Wallis - God's Politics (2005) - Synopsis

Digging Deeper, UFPPC’s (www.ufppc.org) Book Discussion Series: May 2, 2005, 7:00 p.m.

Jim Wallis, God’s Politics: Why the Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn’t Get It (New York: HaperSanFrancisco, 2005). Acknowledgments. “Faith-inspired people” on staffs of Sojourners and Call to Renewal (xi). Book dedicated to son Luke, 6 (xi-xii), written in Daytona Beach, FL, at the El Caribe (xii). INTRODUCTION: Why Can’t We Talk about Religion and Politics? Desire to talk about religion and politics is widespread (xiii). “God on our side” politics (bad) vs. “asking if we are on God’s side” politics (good) (xiv). “God’s politics”: “never partisan or ideological”; mindful of excluded; challenging to narrow self-interest; linked to creation itself; antiwar; “choose life” (xv). Divided electorate (xv). “Flawed” poll produced debate on the “moral values voter” (xv-xvii). This book about two questions: “Where is the real debate in the moral values conversation? And where can we find common ground?” (xvii). Too many Democrats would “restrict religion to the private sphere” and too many Republicans would “restrict religion to a short list of hot-button social issues” (xviixviii). Neither candidate had “a progressive and prophetic vision of faith and politics” (xviii-xix). Reconciliation should come, as for Martin Luther King Jr., in finding “common ground by moving to higher ground” (xx). How Bush could do this (xx). Invokes Micah [6:8]: “Do justice, love kindness, and walk humbly with your God” (xx). Organization of book around six issues: turning away from privatization of faith; prophetic religion as alternative vision; war; poverty; social reconciliation; leadership (xxxxii). Summer 2004 newspaper ad, “God Is Not a Republican. Or a Democrat” (xxii-xxiv). PART I: CHANGING THE WIND Ch. 1: Take Back the Faith: Co-Opted by the Right, Dismissed by the Left. Religious Right focuses religion on sexual and cultural issues; secular Left dismisses religion (3-4). Time to take back faith from right-wingers, pedophile priests and cover-up bishops, television preachers, liberal secularists, liberal theologians, New Age philosophers, and politicians (4). The issue transcends ideological left-right divisions (4-5). Evil is not just “out there,” it is “in here” (5). Society needs “prophetic religion” to pursue “the common good” (6). It can shape both personal and communal life (6-7). The 2004 Election. Republicans manipulated religion (7-9). Democrats didn’t accommodate religion enough (9-10), need to reassess (11). Bush had an opportunity to act on poverty but his efforts failed for lack of resources (11-13). Bush’s war was wrong; election debate showed polarized nation (13-14). The Political Problem of Jesus. Jesus’s teachings are impossible to square with the Bush agenda (15-17). A reaction is underway (17-18). Movements for social change have historically been fueled by progressive religion (18-19). Ch. 2: A Lack of Vision: Too Narrow or None at All. Speech on changing society not by changing wind-testing politicians but by “changing the wind” (20-22). E.g. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Selma-to-Birmingham march to create support for a Voting Rights Act (22-23). “History is most changed by social movements with a spiritual foundation” (24; emphasis in original). Proverbs 29:18 (24-25). “Values will be the most important political question of the twenty-first century” (26; emphasis in original). Symptom of its absence: “the politics of complaint, as in Habakkuk (26-28). Sources of “the vision”: “Old Testament prophets, Jesus, and the New Testament writers . . . our own traditions” (28). Refocusing

vision question on “the ‘God question,’ which is, ‘How are the kids doing?’” as a corrective (29-30). Ch. 3: Is There a Politics of God? God Is Personal, but Never Private. Private vs. public religion (31). Prophets the place to learn about “the politics of God,” criticizing those in power on behalf of the dispossessed (32). Youthful conviction of this led Wallis to leave the Plymouth Brethren congregation where he was brought up, in Detroit (33-34). Personal God essential to popular religion (34). Private faith degenerates into selfrighteousness (35-36). “Biblical prophets” superior to “debased spirituality” (36-37). Open letter to Jesse Ventura (37-39). We should not balance public & private, but “go to the heart of prophetic religion itself in which a personal God demands public justice as an act of worship” (40). PART II: MOVING BEYOND THE POLITICS OF COMPLAINT Ch. 4: Protest Is Good; Alternatives Are Better: What Are We For? Lesson of the considerable interest in the ‘Third Way’ Six-Point Iraq peace plan on eve of war as Wallis’s child was born: to be effective, an alternative needs to be presented (43-46). To be transformative, protest must offer a better way (46-47). “That is the way of the prophets” (47). Evil dictators & terrorism can’t be ignored (47). Poverty needs a plan addressing personal and social responsibility (47-48). Spiritual component crucial to finding alternatives (49). Six-Point Peace Plan (Mar. 14, 2003) (50-52). Letter in British papers (53-55). Ch. 5: How Should Faith Influence Your Politics? What’s a Religious Voter to Do? Democrats are too shy of using moral and religious language (56-61). Power is dangerous (61-62). Unlike the Civil Rights Movement, the Religious Right movement of the 1980s and 1990s has succumbed to the temptation of power (62-64). Religion has always been part of American political discourse (6566). “Fundamentalism is essentially a revolt against modernity” (66). Best critique of fundamentalism “comes from faith itself” (67). “At heart, I am a nineteenthcentury evangelical” (67). Modern fundamentalism has moved to theocracy and too easily justifies violence (68). “Secular fundamentalists make a fundamental mistake” and misunderstand the nature of faith (69-71). Ch. 6: Prophetic Politics: A New Option. Prophecy is “articulating moral truth” (72). Current political options are conservative, liberal, and libertarian (72-74). We need a “prophetic politics” option: traditional on family values, sexual integrity, progressive or radical on poverty and racial justice (74-75). This would break the deadlock between personal vs. social responsibility (76). It should come from the churches and the religious community (77). It often has before (77-78). Politicians’ positions on issues should be compared to their professed religious beliefs (78-80). Political vision moral important than reilgiosity in a politician (80-81). Most religiously motivated voters act defensively, not offensively (81-82). Religion in politics is no longer all on the right (82-83). Values should be put “at the center of political discourse” (84). PART III: SPIRITUAL VALUES AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: When Did Jesus Become Pro-War? Ch. 7: Be Not Afraid: A Moral Response to Terrorism. 4-year-old Luke tells Dad Jim Wallis, “Daddy,

don’t be afraid” (87-88). U.S. a nation living in fear (8889). Wallis’s remarks at an interfaith prayer service at St. Aloysius Church in Washington, D.C., several weeks after Sept. 11, 2001: “And let the light of courage equip us to face darkness that lies so thick and heavy before us. Courage to heal the darkness in ourselves. Courage to reveal the darkness in the very structure of our world. Courage to confront the darkness in the face of evil we say on September 11” (89-90). Statement by Wallis on Sept. 12, 2001: “. . . a test of our national character. Let us make the right choices” (91-92). War language a mistake (92-95). Many Americans wanted a measured response (95-96). U.S. needs to examine the grievances of others (96-97). Religious community can play a crucial role (97). In doing so, important 1) not to give impression U.S. deserved attacks; 2) not present terrorists as freedom fighters who went too far; and 3) distinguish between inequalities as cause of terror and as breeding ground of terror (97-100). U.S. making bad choices (100-03). Julia Roberts as “my favorite ‘theologian’ of this crisis . . . ‘In a crisis, we don’t’ just save ourselves, we save each other’” (103-04 ― apparently Wallis doesn’t recognize this “moral wisdom” as an adaptation of a line from “Pretty Woman”). Positive possibilities (104). Sept. 11, 2002 “Ten Lessons” column (105-07). Ch. 8: Not a Just War: The Mistake of Iraq. Saddam was evil, but war wasn’t necessary (108-10). Hammers and nails (110-11). Preemptive military action not allowed by international law or Christian just-war doctrine (111). U.S. government deceived American people (111-12). No exit strategy (112). Provoked hatred (112). Moral questions (112). Fighting terrorism different from “war” (112-13). World church unified against Iraq war (113). Joint U.S.-U.K. church leaders’ declaration: war illegal, unwise, immoral (113-16). This was true, but debate was stifled (116-17). If the war had been prevented, that would have been a U.S. victory, too (117-18). Good riddance, Saddam (118). But legacy of war is the specter of further conflict (119-20). “Lessons of War”: democracy, not peace movement, failed (120-22). President “misled the American people” (122-23). U.S. in Iraq does not contribute to struggle against terrorism (123-24). Sacrifice unjustly distributed (124-26). Rumsfeld & Wolfowitz should resign (126). U.N. should control Iraq (126). Tax cuts should be repealed (126-27). Fallujah shows U.S. occupation “out of control” (127-28). Abuse (128-29). Occupation the problem; it must end (129). Xmas sermon on Saddam’s capture (129-31). Archbishop Renato Martino’s strong antiwar statements; Bush=pharaoh (132-33). Account of meeting with Blair, Feb. 18, 2003 (133-36). Credits Blair with “real dialogue” (135-36). Ch. 9: Dangerous Religion: The Theology of Empire. The right now admits the U.S. is an empire (137-38). Bush’s religious development, then 9/11 gives him a mission (138-40). Bush’s belief in a divine plan (140-41). Bush misuses religious language, adapting it to nationalism (142). His simplistic they-are-evil language is dangerous (143-45). Christian theology is “uneasy with empire,” is in favor of “truth telling” (145-47). Bush’s bad theology fosters abuse (148-49). The Bush administration has a “dangerously messianic” “nationalist religion” that is incompatible with the better American practice of Jefferson, Lincoln, and King (149-50). Book of Revelation is a critique of empire; we are “a new Rome” (151-52). A 2004 “Confession”: 1) Christ is not national; 2) Christ is for “a strong presumption against war”; 3) Christ sees good and evil in all; 4) Christ is for loving one’s enemy; 5) Christ teaches humility (152-55). Fall 2003 letter to Gen. William Boykin, “disciplining” him for “idolatry” (155-58).

Ch. 10: Blessed Are the Peacemakers: Winning without War. Terrorism poses a special challenge to the ethic of nonviolence (158-64). Theologians’ suggestions (164-68). Defining terrorism (168-70). War has failed as a response (170-71). No one has the answers, but “Jesus calls us to be peacemakers, not just peacelovers” (171; emphasis in original). Ch. 11: Against Impossible Odds: Peace in the Middle East. Wallis’s eight days in the Middle East (17273). Parallel to apartheid (173-75). Both sides guilty of terrorism (175). Asymmetrical violence (176). Christian Peacemaker Team (177). Rachel Corrie; Tom Hurndall (177-78). Possibilities for nonviolence (178-79). Michael Lerner (179-80). Arthur Waskow (180). Jeremy Milgram and Arik Ascherman (180-81). Jeff Halper (181). On the Palestinian side, Naim Ateek, Anglican (182). Jean Zaru, Quaker (182). Jonathan Kuttab, lawyer (182). Sabeel peace conference (182-84). Voices of peace and nonviolence (184-85). 2002 letter to Bush (185-86). Ch. 12: Micah’s Vision for National and Global Security. Micah 4:1-4, “my favorite prophet of national security” (187-88). 9/11 a missed opportunity to “join the rest of the world” (188-89). U.S. leaders have a vision of domination (189-90). U.S. soldiers were fighting for something else: protecting loved ones (191-92). Micah calls for more equal distribution (192-93). U.S. going the other way (193-94). Jan. 20, 2003: National Cathedral prayer for peace and justice, “Micah and Martin” (194-97). Micah-like voices: Bono (198-200); Gordon Brown (20001). British maj. gen.: “Micah is right; Rumsfeld is wrong” (202). Walllis-Bush conversation (202-03). Micah Network, Queretaro, Mexico, fall 2003 (203-05). PART IV: SPIRITUAL VALUES AND ECONOMIC JUSTICE: When Did Jesus Become Pro-Rich? Ch. 13: The Poor You Will Always Have with You? What Does the Bible Say about Poverty? Americans misinterpret Mark 14:7 completely (209-11). The “Bible full of holes” where passages on poverty have been cut out (212-14). King and Howard Thurman, author of Jesus and the Disinherited (214-15). Desmond Tutu (216). Mary Glover: “Lord, we know that you’ll be comin’ through the line today, so Lord, help us to treat you well” (217). Matthew 25 (218). “Radical Jesus” (219). Mary Glover gets it (219-20). Ch. 14: Poor People Are Trapped ― in the Debate about Poverty: Breaking the Left/Right Impasse. Burger King Mom (221). Poverty in U.S. “astounding” (222-23). Policy debate is self-serving (224-25). Deepening concern about poverty among Christians (22526). Both conservatives and liberals are right on poverty (226-28). Government must be involved; racism is a key problem (229). Call for a “new debate” on poverty (22931). Call for Renewal (231-33). Need for moral critique of policies (234-35). Local service (235-36). Advocacy (236). Spiritual poverty (236-38). Poverty is becoming “the defining moral issue” (238). Pentecost 2004 Unity Statement at National Cathedral (239-40). Ch. 15: Isaiah’s Platform: Budgets Are Moral Documents. Social vision of Isaiah 65:20-25 (241). Budgets as “moral documents (241-43). Gov. Bob Riley of Alabama inspired by Susan Pace Hamill’s “An Argument for Tax Reform Based on Judeo-Christian Ethics” to propose a tax-reform package (243-45). Exclusion of low-income working families from child tax credit in summer 2003 (245-46). Top 400 taxpayers getting much richer (24647). We need language of moral denunciation (247-48). Our policies are outrageous, “morally offensive” (247-48). Those who cry “class warfare” are waging it (249). Effect

of the war (249-50). Disenchantment of religious leaders (250-52). Letter to White House, June 2003 (252-54). Rolling to Overcome Poverty tour, October 2004 (254-58).

discussions in jail (361-62). Teaching at Harvard (362-65). San Antonio Spurs (365-67). Fifty predictions for the new millennium (367-71).

Ch. 16: Amos and Enron: What Scandalizes God? Enron scandal (259-61). Corporate fraud (261-63). Inadequate response (263). Class war has been won by rich (264-65). Prophetic doctrines on wealth and power (266-68). Bill Gates Sr. agrees (268-69).

EPILOGUE: WE ARE THE ONES WE’VE BEEN WAITING FOR. Lisa Sullivan: “We are the ones we’ve been waiting for” (373-74).

Ch. 17: The Tipping Point: Faith and Global Poverty. Minority perception becomes majority view when the “tipping point” is reached (270-71). Gordon Brown on failure to meet Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (271-72). Success of the Jubilee 2000 debt relief campaign (272-78). WTO 1999 signifies no more private discussions on trade policy (278-79). Ten facts (279-80). Fair trade as an alternative (280-81). Fair trade coffee (281-83). Extension to other products (283-84). Gordon Brown’s call for new Marshall Plan to meet MDGs (284-87). Churches’ response to HIV/AIDS (287-88). Adam Taylor of Global Justice (one of Wallis’s students) a leader on the issue (289-90). The 8 MDGs (290-93).

Sojourners: www.sojo.net

PART V: SPIRITUAL VALUES AND SOCIAL ISSUES: When Did Jesus Become a Selective Moralist? Ch. 18: A Consistent Ethic of Life: Abortion and Capital Punishment. Democrats are too rigid in opposing pro-life positions (297-99). They might affirm abortion rate is too high (299-300). A moral issue (301). Death penalty another moral issue (301-06). Ch. 19: Truth Telling about Race: America’s Original Sin. That racism is America’s “original sin” is “simply a statement of historical fact” [sic] (307-08). Rep. Tony Hall [D-OH 3] fails to persuade U.S. to apologize for slavery (308-09). Racism has to be taught (309-10). Luke learning: “Why?” (310-11). Howard Dean attacks Republicans’ coded racist message in South Carolina speech, Dec. 7, 2003 (312-15). Persistence of racism (316-17). Anger of black youth (317-18). A spiritual issue; white evangelicals now addressing it (318-20). Ch. 20: The Ties That Bond: Family and Community Values. Sleaze: the real enemy is the commodification of everything (321-22). Many attracted to the Religious Right to protect children from truth (322-24). Family values issues (324-25). Supporting responsible parenting as a way to transcend the divide (325-29). The “crisis of family life in America” is a fact (329-30). Vulnerability of nuclear families to socioeconomic pressures (330). Right scapegoating gays & lesbians for the crisis (331). Wallis for civil unions (332). Presbyterian debate (332-33). Soujourners’ “‘approach’ of civil dialogue” (333-34). Both sides tend to overstate the issue (335). Voters more sensible (335-36). “Survivor” as symbol of breakdown of community in America (337-40). PART VI: SPIRITUAL VALUES AND SOCIAL CHANGE Ch. 21: The Critical Choice: Hope versus Cynicism. Dancing at Greenbelt, son dancing on New Year’s Eve (343-45). Prophetic faith sees real struggle as hope versus cynicism, not faith versus reason (345-46). “Perhaps the only people who view the world realistically are the cynics and the saints. Everybody else may be living in some kind of denial about what is really going on and how things really are” (347). Desmond Tutu and vanquishing apartheid (347-50). Ten sources of hope (350-51). Evangelicals’ deepening social conscience (35253). Environmental issues (353). Richard Stearns (35354). Chuck Matthei on choice, dignity, seeing, and relationships (355-56). Matthew’s homeless church (35657). Reconciliation with Bill Bright (357-61). Interfaith

NOTES. 10pp.

Call to Renewal: www.calltorenewal.org