Urban Social Pattern Of Navi

Urban Social Pattern

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Every human elements.

settlement

consists

of

certain

Interaction of these elements form a pattern - the urban pattern. The urban pattern is a result of the relationships between people and their social, economic and physical environments. Buildings and spaces are created by people and quite often characterize them (Kostof, 1991). If the residents build the buildings themselves, then they reflect their lifestyles. However, if government agencies or contractors 2 build them, they are more generic and may not

Whatever the mode of construction, residents soon influence their urban environment, changing and modifying it to suit their way of life (Lozano, 1990). Simultaneously, people adapt to the physical environment around them. The human-environment relationship is a twoway process termed as the socio-spatial dialectic (Knox, 1995). Thus, urban form is not merely the architectural form of the city (Lozano, 1990). It is also a cultural manifestation 3

Urban pattern is influenced by:

•Land ownership patterns • Technology •Transportation •Communication and •Socioeconomic relationships 4

Intricacies in relationships have increased the complexity of the urban form over time. The pattern of spatial distribution is recognizable in most contemporary cities (Alexander, 1987).

Where market forces work, income is one of the most important determinants. Education, occupation and values of housing influence the spatial character. Socioeconomic factors have a very important contribution to the pattern. 5

Demographics, linguistics and ethnic background also influence urban patterns. Thus, urban social patterns are complex manifestations of underlying cultural values intermingled with global economic forces (McGee, 1971). Although details may not be identical, city has certain elements.

every

Doxiadis defines five elements in the study of

nature, human beings, society, buildings and infrastructure. Urban spatial human

settlements.

They

are

patterns occur because of the repetitive spatial6

Factors Influencing Urban Form Many factors influence the form of cities. Traditional settlements were shaped by (Lozano, 1990):

•the way in which nature and manmade features satisfy needs for protection and defense •the way in which physical and economic landscape allows for communication with other regions •the way in which the topography of a site suggests the construction of a human settlement •the way in which climate leads to building solutions 7

These factors influence the cultural and spiritual form of the cities

The physical form is a variable of the social and built pattern of the city. The built form is influenced by factors as (Alexander, 1987):

•Land ownership •Existing land use •Planning regulations •Street patterns •Economic considerations •Political and historical events 8

The physical expansion of the city is always bound and

land ownership, and natural and manmade obstacles. guided by

A city replaces existing land use. Thus, it is necessary to determine existing land use as a pre-condition to urban growth and form. The change of land use from rural to urban depends on the existing land use, and the ownership. Some farmers may sell their land more easily than others may. The rural land may also have been subdivided.

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Plots of varying sizes and shapes influence the layout of the streets and of individual buildings (Knox, 1995). Planning controls influence development to a great extent. Master plans and regional plans provide long-range strategies for development 10

Various economic, social and political circumstances influence the social pattern (Scargill, 1979). While some processes are culture-specific, others are global in scope. These factors are (Alexander, 1987, Kosambi, 1986):

•Ethnic composition of the city •Religion •Race •Migration •Economic considerations •Political and historical events

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The housing market also influences the social pattern of the city. A household’s determined by:

choice

of

place

to

live

is

• Its income level, •Personal preferences and •Institutional constraints. Owner-occupier, private rental and public sector housing operationalize housing sectors. A particular social pattern brings about a particular built form. Certain built forms encourage certain social patterns. 12

The Evolution of the Urban Form of Indian Cities The traditional theory of urban origin is generally attributed to Childe (Herbert, and Thomas, 1990). Some other experts have commented that urban centers were a result of agricultural change. People as food gatherers advanced to become farmers. Domestication of animals and cultivation of land created villages. Soon, surplus food production was achieved. This allowed some of the people to develop other professions. Priests, craftsmen and 13

However, other scholars contend that it is doubtful that surplus can be attributed as the single factor which caused the emergence of urban settlements (Jacobs, 1983). Reasons such as trade and defense have also been used to explain the formation of cities. For thousands of years, cities were very simple although they rarely served single purposes. Instead, they supported a range of activities. Housing, commercial buildings, government offices and warehouses formed the built environment of the city. Pedestrian movement limited the size of the city. 14

Clear differentiation between urban and rural existed, often because of a city wall. However, within, a city contained social distinctions in terms of class, race and religion (Vance, 1990). Urbanization took place at different chronological periods. The factors influencing urbanization were also different. The variation in influencing factors and historical circumstance gave rise to different urban forms in different parts of the world. The evolution of the urban pattern of Indian cities is divided into the social pattern and the built form. 15

India is among the most stratified of all known societies in the world (Srinivas, 1992a). The caste system of India separates and hierarchies the Hindus. The external manifestation of the separation and hierarchy through particular attributes of the castes brings about social stratification of the urban social pattern (Marriott, 1992). Clothing, language, rituals, marriage and death ceremonies distinguish one caste from another. In India, the forms of social stratification are many. Along with the caste exist occupational stratification, linguistic stratification and religious stratification. The social stratification is very deep and varied. The Indian theory of social stratification depends on caste, linguistic, religious and ethnic diversity of the country

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The Built Form

The historical evolution of the built form of Indian cities can be divided into three distinct phases. The earliest is the Hindu phase (3000 B. C to 12th century AD), which contributes many elements to the urban form. These characteristics are derived from the need for defense and administration and the importance of religion (Kopardekara, 1986). The temple as the symbol of religion dominates the urban form. The temple also influences the siting of other land uses. Prime commercial and residential land was located near the temple. The science of architecture and planning, Vastushastra, governed the alignment of roads, orientation of buildings and arrangement of 17 internal rooms based on astrological and religious

The square was used in the creation of the vastupurusha mandala, which was the terrestrial representation of the cosmic universe inhabited by Brahma, the creator. The mandala could be divided into smaller squares, padas. In planning the town a vastupurusha mandala which was most auspicious, and which had as many padas as there were to be residential sectors was selected. The streets ran from north to south and from east to west. The town wall enclosed the mandala, and four gateways were situated at the cardinal points. The final shape of the town depended on the natural features of the site. If it could not be a perfect square, a perfect rectangle was accepted. Certain other shapes were also considered to be auspicious like the circle, cyclical and swastika

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The residential districts were divided among the four castes. Generally, the Brahmans worked and lived in the northern district, Kshatriyas in the eastern and southeastern part, Vaishyas in the southern part and Sudras in the western district. There was further subdivisions within each district depending on the sub-caste. The Brahmans and Kshatriyas lived in the parts of the town which were climatically more comfortable - sheltered from the hot sun, and the south-west monsoon. Characteristics from medieval times are Islamic in nature (14th to 17th centuries A.D.). During this time, the Hindu tradition continued, and Hindu elements of this period are not distinct from earlier ones. The Islamic elements included the mosque and domestic architecture which emphasized the purdah through enclosed courtyards, jali (carved screens) and projecting balconies (Kopardekara, 19 1986).

The residential character throughout this period was segregated. The urban segregation was based on function and occupation premises. Areas for selling of specific goods – cloth, jewelry, pottery, metalware, and wood formed niches in the urban pattern. Residential areas associated with the commercial area were contiguous or within the commercial area (Hall, 1980). In India where occupation and caste are synonyms, this has led to segregation and creation of enclaves within the city. 20

The colonial influence (17th to early 20th century A. D.) was the third phase of historical urban form, especially seen in the port cities associated with the East India Company (Mills, 1988). The morphological components include buildings used for trade - warehouses, counting houses. This led to the development of commercial centers and zoning based on Western market principles. On the periphery of these urban centers, military establishments - the cantonment - were developed (Hall, 1980). 21

At the time of independence in 1947, India inherited a complex urban fabric. Diversification of professions due to industrialization in the postindependence era has resulted in further complexity (Becker, Williamson and Mills, 1992). Residential segregation is no longer based only on occupation and caste, but also on socioeconomic factors (Ramachandran, 1989). Large migration of people from the rural area, and insufficient infrastructure in cities has led to the creation of slums and shantytowns (Misra, 1978). Many researchers have tried to fit Indian urban growth into a theoretical model. “In the case of India, many researchers have pointed to the lack of penetration of urban values into the countryside, and the apparent timelessness and permanence of village life” (Hall, 1980). It has been shown that rural values have penetrated the urban philosophy due to large-scale Migration. 22

Studies of Urban social Patterns The study of the urban social pattern of a city primarily focuses on the residential land use (Herbert and Thomas, 1990). Analysis of individual cities shows that the pattern is not uniform and is characterized by residential segregation. In Western cities the reasons for non-uniformity have been identified as socioeconomic status, ethnic status and family status (Timms, 1971). The non-uniform pattern is consistent over many cities because similar households exert similar housing choices. However, every city has some constraints. For example, housing choices may not 23 be made on economic basis, but on cultural ones.

It is assumed that any planned city consists of neighborhood units. The concept of neighborhood units became popular since the1920s in planned settlements (Perry, 1929). It serves as the building block to construct the whole town. A neighborhood is the basis for formally organized residential space. Hence, the neighborhood unit is used as the unit of a nalysis in the study of human settlements (Herbert and Thomas, 1990). It is not only a physical design concept, but also an expression of socioeconomic and cultural values of the people. The values are also related to family, neighborliness, community and social and civic responsibilities such as aesthetics, safety, security and 24 identity

Western Cities

Many studies of the social and physical urban pattern have been done. The city was viewed as a part of society, and social change was expected to be reflected in studies which were repeated over a time period (Herbert and Thomas, 1990). The data source was census tracts. In the analysis of urban social patterns, three indices were used. These were social rank, family status and ethnic status. Social rank used the variables, employment, education, value of home, housing conditions and material possessions; family status used the variables related to demographics and type of house; ethnic status used religion and social groups. The use of these three indices for analysis is a social area analysis. 25

The broad generalization of the social rank produced a sector model. The main assumption here was that social rank is related to transportation links which influence residential location in a sectoral manner (Scargill, 1979). This type of urbanization is also related to the housing market described by Hoyt (1939). Family status in American cities shows a concentric distribution. As a family’s needs for space increase, they move outwards.

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The outward mobility is related to different stages of life - marriage, parenthood, social status and retirement (Scargill, 1979). Ethnicity causes the social phenomena of segregation. In the built environment this corresponds to ethnic neighborhoods (Timms, 1971). This is predominant in cities where migration is high. Ethnicity, however, does not always emerge as an independent component (Scargill, 1979).

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A study of Baltimore (Knox, 1995) shows that the four important factors in the social pattern are underclass, socioeconomic status, youth/migrants and black poverty. The changing pattern of family cycle reflects concentric zones while that of social rank is in sectors. Studies of Brisbane, Australia (Timms, 1971), Winnipeg, Canada (Herbert and Thomas, 1990) showed similar results. Cities in the Third World are frequently dual environments; traditional and modern design elements juxtaposed in seemingly dichotomous ways, but socially with more complex relations to one another. Traditional places are typically more dense with narrow streets and housing spaces around central courtyards. Public open spaces are generally found only around religious buildings. The modern place is more spacious. A classic example can be seen in the design of New Delhi, which is 28 adjacent to, and surrounds old Delhi (Herbert and Thomas,

Processes quite different from those in western cities govern the pattern of Third World cities. Even single cities, as opposed to conglomerations, are very complex and have evolved over a very long time. Thus, social and economic variables may not be the only factors, which contribute significantly to the urban pattern (Kopardekara, 1986). A large number of models of Third World cities have been made (Lowder, 1986). Social morphological models constructed for the Third World cities show that there is a central concentration of commercial activity and a number of residential neighborhoods. The model shows that the indigenous elite were closely associated with the commercial area. The more educated and professional classes followed the Western ideas of suburbanization and formed their own neighborhoods (Lowder, 1986). The migrants and poor did not live in the core of the city, but formed shantytowns in the peri-urban 29 fringes and in unserviced areas (under bridges, along

But, the morphological pattern of each Third World city is different mainly because of the presence of an indigenous city enclosed by a colonial city, and subsequently surrounded by an industrial city (Lowder, 1986). The morphological model of Asian port cities shows a multiple nucleus (Figure 3.7). The nuclei are original village, traditional commercial areas and modern commercial areas. An analysis of Calcutta showed a pattern based on land use, family ties, ethnicity and literacy. The social pattern showed concentric zones for land use. Literacy and ethnic patterns emerged in a sectoral form. A study of Colombo (Herbert and de Silva, 1974) found that social status, land use, substandard living conditions and ethnicity were the broad variables that defined the social pattern of the city. The colonial cities in Latin America show a pattern (Portes, 1975). The center of the city was the plaza. Around important buildings including a church. The richer class formed the first concentric zone

centralized social the plaza was the residences of the 30 around the plaza.

Here, the residences became smaller and public amenities were reduced. The outer ring bordered on farmland. A consistent relationship existed between socioeconomic position of the household and their distance from the center of the city; the farther away from the center, the poorer the household (Cornelius, 1975). In the 18th and 19th centuries, many large cities became crowded. Wealthier families began to move out of the center and settle in more isolated locations. The pattern is similar to the one described by the sector model of North America. In Lima, Santiago and Chile residential colonies moved from the center of the city to the urban periphery which were selected for their better geographic, climatic and aesthetic factors. Soon socioeconomic status related to nearness to the center became related to distance away from the center. 31The pattern was a creation of the lifestyle choices of the urban

Indian Cities In cities of India, spatial segregation based on ethnicity, caste, religion and language rather than demographics and economics can be seen. The social ties are horizontal and vertical. The horizontal relationships are between people of the same cultural background while vertical relationships are between caste and class. Many studies have been done to study Indian urban areas, and especially to construct a structural model. It has been found that Indian cities defy social modeling. But, in general, the Indian urban social scene essentially reflects two facets of non-western structure (Hall, 1980): i Residences have not yet come to serve the symbolic

function they do in the Western world. i Symbolic functionalism is performed by religion and caste and buttressed by regional affiliations, languages and customs. The nature of traditional social status and the interdependence and spatial interpretation of diverse, yet complementary, status groups help to produce a very obscure patterning of social groups at the micro-level of analysis. 32

Research findings point out that while caste is important in rural societies for its very functioning, in urban environments the meaning of caste becomes more important in terms of identity rather than function. For example, in rural areas, farming is done only by the Sudra caste, and religious duties performed by the Brahmins. In the cities where new professions were created, new definitions had to be made. Soon, industrial and office workers belonged to all castes. The greater complexity of urban life and the difficulty of maintaining caste identity through residential segregation alone, has created social organizations for each caste (Kopardekara, 1986). A second indigenous factor suffusing urban society is that of regional affiliation. "Particularly in cosmopolitan cities cultural or linguistic diversity and regional associations develop to extol their culture and language and to participate in their own regional festivals if not usually 33 celebrated in the region within which they live now" (Hall,

Although the neighborhoods that result are not corporate groups in the sense in which they are defined, such neighborhoods are the source for the development of the corporate groups. Weinstein (1974) made an attempt to produce a conceptual model for the social segregation of an Indian city. He postulated three dimensions as being important contributors to residential segregation. These three dimensions were socioeconomic dimension symbolized by the bazaar: political dimension represented by an administrative symbol prestige dimension derived from the religious function of a temple. 34

Brush (1977) studied 24 cities in India and discerned four types of gradients of population directly related to their evolutionary pattern. Pune and Varanasi, cities that were well developed even before the colonial period, had retained their residential core (Mehta, 1968). Bombay, Calcutta and Madras, colonial cities, had western style CBDs. Hyderabad had two nuclei – the old city and the colonial city. Industrial towns like Jamshedpur were planned around their industrial core. 35

Ahmad (1965) did a factor analysis of the socioeconomic characteristics of Indian cities. He had the following conclusions. North Indian cities had low female employment rates, low literacy, low migration and inequal male to female ratio. South Indian cities had higher female employment rate, higher literacy, higher migration and equal male to female ratio. Metropolitan cities (Bombay, Madras, Calcutta) has low-density commercial centers surrounded by high-density residential neighborhoods. The modern planned cities (Jamshedpur, Chandigarh) have low population densities with no concentration of industrial, commercial or administrative areas.

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Such broad conclusions are results of regional analyses. Analysis at the level of a single city gave patterns that are more complex. A systematic analysis of census data for Bombay was done (Kosambi, 1986). Census data from 1881, 1901, 1831 and 1961 was used to determine the evolution and change of the social pattern. The patterns were attributed to Europeanism, commercialism, religious polarity, transportation and socioeconomic status (Kosambi, 1986). These examples show that the urban social pattern of Indian cities is very complex due to the influence of a variety of factors. The presence of many religions, languages, castes and classes produces a more heterogeneous pattern. The social patterns were also strongly influenced by the age of the city. The existence of multiple physical urban patterns caused by the presence of indigenous settlements, British cities and 37 industrial towns within the boundary of the urban area.

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Conclusions:

The urban social pattern is the complex manifestation of the underlying cultural values of the population within a particular built environment. In the case of India, the sociocultural factors are related to caste, class, religion and language. These characteristics stratify the society into vertical and horizontal systems. Stratification causes social inequality in terms of wealth, power and status. The historical evolution of cities has supported this stratification. Traditional Indian cities have grown over a very long period of time. The residential neighborhoods of such cities are not as well defined as they are in the 39 American cities.

The components of the analysis of American cities are not entirely apparent in the Third World cities. Status in Third World cities is based on family membership or socioeconomic class. The lifestyle depends on ethnicity and migration. The lifestyle factor in North American cities relates small nuclear families with higher education achievements and better employment opportunities. In Third World cities, this is not evident due to the existence of multi-generational families. The households are generally large with a range of ages, skills and professions. Migration may also be restricted to the men of the family. The reasons for migration are also varied – they may be migrating as a result of natural calamities, or in search of opportunities in the city. Male dominance, migration or ethnic group represent the 40 ethnic factor

Urban social pattern of Navi Mumbai Malathi Ananthakrishnan Planning Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic , 1998

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A holistic approach to the study of settlements involves understanding the interrelationships between their constituent elements at a certain period of time. The study of the physical form and structure of cities is the study of urban morphology. Why is such a study significant? The urban form of the city influences behavioral, economic and social processes within it . Thus, the study of human settlements has an encompassing view of all the activities it supports.

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The basic research here involves the search for an urban social pattern of Navi Mumbai. This research determines how the present social pattern relates to various theoretical frameworks. This research aspires to contribute to basic research in social Sciences. The literature review shows that a specific study of Navi Mumbai has not been previously documented. Therefore, this study augment existing knowledge about social configurations of planned urban development in Asian regions. A policy emphasizing a uniform distribution of the population is the ideological orientation of the government. An interpretation of the emerging social pattern reveals something of the social character of the city. The pattern suggests not only the outcome of the policy, but also variables that influence this pattern. The urban social pattern also serves as a framework for further research. Thus, the basic research has many applications in long range planning in Navi Mumbai. 43

The urban social pattern is one of the many aspects of the urban form. The urban form of a city is primarily the result of the characteristics of its physical and social design as well as socioeconomic and political forces. It is a synthesis of the spatial relationships of various elements. Different characteristics are drawn from the factors influencing the physical design and cultural aspect of the city. Physical and economic landscapes, land use and ownership, street patterns, planning regulations, and political events may influence the physical design and pattern of a city. Various processes influence the social pattern of the city. These include the ethnic composition of the city,

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Navi Mumbai (New Bombay) is one of the first planned new town developments built for a diverse, middle class population in India. Traditional Indian cities have evolved over the centuries, and their social pattern is characterized by residential segregation based on ethnic, religious and linguistic classes. The purpose of this presentation is to delineate and interpret the social pattern of Navi Mumbai.

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Socioeconomic factors, housing characteristics, land use pattern and ethnic classifications is used as key variables to study the urban social pattern of Navi Mumbai. Urban patterns occur because of repetition of these elements. The pattern of Navi Mumbai is studied at different hierarchical spatial levels: regional (node / township) and sub-regional (sector / neighborhood).

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Navi Mumbai (New Bombay), India, established in 1972, is a new planned city across the harbor (of Bombay) from Bombay. This planned decentralization was the outcome of efforts by the government to make Bombay more “sustainable” (Bombay Metropolitan Regional Planning Board, 1973). The geographical area of Bombay is an island. The first settlement was established in the southern most tip of the island. Urbanization and subsequent suburbanization of Bombay have created a linear city such that the central business district (CBD) and residential areas have become further and further apart. A wide range of activities led to crowding at an unprecedented scale. In Bombay, for those who could not afford to make the long commutes, squatter settlements all over Bombay became the way of life. Navi Mumbai was designed to provide a better quality of life, especially to the middle and lower class of people 48

Bombay is not a city built on Indian traditional planning ideas. The city of Bombay had its beginnings in a series of fishing villages until it was taken over by the Portuguese in the 16th century. In 1661, the King of Portugal gifted the Bombay islands to King Charles II of England when King Charles married Catherine Braganza, a Portuguese princess. In 1668, the Crown rented Bombay to the East India Company. Bombay was then established as a trading post. The East India Company encouraged Indian and East India Company merchants to settle in Bombay. By the 1780s, the East India Company had taken on the new role of ruler. The East India Company, now as rulers, was interested in developing the town in a methodical manner, and providing efficient infrastructure (Dwivedi and Mehrotra, 1995). The harbor was strengthened, the shipyard modernized and the city fortified. There was a strong development of mixed land use settlements. Commercial and residential areas were mixed because many merchants carried on business from home (Tindall, 1992).

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In 1865, the Bombay Municipal Corporation was established, and, in 1896, the Bombay Improvement Trust was created. These formal government bodies were the beginning of a conscientious effort to regulate the growth of Bombay (Banerjee-Guha, 1995). By the early 1900s, some thought was given to ’Greater Bombay’, which would encompass the Fort area as well as the suburbs of Bombay. However, Greater Bombay came into existence only after the Bombay High Court Act of 1945. This enclosed the Town and Island of Bombay, the Port of Bombay, the suburbs and 42 villages within the definition of the new city limit (Dwivedi and Mehrotra, 1995). The Post-War development Committee of 1945 and the ’Master Plan in Outline’ prepared by Albert Mayer and N. V. Modak influenced the development of Greater Bombay for the next two decades

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The development acts of 1954 and 1964 emphasized the need to relocate industrial activity from the island to the mainland (CIDCO, 1995). In the 1960s, various planning committees were formed to develop a regional plan for Bombay. Land use zoning and the concept of floor space index were incorporated for the first time. In 1966, the Gadgil Committee strongly recommended a multinuclear growth using the creation of a new town across the harbor. This committee appointed the Bombay Municipal Regional Planning Board to develop the concept further (Gadgil Committee, 1965). In 1967, the Bombay Municipal Regional Planning Board set up two committees to study the development of Bombay. They recommended: the creation of a new town on the mainland across the harbor develop the suburbs of Bombay further 51

Bombay had reached a level of unmanageable growth by the 1960s. Bombay’s infrastructure facilities were stretched to the limit. Commuter distances had become larger because of increased suburbanization with no change in location of the CBD. The 1967 development plan estimated a housing shortage of 131,000 houses, and 24 percent of the one and two room tenements were over crowded. Population Density of Bombay 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1961 1971 Area in acres 14247 14281 14342 14575 15066 15480 16751 16720 Persons / Acre 54 56 54 67 78 75 165 184 (Various Census Reports for Bombay in Kosambi, 1986) The Bombay Metropolitan Regional Planning Board in its report wrote Bombay the Beautiful is no more beautiful. Many parts of it are not even tolerably clean and healthy. Housing deficits are ever widening and slums like a cancerous growth can be seen anywhere and everywhere. Adequate water is a serious problem. Transportation is threatening to break down…. (BMRPB, 1973) 52 Population increase, concentration of industries and offices in

In a final attempt, the Bombay Metropolitan Regional Planning Board recommended considering a twin city across the harbor. The Creation of Navi Mumbai The prominent authors of the ’twin city concept’ were Charles Correa, Pravina Mehta and Shirish Patel who presented to the government a proposal in 1964 for constructing new growth centers across Bombay harbor on the mainland. The implementation occurred through ’correct’ political and bureaucratic channels in 1969. This was in the form of the Bombay Municipal Regional Planning Board’s recommendation that a new city be designed within the Bombay Metropolitan region to facilitate the decongestion of Bombay (Correa, 1997). If the new city was too far away, then this would not be possible (BMRPB, 1973). The site that was finally chosen was across the harbor from Bombay island. It is a narrow piece of land bounded by the Western Ghat mountain ranges on the north, south and east, and the Arabian Sea on the west (CIDCO, 1973). Navi Mumbai covers an area of 344 sq. km. It is a self-contained 53 city independent of Bombay although there is still a visual

It was hoped that the nearness to Bombay would facilitate the relocation of people from Bombay (CIDCO, 1973). Correa, Patel and Mehta designed this regional plan based on three basic objectives: a planned new development, financing physical and social infrastructure through land sales, and improving Bombay by drawing off pressures for growth into the new area (Patel, 1997). The new town, comprising of a number of nodes (townships), was designed to accommodate new industrial and commercial activity as well as for secure and affordable housing to workers. The plan hoped to reduce homelessness in Bombay and provide slum dwellers a better life as well as absorb migration from the countryside (Correa, 1985). The regional plan was approved in 1970. The Bombay Municipal Regional Planning Board created the City and Industrial Development Corporation (CIDCO) in 1970 to implement its ideas. 54

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The Draft Development Plan of 1973 The task of planning and developing Navi Mumbai was entrusted to the City and Industrial Development Corporation (CIDCO), a government agency explicitly set up for this purpose. CIDCO is a limited company, wholly owned by the State Government of Maharashtra (CIDCO, 1973). The first task of CIDCO was to prepare a development plan for the new town. CIDCO used certain development principles in its design. They were (CIDCO, 1973): •polycentric pattern of development •acquisition of all land to have better control of the environment and to use land as the main resource for development 56

The first step was to identify all the land that needed to be acquired for Navi Mumbai. Owners were notified about the government’s proposal. The land notified for acquisition for Navi Mumbai was under private and government ownership Table Land Fragmentation in 1970 Ownership Area (sq.km) >500 sq. m. >1000 sq. m. >4000 sq. m. >10000 sq. m. Government 10137 - - All Private 16677 18412 3338 1579 90 Marsh(wetlands) 84 (CIDCO, 1995) CIDCO notified all private owners about the compulsory acquisition. The government would acquire land under its power of eminent domain under Section 22, Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning Act (MR&TP Act), 1966. Section 31(6) under the same act gives the government the power to specify land use and proceed with development. The finality of the approved Development Plan ensures that the pressure and friction which would develop to obtain land57use

Although the main objective of the design of Navi Mumbai was to create a selfsufficient urban environment, it also hoped to improve the quality of life of Bombay. The objectives were (CIDCO, 1973: 10): 1. Reduce the growth of population in Bombay city by creating a center that would absorb immigrants, and also attract some of Bombay’s present population. 2. To support a statewide Industrial Location Policy which will lead eventually to an efficient and rational distribution of industries over the State and a balanced development of urban centers in the hinterland. 3. To provide physical and social services, raise the living standards and reduce the disparities in the amenities available to the different sections of the population. 4. To provide an environment which would permit the residents of New Bombay to live fuller and richer lives in so far this is possible, free from the physical and social tensions, which are commonly associated with urban living. 58 5. To provide a physical infrastructure which prevents ethnic

The chosen site had various development potentials These were (CIDCO, 1995): · the Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation (MIDC) Estates at Turbhe and Taloja; · the plan for a modern, container port at Nhava-Sheva; · the existence of two municipal corporations at Panvel and Uran; · the newly commissioned bridge across the Thane creek, and transport corridors along Thane-Belapur; · the Thane-Pune National Highway 4, Panvel-Uran rail and road links. The success of Navi Mumbai was thought to depend on the adequate creation of jobs (CIDCO, 1995). The development plan took into account the provision of 750,000 jobs for a population of 2 million (CIDCO, 1995). This was necessary to (CIDCO, 1995): •make Navi Mumbai self-contained and not a dormitory; •to decongest Bombay by shifting jobs that are concentrated in 59 the southern part of Bombay;

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The employment base of Navi Mumbai was planned to encompass manufacturing (industry), trade and commerce (wholesale and warehousing), as well as service sector (office) jobs. The Industrial Location Policy issued in December 1974 posed various restrictions on the start of new industrial units on Bombay island. A series of controls were made for various regions within Bombay. No new, large or medium industrial units were permitted on Bombay island. Only small-scale industries were allowed in place of old, large industries. Industrial growth was encouraged only in the MIDC industrial estates of Navi Mumbai (CIDCO, 1973). Almost 87% of the office jobs of Greater Bombay are located on Bombay island with 62% in South Bombay. The plan called for the shifting of government offices from South Bombay to Navi Mumbai. The authors of the regional plan cited the case of New Delhi to emphasize their idea (Patel, 1997). A CBD was planned in Navi Mumbai with the aim of creating 40,000 office jobs. Although job opportunities were the driving force behind Navi 61 Mumbai’s success, the availability of cheaper, better quality

Design Principles of Navi Mumbai The conceptual design of Navi Mumbai was developed at the height of Modernism. Le Corbusier had played an important role in the design of Chandigarh in Punjab in the mid-1950s (Le Corbusier, 1961). Some of the highlights of the design elements of this plan were sector planning, hierarchy of roads and important buildings of a gargantuan scale (Fry, 1977). Le Corbusier explained "the plan is based on the main features of the 7V rule determining an essential function: the creation of sectors. The sector is the container of family life" (Le Corbusier, 1961). The sector was based on the Spanish cuadra of 110 to 100 meters. Each of these cuadras was a self-contained unit with primary schools, community centers and residential areas. The cuadra had a detailed zoning plan with single-use zoning on all lots. No fast traffic was allowed in the sectors. V4 roads were designed for shopping and commercial activity. Children were able to walk to school on the V7 through green belts (Sarin, 1977). Many of these principles of Modernism were used in the planning of Navi Mumbai. These were: •decentralization by the design of self-sufficient townships(nodes), •residential neighborhoods (sector), 62 •

The result was a single-use zoning pattern with distinct areas for industrial, commercial, residential and institutional activity. The total land of Navi Mumbai was divided into thirteen townships. Each township had several sectors. Many of the sectors were residential in character. The neighborhoods were self-sufficient and had their grocery store and primary school. A sector centrally located within each node took on commercial activities. The sector planning of Modernism is very similar to the grid planning of traditional Indian cities. In India the square was used as the basic unit in the layout of traditional cities. The square had a significance in Hinduism as this perfect geometric shape was thought to be the abode of the gods. Even in the planning of Mohenjadaro (7th century B.C.), main streets formed perfect rectangles dividing the city into separate residential areas based on caste. All houses in a neighborhood were occupied by a particular caste. In India, the four castes are Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra, which corresponds to the professions priest, warrior/king, merchant and peasant. 63

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Navi Mumbai consists of thirteen townships (or nodes). Each node is self-contained for 100,000 to 200,000 people. Each node is divided into neighborhoods (or sectors). The nodes contain residential, commercial, infrastructure and recreational uses. At a larger scale, nodes share some common facilities such as water reservoirs and transport facilities. Some of the nodes have special features. Vashi is the center of Navi Mumbai's wholesale market. Airoli and Kopar-Khairane have industrial estates, while Nhava-Sheva houses the new container port. Each node was planned to accommodate a range of income groups. There would be no rich or poor nodes (CIDCO, 1973). The size of the node depends on walking distances to the mass transit stop. The node should be large enough to provide schools, shopping areas and other facilities. 65

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The Development Plan of Navi Mumbai is an example of the new consciousness for sustainable settlements (CIDCO, 1995). The plan envisioned an ecologically friendly city where products of nature would be used, and then unused portions would be recycled. One of the ideas of putting the environmental city into practice was the creation of woodland corridors (Parab, 1997). The Development Plan for Navi Mumbai called for the planting of one hundred thousand trees every year! (Engel, 1991). This would also ensure reduction of soil erosion and the development of woodlands for both recreation and timber. The streams flowing from the Western Ghats mountain ranges would irrigate these trees. The plan called for the construction of holding ponds to retain excess monsoon run-off, which would be used in the dry seasons. Holding ponds would be used for pisciculture and recreation. Water treated from industrial and sewage waste would be used to develop green areas (Parab, 1997). 67

Social Agenda in the Planning of Navi Mumbai Considerations of social equity were very important in all aspects of development in a country, which had been independent for only 20 years. The primary concerns were related to providing better quality of housing, education and job opportunities, medical care and social welfare. The design of a completely new city was a very good opportunity to implement these national concerns. The Constitution of India also spells out the need for the government machinery to facilitate social, economic and political equity. The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them (Article 15, I). The State shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice - social, economic and political - shall inform all the institutions of the national life (Article 38). The planners of Navi Mumbai thought this was a fortuitous occasion to provide social justice to the millions of migrants 68 and

Navi Mumbai’s founders saw the construction of large amounts of new housing as an opportunity to break down demographic divisions and to enhance social equity. The Draft Development Plan spelled out "there is a tendency in India that induces people to live in like groups, enclaves or ghettos of age long tradition of ’birds of the same feather flocking together’. In planned towns and cities this should be avoided to a great extent by allocating housing in neighborhoods to members of different communities.“ To justify this consideration, planners cited the segregation of Bombay as an example. When the East India Company encouraged merchants to establish residence in Bombay, merchants from neighboring districts migrated into Bombay and constructed homes inside and outside the Fort walls. This led to the development of ethnic enclaves. The Governor of Bombay also encouraged this development because it reinforced the traditional panchayati (selfgovernment) system of administration by which the council of elders settled religious, and law and order problems of the community 69 (Dwivedi and Mehrotra, 1995).

Provision of schools and colleges was a priority in the planning of Navi Mumbai. The nodes (townships) were designed to provide one primary school per 5000 population, one high school for 12,500 population and one college for 50,000 population (CIDCO, 1973). These were the education facilities to be provided by the government. Other private institutions would be encouraged also. Minimum standards for building construction were developed by CIDCO. Health planning was undertaken as public health projects, medical care, water supply and sanitation, recreation and afforestation projects (CIDCO, 1973). The planning was for a comprehensive coverage by taking the services to households, schools and colleges and making health education a part of classroom education. The community health care center would primary health care. It would have out-patient department, diagnostic and investigation services. Mobile health care units would operate from this community health center. The medical center would provide secondary health service. It would be a 70 small hospital and polyclinic where specialized health care would

The planners of Navi Mumbai did not intend to create an identity for the city related to physical objects. The Development Plan says (CIDCO, 1973: 17): "CIDCO is anxious that the new city develop its own identity as quickly as possible. It should contain its own jobs, shopping, recreational and other social facilities an should not become a dormitory for Greater Bombay.“ Thus, there was no aim to create a monumental city. Its identity is only that of a spreading inkblot (Engel, 1991). It appears that the monumental style of Corbusier was not an influence on this design. New, planned cities of India such as Chandigarh, Gandhinagar can be described by their grid system or monumental scales. However, the identity of Navi Mumbai is subtler. It is more of a philosophical identity - an identity based on the Gandhian value of social equality. The city of Navi Mumbai was planned to address the issue of social equality through its physical design. The physical design would be the instrument to implement this objective. 71

In particular, the allotment of residential apartments would be

Plan Implementation through the Public Administrative Framework The government authorities of Bombay realized that the effectiveness of regional planning depended, largely, on the institutions responsible for the plan. In the very beginning, the Gadgil Committee Report (1965) had recommended the setting up of a New Town Development Authority (NTDA). CIDCO was appointed as the NTDA. CIDCO undertook the task of (CIDCO, 1995): •developing land and providing infrastructure such as roads, drainage, water supply, electricity; •developing residential plots for different income groups; •promoting commercial and other employment activity; •involving Government agencies for developing public transport and telecommunications. Other institutions have also been set up in the Greater Bombay region to facilitate planning efforts in the region. These are (CIDCO, 1992): 72

CIDCO has executed the implementation of the plan in various stages (CIDCO, 1992). These stages include: Draft Development Plan (programs and policies) - Objectives - Data base - Other agencies - Visualizing the future Action Plans - Land use plans - Residential layout plans - Infrastructure plans - Industrial location plans -Environmental assessment Implementation - Acquisition of land - Finance - Construction - Relocation strategies 73

BMRDA took over such functions as coordination of metropolitan planning, funding, execution of programs, development control and maintenance of the entire Greater Bombay region including Navi Mumbai (UNCHS, 1993). Financial responsibilities and investment decisions are made by a large number of agencies including the Government of India, State Government of Maharashtra, CIDCO and firms in the private sector, but coordinated by BMRDA. Macro-level Regional Planning Inputs--Bombay Metropolitan Regional Development Authority (BMRDA) Micro-level Sub-regional Planning Inputs--Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation Plan Implementation of Navi Mumbai ---City and Industrial Development Corporation (CIDCO) 74

Though the Navi Mumbai project was begun in 1970, the development process has been slow. The poor transportation links between Bombay and Navi Mumbai has been the main contributing factor. Growth in other development sectors of Bombay has also had an adverse effect on Navi Mumbai’s growth. The absence of a port and railway links slowed growth. However, since 1990 there has been accelerated growth due to the commissioning of Nhava-Sheva port, the extension of the railway lines, establishment of more industries and construction of more houses. CIDCO provides serviced sites for both government and private ownership. Houses have been constructed for different sectors of society economically weaker section, lower income group, middleincome group and high-income groups. Commuter services have become operational since May 1992, and housing occupancy rates are high. Hence, the city is no longer a plan on paper, but a living and working reality. 75

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