and require you that you consider what we have said to you, and that you take the time that shall be necessary to understand and deliberate upon it, and that you acknowledge the Church as the Ruler and Superior of the whole world, and the high priest called Pope, and in his name the King and Queen Doña Juana our lords, in his place, as superiors and lords and kings of these islands and this Tierra-firme by virtue of the said donation, and that you consent and give place that these religious fathers should declare and preach to you the aforesaid. If you do so, you will do well, and that which you are obliged to do to their Highnesses, and we in their name shall receive you in all love and charity, and shall leave you, your wives, and your children, and your lands, free without servitude, that you may do with them and with yourselves freely that which you like and think best, and they shall not compel you to turn Christians, unless you yourselves, when informed of the truth, should wish to be converted to our Holy Catholic Faith, as almost all the inhabitants of the rest

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of the islands have done. And, besides this, their Highnesses award you many privileges and exemptions and will grant you many benefits. But, if you do not do this, and maliciously make delay in it, I certify to you that, with the help of God, we shall powerfully enter into your country, and shall make war against you in all ways and manners that we can, and shall subject you to the yoke and obedience of the Church and of their Highnesses; we shall take you and your wives and your children, and shall make slaves of them, and as such shall sell and dispose of them as their Highnesses may command; and we shall take away your goods, and shall do you all the mischief and damage that we can, as to vassals who do not obey, and refuse to receive their lord, and resist and contradict him; and we protest that the deaths and losses which shall accrue from this are your fault, and not that of their Highnesses, or ours, nor of these cavaliers who come with us. And that we have said this to you and made this Requisition, we request the notary here present to give us his testimony in writing, and we ask the rest who are present that they should be witnesses of this Requisition."

THE EUROPEAN ENLIGHTENMENT AND THE “RIGHTS  OF MAN” The English Bill of Rights, 1689 • • •

•

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That the pretended power of suspending the laws or the execution of laws  by regal authority without consent of Parliament is illegal; That the pretended power of dispensing with laws or the execution of laws  by regal authority, as it hath been assumed and exercised of late, is illegal; That the commission for erecting the late Court of Commissioners for  Ecclesiastical Causes, and all other commissions and courts of like  nature, are illegal and pernicious; That levying money for or to the use of the Crown by pretence of  prerogative, without grant of Parliament, for longer time, or in other  manner than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal; That it is the right of the subjects to petition the king, and all commitments  and prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal;

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That the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of  peace, unless it be with consent of Parliament, is against law; That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defence  suitable to their conditions and as allowed by law; That election of members of Parliament ought to be free; That the freedom of speech and debates or proceedings in Parliament  ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of  Parliament; That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed,  nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted; That jurors ought to be duly impanelled and returned, and jurors which  pass upon men in trials for high treason ought to be freeholders; That all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures of particular persons  before conviction are illegal and void; And that for redress of all grievances, and for the amending, strengthening  and preserving of the laws, Parliaments ought to be held frequently.

The Declaration of Independence 1776 The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America  When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people  to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to  assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which  the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the  opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel  them to the separation.  We hold these truths to be self­evident, that all men are created equal, that they  are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these  are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights,  governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the  consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes  destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and  to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and 

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organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect  their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long  established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and  accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer,  while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to  which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations,  pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under  absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government,  and to provide new guards for their future security. ­­Such has been the patient  sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains  them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King  of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in  direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove  this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.  He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the  public good.  He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing  importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be  obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.  He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of  people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the  legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.  He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and  distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of  fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.  He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly  firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.  He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be  elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned  to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the meantime  exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. 

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He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose  obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to  encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations  of lands.  He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for  establishing judiciary powers.  He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices,  and the amount and payment of their salaries.  He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to  harass our people, and eat out their substance.  He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of  our legislature.  He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to civil power.  He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our  constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of  pretended legislation:  For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:  For protecting them, by mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they  should commit on the inhabitants of these states:  For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:  For imposing taxes on us without our consent:  For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:  For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses:  For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province,  establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as 

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to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same  absolute rule in these colonies:  For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering  fundamentally the forms of our governments:  For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with  power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.  He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and  waging war against us.  He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and  destroyed the lives of our people.  He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete  the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of  cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally  unworthy the head of a civilized nation.  He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear  arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and  brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.  He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring  on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known  rule of warfare, is undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.  In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most  humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated  injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a  tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.  Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned  them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable  jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our  emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and  magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to  92

disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and  correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of  consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces  our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in  peace friends.  We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General  Congress, assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the  rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good  people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united  colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; that they are  absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection  between them and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved;  and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war,  conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts  and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this  declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we  mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. 

THE AMERICAN BILL OF RIGHTS OF 1791.    Article 1 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or  prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the  press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the  Government for a redress of grievances. 

Article 2 A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right  of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. 

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Article 3 No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent  of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Article 4 The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and  effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and  no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or  affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons  or things to be seized.

Article 5 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime,  unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in  the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or  public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice  put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a  witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due  process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just  compensation.

Article 6 In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and  public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall  have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by  law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be  confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for  obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his  defence.

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Article 7 In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty  dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury,  shall be otherwise re­examined in any Court of the United States, than according  to the rules of the common law.

Article 8 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and  unusual punishments inflicted.

Article 9 The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to  deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Article 10 The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited  by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. Source: The Laws of the United States, printed by Richard Folwell, Philadelphia,  1796. 

The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen The representatives of the French people, constituted into a "National Assembly,"  considering that ignorance, forgetting or contempt of the rights of man are the  sole causes of public misfortunes and of the corruption of governments, are  resolved to expose [i.e., expound], in a solemn declaration, the natural,  inalienable and sacred rights of man, so that that declaration, constantly present  to all members of the social body, points out to them without cease their rights  and their duties; so that the acts of the legislative power and those of the  executive power, being at every instant able to be compared with the goal of any  political institution, are very respectful of it; so that the complaints of the citizens, 

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founded from now on on simple and incontestable principles, turn always to the  maintenance of the Constitution and to the happiness of all. In consequence, the "national Assembly" recognizes and declares, in the  presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following rights of  man and of the citizen: Article I ­ Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions  can be founded only on the common utility. Article II ­ The goal of any political association is the conservation of the natural  and imprescriptible [i.e., inviolable] rights of man. These rights are liberty,  property, safety and resistance against oppression. Article III ­ The principle of any sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation. No  body, no individual can exert authority which does not emanate expressly from it. Article IV ­ Liberty consists of doing anything which does not harm others: thus,  the exercise of the natural rights of each man has only those borders which  assure other members of the society the enjoyment of these same rights. These  borders can be determined only by the law. Article V ­ The law has the right to ward [i.e., forbid] only actions [which are]  harmful to the society. Any thing which is not warded [i.e., forbidden] by the law  cannot be impeded, and no one can be constrained to do what it [i.e., the law]  does not order. Article VI ­ The law is the expression of the general will. All the citizens have the  right of contributing personally or through their representatives to its formation. It  must be the same for all, either that it protects, or that it punishes. All the citizens,  being equal in its eyes, are equally admissible to all public dignities, places and  employments, according to their capacity and without distinction other than that  of their virtues and of their talents. Article VII ­ No man can be accused, arrested nor detained but in the cases  determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. Those  who solicit, dispatch, carry out or cause to be carried out arbitrary orders, must 

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be punished; but any citizen called [i.e., summoned] or seized under the terms of  the law must obey at the moment; he renders himself culpable by resistance. Article VIII ­ The law should establish only strictly and evidently necessary  penalties, and no one can be punished but under a law established and  promulgated before the offense and [which is] legally applied. Article IX ­ Any man being presumed innocent until he is declared culpable, if it  is judged indispensable to arrest him, any rigor [i.e., action] which would not be  necessary for the securing of his person must be severely reprimanded by the  law. Article X ­ No one may be questioned about his opinions, [and the] same [for]  religious [opinions], provided that their manifestation does not trouble the public  order established by the law. Article XI ­ The free communication of thoughts and of opinions is one of the  most precious rights of man: any citizen thus may speak, write, print freely, save  [if it is necessary] to respond to the abuse of this liberty, in the cases determined  by the law. Article XII ­ The guarantee of the rights of man and of the citizen necessitates a  public force [i.e., a police force]: this force is thus instituted for the advantage of  all and not for the particular utility of those to whom it is confided. Article XIII ­ For the maintenance of the public force and for the expenditures of  administration, a common contribution is indispensable; it must be equally  distributed between all the citizens, by reason of their faculties [i.e., ability to pay]. Article XIV ­ Each citizen has the right of noting, by himself or through his  representatives, the necessity of the public contribution, of free consent, of  following the employment [of the contributions], and of determining the quotient  [i.e., the share], the assessment, the recovering [i.e., the collecting] and the  duration. Article XV ­ The society has the right of requesting [an] account[ing] from any  public agent of its [i.e., the society's] administration.

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Article XVI ­ Any society in which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the  separation of powers determined, has not a bit of Constitution. Article XVII ­ Property being an inviolable and sacred right, no one can be  deprived of private usage, if it is not when the public necessity, legally noted,  evidently requires it, and under the condition of a just and prior indemnity [i.e.,  compensation].

Maximillien Robespierre TERROR IS JUSTIFIED If virtue be the spring of a popular government in times of peace, the  spring of that government during a revolution is virtue combined with terror:  virtue, without which terror is destructive; terror, without which virtue is impotent.  Terror is only justice prompt, severe and inflexible; it is then an emanation of  virtue; it is less a distinct principle than a natural consequence of the general  principle of democracy, applied to the most pressing wants of the country. ... The  government in a revolution is the despotism of liberty against tyranny. Is force  only intended to protect crime? Is not the lightning of heaven made to blast vice  exalted? The law of self­preservation, with every being whether physical or moral, is  the first law of nature. ... The protection of government is only due to peaceable  citizens; and all citizens in the republic are republicans. The royalists, the  conspirators, are strangers, or rather enemies. Is not this dreadful contest, which  liberty maintains against tyranny, indivisible? Are not the internal enemies the  allies of those in the exterior? The assassins who lay waste the interior; the  intriguers who purchase the consciences of the delegates of the people: the  traitors who sell them; the mercenary libellants paid to dishonor the cause of the  people, to smother public virtue, to fan the flame of civil discord, and bring about  a political counter revolution by means of a moral one; all these men, are they  less culpable or less dangerous than the tyrants whom they serve? Source: M. Robespierre, "On the Principles of Political Morality" (1794) 98

This great purity of the French revolution's basis, the very sublimity of its  objective, is precisely what causes both our strength and our weakness. Our  strength, because it gives to us truth's ascendancy over imposture, and the rights  of the public interest over private interests; our weakness, because it rallies all  vicious men against us, all those who in their hearts contemplated despoiling the  people and all those who intend to let it be despoiled with impunity, both those  who have rejected freedom as a personal calamity and those who have  embraced the revolution as a career and the Republic as prey. ... The two  opposing spirits that have been represented in a struggle to rule nature might be  said to be fighting in this great period of human history to fix irrevocably the  world's destinies, and France is the scene of this fearful combat. Without, all the  tyrants encircle you; within, all tyranny's friends conspire; they will conspire until  hope is wrested from crime. We must smother the internal and external enemies  of the Republic or perish with it; now in this situation, the first maxim of your  policy ought to be to lead the people by reason and the people's enemies by  terror.  Society owes protection only to peaceable citizens; the only citizens in the  Republic are the republicans. For it, the royalists, the conspirators are only  strangers or, rather, enemies. This terrible war waged by liberty against tyranny­  is it not indivisible? Are the enemies within not the allies of the enemies without?  The assassins who tear our country apart, the intriguers who buy the  consciences that hold the people's mandate; the traitors who sell them; the  mercenary pamphleteers hired to dishonor the people's cause, to kill public  virtue, to stir up the fire of civil discord, and to prepare political counterrevolution  by moral counterrevolution­are all those men less guilty or less dangerous than  the tyrants whom they serve? Source: M. Robespierre, "On the Moral and Political Principles of Domestic  Policy" (1794) THE GOALS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION What is the end of our revolution? The tranquil enjoyment of liberty and  equality; the reign of that eternal justice, the laws of which are graven, not on  marble or stone, but in the hearts of men, even in the heart of the slave who has  forgotten them, and in that of the tyrant who disowns them.  99

We wish that order of things where all the low and cruel passions are  enchained, all the beneficent and generous passions awakened by the laws;  where ambition subsists in a desire to deserve glory and serve the country:  where distinctions grow out of the system of equality, where the citizen submits to  the authority of the magistrate, the magistrate obeys that of the people, and the  people are governed by a love of justice; where the country secures the comfort  of each individual, and where each individual prides himself on the prosperity and  glory of his country; where every soul expands by a free communication of  republican sentiments, and by the necessity of deserving the esteem of a great  people: where the arts serve to embellish that liberty which gives them value and  support, and commerce is a source of public wealth and not merely of immense  riches to a few individuals. We wish in our country that morality may be substituted for egotism,  probity for false honour, principles for usages, duties for good manners, the  empire of reason for the tyranny of fashion, a contempt of vice for a contempt of  misfortune, pride for insolence, magnanimity for vanity, the love of glory for the  love of money, good people for good company, merit for intrigue, genius for wit,  truth for tinsel show, the attractions of happiness for the ennui of sensuality, the  grandeur of man for the littleness of the great, a people magnanimous, powerful,  happy, for a people amiable, frivolous and miserable; in a word, all the virtues  and miracles of a Republic instead of all the vices and absurdities of a Monarchy.  We wish, in a word, to fulfill the intentions of nature and the destiny of  man, realize the promises of philosophy, and acquit providence of a long reign of  crime and tyranny. That France, once illustrious among enslaved nations, may, by  eclipsing the glory of all free countries that ever existed, become a model to  nations, a terror to oppressors, a consolation to the oppressed, an ornament of  the universe and that, by sealing the work with our blood, we may at least witness  the dawn of the bright day of universal happiness. This is our ambition, ­ this is  the end of our efforts. Source: M. Robespierre, "On the Principles of Political Morality" (1794)

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Written by Sylvain Marechal, one of the conspirators, the Manifesto didn’t meet with unanimous support from the directors of the revolt. Especially contested was Marechal’s “Let the arts perish, if need be, as long as real equality remains.” People of France! For fifteen centuries you lived as a slave and, consequently, unhappy. For the last  six years you barely breathe, waiting for independence, freedom and equality. EQUALITY! The first wish of nature, the first need of man, the first knot of all  legitimate association! People of France! You were not more blessed than the  other nations that vegetate on this unfortunate globe! Everywhere and at all times  the poor human race, handed over to more or less deft cannibals, served as an  object for all ambitions, as feed for all tyrannies. Everywhere and at all times men  were lulled with beautiful words; at no time and in no place was the thing itself  ever obtained through the word. From time immemorial they hypocritically repeat;  all men are equa,; and from time immemorial the most degrading and monstrous  inequality insolently weighs upon the human race. As long as there have been  human societies the most beautiful of humanity’s rights is recognized without  contradiction, but was only able to be put in practice one time: equality was  nothing but a beautiful and sterile legal fiction. And now that it is called for with an  even stronger voice we are answered: be quiet, you wretches! Real equality is  nothing but a chimera; be satisfied with conditional equality; you’re all equal  before the law. What more do you want, filthy rabble? Legislators, you who hold  power, rich landowners, it is now your turn to listen. Are we not all equal? This principle remains uncontested, because unless  touched by insanity, you can’t say it’s night when it’s day. Well then! We claim to live and die equal, the way we were born: we want this  real equality or death; that’s what we need. And we’ll have this real equality, at whatever price. Unhappy will be those who  stand between it and us! Unhappy will be those who resist a wish so firmly  expressed. The French Revolution was nothing but a precursor of another revolution, one  that will be bigger, more solemn, and which will be the last. 

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The people marched over the bodies of kings and priests who were in league  against it: it will do the same to the new tyrants, the new political Tartuffes seated  in the place of the old. What do we need besides equality of rights? We need not only that equality of rights written into the Declaration of the Rights  of Man and Citizen; we want it in our midst, under the roofs of our houses. We  consent to everything for it, to make a clean slate so that we hold to it alone. Let  all the arts perish, if need be, as long as real equality remains! Legislators and politicians, you have no more genius than you do good faith;  gutless and rich landowners, in vain you attempt to neutralize our holy enterprise  by saying: They do nothing but reproduce that agrarian law asked for more than  once in the past. Slanderers, be silent: and in the silence of your confusion listen to our demands,  dictated by nature and based on justice. The Agrarian law, or the partitioning of land, was the spontaneous demand of  some unprincipled soldiers, of some towns moved more by their instinct than by  reason. We reach for something more sublime and more just: the common good  or the community of goods! No more individual property in land: the land belongs   to no one. We demand, we want, the common enjoyment of the fruits of the land:  the fruits belong to all. We declare that we can no longer put up with the fact that the great majority work  and sweat for the smallest of minorities.  Long enough, and for too long, less than a million individuals have disposed of  that which belongs to 20 million of their like, their equals.  Let it at last end, this great scandal that our descendants will never believe  existed! Disappear at last, revolting distinctions between rich and poor, great and  small, masters and servants, rulers and ruled. Let there no longer be any difference between people than that of age and sex.  Since all have the same faculties and the same needs, let there then be for them  102

but one education, but one food. They are satisfied with one sun and one air for  all: why then would the same portion and the same quality of food not suffice for  each of them? Already the enemies of the most natural order of things we can imagine raise a  clamor against us.  They say to us: You are disorganizers and seditious; you want nothing but  massacres and loot.  PEOPLE OF FRANCE: We won’t waste our time responding to them; we tell you: the holy enterprise that  we are organizing has no other goal than to put an end to civil dissension and  public misery. Never before has a vaster plan been conceived of or carried out. Here and there  a few men of genius, a few men, have spoken in a low and trembling voice. None  have had the courage to tell the whole truth.  The moment for great measures has arrived. Evil has reached its height: it covers  the face of the earth. Under the name of politics, chaos has reigned for too many  centuries. Let everything be set in order and take its proper place once again. Let  the supporters of justice and happiness organize in the voice of equality. The  moment has come to found the REPUBLIC OF EQUALS, this great home open  to all men. The day of general restitution has arrived. Groaning families, come sit  at the common table set by nature for all its children. PEOPLE OF FRANCE: The purest of all glories was thus reserved for you! Yes it is you who the first  should offer the world this touching spectacle. Ancient habits, antique fears, would again like to block the establishment of the  Republic of Equals. The organization of real equality, the only one that responds  to all needs, without causing any victims, without costing any sacrifice, will not at  first please everyone. The selfish, the ambitious, will tremble with rage. Those  who possess unjustly will cry out about injustice. The loss of the enjoyments of  103

the few, solitary pleasures, personal ease will cause lively regret to those  heedless of the pain of others. The lovers of absolute power, the henchmen of  arbitrary authority, will with difficulty bow their superb heads before the level of  real equality. Their shortsightedness will understand with difficulty the imminent  future of common happiness; but what can a few thousand malcontents do  against a mass of happy men, surprised to have searched so long for a  happiness that they had in their hands. The day after this real revolution, they’ll say with astonishment: What? Common  happiness was so easy to obtain? All we had to do was want it? Why oh why  didn’t we desire it sooner? Did they really have to make us speak of it so many  times? Yes, without a doubt, one lone man on earth richer, stronger than his like,  than his equals, and the balance is thrown off: crime and unhappiness are on  earth.  PEOPLE OF FRANCE; By what sign will you now recognize the excellence of a constitution? ...That  which rests in its entirety on real equality is the only one that can suit you and  fulfill all your wishes.  The aristocratic charters of 1791 and 1795 tightened your chains instead of  breaking them. That of 1793 was a great step towards true equality, and we had  never before approached it so closely. But it did not yet touch the goal, nor reach  common happiness, which it nevertheless solemnly consecrated as its great  principle. PEOPLE OF FRANCE, Open your eyes and your hearts to the fullness of happiness: recognize and  proclaim with us the REPUBLIC OF EQUALS. 

National Anthem of France Words and music by Rouger de lisle (1760­1836)

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Le Marseilles Arise children of the fatherland The day of glory has arrived Against us tyranny's Bloody standard is raised Listen to the sound in the fields The howling of these fearsome soldiers They are coming into our midst To cut the throats of your sons and consorts To arms citizens Form you battalions March, march Let impure blood Water our furrows What do they want this horde of slaves Of traitors and conspiratorial kings? For whom these vile chains These long-prepared irons? Frenchmen, for us, ah! What outrage What methods must be taken? It is we they dare plan To return to the old slavery! What! These foreign cohorts! They would make laws in our courts! What! These mercenary phalanxes Would cut down our warrior sons Good Lord! By chained hands Our brow would yield under the yoke The vile despots would have themselves be The masters of destiny Tremble, tyrants and traitors The shame of all good men Tremble! Your parricidal schemes Will receive their just reward Against you we are all soldiers If they fall, our young heros France will bear new ones Ready to join the fight against you Frenchmen, as magnanimous warriors Bear or hold back your blows 105

Spare these sad victims Who with regret are taking up arms against us But not these bloody despots These accomplices of BouillŽ All these tigers who pitilessly Are ripping open their mothers' breasts (womb) We shall enter into the pit When our elders will no longer be there There we shall find their ashes And the mark of their virtues We are much less jealous of surviving them Than of sharing their coffins We shall have the sublime pride Of avenging or joining them Sacred Love for the Fatherland Lead and support our avenging arms Liberty, cherished liberty Join the struggle with your defenders Under our flags, let victory hasten to you virile (or manly) force So that in death your enemies See your triumph and our glory! (Drive on sacred patriotism Support our avenging arms Liberty, cherished liberty Join the struggle with your defenders Under our flags, let victory Hurry to your evil tone So that in death your enemies See your triumph and our glory!)

THE CODE NAPOLEON: 1804 Of the Publication, Effect, and Application of the Laws in General 1. The laws are executory throughout the whole French territory, by virtue of  the promulgation thereof made by the First Consul. They shall be executed 

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in every part of the Republic, from the moment at which their promulgation  can have been known. The promulgation made by the First Consul shall  be taken to be known in the department which shall be the seat of  government, one day after the promulgation; and in each of the other  departments, after the expiration of the same interval augmented by one  day for every ten myriameters (about twenty ancient leagues) between the  town in which the promulgation shall have been made, and the chief place  of each department. 2. The law ordains for the future only; it has no retrospective operation. 3. The laws of police and public security bind all the inhabitants of the  territory. Immovable property, although in the possession of foreigners, is  governed by the French law. The laws relating to the condition and  privileges of persons govern Frenchmen, although residing in a foreign  country. 6. Private agreements must not contravene the laws which concern public  order and good morals. Book I: Of Persons Title I: Of the Enjoyment and Privation of Civil Rights 1. The exercise of civil rights is independent of the quality of citizen, which is  only acquired and preserved conformably to the constitutional law. 8. Every Frenchman shall enjoy civil rights. Chapter VI: Of the Respective Rights and Duties of Married Persons 212.Married persons owe to each other fidelity, succor, assistance. 213.The husband owes protection to his wife, the wife obedience to her  husband. 214.The wife is obliged to live with her husband, and to follow him to every  place where he may judge it convenient to reside: the husband is obliged  to receive her, and to furnish her with every necessity for the wants of life,  according to his means and station.

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215.The wife cannot plead in her own name, without the authority of her  husband, even though she should be a public trader, or noncommunicant,  or separate in property. 216.The authority of the husband is not necessary when the wife is  prosecuted in a criminal manner, or relating to police. 217.A wife, although noncommunicant or separate in property, cannot give,  pledge, or acquire by free or chargeable title, without the concurrence of  her husband in the act, or his consent in writing. 218.If the husband refuses to authorize his wife to plead in her own name, the  judge may give her authority. 219.If the husband refuses to authorize his wife to pass an act, the wife may  cause her husband to be cited directly before the court of the first  instance, of the circle of their common domicil[e], which may give or refuse  its authority, after the husband shall have been heard, or duly summoned  before the chamber of council. 220.The wife, if she is a public trader, may, without the authority of her  husband, bind herself for that which concerns her trade; and in the said  case she binds also her husband, if there be a community between them.  She is not reputed a public trader if she merely retails goods in her  husband’s trade, but only when she carries on a separate business. 221.When the husband is subjected to a condemnation, carrying with it an  afflictive or infamous punishment, although it may have been pronounced  merely for contumacy, the wife, though of age, cannot, during the  continuance of such punishment, plead in her own name or contract, until  after authority given by the judge, who may in such case give his authority  without hearing or summoning the husband. 226.The wife may make a will without the authority of her husband. Title VI: Of Divorce Section II: Of the Provisional Measures to Which the Petition for Cause   Determinate May Give Rise 267.The provisional management of the children shall rest with the husband,  petitioner, or defendant, in the suit for divorce, unless it be otherwise  ordered for the greater advantage of the children, on petition of either the  mother, or the family, or the government commissioner. 108

271.Every obligation contracted by the husband at the expense of the  community, every alienation made by him of immovable property  dependent upon it, subsequent to the date of the order mentioned in  article 238, shall be declared void, if proof be given, moreover, that it has  been made or contracted in fraud of the rights of the wife.  Title IX: Of Paternal Power  375.A father who shall have cause of grievous dissatisfaction at the conduct.  of a child, shall have the following means of correction. 376.If the child has not commenced his sixteenth year, the father may cause  him to be confined for a period which shall not exceed one month; and to  this effect the president of the court of the circle shall be bound, on his  petition, to deliver an order of arrest. 377.From the age of sixteen years commenced to the majority or  emancipation, the father is only empowered to require the confinement of  his child during six months at the most; he shall apply to the president of  the aforesaid court, who, after having conferred thereon with the  commissioner of government, shall deliver an order of arrest or refuse the  same, and may in the first case abridge the time of confinement required  by the father. 379.The father is always at liberty to abridge the duration of the confinement  by him ordered or required. If the child after his liberation fall into new  irregularities, his confinement may be ordered anew, according to the  manner prescribed in the preceding articles. Section II: Of the Administration of the Community, and of the Effect of the Acts   of Either of the Married Parties Relating to the Conjugal Union 1421.The husband alone administers the property of the community. He may sell  it, alienate and pledge it without the concurrence of his wife. Section II: Of the Rights of the Husband over the Property in Dowry, and of the   Inalienable Nature of the Funds of the Dower

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1549. The husband alone has the management of the property in dowry, during  the marriage. He has alone the right to use the debtors and detainers thereof, to  enjoy the fruits and interest thereof, and to receive reimbursements of capital.  Nevertheless it may be agreed, by the marriage contract, that the wife shall  receive annually, on her single acquaintance, a part of her revenues for her  maintenance and personal wants. [Source: E. A. Arnold, ed. and trans., A Documentary Survey of Napoleonic   France (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1993), pp. 151­164, quoted in  Laura Mason and Tracey Rizzo, eds., The French Revolution: A Document   Collection (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1999), pp. 340­347.]

NINETEENTH CENTURY IDEOLOGIES Radicalism THE PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1848 1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public  purposes.  2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.  3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.  4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.  5. Centralization of credit in the banks of the state, by means of a national bank  with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.  6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of  the State.  7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the  bringing into cultivation of waste­lands, and the improvement of the soil generally  in accordance with a common plan.  8. Equal liability of all to work. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for  agriculture.  9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of  110

all the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution of the  populace over the country.  10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children’s factory  labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production,  &c, &c.  When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all  production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole  nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so  called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another. If the  proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of  circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes  itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of  production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the  conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and  will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.  In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we  shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition  for the free development of all. 

The Internationale 1. Arise! ye starvelings, from your slumbers; Arise! ye prisoners of want. For reason in revolt now thunders And ends at last the age of cant. Away with all your superstitions Servile masses, arise! arise! We’ll change henceforth the old tradition And spurn the dust to win the prize. Chorus

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So comrades, come rally And the last fight let us face The Internationale Unites the human race. 2. No saviour from on high delivers; No faith have we in prince or peer. Our own right hand the chains must shiver: Chains of hatred, greed and fear. E’er the thieves will out with their booty And give to all a happier lot. Each at his forge must do his duty And strike the iron while it’s hot! 3. The law oppresses us and tricks us, The wage slave system drains our blood; The rich are free from obligation, The laws the poor delude. Too long we’ve languished in subjection, Equality has other laws; “No rights,” says she “without their duties, No claims on equals without cause.” 4. Behold them seated in their glory The kings of mine and rail and soil! What have you read in all their story, But how they plundered toil? Fruits of the workers’ toil are buried In strongholds of the idle few In working for their restitution The men will only claim their due. 5. No more deluded by reaction On tyrants only we’ll make war The soldiers too will take strike action They’ll break ranks and fight no more 112

And if those cannibals keep trying To sacrifice us to their pride They soon shall hear the bullets flying We’ll shoot the Generals on Our Own Side. 6. We peasants, artisans, and others Enrolled among the sons of toil, Let’s claim the earth henceforth for brothers, Drive the indolent from the soil! On our Flesh too Long has fed the Raven; We’ve too long been the vulture’s prey. But now farewell the spirit craven: The dawn brings in a brighter day. Lyrics by Eugène Pottier Music by Pierre Degeyter

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LIBERALISM FROM JOHN STUART MILL “ON LIBERTY” The sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in  interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self­protection. That  the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of  a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good,  either physical or moral, is not sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be  compelled to do or forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it  will make him happier, because, in the opinion of others, to do so would be wise,  or even right...The only part of the conduct of anyone, for which he is amenable  to society, is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns  himself, his independence is, of right, absolute. Over himself, over his own body  and mind, the individual is sovereign.

On Slavery But the great ethical doctrine of the discourse, than which a doctrine more  damnable, I should think, never was propounded by a professed moral reformer,  is, that one kind of human beings are born servants to another kind. “You will  have to be servants,” he tells the negroes, “to those that are born wiser than you,  that are born lords of you — servants to the whites, if they are (as what mortal  can doubt that they are?) born wiser than you.” I do not hold him to the absurd  letter of his dictum; it belongs to the mannerism in which he is enthralled like a  child in swaddling clothes. By “born wiser,” I will suppose him to mean, born more  capable of wisdom: a proposition which, he says, no mortal can doubt, but which,  I will make bold to say, that a full moiety of all thinking persons, who have  attended to the subject, either doubt or positively deny. Among the things for  which your contributor professes entire disrespect, is the analytical examination  of [p.468] human nature. It is by analytical examination that we have learned  114

whatever we know of the laws of external nature; and if he had not disdained to  apply the same mode of investigation to the laws of the formation of character, he  would have escaped the vulgar error of imputing every difference which he finds  among human beings to an original difference of nature. As well might it be said,  that of two trees, sprung from the same stock one cannot be taller than another  but from greater vigor in the original seedling. Is nothing to be attributed to soil,  nothing to climate, nothing to difference of exposure — has no storm swept over  the one and not the other, no lightning scathed it, no beast browsed on it, no  insects preyed on it, no passing stranger stript [sic] off its leaves or its bark? If the  trees grew near together, may not the one which, by whatever accident, grew up  first, have retarded the other’s development by its shade? Human beings are  subject to an infinitely greater variety of accidents and external influences than  trees, and have infinitely more operation in impairing the growth of one another;  since those who begin by being strongest, have almost always hitherto used their  strength to keep the others weak. What the original differences are among  human beings, I know no more than your contributor, and no less; it is one of the  questions not yet satisfactorily answered in the natural history of the species.  This, however, is well known — that spontaneous improvement, beyond a very  low grade — improvement by internal development, without aid from other  individuals or peoples — is one of the rarest phenomena in history; and  whenever known to have occurred, was the result of an extraordinary  combination of advantages; in addition doubtless to many accidents of which all  trace is now lost. No argument against the capacity of negroes for improvement,  could be drawn from their not being one of these rare exceptions. It is curious,  withal, that the earliest known civilization was, we have the strongest reason to  believe, a negro civilization. The original Egyptians are inferred, from the  evidence of their sculptures, to have been a negro race: it was from negroes,  therefore, that the Greeks learnt their first lessons in civilization; and to the  records and traditions of these negroes did the Greek philosophers to the very  end of their career resort (I do not say with much fruit) as a treasury of  mysterious wisdom. But I again renounce all advantage from facts: were the  whites born ever so superior in intelligence to the blacks, and competent by  nature to instruct and advise them, it would not be the less monstrous to assert  that they had therefore a right either to subdue them by force, or circumvent them  by superior skill; to throw upon them the toils and hardships of life, reserving for  themselves, under the misapplied name of work, its agreeable excitements. 115

On Economics In short, I was a democrat, but not the least of a Socialist. We were now much  less democrats than I had been, because so long as education continues to be  so wretchedly imperfect, we dreaded the ignorance and especially the  selfishness and brutality of the mass: but our ideal of ultimate improvement went  far beyond Democracy, and would class us decidedly under the general  designation of Socialists. While we repudiated with the greatest energy that  tyranny of society over the individual which most Socialistic systems are  supposed to involve, we yet looked forward to a time when society will no longer  be divided into the idle and the industrious.

NATIONALISM Die Wacht am Rhein 1. The cry resounds like thunder's crash, Like ringing swords and waves that clash: The Rhine, the Rhine, go to our Rhine, Who'll guard our River, hold the line? |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :| 2. A hundred thousand hearts beat fast, The eyes of all to you are cast, The German youth, devout and strong. Protects you, as he has so long. |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :| 3. He casts his eyes to heaven's blue, From where past heroes hold the view, And swears pugnaciously the oath, You Rhine and I, stay German, both. |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :| 4. While still remains one breath of life, While still one fist can draw a knife, One gun still fired with one hand,

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No foe will stand on this Rhine sand. |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :| 5. Should my heart not survive this stand, You'll never fall in foreign hand, Much, as your waters without end, Have we our heroes' blood to spend. |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :| 6. The oath resounds, on rolls the wave, The banners fly in wind. We'll save The Rhine, the Rhine, the German Rhine Together we will hold the line. |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :| 7. So lead us with your tried command, With trust in God, take sword in hand, Hail Wilhelm! Down with all that brood! Repay our shame with the foes blood! |: Land of our fathers, have no fear, :| |: Your watch is true, the line stands here. :|

IMPERIALISM: A HYMN AND A POEM From Greenland’s Icy Mountains Rev. Reginald Heber, 1819 1. From Greenland’s icy mountains, From India’s coral strand, Where Afric’s sunny fountains Roll down their golden sand, From many an ancient river, From many a palmy plain, They call us to deliver Their land from error’s chain.

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2. What though the spicy breezes Blow soft o’er Ceylon’s isle; Though every prospect pleases, And only man is vile: In vain with lavish kindness The gifts of God are strown; The heathen in his blindness Bows down to wood and stone. 3. Can we, whose souls are lighted With wisdom from on high, Can we to men benighted The lamp of life deny? Salvation! O salvation! The joyful sound proclaim, Till each remotest nation Has learned Messiah’s Name. 4. Waft, waft, ye winds, His story, And you, ye waters, roll, Till like a sea of glory It spreads from pole to pole; Till o’er our ransomed nature The Lamb for sinners slain, Redeemer, King, Creator, In bliss returns to reign.

The White Man’s Burden  Rudyard Kipling (1899) Take up the White Man’s burden— Send forth the best ye breed— Go send your sons to exile To serve your captives' need To wait in heavy harness

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On fluttered folk and wild— Your new­caught, sullen peoples, Half devil and half child Take up the White Man’s burden In patience to abide To veil the threat of terror And check the show of pride; By open speech and simple An hundred times made plain To seek another’s profit And work another’s gain Take up the White Man’s burden— And reap his old reward: The blame of those ye better The hate of those ye guard— The cry of hosts ye humour (Ah slowly) to the light: "Why brought ye us from bondage, “Our loved Egyptian night?” Take up the White Man’s burden­

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Have done with childish days­ The lightly proffered laurel, The easy, ungrudged praise. Comes now, to search your manhood Through all the thankless years, Cold­edged with dear­bought wisdom, The judgment of your peers! Source: Rudyard Kipling, “The White Man’s Burden: The United States & The Philippine Islands, 1899.” Rudyard Kipling’s Verse: Definitive Edition (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1929).

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Part I. The Covenant of the League of Nations THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES, IN ORDER TO PROMOTE international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another AGREE to this Covenant of the League of Nations.

Article 10 The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League. In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled. Article 11 Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency should arise the Secretary General shall on the request of any Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council. It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting international relations which threatens to disturb international peace or the good understanding between nations upon which peace depends. Article 12 The Members of the League agree that if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, they will submit the matter either to arbitration or to inquiry by

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the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the report by the Council. In any case under this Article the award of the arbitrators shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission of the dispute. Article 13 The Members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them which they recognise to be suitable for submission to arbitration and which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration. Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to the existence of any fact which if established would constitute a breach of any international obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made or any such breach, are declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration. For the consideration of any such dispute the court of arbitration to which the case is referred shall be the Court agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any convention existing between them. The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award that may be rendered, and that they will not resort to war against a Member of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award, the Council shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto.

QUOTES FROM VLADIMIR ILLYICH LENIN

The progressive historical role of capitalism may be summed up in two brief propositions: increase in the productive forces of social labour, and the socialization

of that labour. But both these facts manifest themselves in extremely diverse processes in different branches of the national economy. Lenin, The Development of Capitalism in Russia, The “The Mission of Capitalism” (1899)

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If democracy, in essence, means the abolition of class domination, then why should not a socialist minister charm the whole bourgeois world by orations on class collaboration? Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Dogmatism And ‘Freedom of Criticism’” (1901)

We are marching in a compact group along a precipitous and difficult path, firmly holding each other by the hand. We are surrounded on all sides by enemies, and we have to advance almost constantly under their fire. We have combined, by a freely adopted decision, for the purpose of fighting the enemy, and not of retreating into the neighbouring marsh, the inhabitants of which, from the very outset, have reproached us with having separated ourselves into an exclusive group and with having chosen the path of struggle instead of the path of conciliation. And now some among us begin to cry out: Let us go into the marsh! And when we begin to shame them, they retort: What backward people you are! Are you not ashamed to deny us the liberty to invite you to take a better road! Oh, yes, gentlemen! You are free not only to invite us, but to go yourselves wherever you will, even into the marsh. In fact, we think that the marsh is your proper place, and we are prepared to render you every assistance to get there. Only let go of our hands, don’t clutch at us and don’t besmirch the grand word freedom, for we too are “free” to go where we please, free to fight not only against the marsh, but also against those who are turning towards the marsh! Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Dogmatism And ‘Freedom of Criticism’” (1901)

In a country ruled by an autocracy, with a completely enslaved press, in a period of desperate political reaction in which even the tiniest outgrowth of political discontent and protest is persecuted, the theory of revolutionary Marxism suddenly forced its way into the censored literature before the government realized what had happened and the unwieldy army of censors and gendarmes discovered the new enemy and flung itself upon him. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Criticism in Russia” (1901)

History has now confronted us with an immediate task which is the most revolutionary of all the immediate tasks confronting the proletariat of any country. The fulfillment of this task, the destruction of the most powerful bulwark, not only of European, but (it may now be said) of Asiatic reaction, would make the Russian proletariat the vanguard of the international revolutionary proletariat. And we have the right to count upon acquiring this honourable title, already earned by our predecessors, the revolutionaries of the seventies,

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if we succeed in inspiring our movement, which is a thousand times broader and deeper, with the same devoted determination and vigour. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Criticism in Russia” (1901) Since there can be no talk of an independent ideology formulated by the working masses themselves in the process of their movement, the only choice is – either bourgeois or socialist ideology. There is no middle course (for mankind has not created a “third” ideology). (This does not mean, of course, that the workers have no part in creating such an ideology. They take part, however, not as workers, but as socialist theoreticians, as Proudhons and Weitlings, to the extent that they are able to acquire the knowledge of their age and develop that knowledge.) Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “The Spontaneity of the Masses and the Consciousness of the Social-Democrats” (1901)

To belittle the socialist ideology in any way, to turn aside from it in the slightest degree means to strengthen bourgeois ideology. There is much talk of spontaneity. But the spontaneous development of the working-class movement leads to its subordination to bourgeois ideology; for the spontaneous working-class movement is trade-unionism, and trade unionism means the ideological enslavement of the workers by the bourgeoisie. Hence, our task, the task of Social-Democracy, is to combat spontaneity, to divert the working-class movement from this spontaneous, trade-unionist striving to come under the wing of the bourgeoisie, and to bring it under the wing of revolutionary Social Democracy. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “The Spontaneity of the Masses and the Consciousness of the Social-Democrats” (1901)

Revolutionary Social-Democracy has always included the struggle for reforms as part of its activities. But it utilizes “economic” agitation for the purpose of presenting to the government, not only demands for all sorts of measures, but also (and primarily) the demand that it cease to be an autocratic government. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Trade-Unionist Politics And Social-Democratic Politics” (1901)

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A basic condition for the necessary expansion of political agitation is the organization of comprehensive political exposure. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Political Exposures And ‘Training In Revolutionary Activity’” (1901)

It is particularly necessary to arouse in all who participate in practical work, or are preparing to take up that work, discontent with the amateurism prevailing among us and an unshakable determination to rid ourselves of it. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “The Primitiveness of the Economists and the Organization of the Revolutionaries” (1901)

This struggle must be organized, according to “all the rules of the art”, by people who are professionally engaged in revolutionary activity. The fact that the masses are spontaneously being drawn into the movement does not make the organization of this struggle less necessary. On the contrary, it makes it more necessary. Lenin, The Primitiveness of the Economists and the Organization of the Revolutionaries (1901)

Attention must be devoted principally to raising the workers to the level of revolutionaries; it is not at all our task to descend to the level of the “working masses.” Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “The Primitiveness of the Economists and the Organization of the Revolutionaries” (1901) In the beginning we had to teach the workers the ABC, both in the literal and in the figurative senses. Now the standard of political literacy has risen so gigantically that we can and should concentrate all our efforts on the more direct Social-Democratic objectives aimed at giving an organized direction to the revolutionary stream. Lenin, New Tasks and New Forces (1905)

Social-Democracy, however, wants, on the contrary, to develop the class struggle of the proletariat to the point where the latter will take the leading part in the popular Russian revolution, i.e., will lead this revolution to a the democratic-dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry.

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Lenin, Two Tactics of Social Democracy (1905)

The basic mistake made by those who now criticise What Is To Be Done? (1901) is to treat the pamphlet apart from its connection with the concrete historical situation of a definite, and now long past, period in the development of our Party. Lenin, Preface to the Collection “Twelve Years” (1905)

When the masses are digesting a new and exceptionally rich experience of direct revolutionary struggle, the theoretical struggle for a revolutionary outlook, i.e., for revolutionary Marxism, becomes the watchword of the day. Lenin, Two Letters (1908)

The art of any propagandist and agitator consists in his ability to find the best means of influencing any given audience, by presenting a definite truth, in such a way as to make it most convincing, most easy to digest, most graphic, and most strongly impressive. Lenin, The Slogans and Organization of Social-Democratic Work (1919)

The Marxist doctrine is omnipotent because it is true. It is comprehensive and harmonious, and provides men with an integral world outlook irreconcilable with any form of superstition, reaction, or defense of bourgeois oppression. It is the legitimate successor to the best that man produced in the nineteenth century, as represented by German philosophy, English political economy and French socialism. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

Where the bourgeois economists saw a relation between things (the exchange of one commodity for another) Marx revealed a relation between people. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913) Capital, created by the labour of the worker, crushes the worker, ruining small proprietors and creating an army of unemployed.

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Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

By destroying small-scale production, capital leads to an increase in productivity of labour and to the creation of a monopoly position for the associations of big capitalists. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

Capitalism has triumphed all over the world, but this triumph is only the prelude to the triumph of labour over capital. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

When feudalism was overthrown and “free” capitalist society appeared in the world, it at once became apparent that this freedom meant a new system of oppression and exploitation of the working people. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

People always have been the foolish victims of deception and self-deception in politics, and they always will be until they have learnt to seek out the interests of some class or other behind all moral, religious, political and social phrases, declarations and promises. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

And there is only one way of smashing the resistance of those classes, and that is to find, in the very society which surrounds us, the forces which can—and, owing to their social position, must—constitute the power capable of sweeping away the old and creating the new, and to enlighten and organize those forces for the struggle. Lenin, The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism (1913)

Dialectics as living, many-sided knowledge (with the number of sides eternally increasing), with an infinite number of shades of every approach and approximation to

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reality (with a philosophical system growing into a whole out of each shade) Lenin, Summary of Dialectics (1914)

Philosophical idealism is only nonsense from the standpoint of crude, simple, metaphysical materialism. From the standpoint of dialectical materialism, on the other hand, philosophical idealism is a one-sided, exaggerated, development (inflation, distension) of one of the features, aspects, facets of knowledge, into an absolute, divorced from matter, from nature, apotheosised. Lenin, Summary of Dialectics (1914)

Human knowledge is not (or does not follow) a straight line, but a curve, which endlessly approximates a series of circles, a spiral. Any fragment, segment, section of this curve can be transformed (transformed one-sidedly) into an independent, complete, straight line, which then (if one does not see the wood for the trees) leads into the quagmire, into clerical obscurantism (where it is anchored by the class interests of the ruling classes). Lenin, Summary of Dialectics (1914)

War cannot be abolished unless classes are abolished and Socialism is created. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

We fully regard civil wars, i.e., wars waged by the oppressed class against the oppressing class, slaves against slave-owners, serfs against land-owners, and wage-workers against the bourgeoisie, as legitimate, progressive and necessary. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

If tomorrow, Morocco were to declare war on France, India on England, Persia or China on Russia, and so forth, those would be “just” “defensive” wars, irrespective of who attacked first; and every Socialist would sympathise with the victory of the oppressed, dependent, unequal states against the oppressing, slave-owning, predatory “great” powers.

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Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

The working class cannot play its world-revolutionary role unless it wages a ruthless struggle against this renegacy. spinelessness, subservience to opportunism and unexampled vulgarization of the theories of Marxism. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

A revolutionary class cannot but wish for the defeat of its government in a reactionary war. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

Socialists must explain to the masses that they have no other road of salvation except the revolutionary overthrow of “their” governments, and that advantage must be taken of these governments’ embarrassments in the present war precisely for this purpose. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

Socialists cannot achieve their great aim without fighting against all oppression of nations. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

The Socialists of oppressed nations must, in their turn, unfailingly fight for the complete (including organizational) unity of the workers of the oppressed and oppressing nationalities. Lenin, Socialism and War (1915)

The war of 1914-18 was imperialist (that is, an annexationist, predatory, war of plunder) on the part of both sides; it was a war for the division of the world, for the partition and repartition of colonies and spheres of influence of finance capital.

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Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1914)

Monopolies, oligarchy, the striving for domination and not for freedom, the exploitation of an increasing number of small or weak nations by a handful of the richest or most powerful nations — all these have given birth to those distinctive characteristics of imperialism which compel us to define it as parasitic or decaying capitalism. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1914)

When nine-tenths of Africa had been seized (by 1900), when the whole world had been divided up,there was inevitably ushered in the era of monopoly possession of colonies and, consequently, of particularly intense struggle for the division and the redivision of the world. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1914)

The so-called Great Powers have long been exploiting and enslaving a whole number of small and weak nations. And the imperialist war is a war for the division and redivision of this kind of booty. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

It is not done in modern socialist parties to talk or even think about the significance of this idea, — the “withering away” of the state. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

A standing army and police are the chief instruments of state power. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

Our Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks themselves share, and instil into the minds of the people, the false notion that universal suffrage “in the present-day state” is really

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capable of revealing the will of the majority of the working people and of securing its realization. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

The working class must break up, smash the “ready-made state machinery,” and not confine itself merely to laying hold of it. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

Democracy is a form of the state, it represents, on the one hand, the organized, systematic use of force against persons; but, on the other hand, it signifies the formal recognition of equality of citizens, the equal right of all to determine the structure of, and to administer, the state. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

Democracy for an insignificant minority, democracy for the rich — that is the democracy of capitalist society. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

The oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class shall represent and repress them in parliament. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

The dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the organization of the vanguard of the oppressed as the ruling class for the purpose of suppressing the oppressors, cannot result merely in an expansion of democracy. Simultaneously with an immense expansion of democracy, which for the first time becomes democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the money-bags, the dictatorship of the proletariat imposes a series of restrictions on the freedom of the oppressors, the exploiters, the capitalists. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

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And so in capitalist society we have a democracy that is curtailed, wretched, false, a democracy only for the rich, for the minority. The dictatorship of the proletariat, the period of transition to communism, will for the first time create democracy for the people, for the majority, along with the necessary suppression of the exploiters, of the minority. Lenin, State and Revolution (1917)

In our attitude towards the war, which under the new government of Lvov and Co. unquestionably remains on Russia’s part a predatory imperialist war owing to the capitalist nature of that government, not the slightest concession to “revolutionary defencism” is permissible. Lenin, April Theses (1917)

In view of the undoubted honesty of those broad sections of the mass believers in revolutionary defencism who accept the war only as a necessity, and not as a means of conquest, in view of the fact that they are being deceived by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary with particular thoroughness, persistence and patience to explain their error to them, and to prove that without overthrowing capital it is impossible to end the war by a truly democratic peace. Lenin, April Theses (1917)

The masses must be made to see that the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government. Lenin, April Theses (1917)

Abolition of the police, the army and the bureaucracy. The salaries of all officials, all of whom are elective and displaceable at any time, not to exceed the average wage of a competent worker. Lenin, April Theses (1917)

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It is not our immediate task to “introduce” socialism, but only to bring social production and the distribution of products at once under the control of the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. Lenin, April Theses (1917)

It is, of course, much easier to shout, abuse, and howl than to attempt to relate, to explain. Lenin, April Theses (1917)

A party is the vanguard of a class, and its duty is to lead the masses and not merely to reflect the average political level of the masses. Lenin, Speech On The Agrarian Question November 14 (1917)

It is the duty of the revolution to put an end to compromise, and to put an end to compromise means taking the path of socialist revolution. Lenin, Speech On The Agrarian Question November 14 (1917)

The Russian is a bad worker compared with people in advanced countries. It could not be otherwise under the tsarist regime and in view of the persistence of the hangover from serfdom. The task that the Soviet government must set the people in all its scope is - learn to work. The Taylor system, the last word of capitalism in this respect, like all capitalist progress, is a combination of the refined brutality of bourgeois exploitation and a number of the greatest scientific achievements in the field. Lenin, The Immediate Task of the Soviet Government (1918)

Human child birth is an act which transforms the woman into an almost lifeless, bloodstained heap of flesh, tortured, tormented and driven frantic by pain. Lenin, Prophetic Words (1918)

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Let the “socialist” snivellers croak, let the bourgeoisie rage and fume, but only people who shut their eyes so as not to see, and stuff their ears so as not to hear, can fail to notice that all over the world the birth pangs of the old, capitalist society, which is pregnant with socialism, have begun. Lenin, Prophetic Words (1918)

The passing of state power from one class to another is the first, the principal, the basic sign of a revolution, both in the strictly scientific and in the practical political meaning of that term. To this extent, the bourgeois, or the bourgeois-democratic, revolution in Russia is completed. Lenin, Letters on Tactics (1918)

The Bolshevik slogans and ideas on the whole have been confirmed by history; but concretely things have worked out differently; they are more original, more peculiar, more variated than anyone could have expected.. Lenin, Letters on Tactics (1918)

“The revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry” has already become a reality in the Russian revolution, for this “formula” envisages only a relation of classes, and not a concrete political institution implementing this relation. Lenin, Letters on Tactics (1918)

The crisis in Germany has only begun. It will inevitably end in the transfer of political power to the German proletariat. The Russian proletariat is following events with the keenest attention and enthusiasm. Now even the blindest workers in the various countries will see that the Bolsheviks were right in basing their whole tactics on the support of the world workers' revolution. Lenin, Letter To A Joint Session Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee (1918)

In the course of two years Soviet power in one of the most backward countries of Europe did more to emancipate women and to make their status equal to that of the “strong” sex

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than all the advanced, enlightened, “democratic” republics of the world did in the course of 130 years. Lenin, Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)

Down with this contemptible fraud! There cannot be, nor is there nor will there ever be “equality” between the oppressed and the oppressors, between the exploited and the exploiters. There cannot be, nor is there nor will there ever be real “freedom” as long as there is no freedom for women from the privileges which the law grants to men, as long as there is no freedom for the workers from the yoke of capital, and no freedom for the toiling peasants from the yoke of the capitalists, landlords and merchants. Lenin, Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)

Bourgeois democracy is democracy of pompous phrases, solemn words, exuberant promises and the high-sounding slogans of freedom and equality. But, in fact, it screens the non-freedom and inferiority of women, the non-freedom and inferiority of the toilers and exploited. Lenin, Soviet Power and the Status of Women (1919)

Modern monopolist capitalism on a world-wide scale — imperialist wars are absolutely inevitable under such an economic system, as long as private property in the means of production exists. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1920)

We must display determination, endurance, firmness and unanimity. We must stop at nothing. Everybody and everything must be used to save the rule of the workers and peasants, to save communism. Lenin, Speech to Third All-Russia Congress of Textile Workers (1920)

But the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be exercised through an organisation embracing the whole of that class, because in all capitalist countries (and not only over here, in one of the most backward) the proletariat is still so divided, so degraded, and so

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corrupted in parts (by imperialism in some countries) that an organisation taking in the whole proletariat cannot directly exercise proletarian dictatorship. Lenin, The Trade Unions, The Present Situation and Trotsky's Mistakes (1920)

The Bolsheviks could not have retained power for two and a half months, let alone two and a half years, without the most rigorous and truly iron discipline in our Party. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

How is the discipline of the proletariat’s revolutionary party maintained? How is it tested? How is it reinforced? First, by the class-consciousness of the proletarian vanguard and by its devotion to the revolution, by its tenacity, self-sacrifice and heroism. Second, by its ability to link up, maintain the closest contact, and—if you wish—merge, in certain measure, with the broadest masses of the working people—primarily with the proletariat, but also with the non-proletarian masses of working people. Third, by the correctness of the political leadership exercised by this vanguard, by the correctness of its political strategy and tactics, provided the broad masses have seen, from their own experience, that they are correct. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

Russia achieved Marxism—the only correct revolutionary theory—through the agony she experienced in the course of half a century of unparalleled torment and sacrifice, of unparalleled revolutionary heroism, incredible energy, devoted searching, study, practical trial, disappointment, verification, and comparison with European experience. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

Thanks to the political emigration caused by tsarism, revolutionary Russia acquired a wealth of international links and excellent information on the forms and theories of the world revolutionary movement, such as no other country possessed. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

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Bolshevism went through fifteen years of practical history (1903-17) unequalled anywhere in the world in its wealth of experience. During those fifteen years, no other country knew anything even approximating to that revolutionary experience, that rapid and varied succession of different forms of the movement—legal and illegal, peaceful and stormy, underground and open, local circles and mass movements, and parliamentary and terrorist forms. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

It is at moments of need that one learns who one’s friends are. Defeated armies learn their lesson. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

Experience has proved that, on certain very important questions of the proletarian revolution, all countries will inevitably have to do what Russia has done. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

Without such thorough, circumspect and long preparations [since 1903], we could not have achieved victory in October 1917, or have consolidated that victory. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

To reject compromises “on principle,” to reject the permissibility of compromises in general, no matter of what kind, is childishness. A political leader who desires to be useful to the revolutionary proletariat must be able to distinguish concrete cases of compromises that are inexcusable and are an expression of opportunism and treachery. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

In 1912 the agent provocateur Malinovsky got into the Bolshevik Central Committee. He betrayed scores and scores of the best and most loyal comrades; he was obliged, with the other, to assist in the education of scores and scores of thousands of new Bolsheviks through the medium of the legal press.

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Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

If you want to help the “masses” and win the sympathy and support of the “masses,” you should not fear difficulties, or pinpricks, chicanery, insults and persecution from the “leaders,” but must absolutely work wherever the masses are to be found. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

All efforts and all attention should now be concentrated on the next step — the search after forms of the transition or the approach to the proletarian revolution. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

One must not count in thousands, like the propagandist belonging to a small group that has not yet given leadership to the masses; in these circumstances one must count in millions and tens of millions. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

Any army which does not train to use all the weapons, all the means and methods of warfare that the enemy possesses, or may possess, is behaving in an unwise or even criminal manner. This applies to politics even more than it does to the art of war. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

It is not difficult to be a revolutionary when revolution has already broken out and is in spate, when all people are joining the revolution just because they are carried away, because it is the vogue, and sometimes even from careerist motives. It is far more difficult—and far more precious—to be a revolutionary when the conditions for direct, open, really mass and really revolutionary struggle do not yet exist. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920)

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One of the biggest and most dangerous mistakes made by Communists is the idea that a revolution can be made by revolutionaries alone. On the contrary, to be successful, all serious revolutionary work requires that the idea that revolutionaries are capable of playing the part only of the vanguard of the truly virile and advanced class must be understood and translated into action. Lenin, The Significance of Militant Materialism (1922)

Without an alliance with non-Communists in the most diverse spheres of activity there can be no question of any successful communist construction. Lenin, The Significance of Militant Materialism (1922)

The most important thing is to know how to awaken in the still undeveloped masses an intelligent attitude towards religious questions and an intelligent criticism of religions. Lenin, The Significance of Militant Materialism (1922)

No natural science can hold its own in the struggle against the onslaught of bourgeois ideas and the restoration of the bourgeois world outlook unless it stands on solid philosophical ground. In order to hold his own in this struggle and carry it to a victorious finish, the natural scientist must be a modern materialist, a conscious adherent of the materialism represented by Marx, i.e., he must be a dialectical materialist. Lenin, The Significance of Militant Materialism (1922)

Modern natural scientists (if they know how to seek, and if we learn to help them) will find in the Hegelian dialectics, materialistically interpreted, a series of answers to the philosophical problems which are being raised by the revolution in natural science. Lenin, The Significance of Militant Materialism (1922)

The prime factors in the question of stability are such members of the C.C. as Stalin and Trotsky. I think relations between them make up the greater part of the danger of a split. Lenin, Letter to the Congress (1922)

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Comrade Stalin, having become Secretary-General, has unlimited authority concentrated in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution. Lenin, Letter to the Congress (1922)

Stalin is too rude and this defect, although quite tolerable in our midst and in dealing among us Communists, becomes intolerable in a Secretary-General. That is why I suggest that the comrades think about a way of removing Stalin from that post and appointing another man in his stead. Lenin, Letter to the Congress (1922)

Our schoolteacher should be raised to a standard he has never achieved, and cannot achieve, in bourgeois society. This is a truism and requires no proof. Lenin, Pages from a Diary (1923)

If a definite level of culture is required for the building of socialism (although nobody can say just what that definite ‘level of culture’ is, for it differs in every Western European country), why cannot we began by first achieving the prerequisites for that definite level of culture in a revolutionary way, and then, with the aid of the workers’ and peasants’ government and Soviet system, proceed to overtake the other nations? Lenin, Our Revolution (1923)

Napoleon, I think, wrote: “On s’engage et puis ... on voit.” rendered freely this means: “First engage in a serious battle and then see what happens. ” Well, we did first engage in a serious battle in October 1917. And now there can be no doubt that in the main we have been victorious. Lenin, Our Revolution (1923)

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We must follow the rule: Better fewer, but better. We must follow the rule: Better get good human material in two or even three years than work in haste without hope of getting any at all. Lenin, Better fewer, but Better (1923)

While the bourgeois state methodically concentrates all its efforts on doping the urban workers, adapting all the literature published at state expense and at the expense of the tsarist and bourgeois parties for this purpose, we can and must utilise our political power to make the urban worker an effective vehicle of communist ideas among the rural proletariat. Lenin, Pages from a Diary (1923)

Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. Lenin, What Is To Be Done?, “Dogmatism And ‘Freedom of Criticism’” (1902)

So long as the state exists there is no freedom. When there is freedom, there will be no state. Lenin, The State and Revolution (1917)

Democracy means equality. The great significance of the proletariat's struggle for equality and of equality as a slogan will be clear if we correctly interpret it as meaning the abolition of classes. But democracy means only formal equality. And as soon as equality is achieved for all members of society in relation to ownership of the means of production, that is, equality of labor and wages, humanity will inevitably be confronted with the question of advancing father, from formal equality to actual equality, i.e., to the operation of the rule “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs”. Lenin, The State and Revolution (1917)

We say: our aim is to achieve a socialist system of society, which, by eliminating the division of mankind into classes, by eliminating all exploitation of man by man and nation by nation, will inevitably eliminate the very possibility of war.

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Lenin, War and Revolution (1917)

The real education of the masses can never be separated from their independent political, and especially revolutionary, struggle. Only struggle educates the exploited class. Only struggle discloses to it the magnitude of its own power, widens its horizon, enhances its abilities, clarifies its mind, forges its will. Lenin, Lecture on the 1905 Revolution (1917)

Capital is an international force. To vanquish it, an international workers' alliance, an international workers' brotherhood, is needed. We are opposed to national enmity and discord, to national exclusiveness. We are internationalists. Lenin, Letter to the Workers and Peasants of the Ukraine (1919)

[...] I must say that the tasks of the youth in general, and of the Young Communist Leagues and all other organizations in particular, might be summed up in a single word: learn. Lenin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues (1920)

History The creation of the Court represented the culmination of a long development of methods for the pacific settlement of international disputes, the origins of which can be traced back to classical times. Article 33 of the United Nations Charter lists the following methods for the pacific settlement of disputes between States: negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, and resort to regional agencies or arrangements; good offices should also be added to this list. Among these methods, certain involve appealing to third parties. For example, mediation places the parties to a dispute in a position in which they can themselves resolve their dispute thanks to the intervention of a third party. Arbitration goes further, in the sense that the dispute is submitted to the decision or award of an impartial third party, so that a binding settlement can be achieved. The same is true

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of judicial settlement (the method applied by the International Court of Justice), except that a court is subject to stricter rules than an arbitral tribunal, particularly in procedural matters. Mediation and arbitration preceded judicial settlement in history. The former was known in ancient India and in the Islamic world, whilst numerous examples of the latter are to be found in ancient Greece, in China, among the Arabian tribes, in maritime customary law in medieval Europe and in Papal practice. The origins The modern history of international arbitration is, however, generally recognized as dating from the so-called Jay Treaty of 1794 between the United States of America and Great Britain. This Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation provided for the creation of three mixed commissions, composed of American and British nationals in equal numbers, whose task it would be to settle a number of outstanding questions between the two countries which it had not been possible to resolve by negotiation. Whilst it is true that these mixed commissions were not strictly speaking organs of third-party adjudication, they were intended to function to some extent as tribunals. They reawakened interest in the process of arbitration. Throughout the nineteenth century, the United States and the United Kingdom had recourse to them, as did other States in Europe and the Americas. The Alabama Claims arbitration in 1872 between the United Kingdom and the United States marked the start of a second, and still more decisive, phase. Under the Treaty of Washington of 1871, the United States and the United Kingdom agreed to submit to arbitration claims by the former for alleged breaches of neutrality by the latter during the American Civil War. The two countries stated certain rules governing the duties of neutral governments that were to be applied by the tribunal, which they agreed should consist of five members, to be appointed respectively by the Heads of State of the United States, the United Kingdom, Brazil, Italy and Switzerland, the last three States not being parties to the case. The arbitral tribunal’s award ordered the United Kingdom to pay compensation and it was duly complied with. The proceedings served as a demonstration of the effectiveness of arbitration in the settlement of a major dispute and it led during the latter years of the nineteenth century to developments in various directions, namely: • • •

sharp growth in the practice of inserting in treaties clauses providing for recourse to arbitration in the event of a dispute between the parties; the conclusion of general treaties of arbitration for the settlement of specified classes of inter-State disputes; efforts to construct a general law of arbitration, so that countries wishing to have recourse to this means of settling disputes would not be obliged to agree each time on the procedure to be adopted, the composition of the tribunal, the rules to be followed and the factors to be taken into consideration in making the award;

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•

proposals for the creation of a permanent international arbitral tribunal in order to obviate the need to set up a special ad hoc tribunal to decide each arbitrable dispute.

The Hague Peace Conferences and the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) The Hague Peace Conference of 1899, convened at the initiative of the Russian Czar Nicholas II, marked the beginning of a third phase in the modern history of international arbitration. The chief object of the Conference, in which — a remarkable innovation for the time — the smaller States of Europe, some Asian States and Mexico also participated, was to discuss peace and disarmament. It ended by adopting a Convention on the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes, which dealt not only with arbitration but also with other methods of pacific settlement, such as good offices and mediation. With respect to arbitration, the 1899 Convention made provision for the creation of permanent machinery which would enable arbitral tribunals to be set up as desired and would facilitate their work. This institution, known as the Permanent Court of Arbitration, consisted in essence of a panel of jurists designated by each country acceding to the Convention — each such country being entitled to designate up to four — from among whom the members of each arbitral tribunal might be chosen. The Convention further created a permanent Bureau, located at The Hague, with functions corresponding to those of a court registry or a secretariat, and it laid down a set of rules of procedure to govern the conduct of arbitrations. It will be seen that the name “Permanent Court of Arbitration” is not a wholly accurate description of the machinery set up by the Convention, which represented only a method or device for facilitating the creation of arbitral tribunals as and when necessary. Nevertheless, the system so established was permanent and the Convention as it were “institutionalized” the law and practice of arbitration, placing it on a more definite and more generally accepted footing. The Permanent Court of Arbitration was established in 1900 and began operating in 1902. A few years later, in 1907, a second Hague Peace Conference, to which the States of Central and South America were also invited, revised the Convention and improved the rules governing arbitral proceedings. Some participants would have preferred the Conference not to confine itself to improving the machinery created in 1899. The United States Secretary of State, Elihu Root, had instructed the United States delegation to work towards the creation of a permanent tribunal composed of judges who were judicial officers and nothing else, who had no other occupation, and who would devote their entire time to the trial and decision of international cases by judicial methods. “These judges”, wrote Secretary Root, “should be so selected from the different countries that the different systems of law and procedure and the principal languages shall be fairly represented”. The United States, the United Kingdom and Germany submitted a joint proposal for a permanent court, but the Conference was unable to reach agreement upon it. It became apparent in the course of the discussions that one of the major difficulties was that of finding an acceptable way of choosing the judges, none of the proposals made having managed to command general support. The Conference confined itself to

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recommending that States should adopt a draft convention for the creation of a court of arbitral justice as soon as agreement was reached “respecting the selection of the judges and the constitution of the court”. Although this court was never in fact to see the light of day, the draft convention that was to have given birth to it enshrined certain fundamental ideas that some years later were to serve as a source of inspiration for the drafting of the Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ). Notwithstanding the fate of these proposals, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which in 1913 took up residence in the Peace Palace that had been built for it thanks to a gift from Andrew Carnegie, has made a positive contribution to the development of international law. Among the classic cases that have been decided through recourse to its machinery, mention may be made of the Carthage and Manouba cases (1913) concerning the seizure of vessels, and of the Timor Frontiers (1914) and Sovereignty over the Island of Palmas (1928) cases. Whilst demonstrating that arbitral tribunals set up by recourse to standing machinery could decide disputes between States on a basis of law and justice and command respect for their impartiality, these cases threw into bold relief the shortcomings of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Tribunals of differing composition could hardly be expected to develop a consistent approach to international law to the same extent as a permanently constituted tribunal. Besides, there was the entirely voluntary character of the machinery. The fact that States were parties to the 1899 and 1907 Conventions did not oblige them to submit their disputes to arbitration nor, even if they were minded so to do, were they duty-bound to have recourse to the Permanent Court of Arbitration nor to follow the rules of procedure laid down in the Conventions. The Permanent Court of Arbitration has recently sought to diversify the services that it can offer, alongside those contemplated by the Conventions. The International Bureau of the Permanent Court has inter alia acted as Registry in some important international arbitrations, including that between Eritrea and Yemen on questions of territorial sovereignty and maritime delimitation (1998 and 1999), that concerning the delimitation of the boundary between Eritrea and Ethiopia (2002), and that between Ireland and the United Kingdom under the 1992 Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment of the North-East Atlantic (OSPAR). Moreover, in 1993, the Permanent Court of Arbitration adopted new “Optional Rules for Arbitrating Disputes between Two Parties of Which Only One Is a State” and, in 2001, “Optional Rules for Arbitration of Disputes Relating to Natural Resources and/or the Environment”. The work of the two Hague Peace Conferences and the ideas they inspired in statesmen and jurists had some influence on the creation of the Central American Court of Justice, which operated from 1908 to 1918, as well as on the various plans and proposals submitted between 1911 and 1919 both by national and international bodies and by governments for the establishment of an international judicial tribunal, which culminated in the creation of the PCIJ within the framework of the new international system set up after the end of the First World War. The Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ)

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Article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations gave the Council of the League responsibility for formulating plans for the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ), such a court to be competent not only to hear and determine any dispute of an international character submitted to it by the parties to the dispute, but also to give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly. It remained for the League Council to take the necessary action to give effect to Article 14. At its second session early in 1920, the Council appointed an Advisory Committee of Jurists to submit a report on the establishment of the PCIJ. The committee sat in The Hague, under the chairmanship of Baron Descamps ( Belgium). In August 1920, a report containing a draft scheme was submitted to the Council, which, after examining it and making certain amendments, laid it before the First Assembly of the League of Nations, which opened at Geneva in November of that year. The Assembly instructed its Third Committee to examine the question of the Court’s constitution. In December 1920, after an exhaustive study by a subcommittee, the Committee submitted a revised draft to the Assembly, which unanimously adopted it. This was the Statute of the PCIJ. The Assembly took the view that a vote alone would not be sufficient to establish the PCIJ and that each State represented in the Assembly would formally have to ratify the Statute. In a resolution of 13 December 1920, it called upon the Council to submit to the Members of the League of Nations a protocol adopting the Statute and decided that the Statute should come into force as soon as the protocol had been ratified by a majority of Member States. The protocol was opened for signature on 16 December. By the time of the next meeting of the Assembly, in September 1921, a majority of the Members of the League had signed and ratified the protocol. The Statute thus entered into force. It was to be revised only once, in 1929, the revised version coming into force in 1936. Among other things, the new Statute resolved the previously insurmountable problem of the election of the members of a permanent international tribunal by providing that the judges were to be elected concurrently but independently by the Council and the Assembly of the League, and that it should be borne in mind that those elected “should represent the main forms of civilization and the principal legal systems of the world”. Simple as this solution may now seem, in 1920 it was a considerable achievement to have devised it. The first elections were held on 14 September 1921. Following approaches by the Netherlands Government in the spring of 1919, it was decided that the PCIJ should have its permanent seat in the Peace Palace in The Hague, which it would share with the Permanent Court of Arbitration. It was accordingly in the Peace Palace that on 30 January 1922 the Court’s preliminary session devoted to the elaboration of the Court’s Rules opened, and it was there too that its inaugural sitting was held on 15 February 1922, with the Dutch jurist Bernard C. J. Loder as President. The PCIJ was thus a working reality. The great advance it represented in the history of international legal proceedings can be appreciated by considering the following: •

unlike arbitral tribunals, the PCIJ was a permanently constituted body governed by its own Statute and Rules of Procedure, fixed beforehand and binding on parties having recourse to the Court;

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• •

•

•

• •

•

it had a permanent Registry which, inter alia, served as a channel of communication with governments and international bodies; its proceedings were largely public and provision was made for the publication in due course of the pleadings, of verbatim records of the sittings and of all documentary evidence submitted to it; the permanent tribunal thus established was now able to set about gradually developing a constant practice and maintaining a certain continuity in its decisions, thereby enabling it to make a greater contribution to the development of international law; in principle the PCIJ was accessible to all States for the judicial settlement of their international disputes and they were able to declare beforehand that for certain classes of legal disputes they recognized the Court’s jurisdiction as compulsory in relation to other States accepting the same obligation. This system of optional acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Court was the most that it was then possible to obtain; the PCIJ was empowered to give advisory opinions upon any dispute or question referred to it by the League of Nations Council or Assembly; the Court’s Statute specifically listed the sources of law it was to apply in deciding contentious cases and giving advisory opinions, without prejudice to the power of the Court to decide a case ex aequo et bono if the parties so agreed; it was more representative of the international community and of the major legal systems of the world than any other international tribunal had ever been before it.

Although the Permanent Court of International Justice was brought into being through, and by, the League of Nations, it was nevertheless not a part of the League. There was a close association between the two bodies, which found expression inter alia in the fact that the League Council and Assembly periodically elected the Members of the Court and that both Council and Assembly were entitled to seek advisory opinions from the Court, but the latter never formed an integral part of the League, just as the Statute never formed part of the Covenant. In particular, a Member State of the League of Nations was not by this fact alone automatically a party to the Court’s Statute. Between 1922 and 1940 the PCIJ dealt with 29 contentious cases between States and delivered 27 advisory opinions. At the same time several hundred treaties, conventions and declarations conferred jurisdiction upon it over specified classes of disputes. Any doubts that might thus have existed as to whether a permanent international judicial tribunal could function in a practical and effective manner were thus dispelled. The Court’s value to the international community was demonstrated in a number of different ways, in the first place by the development of a true judicial technique. This found expression in the Rules of Court, which the PCIJ originally drew up in 1922 and subsequently revised on three occasions, in 1926, 1931 and 1936. There was also the PCIJ’s Resolution concerning the Judicial Practice of the Court, adopted in 1931 and revised in 1936, which laid down the internal procedure to be applied during the Court’s deliberations on each case. In addition, whilst helping to resolve some serious international disputes, many of them consequences of the First World War, the decisions

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of the PCIJ at the same time often clarified previously unclear areas of international law or contributed to its development. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) The outbreak of war in September 1939 inevitably had serious consequences for the PCIJ, which had already for some years known a period of diminished activity. After its last public sitting on 4 December 1939, the Permanent Court of International Justice did not in fact deal with any judicial business and no further elections of judges were held. In 1940 the Court removed to Geneva, a single judge remaining at The Hague, together with a few Registry officials of Dutch nationality. It was inevitable that even under the stress of the war some thought should be given to the future of the Court, as well as to the creation of a new international political order. In 1942 the United States Secretary of State and the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom declared themselves in favour of the establishment or re-establishment of an international court after the war, and the Inter-American Juridical Committee recommended the extension of the PCIJ’s jurisdiction. Early in 1943, the United Kingdom Government took the initiative of inviting a number of experts to London to constitute an informal Inter-Allied Committee to examine the matter. This Committee, under the chairmanship of Sir William Malkin ( United Kingdom), held 19 meetings, which were attended by jurists from 11 countries. In its report, which was published on 10 February 1944, it recommended: • • • •

that the Statute of any new international court should be based on that of the Permanent Court of International Justice; that advisory jurisdiction should be retained in the case of the new Court; that acceptance of the jurisdiction of the new Court should not be compulsory; that the Court should have no jurisdiction to deal with essentially political matters.

Meanwhile, on 30 October 1943, following a conference between China, the USSR, the United Kingdom and the United States, a joint declaration was issued recognizing the necessity “of establishing at the earliest practicable date a general international organization, based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving States, and open to membership by all such States, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security”. This declaration led to exchanges between the Four Powers at Dumbarton Oaks, resulting in the publication on 9 October 1944 of proposals for the establishment of a general international organization, to include an international court of justice. The next step was the convening of a meeting in Washington, in April 1945, of a committee of jurists representing 44 States. This Committee, under the chairmanship of G. H. Hackworth ( United States), was entrusted with the preparation of a draft Statute for the future international court of justice, for submission to the San Francisco Conference, which during the months of April to June 1945 was to draw up the United Nations Charter. The

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draft Statute prepared by the Committee was based on the Statute of the PCIJ and was thus not a completely fresh text. The Committee nevertheless felt constrained to leave a number of questions open which it felt should be decided by the Conference: should a new court be created? In what form should the court’s mission as the principal judicial organ of the United Nations be stated? Should the court’s jurisdiction be compulsory, and, if so, to what extent? How should the judges be elected? The final decisions on these points, and on the definitive form of the Statute, were taken at the San Francisco Conference, in which 50 States participated. The Conference decided against compulsory jurisdiction and in favour of the creation of an entirely new court, which would be a principal organ of the United Nations, on the same footing as the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council and the Secretariat, and with the Statute annexed to and forming part of the Charter. The chief reasons that led the Conference to decide to create a new court were the following: •

•

•

•

as the court was to be the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, it was felt inappropriate for this role to be filled by the Permanent Court of International Justice, which had up until then been linked to the League of Nations, then on the point of dissolution; the creation of a new court was more consistent with the provision in the Charter that all Member States of the United Nations would ipso facto be parties to the court’s Statute; several States that were parties to the Statute of the PCIJ were not represented at the San Francisco Conference, and, conversely, several States represented at the Conference were not parties to the Statute; there was a feeling in some quarters that the PCIJ formed part of an older order, in which European States had dominated the political and legal affairs of the international community, and that the creation of a new court would make it easier for States outside Europe to play a more influential role. This has in fact happened as the membership of the United Nations grew from 51 in 1945 to 192 in 2006.

The San Francisco Conference nevertheless showed some concern that all continuity with the past should not be broken, particularly as the Statute of the PCIJ had itself been drawn up on the basis of past experience, and it was felt better not to change something that had seemed to work well. The Charter therefore plainly stated that the Statute of the International Court of Justice was based upon that of the PCIJ. At the same time, the necessary steps were taken for a transfer of the jurisdiction of the PCIJ so far as was possible to the International Court of Justice. In any event, the decision to create a new court necessarily involved the dissolution of its predecessor. The PCIJ met for the last time in October 1945 when it was decided to take all appropriate measures to ensure the transfer of its archives and effects to the new International Court of Justice, which, like its predecessor, was to have its seat in the Peace Palace. The judges of the PCIJ all resigned on 31 January 1946, and the election of the first Members of the International Court of Justice took place on 6 February 1946, at the First Session of the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council. In April 1946, the PCIJ was formally dissolved, and the International Court of Justice, meeting for the first time, elected as its President Judge José Gustavo Guerrero ( El Salvador), the last President of the PCIJ. The Court appointed

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the members of its Registry (largely from among former officials of the PCIJ) and held an inaugural public sitting, on the 18th of that month. The first case was submitted in May 1947. It concerned incidents in the Corfu Channel and was brought by the United Kingdom against Albania.

A TREATY THAT OUTLAWS WAR Treaty between the United States and other Powers providing for the renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy. Signed at Paris, August 27, 1928; ratification advised by the Senate, January 16, 1929; ratified by the President, January 17, 1929; instruments of ratification deposited at Washington by the United States of America, Australia, Dominion of Canada, Czechoslovkia, Germany, Great Britain, India, Irish Free State, Italy, New Zealand, and Union of South Africa, March 2, 1929: By Poland, March 26, 1929; by Belgium, March 27 1929; by France, April 22, 1929; by Japan, July 24, 1929; proclaimed, July 24, 1929. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS a Treaty between the President of the United States Of America, the President of the German Reich, His Majesty the King of the Belgians, the President of the French Republic, His Majesty the King of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, His Majesty the King of Italy, His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, the President of the Republic of Poland, and the President of the Czechoslovak Republic, providing for the renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy, was concluded and signed by their respective Plenipotontiaries at Paris on the twenty-seventh day of August, one thousand nine hundred and twenty-eight, the original of which Treaty, being in the English and the French languages, is word for word as follows: THE PRESIDENT OF THE GERMAN REICH, THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE BELGIANS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN IRELAND AND THE BRITISH DOMINIONS BEYOND THE SEAS, EMPEROR OF INDIA, HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF ITALY, HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND THE PRESIDENT OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC, Deeply sensible of their solemn duty to promote the welfare of mankind;

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Persuaded that the time has, come when a frank renunciation of war as an instrument of na tional policy should be made to the end that the peaceful and friendly relations now existing between their peoples may be perpetuated; Convinced that all changes in their relations with one another should be sought only by pacific means and be the result of a peaceful and orderly process, and that any signatory Power which shall hereafter seek to promote its ts national interests by resort to war a should be denied the benefits furnished by this Treaty; Hopeful that, encouraged by their example, all the other nations of the world will join in this humane endeavor and by adhering to the present Treaty as soon as it comes into force bring their peoples within the scope of its beneficent provisions, thus uniting the civilized nations of the world in a common renunciation of war as an instrument of their national policy;

Benito Mussolini Defines Fascism In 1932 Mussolini wrote (with the help of Giovanni Gentile) an entry for the Italian   Encyclopedia on the definition of fascism. Fascism, the more it considers and observes the future and the development of  humanity quite apart from political considerations of the moment, believes neither  in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace. It thus repudiates the doctrine  of Pacifism ­­ born of a renunciation of the struggle and an act of cowardice in the  face of sacrifice. War alone brings up to its highest tension all human energy and  puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have courage to meet it. All  other trials are substitutes, which never really put men into the position where  they have to make the great decision ­­ the alternative of life or death....  ...The Fascist accepts life and loves it, knowing nothing of and despising suicide:  he rather conceives of life as duty and struggle and conquest, but above all for  others ­­ those who are at hand and those who are far distant, contemporaries,  and those who will come after...  ...Fascism [is] the complete opposite of…Marxian Socialism, the materialist  conception of history of human civilization can be explained simply through the  conflict of interests among the various social groups and by the change and  development in the means and instruments of production.... Fascism, now and  151

always, believes in holiness and in heroism; that is to say, in actions influenced  by no economic motive, direct or indirect. And if the economic conception of  history be denied, according to which theory men are no more than puppets,  carried to and fro by the waves of chance, while the real directing forces are quite  out of their control, it follows that the existence of an unchangeable and  unchanging class­war is also denied ­ the natural progeny of the economic  conception of history. And above all Fascism denies that class­war can be the  preponderant force in the transformation of society....  After Socialism, Fascism combats the whole complex system of democratic  ideology, and repudiates it, whether in its theoretical premises or in its practical  application. Fascism denies that the majority, by the simple fact that it is a  majority, can direct human society; it denies that numbers alone can govern by  means of a periodical consultation, and it affirms the immutable, beneficial, and  fruitful inequality of mankind, which can never be permanently leveled through  the mere operation of a mechanical process such as universal suffrage....  ...Fascism denies, in democracy, the absurd conventional untruth of political  equality dressed out in the garb of collective irresponsibility, and the myth of  "happiness" and indefinite progress....  ...iven that the nineteenth century was the century of Socialism, of Liberalism,  and of Democracy, it does not necessarily follow that the twentieth century must  also be a century of Socialism, Liberalism and Democracy: political doctrines  pass, but humanity remains, and it may rather be expected that this will be a  century of authority...a century of Fascism. For if the nineteenth century was a  century of individualism it may be expected that this will be the century of  collectivism and hence the century of the State....  The foundation of Fascism is the conception of the State, its character, its duty,  and its aim. Fascism conceives of the State as an absolute, in comparison with  which all individuals or groups are relative, only to be conceived of in their  relation to the State. The conception of the Liberal State is not that of a directing  force, guiding the play and development, both material and spiritual, of a  collective body, but merely a force limited to the function of recording results: on  the other hand, the Fascist State is itself conscious and has itself a will and a  personality ­­ thus it may be called the "ethic" State....  152

...The Fascist State organizes the nation, but leaves a sufficient margin of liberty  to the individual; the latter is deprived of all useless and possibly harmful  freedom, but retains what is essential; the deciding power in this question cannot  be the individual, but the State alone....  ...For Fascism, the growth of empire, that is to say the expansion of the nation, is  an essential manifestation of vitality, and its opposite a sign of decadence.  Peoples which are rising, or rising again after a period of decadence, are always  imperialist; and renunciation is a sign of decay and of death. Fascism is the  doctrine best adapted to represent the tendencies and the aspirations of a  people, like the people of Italy, who are rising again after many centuries of  abasement and foreign servitude. But empire demands discipline, the  coordination of all forces and a deeply felt sense of duty and sacrifice: this fact  explains many aspects of the practical working of the regime, the character of  many forces in the State, and the necessarily severe measures which must be  taken against those who would oppose this spontaneous and inevitable  movement of Italy in the twentieth century, and would oppose it by recalling the  outworn ideology of the nineteenth century ­ repudiated wheresoever there has  been the courage to undertake great experiments of social and political  transformation; for never before has the nation stood more in need of authority, of  direction and order. If every age has its own characteristic doctrine, there are a  thousand signs which point to Fascism as the characteristic doctrine of our time.  For if a doctrine must be a living thing, this is proved by the fact that Fascism has  created a living faith; and that this faith is very powerful in the minds of men is  demonstrated by those who have suffered and died for it.

NAZISM AND RACISM Speech delivered by Hitler in Salzburg, 7 or 8 August 1920. (NSDAP  meeting) The following quotation is from a shorthand transcript.

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"This is the first demand we must raise and do [reversal of the Versailles Treaty  provisions]: that our people be set free, that these chains be burst asunder, that  Germany be once again captain of her soul and master of her destinies, together  with all those who want to join Germany. (Applause) And the fulfillment of this first demand will then open up the way for all the other  reforms.  And here is one thing that perhaps distinguishes us from you  [Austrians] as far as our programme is concerned, although it is very much in the  spirit of things: our attitude to the Jewish problem. For us, this is not a problem you can turn a blind eye to­one to be solved by small  concessions.  For us, it is a problem of whether our nation can ever recover its  health, whether the Jewish spirit can ever really be eradicated.  Don't be misled  into thinking you can fight a disease without killing the carrier, without destroying  the bacillus.  Don't think you can fight racial tuberculosis without taking care to rid  the nation of the carrier of that racial tuberculosis.  This Jewish contamination will  not subside, this poisoning of the nation will not end, until the carrier himself, the  Jew, has been banished from our midst. (Applause) Source: D Irving, The War Path: Hitler's Germany 1933­1939. Papermac, 1978,  p.xxi Adolf Hitler’s Speech to the Doctors’ Union in April 1933 on racial  purification of the German people. "The greatest achievements in intellectual life can never be produced by those of  alien race but only by those who are inspired by the Aryan or German spirit. In  view of the narrowness of the space within which German intellectual work and  German intellectual workers have to live they had a natural moral claim to  precedence and preference. If the number of foreigners admitted to take part in  German intellectual life was out of proportion to the number of native Germans  sharing in that life foreigners might interpret this as a recognition of the  intellectual superiority of other races."  (Quoted in N H Baynes, The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, Oxford University Press,  1942, Volume I, pp.728)

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Hitler's Closing speech at the Nuremberg Party Conference, 1938 (12  September) "When the question is still put to us why National Socialism fights with such  fanaticism against the Jewish element in Germany, why it pressed and still  presses for its removal then the answer can only be: Because National Socialism  desires to establish a true community of the people…. Because we are National  Socialists we can never suffer an alien race which has nothing to do with us to  claim the leadership of our working people."  (Adolf Hitler, quoted in N H Baynes, The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, Oxford  University Press, 1942, Volume I, pp.735) Hitler's Speech to Party Congress at Nuremberg, September 12, 1938 "They complain… of the boundless cruelty with which Germany­and now Italy  also­seek to rid themselves of their Jewish elements. All these great democratic  empires taken together have only a handful of people to the square kilometre.  Both in Italy and Germany there are over 140. Yet formerly Germany, without  blinking an eyelid, for whole decades admitted these Jews by the hundred  thousand. But now… when the nation is no longer willing to be sucked dry by  these parasites, on every side one hears nothing but laments. But lamentations  have not led these democratic countries to substitute helpful activity at last for  their hypocritical questions; on the contrary, these countries with icy coldness  assured us that obviously there was no place for the Jews in their territory. … So  no help is given, but morality is saved.  (Source: The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, April 1922­August 1939. Edited by N H  Haynes. Volume I, pp.719­720 Oxford University Press, 1942) Heinrich Himmler, 25 November 1939 "We won’t waste much time on the Jews. It’s great to get to grips with the Jewish  race at last. The more they die the better… We want to put half to three­quarters  of all Jews east of the Vistula. We will crush these Jews wherever we can. … Get  the Jews out of the Reich… We have no use for Jews in the Reich. Probably the 

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line of the Vistula, behind this line no more. We are the most important people  here…"  (Source: J Noakes, G Pridham. Nazism, 1919­1945: A Documentary Reader.  Volume 3. p.1055. University of Exeter Press, 1991) Statement by Hitler, March 20, 1943 "By now it is clear that [the conflict between Germany and the USSR] has …  gradually assumed the characteristics of a struggle that can only be compared to  the greatest historical events of the past. The pitiless and merciless war that has  been forced upon us by external Jewry will lay the entire Continent in ruins unless  the forces of [eastern] destruction can be stopped before reaching Europe’s  borders. [Should they break through], the worst consequences would be not  burned cities and wrecked cultural monuments but the bestial massacres of  masses of human beings comparable to those that followed the invasions of the  Huns and Mongols out of inner Asia."  (Quoted in A J Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken: The "Final Solution" in   History. London: Verso, 1990, p. 346)

THE NUREMBERG LAWS  (September 15, 1935) Entirely convinced that the purity of German blood is essential to the further existence of the German people, and inspired by the uncompromising determination to safeguard the future of the German nation, the Reichstag has unanimously resolved upon the following law, which is promulgated herewith: Section 1 1. Marriages between Jews and citizens of German or kindred blood are forbidden. Marriages concluded in defiance of this law are void, even if, for the purpose of evading this law, they were concluded abroad. 2. Proceedings for annulment may be initiated only by the Public Prosecutor. Section 2

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1. Extramarital intercourse between Jews and subjects of the state of Germany or related blood is forbidden. (Supplementary decrees set Nazi definitions of racial Germans, Jews, and half-breeds or Mischlinge --- see the latter entry for details and citations. Jews could not vote or hold public office.) Section 3 Jews will not be permitted to employ female citizens of German or kindred blood as domestic workers under the age of 45. Section 4 1. Jews are forbidden to display the Reich and national flag or the national colours. 2. On the other hand they are permitted to display the Jewish colours. The exercise of this right is protected by the State. Section 5 1. A person who acts contrary to the prohibition of Section 1 will be punished with hard labour. 2. A person who acts contrary to the prohibition of Section 2 will be punished with imprisonment or with hard labor. 3. A person who acts contrary to the provisions of Sections 3 or 4 will be punished with imprisonment up to a year and with a fine, or with one of these penalties. Section 6 The Reich Minister of the Interior in agreement with the Deputy Fuhrer and the Reich Minister of Justice will issue the legal and administrative regulations required for the enforcement and supplementing of this law. Section 7 The law will become effective on the day after its promulgation; Section 3, however, not until January 1, 1936.

THE RESPONSE TO FASCISM The Atlantic Charter

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AUGUST 14, 1941 The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world. First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other; Second, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned; Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them; Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity; Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement and social security; Sixth, after the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want; Seventh, such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance; Eighth, they believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons must come to the abandonment of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending the establishment of a wider and permanent system of general security, that the disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measure which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armaments.

Franklin D. Roosevelt Winston S. Churchill

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Franklin D. Roosevelt's Third Inaugural Address  January 20, 1941  On each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed   their sense of dedication to the United States.  In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a  nation.  In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption  from within.  In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from  disruption from without.  To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a  moment and take stock­­to recall what our place in history has been, and to  rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of  inaction.  Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of  the human spirit. The life of a man is three­score years and ten: a little more, a  little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live.  There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a  form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of  mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery  have become the surging wave of the future­­and that freedom is an ebbing tide.  But we Americans know that this is not true.  Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror,  we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock­­but we acted. We  acted quickly, boldly, decisively. 

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These later years have been living years­­fruitful years for the people of this  democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better  understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things.  Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which  successfully survived crisis at home; put away many evil things; built new  structures on enduring lines; and, through it all, maintained the fact of its  democracy.  For action has been taken within the three­way framework of the Constitution of  the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to  function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly  maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire  predictions come to naught.  Democracy is not dying.  We know it because we have seen it revive­­and grow.  We know it cannot die­­because it is built on the unhampered initiative of  individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise­­an enterprise  undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority.  We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full  force of men's enlightened will.  We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization  capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life.  We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on  every continent­­for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the  most unconquerable of all forms of human society.  A nation, like a person, has a body­­a body that must be fed and clothed and  housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives  of our time. 

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A nation, like a person, has a mind­­a mind that must be kept informed and alert,  that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its  neighbors­­all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.  And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent,  something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters  most to its future­­which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present.  It is a thing for which we find it difficult­­even impossible­­to hit upon a single,  simple word.  And yet we all understand what it is­­the spirit­­the faith of America. It is the  product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many  lands­­some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and  late, to find freedom more freely.  The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human  history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the  middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta.  In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been the New  World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new­found  land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this  continent a new life­­a life that should be new in freedom.  Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of  Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg  Address.  Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions  who followed, and the stock that sprang from them­­all have moved forward  constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and  clarity with each generation.  The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or  self­serving wealth. 

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We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly build the security  and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified  by the resources and the capacity of the land.  But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enough to clothe  and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is  also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.  Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.  But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind,  constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have  perished.  That spirit­­that faith­­speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed,  because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation.  It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48  States. It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our  villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those  across the seas­­the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or  heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such  an old, old story.  The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first  President in his first inaugural in 1789­­words almost directed, it would seem, to  this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of  the republican model of government are justly considered ... deeply, ... finally,  staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people."  If we lose that sacred fire­­if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear­­then we  shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly  to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will,  furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause  of national defense.  In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to  protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy. 

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For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.  We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward,  in the service of our country, by the will of God. 

 

THE UNITED NATIONS DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS On December 10, 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and   proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the full text of which   appears in the following pages. Following this historic act the Assembly called   upon all Member countries to publicize the text of the Declaration and "to cause it   to be disseminated, displayed, read and expounded principally in schools and   other educational institutions, without distinction based on the political status of   countries or territories." PREAMBLE Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and  inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of  freedom, justice and peace in the world,  Whereas disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in  barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the  advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech  and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the  highest aspiration of the common people,  Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as  a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human  rights should be protected by the rule of law,  163

Whereas it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations  between nations,  Whereas the peoples of the United Nations have in the Charter reaffirmed  their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the  human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have  determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger  freedom,  Whereas Member States have pledged themselves to achieve, in co­ operation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for  and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms,  Whereas a common understanding of these rights and freedoms is of the  greatest importance for the full realization of this pledge, Now, Therefore THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY proclaims THIS UNIVERSAL  DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS as a common standard of achievement for  all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of  society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and  education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive  measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective  recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States  themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction.  Article 1. All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are  endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another  in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2. Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this  Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex,  language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin,  property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made  on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the  164

country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent,  trust, non­self­governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4. No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade  shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading  treatment or punishment. Article 6. Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the  law. Article 7. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to  equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any  discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to  such discrimination. Article 8. Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national  tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the  constitution or by law. Article 9. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.

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Article 10. Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an  independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and  obligations and of any criminal charge against him. Article 11. (1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed  innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he  has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence. (2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act  or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or  international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier  penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal  offence was committed. Article 12. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family,  home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation.  Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such  interference or attacks. Article 13. (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within  the borders of each state. (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to  return to his country. Article 14. (1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum  from persecution.

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(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely  arising from non­political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and  principles of the United Nations. Article 15. (1) Everyone has the right to a nationality. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the  right to change his nationality. Article 16. (1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race,  nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They  are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its  dissolution. (2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the  intending spouses. (3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is  entitled to protection by society and the State. Article 17. (1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association  with others. (2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property. Article 18. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this  right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either  alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his  religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

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Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right  includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek,  receive and impart information and ideas through any media and  regardless of frontiers. Article 20. (1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and  association. (2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association. Article 21. (1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country,  directly or through freely chosen representatives. (2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country. (3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government;  this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall  be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by  equivalent free voting procedures. Article 22. Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is  entitled to realization, through national effort and international co­operation  and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of  the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and  the free development of his personality.

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Article 23. (1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just  and favourable conditions of work and to protection against  unemployment. (2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for  equal work. (3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration  ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity,  and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection. (4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the  protection of his interests. Article 24. Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation  of working hours and periodic holidays with pay. Article 25. (1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health  and well­being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing,  housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to  security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old  age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. (2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance.  All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social  protection. Article 26. (1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in  the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be  compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally 

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available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the  basis of merit. (2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human  personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and  fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and  friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further  the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. (3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be  given to their children. Article 27. (1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the  community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its  benefits. (2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material  interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which  he is the author. Article 28. Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights  and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized. Article 29. (1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full  development of his personality is possible. (2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject  only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of  securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others  and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the  general welfare in a democratic society.

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(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the  purposes and principles of the United Nations. Article 30. Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State,  group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act  aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.

THE TOTALITARIAN RESPONSE Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong  5. War and Peace    War is the highest form of struggle for resolving contradictions, when they have  developed to a certain stage, between classes, nations, states, or political  groups, and it has existed ever since the emergence of private property and of  classes.  "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected  Works, Vol. I, p. 180. "War is the continuation of politics." In this sense, war is politics and war itself is a  political action; since ancient times there has never been a war that did not have  a political character.... However, war has its own particular characteristics and in  this sense, it cannot be equated with politics in general. "War is the continuation  of politics by other . . . means." When politics develops to a certain stage beyond  which it cannot proceed by the usual means, war breaks out to sweep the  obstacles from the way.... When the obstacle is removed and our political aim  attained the war will stop. Nevertheless, if the obstacle is not completely swept  away, the war will have to continue until the aim is fully accomplished.... It can 

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therefore be said that politics is war without bloodshed while war is politics with  bloodshed.  "On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 152­53 * History shows that wars are divided into two kinds, just and unjust. All wars that  are progressive are just, and all wars that impede progress are unjust. We  Communists oppose all unjust wars that impede progress, but we do not oppose  progressive, just wars. Not only do we Communists not oppose just wars; we  actively participate in them. As for unjust wars, World War I is an instance in  which both sides fought for imperialist interests; therefore, the Communists of the  whole world firmly opposed that war. The way to oppose a war of this kind is to  do everything possible to prevent it before it breaks out and, once it breaks out, to  oppose war with war, to oppose unjust war with just war, whenever possible.  Ibid., p. 150. Revolutions and revolutionary wars are inevitable in class society, and without  them it is impossible to accomplish any leap in social development and to  overthrow the reactionary ruling classes and therefore impossible for the people  to win political power.  "On Contradiction" (August1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 344.* Revolutionary war is an antitoxin that not only eliminates the enemy's poison but  also purges us of our own filth. Every just, revolutionary war is endowed with  tremendous power and can transform many things or clear the way for their  transformation. The Sino­Japanese war will transform both China and Japan;  provided China perseveres in the War of Resistance and in the united front, the  old Japan will surely be transformed into a new Japan and the old China into a  new China, and people and everything else in both China and Japan will be  transformed during and after the war.  "On Protracted War" (May 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 131.* Every Communist must grasp the truth; "Political power grows out of the barrel of  a gun." 

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"Problems of War and Strategy" (November 6, 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p.  224. The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the  central task and the highest form of revolution. This Marxist­Leninist principle of  revolution holds well universally, for China and for all other countries. Ibid. p. 219. Without armed struggle neither the proletariat, nor the people, nor the Communist  Party would have any standing at all in China and it would be impossible for the  revolution to triumph. In these years [the eighteen years since the founding of the  Party] the development, consolidation and bolshevization of our Party have  proceeded in the midst of revolutionary wars; without armed struggle the  Communist Party would assuredly not be what it is today. Comrades throughout  the Party must never forget this experience for which we have paid in blood.  "Introducing The Communist" (October 4, 1939), Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 292.* According to the Marxist theory of the state, the army is the chief component of  state power. Whoever wants to seize and retain state power must have a strong  army. Some people ridicule us as advocates of the "omnipotence of war". Yes, we  are advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad, it is  Marxist. The guns of the Russian Communist Party created socialism. We shall  create a democratic republic. Experience in the class struggle in the era of  imperialism teaches us that it is only by the power of the gun that the working  class and the laboring masses can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords;  in this sense we may say that only with guns can the whole world be transformed.  "Problems of War and Strategy" (November 6, 1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, p.  225. We are advocates of the abolition of war, we do not want war; but war can only  be abolished through war, and in order to get rid of the gun it is necessary to take  up the gun. Ibid.  War, this monster of mutual slaughter among men, will be finally eliminated by  the progress of human society, and in the not too distant future too. But there is  only one way to eliminate it and that is to oppose war with war, to oppose  counterrevolutionary war with revolutionary war, to oppose national counter­ revolutionary war with national revolutionary war, and to oppose counter­

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revolutionary class war with revolutionary class war.... When human society  advances to the point where classes and states are eliminated, there will be no  more wars, counter­revolutionary or revolutionary, unjust or just; that will be the  era of perpetual peace for mankind. Our study of the laws of revolutionary war  springs from the desire to eliminate all wars. Herein, lies the distinction between  us Communists and all the exploiting classes.  "Problems of Strategy in China's  Revolutionary War" (December 1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 182­83. Our country and all the other socialist countries want peace; so do the peoples of  all the countries of the world. The only ones who crave war and do not want  peace are certain monopoly capitalist groups in a handful of imperialist countries  that depend on aggression for their profits.  "Opening Address at the Eighth  National Congress of the Communist Party of China" (September 15, 1956). To achieve a lasting world peace, we must further develop our friendship and co­ operation with the fraternal countries in the socialist camp and strengthen our  solidarity with all peace­loving countries. We must endeavor to establish normal  diplomatic relations, based on mutual respect for territorial integrity and  sovereignty and of equality and mutual benefit, with all countries willing to live  together with us in peace. We must give active support to the national  independence and liberation movement in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin  America as well as to the peace movement and to just struggles in all the  countries of the world. Ibid.  As for the imperialist countries, we should unite with their peoples and strive to  coexist peacefully with those countries, do business with them and prevent any  possible war, but under no circumstances should we harbour any unrealistic  notions about them.  On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the  People (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 75. We desire peace. However, if imperialism insists on fighting a war, we will have  no alternative but to take the firm resolution to fight to the finish before going  ahead with our construction. If you are afraid of war day in day out, what will you  do if war eventually comes? First, I said that the East Wind is prevailing over the  West Wind and war will not break out, and now I have added these explanations  about the situation in case war should break out. Both possibilities have thus  been taken into account.   174

Speech at the Moscow Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (November  18, 1957), quoted in "Statement by the Spokesman of the Chinese Government"  (September 1, 1963).* People all over the world are now discussing whether a third world war will break  out. On this question, too, we must be mentally prepared and do some analysis.  We stand firmly for peace and against war. However, if the imperialists insist on  unleashing another war, we should not be afraid of it. Our attitude on this  question is the same as our attitude towards any disturbance: first, we are  against it; second, we are not afraid of it. The First World War was followed by the  birth of the Soviet Union with a population of 200 million. The Second World War  was followed by the emergence of the socialist camp with a combined population  of 900 million. If the imperialists insist on launching a third world war, it is certain  that several hundred million more will turn to socialism, and then there will not be  much room left on earth for the imperialists; it is also likely that the whole  structure of imperialism will utterly collapse.  On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (February 27,  1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 67­68. Make trouble, fail, make trouble again, fail again . . . until their doom­ that is the  logic of the imperialists and all reactionaries the world over in dealing with the  people's cause and they will never go against this logic. This is a Marxist law.  When we say "imperialism is ferocious", we mean that its nature will never  change, that the imperialists will never lay down their butcher knives, that they  will never become Buddhas, till their doom. Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight  again . . . until their victory; that is the logic of the people, and they too will never  go against this logic. This is another Marxist law. The Russian people's revolution  followed this law, and so has the Chinese people's revolution.  "Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle" (August 14, 1949), Selected Works,  Vol. IV, p. 428. Just because we have won victory, we must never relax our vigilance against the  frenzied plots for revenge by the imperialists and their running dogs. Whoever  relaxes vigilance will disarm himself politically and land himself in a passive  position. 

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"Address to the Preparatory Committee of the New Political Consultative  Conference" (June 15, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 407. The imperialists and their running dogs, the Chinese reactionaries, will not resign  themselves to defeat in this land of China. They will continue to gang up against  the Chinese people in every possible way. For example, they will smuggle their  agents into China to sow dissension and make trouble. That is certain; they will  never neglect these activities. To take another example, the imperialists will incite  the Chinese reactionaries, and even throw in their own forces, to blockade  China's ports. They will do this as long as it is possible. Furthermore, if they still  hanker after adventures, they will send some of their troops to invade and harass  frontiers of China; this, too, is not impossible. All this we must take fully into  account.  Ibid.*  The world is progressing, the future is bright and no one can change this general  trend of history. We should carry on constant propaganda among the people on  the facts of world progress and the bright future ahead so that they will build their  confidence in victory.  "On the Chungking Negotiations" (October 17, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV. p.  59. The commanders and fighters of the entire Chinese People's Liberation Army  absolutely must not relax in the least their will to fight; any thinking that relaxes  the will to fight and belittles the enemy is wrong.  "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the  Communist Party of China" (March 5, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 361.

THE NUCLEAR AGE 

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Albert Einstein on Philosophy of Religion, Theology, God The religion of the future will be a cosmic religion. It should transcend personal  God and avoid dogma and theology. Covering both the natural and the spiritual, it  should be based on a religious sense arising from the experience of all things  natural and spiritual as a meaningful unity. Buddhism answers this description. If  there is any religion that could cope with modern scientific needs it would be  Buddhism. (Albert Einstein) It was, of course, a lie what you read about my religious convictions, a lie which is  being systematically repeated. I do not believe in a personal God and I have  never denied this but have expressed it clearly. If something is in me which can  be called religious then it is the unbounded admiration for the structure of the  world so far as our science can reveal it. (Albert Einstein, 1954, The Human Side,  edited by Helen Dukas and Banesh Hoffman, Princeton University Press) Scientific research is based on the idea that everything that takes place is  determined by laws of nature, and therefore this holds for the action of people.  For this reason, a research scientist will hardly be inclined to believe that events  could be influenced by a prayer, i.e. by a wish addressed to a Supernatural  Being. (Albert Einstein, 1936, The Human Side. Responding to a child who wrote and  asked if scientists pray.) A man's ethical behaviour should be based effectually on sympathy, education,  and social ties and needs; no religious basis is necessary. Man would indeed be  in a poor way if he had to be restrained by fear of punishment and hope of reward  after death. (Albert Einstein, "Religion and Science", New York Times Magazine, 9 November  1930) I cannot imagine a God who rewards and punishes the objects of his creation,  whose purposes are modeled after our own ­­ a God, in short, who is but a  reflection of human frailty. Neither can I believe that the individual survives the  death of his body, although feeble souls harbor such thoughts through fear or  ridiculous egotisms (Albert Einstein, Obituary in New York Times, 19 April 1955) 177

One strength of the Communist system ... is that it has some of the  characteristics of a religion and inspires the emotions of a religion. (Albert Einstein, Out Of My Later Years, 1950) I cannot conceive of a personal God who would directly influence the actions of individuals, or would directly sit in judgment on creatures of his own creation. I cannot do this in spite of the fact that mechanistic causality has, to a certain extent, been placed in doubt by modern science. [He was speaking of Quantum Mechanics and the breaking down of determinism.] My religiosity consists in a humble admiration of the infinitely superior spirit that reveals itself in the little that we, with our weak and transitory understanding, can comprehend of reality. Morality is of the highest importance -- but for us, not for God. (Albert Einstein, The Human Side, edited by Helen Dukas and  Banesh Hoffman, Princeton University Press) If people are good only because they fear punishment, and hope for reward, then  we are a sorry lot indeed. (Albert Einstein)  The idea of a personal God is an anthropological concept which I am unable to  take seriously. (Albert Einstein, Letter to Hoffman and Dukas, 1946) The foundation of morality should not be made dependent on myth nor tied to  any authority lest doubt about the myth or about the legitimacy of the authority  imperil the foundation of sound judgment and action. (Albert Einstein)  I do not believe in immortality of the individual, and I consider ethics to be an  exclusively human concern with no superhuman authority behind it. (Albert  Einstein, The Human Side) I have repeatedly said that in my opinion the idea of a personal God is a childlike  one, but I do not share the crusading spirit of the professional atheist whose  fervor is mostly due to a painful act of liberation from the fetters of religious  indoctrination received in youth. I prefer an attitude of humility corresponding to  the weakness of our intellectual understanding of nature and of our own being.  (Albert Einstein)  What I see in Nature is a magnificent structure that we can comprehend only very  imperfectly, and that must fill a thinking person with a feeling of "humility." This is  a genuinely religious feeling that has nothing to do with mysticism. (Albert  Einstein)  178

The mystical trend of our time, which shows itself particularly in the rampant  growth of the so­called Theosophy and Spiritualism, is for me no more than a  symptom of weakness and confusion. Since our inner experiences consist of  reproductions, and combinations of sensory impressions, the concept of a soul  without a body seems to me to be empty and devoid of meaning. (Albert Einstein) 

Sigmund Freud on Modern Warfare "The individual in any given nation has in this war a terrible opportunity to  convince himself of what would occasionally strike him in peacetime ― that the  state has forbidden to the individual the practice of wrong­doing, not because it  desired to abolish the practice of wrong­doing, not because it desires to it, but  because it desires to monopolize it like salt [oil] and tobacco. The warring state  permits itself every misdeed, every such act of violence, as would disgrace the  individual man. It practices not only the accepted stratagems, but also deliberate  lying and deception against the enemy; and this, too, in a measure which  appears to surpass the usage of former wars. The state exacts the utmost degree  of obedience and sacrifice from its citizens, but at the same time treats them as  children by maintaining an excess of secrecy, and a censorship of news and  expression of opinion that renders the spirits of those thus intellectually  oppressed defenseless against every unfavourable turn of events and every  sinister rumour. It absolves itself from guarantees and contracts it had formed  with other states, and makes unabashed confession of the rapacity and lust for  power, which the private individual is then called upon to sanction in the name of  patriotism." Sigmund Freud, On War, Sex, and Neurosis

A NEW INTERNATIONALISM ROME STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT* PART 2. JURISDICTION, ADMISSIBILITY AND APPLICABLE LAW  

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Article 5 Crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court 1.         The jurisdiction of the Court shall be limited to the most serious crimes of  concern to the international community as a whole. The Court has jurisdiction in  accordance with this Statute with respect to the following crimes:  (a)     The crime of genocide;  (b)     Crimes against humanity;  (c)     War crimes;  (d)     The crime of aggression.    2.        The Court shall exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression once a  provision is adopted in accordance with articles 121 and 123 defining the crime  and setting out the conditions under which the Court shall exercise jurisdiction  with respect to this crime. Such a provision shall be consistent with the relevant  provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.     Article 6 Genocide             For the purpose of this Statute, "genocide" means any of the following  acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical,  racial or religious group, as such:  (a)     Killing members of the group;  (b)     Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;  (c)     Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to  bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;  (d)     Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; 

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(e)     Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.     Article 7 Crimes against humanity 1.         For the purpose of this Statute, "crime against humanity" means any of  the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack  directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack:  (a)     Murder;  (b)     Extermination;  (c)     Enslavement;  (d)     Deportation or forcible transfer of population;  (e)     Imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty in  violation of fundamental rules of international law;  (f)     Torture;  (g)     Rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy,  enforced sterilization, or any other form of sexual violence of comparable  gravity;  (h)     Persecution against any identifiable group or collectivity on political,  racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender as defined in paragraph  3, or other grounds that are universally recognized as impermissible under  international law, in connection with any act referred to in this paragraph or  any crime within the jurisdiction of the Court;  (i)     Enforced disappearance of persons;  (j)     The crime of apartheid;  (k)     Other inhumane acts of a similar character intentionally causing  great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health. 181

2.         For the purpose of paragraph 1:  (a)     "Attack directed against any civilian population" means a course of  conduct involving the multiple commission of acts referred to in paragraph  1 against any civilian population, pursuant to or in furtherance of a State or  organizational policy to commit such attack;  (b)     "Extermination" includes the intentional infliction of conditions of life,  inter alia the deprivation of access to food and medicine, calculated to  bring about the destruction of part of a population;  (c)     "Enslavement" means the exercise of any or all of the powers  attaching to the right of ownership over a person and includes the exercise  of such power in the course of trafficking in persons, in particular women  and children;  (d)     "Deportation or forcible transfer of population" means forced  displacement of the persons concerned by expulsion or other coercive  acts from the area in which they are lawfully present, without grounds  permitted under international law;  (e)     "Torture" means the intentional infliction of severe pain or suffering,  whether physical or mental, upon a person in the custody or under the  control of the accused; except that torture shall not include pain or  suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to, lawful sanctions;  (f)     "Forced pregnancy" means the unlawful confinement of a woman  forcibly made pregnant, with the intent of affecting the ethnic composition  of any population or carrying out other grave violations of international law.  This definition shall not in any way be interpreted as affecting national laws  relating to pregnancy;  (g)     "Persecution" means the intentional and severe deprivation of  fundamental rights contrary to international law by reason of the identity of  the group or collectivity;  (h)     "The crime of apartheid" means inhumane acts of a character similar  to those referred to in paragraph 1, committed in the context of an 

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institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one  racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the  intention of maintaining that regime;  (i)     "Enforced disappearance of persons" means the arrest, detention or  abduction of persons by, or with the authorization, support or  acquiescence of, a State or a political organization, followed by a refusal to  acknowledge that deprivation of freedom or to give information on the fate  or whereabouts of those persons, with the intention of removing them from  the protection of the law for a prolonged period of time. 3.         For the purpose of this Statute, it is understood that the term "gender"  refers to the two sexes, male and female, within the context of society. The term  "gender" does not indicate any meaning different from the above.        Article 8 War crimes    1.         The Court shall have jurisdiction in respect of war crimes in particular  when committed as part of a plan or policy or as part of a large­scale commission  of such crimes.     2.         For the purpose of this Statute, "war crimes" means:  (a)     Grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949,  namely, any of the following acts against persons or property protected  under the provisions of the relevant Geneva Convention:  (i)     Wilful killing;  (ii)     Torture or inhuman treatment, including biological  experiments;  (iii)     Wilfully causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or  health; 

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(iv)     Extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not  justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and  wantonly;  (v)     Compelling a prisoner of war or other protected person to  serve in the forces of a hostile Power;  (vi)     Wilfully depriving a prisoner of war or other protected person  of the rights of fair and regular trial;  (vii)     Unlawful deportation or transfer or unlawful confinement;  (viii)     Taking of hostages.    (b)     Other serious violations of the laws and customs applicable in  international armed conflict, within the established framework of  international law, namely, any of the following acts:  (i)     Intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population as  such or against individual civilians not taking direct part in  hostilities;  (ii)     Intentionally directing attacks against civilian objects, that is,  objects which are not military objectives;  (iii)     Intentionally directing attacks against personnel, installations,  material, units or vehicles involved in a humanitarian assistance or  peacekeeping mission in accordance with the Charter of the United  Nations, as long as they are entitled to the protection given to  civilians or civilian objects under the international law of armed  conflict;  (iv)     Intentionally launching an attack in the knowledge that such  attack will cause incidental loss of life or injury to civilians or  damage to civilian objects or widespread, long­term and severe  damage to the natural environment which would be clearly  excessive in relation to the concrete and direct overall military  advantage anticipated;  184

(v)     Attacking or bombarding, by whatever means, towns, villages,  dwellings or buildings which are undefended and which are not  military objectives;  (vi)     Killing or wounding a combatant who, having laid down his  arms or having no longer means of defence, has surrendered at  discretion;  (vii)     Making improper use of a flag of truce, of the flag or of the  military insignia and uniform of the enemy or of the United Nations,  as well as of the distinctive emblems of the Geneva Conventions,  resulting in death or serious personal injury;  (viii)     The transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of  parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or  the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the  occupied territory within or outside this territory;  (ix)     Intentionally directing attacks against buildings dedicated to  religion, education, art, science or charitable purposes, historic  monuments, hospitals and places where the sick and wounded are  collected, provided they are not military objectives;  (x)     Subjecting persons who are in the power of an adverse party  to physical mutilation or to medical or scientific experiments of any  kind which are neither justified by the medical, dental or hospital  treatment of the person concerned nor carried out in his or her  interest, and which cause death to or seriously endanger the health  of such person or persons;  (xi)     Killing or wounding treacherously individuals belonging to the  hostile nation or army;  (xii)     Declaring that no quarter will be given;  (xiii)     Destroying or seizing the enemy's property unless such  destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the necessities  of war;  185

(xiv)     Declaring abolished, suspended or inadmissible in a court of  law the rights and actions of the nationals of the hostile party;  (xv)     Compelling the nationals of the hostile party to take part in  the operations of war directed against their own country, even if  they were in the belligerent's service before the commencement of  the war;  (xvi)     Pillaging a town or place, even when taken by assault;  (xvii)     Employing poison or poisoned weapons;  (xviii)     Employing asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases, and all  analogous liquids, materials or devices;  (xix)     Employing bullets which expand or flatten easily in the  human body, such as bullets with a hard envelope which does not  entirely cover the core or is pierced with incisions;  (xx)     Employing weapons, projectiles and material and methods of  warfare which are of a nature to cause superfluous injury or  unnecessary suffering or which are inherently indiscriminate in  violation of the international law of armed conflict, provided that  such weapons, projectiles and material and methods of warfare are  the subject of a comprehensive prohibition and are included in an  annex to this Statute, by an amendment in accordance with the  relevant provisions set forth in articles 121 and 123;  (xxi)     Committing outrages upon personal dignity, in particular  humiliating and degrading treatment;  (xxii)     Committing rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution,  forced pregnancy, as defined in article 7, paragraph 2 (f), enforced  sterilization, or any other form of sexual violence also constituting a  grave breach of the Geneva Conventions; 

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(xxiii)     Utilizing the presence of a civilian or other protected person  to render certain points, areas or military forces immune from  military operations;  (xxiv)     Intentionally directing attacks against buildings, material,  medical units and transport, and personnel using the distinctive  emblems of the Geneva Conventions in conformity with  international law;  (xxv)     Intentionally using starvation of civilians as a method of  warfare by depriving them of objects indispensable to their survival,  including wilfully impeding relief supplies as provided for under the  Geneva Conventions;  (xxvi)     Conscripting or enlisting children under the age of fifteen  years into the national armed forces or using them to participate  actively in hostilities.    (c)     In the case of an armed conflict not of an international character,  serious violations of article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions of  12 August 1949, namely, any of the following acts committed against  persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of  armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed hors de  combat by sickness, wounds, detention or any other cause:     (i)     Violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds,  mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;  (ii)     Committing outrages upon personal dignity, in particular  humiliating and degrading treatment;  (iii)     Taking of hostages;  (iv)

The passing of sentences and the carrying out of executions  without previous judgement pronounced by a regularly 

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constituted court, affording all judicial guarantees which are  generally recognized as indispensable. 

Speech by Frantz Fanon at the Congress of Black African Writers, 1959 Wretched of the Earth Reciprocal Bases of National Culture and the Fight for Freedom Colonial domination, because it is total and tends to over-simplify, very soon manages to disrupt in spectacular fashion the cultural life of a conquered people. This cultural obliteration is made possible by the negation of national reality, by new legal relations introduced by the occupying power, by the banishment of the natives and their customs to outlying districts by colonial society, by expropriation, and by the systematic enslaving of men and women. Three years ago at our first congress I showed that, in the colonial situation, dynamism is replaced fairly quickly by a substantification of the attitudes of the colonising power. The area of culture is then marked off by fences and signposts. These are in fact so many defence mechanisms of the most elementary type, comparable for more than one good reason to the simple instinct for preservation. The interest of this period for us is that the oppressor does not manage to convince himself of the objective non-existence of the oppressed nation and its culture. Every effort is made to bring the colonised person to admit the inferiority of his culture which has been transformed into instinctive patterns of behaviour, to recognise the unreality of his 'nation', and, in the last extreme, the confused and imperfect character of his own biological structure. Vis-à-vis this state of affairs, the native's reactions are not unanimous While the mass of the people maintain intact traditions which are completely different from those of the colonial situation, and the artisan style solidifies into a formalism which is more and more stereotyped, the intellectual throws himself in frenzied fashion into the frantic acquisition of the culture of the occupying power and takes every opportunity of unfavourably criticising his own national culture, or else takes refuge in setting out and substantiating the claims of that culture in a way that is passionate but rapidly becomes unproductive. The common nature of these two reactions lies in the fact that they both lead to impossible contradictions. Whether a turncoat or a substantialist the native is ineffectual precisely because the analysis of the colonial situation is not carried out on strict lines. The colonial situation calls a halt to national culture in almost every field. Within the framework of colonial domination there is not and there will never be such phenomena as new cultural departures or changes in the national culture. Here and there valiant attempts 188

are sometimes made to reanimate the cultural dynamic and to give fresh impulses to its themes, its forms and its tonalities. The immediate, palpable and obvious interest of such leaps ahead is nil. But if we follow up the consequences to the very end we see that preparations are being thus made to brush the cobwebs off national consciousness to question oppression and to open up the struggle for freedom. A national culture under colonial domination is a contested culture whose destruction is sought in systematic fashion. It very quickly becomes a culture condemned to secrecy. This idea of clandestine culture is immediately seen in the reactions of the occupying power which interprets attachment to traditions as faithfulness to the spirit of the nation and as a refusal to submit. This persistence in following forms of culture which are already condemned to extinction is already a demonstration of nationality; but it is a demonstration which is a throw-back to the laws of inertia. There is no taking of the offensive and no redefining of relationships. There is simply a concentration on a hard core of culture which is becoming more and more shrivelled up, inert and empty. By the time a century or two of exploitation has passed there comes about a veritable emaciation of the stock of national culture. It becomes a set of automatic habits, some traditions of dress and a few broken-down institutions. Little movement can be discerned in such remnants of culture; there is no real creativity and no overflowing life. The poverty of the people, national oppression and the inhibition of culture are one and the same thing. After a century of colonial domination we find a culture which is rigid in the extreme, or rather what we find are the dregs of culture, its mineral strata. The withering away of the reality of the nation and the death-pangs of the national culture are linked to each other in mutual dependences. This is why it is of capital importance to follow the evolution of these relations during the struggle for national freedom. The negation of the native's culture, the contempt for any manifestation of culture whether active or emotional and the placing outside the pale of all specialised branches of organisation contribute to breed aggressive patterns of conduct in the native. But these patterns of conduct are of the reflexive type; they are poorly differentiated, anarchic and ineffective. Colonial exploitation, poverty and endemic famine drive the native more and more to open, organised revolt. The necessity for an open and decisive breach is formed progressively and imperceptibly, and comes to be felt by the great majority of the people. Those tensions which hitherto were non-existent come into being. International events, the collapse of whole sections of colonial empires and the contradictions inherent in the colonial system strengthen and uphold the native's combativity while promoting and giving support to national consciousness. These new-found tensions which are present at all stages in the real nature of colonialism have their repercussions on the cultural plane. In literature, for example, there is relative over-production. From being a reply on a minor scale to the dominating power, the literature produced by natives becomes differentiated and makes itself into a will to particularism. The intelligentsia, which during the period of repression was essentially a consuming public, now themselves become producers. This literature at first chooses to confine itself to the tragic and poetic style; but later on novels, short stories and essays are attempted. It is as if a kind of internal organisation or law of expression existed which

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wills that poetic expression become less frequent in proportion as the objectives and the methods of the struggle for liberation become more precise. Themes are completely altered; in fact, we find less and less of bitter, hopeless recrimination and less also of that violent, resounding, florid writing which on the whole serves to reassure the occupying power. The colonialists have in former times encouraged these modes of expression and made their existence possible. Stinging denunciations, the exposing of distressing conditions and passions which find their outlet in expression are in fact assimilated by the occupying power in a cathartic process. To aid such processes is in a certain sense to avoid their dramatisation and to clear the atmosphere. But such a situation can only be transitory. In fact, the progress of national consciousness among the people modifies and gives precision to the literary utterances of the native intellectual. The continued cohesion of the people constitutes for the intellectual an invitation to go farther than his cry of protest. The lament first makes the indictment; then it makes an appeal. In the period that follows, the words of command are heard. The crystallisation of the national consciousness will both disrupt literary styles and themes, and also create a completely new public. While at the beginning the native intellectual used to produce his work to be read exclusively by the oppressor, whether with the intention of charming him or of denouncing him through ethnical or subjectivist means, now the native writer progressively takes on the habit of addressing his own people. It is only from that moment that we can speak of a national literature. Here there is, at the level of literary creation, the taking up and clarification of themes which are typically nationalist. This may be properly called a literature of combat, in the sense that it calls on the whole people to fight for their existence as a nation. It is a literature of combat, because it moulds the national consciousness, giving it form and contours and flinging open before it new and boundless horizons; it is a literature of combat because it assumes responsibility, and because it is the will to liberty expressed in terms of time and space. On another level, the oral tradition - stories, epics and songs of the people - which formerly were filed away as set pieces are now beginning to change. The storytellers who used to relate inert episodes now bring them alive and introduce into them modifications which are increasingly fundamental. There is a tendency to bring conflicts up to date and to modernise the kinds of struggle which the stories evoke, together with the names of heroes and the types of weapons. The method of allusion is more and more widely used. The formula 'This all happened long ago' is substituted by that of 'What we are going to speak of happened somewhere else, but it might well have happened here today, and it might happen tomorrow'. The example of Algeria is significant in this context. From 1952-3 on, the storytellers, who were before that time stereotyped and tedious to listen to, completely overturned their traditional methods of storytelling and the contents of their tales. Their public, which was formerly scattered, became compact. The epic, with its typified categories, reappeared; it became an authentic form of entertainment which took on once more a cultural value. Colonialism made no mistake when from 1955 on it proceeded to arrest these storytellers systematically. The contact of the people with the new movement gives rise to a new rhythm of life and to forgotten muscular tensions, and develops the imagination. Every time the storyteller

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relates a fresh episode to his public, he presides over a real invocation. The existence of a new type of man is revealed to the public. The present is no longer turned in upon itself but spread out for all to see. The storyteller once more gives free rein to his imagination; he makes innovations and he creates a work of art. It even happens that the characters, which are barely ready for such a transformation - highway robbers or more or less antisocial vagabonds - are taken up and remodelled. The emergence of the imagination and of the creative urge in the songs and epic stories of a colonised country is worth following. The storyteller replies to the expectant people by successive approximations, and makes his way, apparently alone but in fact helped on by his public, towards the seeking out of new patterns, that is to say national patterns. Comedy and farce disappear, or lose their attraction. As for dramatisation, it is no longer placed on the plane of the troubled intellectual and his tormented conscience. By losing its characteristics of despair and revolt, the drama becomes part of the common lot of the people and forms part of an action in preparation or already in progress. Where handicrafts are concerned, the forms of expression which formerly were the dregs of art, surviving as if in a daze, now begin to reach out. Woodwork, for .example, which formerly turned out certain faces and attitudes by the million, begins to be differentiated. The inexpressive or overwrought mask comes to life and the arms tend to be raised from the body as if to sketch an action. Compositions containing two, three or five figures appear. The traditional schools are led on to creative efforts by the rising avalanche of amateurs or of critics. This new vigour in this sector of cultural life very often passes unseen; and yet its contribution to the national effort is of capital importance. By carving figures and faces which are full of life, and by taking as his theme a group fixed on the same pedestal, the artist invites participation in an organised movement. If we study the repercussions of the awakening of national consciousness in the domains of ceramics and pottery-making, the same observations may be drawn. Formalism is abandoned in the craftsman's work. Jugs, jars and trays are modified, at first imperceptibly, then almost savagely. The colours, of which formerly there were but few and which obeyed the traditional rules of harmony, increase in number and are influenced by the repercussion of the rising revolution. Certain ochres and blues, which seemed forbidden to all eternity in a given cultural area, now assert themselves without giving rise to scandal. In the same way the stylisation of the human face, which according to sociologists is typical of very clearly defined regions, becomes suddenly completely relative. The specialist coming from the home country and the ethnologist are quick to note these changes. On the whole such changes are condemned in the name of a rigid code of artistic style and of a cultural life which grows up at the heart of the colonial system. The colonialist specialists do not recognise these new forms and rush to the help of the traditions of the indigenous society. It is the colonialists who become the defenders of the native style. We remember perfectly, and the example took on a certain measure of importance since the real nature of colonialism was not involved, the reactions of the white jazz specialists when after the Second World War new styles such as the be-bop took definite shape. The fact is that in their eyes jazz should only be the despairing, broken-down nostalgia of an old Negro who is trapped between five glasses of whisky, the curse of his race, and the racial hatred of the white men. As soon as the Negro comes

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to an understanding of himself, and understands the rest of the world differently, when he gives birth to hope and forces back the racist universe, it is clear that his trumpet sounds more clearly and his voice less hoarsely. The new fashions in jazz are not simply born of economic competition. We must without any doubt see in them one of the consequences of the defeat, slow but sure, of the southern world of the United States. And it is not utopian to suppose that in fifty years' time the type of jazz howl hiccupped by a poor misfortunate Negro will be upheld only by the whites who believe in it as an expression of nigger-hood, and who are faithful to this arrested image of a type of relationship. We might in the same way seek and find in dancing, singing, and traditional rites and ceremonies the same upward-springing trend, and make out the same changes and the same impatience in this field. Well before the political or fighting phase of the national movement an attentive spectator can thus feel and see the manifestation of new vigour and feel the approaching conflict. He will note unusual forms of expression and themes which are fresh and imbued with a power which is no longer that of invocation but rather of the assembling of the people, a summoning together for a precise purpose. Everything works together to awaken the native's sensibility and to make unreal and inacceptable the contemplative attitude, or the acceptance of defeat. The native rebuilds his perceptions because he renews the purpose and dynamism of the craftsmen, of dancing and music and of literature and the oral tradition. His world comes to lose its accursed character. The conditions necessary for the inevitable conflict are brought together. We have noted the appearance of the movement in cultural forms and we have seen that this movement and these new forms are linked to the state of maturity of the national consciousness. Now, this movement tends more and more to express itself objectively, in institutions. From thence comes the need for a national existence, whatever the cost. A frequent mistake, and one which is moreover hardly justifiable is to try to find cultural expressions for and to give new values to native culture within the framework of colonial domination. This is why we arrive at a proposition which at first sight seems paradoxical: the fact that in a colonised country the most elementary, most savage and the most undifferentiated nationalism is the most fervent and efficient means of defending national culture. For culture is first the expression of a nation, the expression of its preferences, of its taboos and of its patterns. It is at every stage of the whole of society that other taboos, values and patterns are formed. A national culture is the sum total of all these appraisals; it is the result of internal and external extensions exerted over society as a whole and also at every level of that society. In the colonial situation, culture, which is doubly deprived of the support of the nation and of the state, falls away and dies. The condition for its existence is therefore national liberation and the renaissance of the state. The nation is not only the condition of culture, its fruitfulness, its continuous renewal, and its deepening. It is also a necessity. It is the fight for national existence which sets culture moving and opens to it the doors of creation. Later on it is the nation which will ensure the conditions and framework necessary to culture. The nation gathers together the various indispensable elements necessary for the creation of a culture, those elements which alone can give it credibility, validity, life and creative power. In the same way it is

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its national character that will make such a culture open to other cultures and which will enable it to influence and permeate other cultures. A non-existent culture can hardly be expected to have bearing on reality, or to influence reality. The first necessity is the reestablishment of the nation in order to give life to national culture in the strictly biological sense of the phrase. Thus we have followed the break-up of the old strata of culture, a shattering which becomes increasingly fundamental; and we have noticed, on the eve of the decisive conflict for national freedom, the renewing of forms of expression and the rebirth of the imagination. There remains one essential question: what are the relations between the struggle - whether political or military - and culture? Is there a suspension of culture during the conflict? Is the national struggle an expression of a culture? Finally, ought one to say that the battle for freedom, however fertile a posteriori with regard to culture, is in itself a negation of culture? In short is the struggle for liberation a cultural phenomenon or not? We believe that the conscious and organised undertaking by a colonised people to reestablish the sovereignty of that nation constitutes the most complete and obvious cultural manifestation that exists. It is not alone the success of the struggle which afterwards gives validity and vigour to culture; culture is not put into cold storage during the conflict. The struggle itself in its development and in its internal progression sends culture along different paths and traces out entirely new ones for it. The struggle for freedom does not give back to the national culture its former value and shapes; this struggle which aims at a fundamentally different set of relations between men cannot leave intact either the form or the content of the people's culture. After the conflict there is not only the disappearance of colonialism but also the disappearance of the colonised man. This new humanity cannot do otherwise than define a new humanism both for itself and for others. It is prefigured in the objectives and methods of the conflict. A struggle which mobilises all classes of the people and which expresses their aims and their impatience, which is not afraid to count almost exclusively on the people's support, will of necessity triumph. The value of this type of conflict is that it supplies the maximum of conditions necessary for the development and aims of culture. After national freedom has been obtained in these conditions, there is no such painful cultural indecision which is found in certain countries which are newly independent, because the nation by its manner of coming into being and in the terms of its existence exerts a fundamental influence over culture. A nation which is born of the people's concerted action and which embodies the real aspirations of the people while changing the state cannot exist save in the expression of exceptionally rich forms of culture. The natives who are anxious for the culture of their country and who wish to give to it a universal dimension ought not therefore to place their confidence in the single principle of inevitable, undifferentiated independence written into the consciousness of the people in order to achieve their task. The liberation of the nation is one thing; the methods and popular content of the fight are another. It seems to me that the future of national culture

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and its riches are equally also part and parcel of the values which have ordained the struggle for freedom. And now it is time to denounce certain pharisees. National claims, it is here and there stated, are a phase that humanity has left behind. It is the day of great concerted actions, and retarded nationalists ought in consequence to set their mistakes aright. We, however, consider that the mistake, which may have very serious consequences, lies in wishing to skip the national period. If culture is the expression of national consciousness, I will not hesitate to affirm that in the case with which we are dealing it is the national consciousness which is the most elaborate form of culture. The consciousness of self is not the closing of a door to communication. Philosophic thought teaches us, on the contrary, that it is its guarantee. National consciousness, which is not nationalism, is the only thing that will give us an international dimension. This problem of national consciousness and of national culture takes on in Africa a special dimension. The birth of national consciousness in Africa has a strictly contemporaneous connexion with the African consciousness. The responsibility of the African as regards national culture is also a responsibility with regard to African-Negro culture. This joint responsibility is not the fact of a metaphysical principle but the awareness of a simple rule which wills that every independent nation in an Africa where colonialism is still entrenched is an encircled nation, a nation which is fragile and in permanent danger. If man is known by his acts, then we will say that the most urgent thing today for the intellectual is to build up his nation. If this building up is true, that is to say if it interprets the manifest will of the people and reveals the eager African peoples, then the building of a nation is of necessity accompanied by the discovery and encouragement of universalising values. Far from keeping aloof from other nations, therefore, it is national liberation which leads the nation to play its part on the stage of history. It is at the heart of national consciousness that international consciousness lives and grows. And this twofold emerging is ultimately the source of all culture. Source: Reproduced from Wretched of the Earth (1959) publ. Pelican. Speech to Congress of Black African Writers.

 

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