Socialist Worker, Zimbabwe, May 2009 Edition

Socialist W or k er

Quarterly Newspaper of the International Socialist Organisation Zimbabwe Registered at the GPO as a Newspaper P.O Box 6758 Harare [email protected]

Workers deserve Salaries not allowances in Forex

US$1 US$2 in bookshops

No to a Parliament Driven Constitution ...Working People Take Charge One of the reasons why we had been calling for a new democratic people driven constitution is because we have realised that a constitution made by elites will never address issues to do with the needs of the general populace rather it only focuses on the protection of the interests of its crafters. That was the case with the Lancaster house constitution that even failed to address the interests of the combatants who fought the liberation struggle .The Chidyausiku draft of 2000 was similar in the sense that it failed to address the socio economic imbalances among the social classes in our society. Today the Constitutional reform process as stipulated by Article 6 of the GPA is completely defective and leads exactly to an end result of none other than a bourgeois constitution .The Kariba Draft Constitution shall be used as a cornerstone yet the draft it self is a formal secret document done by an elite of political parties representatives without any democratic input by citizens. Essentially the majority of its provisions are no different word for word with the Chidyausiku Draft Constitution. Movements and organizations fighting for social and economic justice are concerned that such Draft in its

Declaration of Rights absolutely side-lines the social and economic justice demands of the poor and oppressed including such key rights like the rights to food security, fair labour standards including a living wage and the right to strike, the rights of informal traders, the rights of rural farmers, women and youths, rights to education, housing, social utilities like water, electricity and transport, to health including access to drugs and support for those affected by AIDS/HIV and social security for children, the unemployed, the disabled, war veterans and the elderly. The draft is silent on provisions of economic democracy including the rights to equitable economic development and to national sovereignty over the country’s natural resources for the benefit of all including financing and subsidies for the socioeconomic rights of the ordinary people. What it does in turn is to protect the interests of the elites and the rich by providing for massive enhanced protection of the right to private property. The Draft is based on free – market neoliberal principles whose effects have caused untold misery not just in Zimbabwe but across the whole world.

In new Constitution - Women Demand full control your bodies, sexuality and reproductive organs including free and safe state funded abortion which is currently restricted to rich middle class women alone .

international ...

South Africa’s Divisive Election As Socialist Worker was going to press, South Africa was voting in its fourth democratic elections since 1994. But the polls are also its most divisive – along South Africa’s still entrenched divides of race and class. According to all the polls the parties likely to be the top three are the ANC, Congress of the People (COPE) and the Democratic Alliance (DA). It is predicted that they will win about 90% of the votes combined. But these three also represent the divide in South Africa today. The DA represents the interests of the white population that is racist. Its leader Helen Zille was open as regards its bigotry when she argued that crime began in South Africa under Mandela (a black government). Zille also threatened to use the army during an intended strike by taxi (kombi) drivers. Non-whites in the poorer areas of Cape Town with outstanding water bills and who support the ANC have had their water supplies cut while those who do not support the ANC had no disconnections. The DA’s campaign is being driven and managed by whites – yet claiming to be a party of colour. COPE was formed when Mbeki was kicked out as President

is reflected in the “No Vote” abstention protest that thousands are embarking on in townships across the country. It reflects also the frustration at the lack of service delivery and poverty they are forced to live in. Hundreds of township residents in Gauteng and the Western Cape staged protests on election day and threatened to attack voting stations. There is a tiny section that is questioning the electoral process around delivery failures.Given this scenario, the left in South Africa is also divided as to how to proceed. Some formed electoral fronts – but failed to meet the half-a-million Rand deposit required for registration. They badly misread the firing of Mbeki and assumed the masses had written off the ANC when Mbeki was fired. They assumed, wrongly, that they could compete at least electorally. But they also ignored two critical issues. Firstly the fact that they were not organised in the rank-and-file of the poor and secondly, that the struggle was in fact not rising. They will surely not have success with their elitist sectarian attitudes. Given the failures, for whatever reasons, of the social movements over the last 8 years to achieve their goal, and that some disillusionment exists with the movements as well,

Of the 90%, it is predicted that the ANC will get around

this poses the question – what next for the fighting masses? In theory, and in campaign speeches, the ANC represents the aspirations of the masses. As its campaign posters proclaim “A Better Life For All”. But in reality, the ANC bosses represent the aspirations of the elite minority of South Africa. Mbeki’s successor, Kgalema Monthlanthe, represented the government at the recent G-20 meeting in London. Jacob Zuma has given re-assurances at meetings organised by US Investor think tanks that their investments are safe and the neo-liberal programme is firmly on the agenda. Clearly for the ANC bosses it must be business as usual. These bosses have argued for the electoral process. On election day Monthlanthe pleaded with protesters to vote. But as Tebza Mokgope of Keep Left argues, we need to

66%. The figures are debatable but one thing is for sure, the

emphasise what led to the defeat of Mbeki. He is right. It

ANC is expected to win. Given the state of South Africa’s

was the service delivery protests that lit the fire under Mbeki’s

poor and the still racial divide, this is not surprising. In the

arse. Keep Left comrades further argue that we need to build

ANC the masses of South Africa still express their desire for

a campaign that is not ruled by votes. We need to build links

a better life.

to the struggles that will inevitably explode as the

But here also lies another divide – it is amongst the masses

contradictions of capitalism sharpen between the politician

as to the way forward in struggle.Beginning in 2001, a wave

and the very people who look to Zuma for change.One thing

of service delivery protests began sweeping across townships

is clear. The 2009 elections will leave lots of unanswered

across South Africa. The poor of all colours were united in

questions about the lingering poverty and the best way

their anger at the lack of service delivery . And they showed

forward for the masses. There is an abundance of apparently

it in militant protests. But this wave has now peaked. Some

Marxist analysis. But the question of a real Leninist

have been victorious like the protests that shook Khutsong

organisation needs to be urgently posed. The liberation of

in Gauteng for a solid two years. They demanded that their

the working class will be the act of the working class itself

area be re-incorporated into Gauteng from North-West

and not elitist sectarians or NGOs. Ashley Fataar Keep Left, Cape Town

last year. The Mbekites (as the loyal officials of Mbeki came to be known) were driven out in two stages – the Polokwane conference in 2007 and the firing of Mbeki nine months later.The statements as COPE was being formed show that the Mbekite section wanted to pursue the neoliberal agenda free from ties to COSATU and the SACP – the militants of whom showed them the door and whom they wanted to punish. COPE represents the right-wing section of the black ruling class now embarrassed by their association with the poor blacks of South Africa.

province and they won resoundingly and unconditionally.But most have not had the success they sought to achieve. This

Socialist Worker 2009 2

.......Politics of ISO........

Women`s Oppression Everywhere you go where discussions on how people are being oppressed, normally heated debates erupt as to the inclusion of the term Women’s oppression. Most people feel there is nothing special about women’s oppression hence their oppression should be treated equally like other form of oppression like oppression of the disabled, youths, workers, vendors, traders etc. We cannot obviously deny that such groups also suffer a lot under capitalism (neoliberalism), but what makes the oppression of women unique is its age and how inbuilt it is into class society. The oppression of women is the oldest form of oppression in class society now and yesterday. Whilst all oppression is unfair, the oppression of women of women is the unfair of all forms of oppression. The oppression of women is passed off as ‘normal’, ‘usual’ and ‘acceptable’. Even some women themselves seem to accept this position as being “natural”. Scientific evidence shows that while women’s oppression, is the oldest form o f oppression, it is only 5000 years old. Anthropologist Richard Lee summarises the findings of the science: “Before the rise of the state and the entrenchment of social inequality, people lived for millennia in small-scale kinship-based social groups, in which the core institutions of economic life included collective ownership of land, resources, food and equal political relations (between the sexes)”. In other words, people shared and helped each other. There were no rulers, no ruled, no rich and no poor. Women and men occupied the same status in society with regard to decisions over all life giving and sustaining matters. This was society for about 95,000 years. Then about 5,000 years ago something happened. Class society and social inequality arose and with it, what Karl Marx’s lifelong friend and collaborator Friedrich Engels, refers as “the world historic defeat of the female sex”. The status of women changed from being codecision makers with men into positions of being dependent and sub-ordinate (junior). The degree of women’s oppression varies from place to place and society to society, but it now exists everywhere. In places like Afghanistan, even after the invasion in 2001women were still forced to wear bhurkas (doekies) covering their faces. In countries like America, women have choices concerning their reproductive rights restricted .In Zimbabwe women wearing miniskirts are publicly degraded and attacked .The use of female condom is also restricted due to the dependency on men. The place of women began to be restricted. Women could go hunting and gathering trips with men, they could still use a hoe (badza)-even when still pregnant. But the use of ploughs and the herding of horses and cattle was now restricted to men. While the plough relieved women of the most demanding labour, it also deprived women of the monopoly over cereal crop[s and the social status it conferred. Key decisions about the future of the family became male decisions. Other changes had a similar impact.

While women could still take part in local trade and playing some part in warfare, long distance trade and serious soldering became monopolised by men. IN THE PROCESS THE KINSHIP BASED SOCIAL GROUPS BROKE UP. The individual adult woman no longer became part of the wider network of relationships which gave her a say of the use of productive means and protection against arbitrary treatment . Instead , the woman simply became a wife – a subordinate in strange household .She became a possession of a man , a valued ornament of beauty , a source of sexual pleasure and a breeder of heirs .Whilst they would be protected from hardships and external danger , they would be closed off from any interaction with the outside social world –turned into housewives . The imprint of women’s oppression was to be found in all ideologies and religions. Christianity teaching that the woman was formed from the man (Adam and Eve) yet everyone is born from a woman , Islam teaching that a man (Mohammed )was the messenger of Allah whilst Christianity teaches that another man ( Moses) collected the ten commandments .Similarly Buddhism and Judaism statues are of men while men lead Vapositori in this region. The oppression of women continues with class society today with an image, universally portrayed by neoliberalism of the family as the father being the breadwinner with the woman at home tending the children. Women feature in adverts for laundry products and men for adverts for cars. Sexy images of women are also used in advertising. The sexist cattle parades of Miss Zimbabwe, Miss World, Miss Parade, Miss Malaika and other modelling contests continue to reinforce the oppressive image of women with the ideal body shape. Yet a global study shows that only 3% of women fir these images. This has led to the furthering of women’s oppression with breast reduction and enhancement and other body changing techniques and methods. In summary such is the oppression of women. Racism arises only about 200 years ago with the conquest of South America, Africa and Asia by European powers .The oppression of women arises thousands of years before. As the Great Russian revolutionary , Leon Trotsky very clearly puts it ,”We can only measure the social advancement of any society by the practical measures that the society takes in protecting its women and children” He is absolutely correct .the oppression of women is rooted into class society therefore oppression of women can only be ended by the destruction of class society . Socialist Worker 2009 3

Women and the Constitution If one may develop an interest in taking stock of all protests waged over bread and butter issues in Zimbabwe over the past eight to ten years, clearly the results reflect that in many cases women have been on the forefront of such protests. Questions are then asked, ‘does this mean the working people of Zimbabwe have advanced to reach turning points where mankind is beginning to break the traditional patriarchal beliefs separating men as superiors from women as inferiors?’ or else, “ it is the position of women in our societies which gives them no option than to fight even if men are reluctant?” I think it’s a combination of both but the later carries more weight in the Zimbabwean context .70% of women in Zimbabwe are unemployed and they look up to their employed husbands for maintaining their families. Neoliberalism has forced workers to earn quite abysmal wages far below the porverty datum line and less enough to keep families running .In that case what men have simply been doing is to pass over the burden to women by surrendering the little money they get as wages to their wives who will then bear the burden of doing all the necessary mathematics to make it enough for all family needs , which practically has been impossible. That scenario has imposed that heavy burden on women who are forced to make possible the impossible that of bringing daily to their tables bread .In many cases some have ended up engaging in informal trade as a kind of moonlighting and some have taken it into their hands and resorted to fighting to change the current order. That is why women have been on the forefront of every protest action in Zimbabwe and as socialists we welcome this development because it’s a step ahead in breaking the patriarchal barriers imposed on workers by the ruling classes to divide workers on gender bases .We again strongly urge all workers to rally behind our women comrades and seize the opportunity ushered in by the coming constitutional reform process and demand provisions in the constitution providing full gender equity to achieve women’s rights including: 9 Removal of provisions on customary laws and traditions that oppress women. 9 Right to full control of their bodies, sexuality and reproductive organs including the right to full, free and safe state funded abortion. 9 Recognition for social security and state rant purposes of informal trade, home work and subsistence work.. 9 Right to equal distribution in land; gender equity in all private and public governance bodies. Women are as good as men, we only differ biologically but we eat from the same plate therefore away with all the superstitions and let us fight together.

What we stand for SOCIALISM Capitalism is a system of exploitation, which generates inequality, crisis and war. Although workers create wealth, it is controlled and consumed by the ruling class for its own selfish interests. Socialism can only be build if the working class takes control of the wealth and democratically plan its production and distribution to meet human needs not private profits. This will eliminate all class divisions in society. Socialism from below The working class is the most powerful class in the struggle for socialism .We stand for their alliance with all other socially oppressed classes in particular peasants and the urban poor under the leadership of workers. Socialism can only be attained by mass self-activity of workers such as strikes and demonstrations. We support trade unions as essential to the fight for workers economic and political rights. Revolution or reform Reforms in capitalist society cannot end oppression and exploitation. Capitalism must be smashed. Contrary to what is said by middle class opposition parties, institutions like parliament, the army, the police and the courts are not neutral things that can simply be taken over by workers. Reformists fight for reforms as an end in themselves, whilst we accept reforms only in so far as they increase the confidence of the working class in order to smash the entire capitalist system. Internationalism Workers in every country are exploited by capitalism so the struggle for socialism is global .We campaign for solidarity with workers in all countries .We are internationalists because socialism is about spreading working class revolutions to all countries around the world. Opposition to oppression Capitalism divides workers by using sexual, tribal, racial and national distinctions .the specially oppressed groups within the working class suffers the most under capitalism .We oppose the oppression of women, blacks, minority tribes – ethnic groups and gays and lesbians. We fight for real social, economic and political equality of women including access to safe, free abortion facilities. We call for an end to discrimination against gays. Revolutionary party To achieve socialism the most militant sections of the working class have to be organized in a mass revolutionary party .We are currently in the early stages of building such a party through involvement in day-to-day struggles of workers and the oppressed.

Become a Socialist Name Address And write to ISO Box 6758 Harare Or Phone 04 704209 091908847

Socialist Worker 2009 4

Can parliament bring fundamental change One of the biggest lies of the society we live in is that power to change society lies in parliament. Most social democrats and labour parties believe that if they win a majority of seats in parliament and presidency then they would introduce radical changes through the parliament. In Zimbabwe the labour movement resolved to facilitate the formation of a workers party, which believes in social democracy. Social democrats believe that the working class can overcome exploitation and oppression by simply electing the correct party to parliament. The basis, therefore, of social democratic politics is not encouraging workers‘ self activity and revolution but winning elections every five years or so to head government .the idea being that by winning a majority in parliament, the state can be taken over and used for workers interests. Parliamentary democracy As an institution for change, parliament is thoroughly ineffective .In reality the democracy offered by parliament is always extra-ordinarily restricted and limited. Firstly parliamentary democracy offers no means by which the electorate can control their representatives. Secondly MPs do not in practice control government. Rather it is government that controls MPs .To pursue power through parliamentary democracy is , therefore to preserve a system of affairs in which workers continue to be excluded from effective control of their lives . The idea that parliament equals democracy, the rule of the people is nonsense, a complete pipe dream .Democracy in parliamentary sense , is a shame , not just because its purpose is to decide once after every 5 years which members of the ruling class are to repress and crush the workers and peasants through parliament but because of the separation between politics and economics . Becoming an MP is usually sufficient to cut off any aspiring leftist from such connections as he or she may have with workers and peasants. Becoming a minister puts you in a different world altogether. Even the most radical labour ministers will soon find that far from taking control of part of the government machine, they are trapped by it. The State The capitalist state is not a neutral referee of conflicting classes as social democrats think .It is often an apparatus designed by the ruling class to preserve the existing order, therefore it tends to oppose any government, which even verbally, threatens the current order dominated by the rich and bosses. Parliament is the only elected branch of state .the daily running of the state is done by appointed bureaucrats and senior civil servants, who if they do not agree with the social democratic government policy, often sabotage it by not implementing it .The civil service , Judges , the armed forces and the police as well as such bodies like the Reserve bank and the media remains in the hands of people who are part of the wealthy ruling class as the directors of big companies and banks . Faced with a reforming government whose policies and principles represent a challenge to the capitalist priorities, the state machine acting in concert with big business has immense resources of obstruction and pressure .Should the

government resist those pressures the state can still resort to direct force as the Chilean state did in 1973 overthrowing an elected reformist government . Capitalism operates as a system with logic of its own. Economic crisis is build into its running .It is this dynamic, not the will of the parliamentarians, which determine how much bosses are willing to spent on wages and welfare and how high unemployment will be. Voting for social democratic MPs will not transform the state machinery into an obedient servant of the popular will .the fact is that decisions as to how many workers lives are destroyed through retrenchments, decisions on price rises , on the number of buses on the road , on food and rent increases and other economic decisions are not decided by parliament .The power of the capitalists depend on their control of the economy –which is protected by state .Whether or not it has been given democratic parliamentary blessings . It is always the class that controls the economy which controls the state .the ruling class exercises this control directly by ensuring that senior positions in the state are held by loyal members of its own class .It can also use its economic power to make sure the state protects its interests. Socialists and Social democrats. The historical record is abundantly clear ; social democracy serves the interests of capitalism against that of the working people .But as revolutionary socialists we can not prove that by mere assertions .We prove that by standing with the best fighters for reforms. This means in our case , unconditionally but critically engage with the MDCon conscientising and mobilizing workers and the suffering masses .the great thing is to get the working class move together as a class once that is achieved they will soon find the correct direction through experience .In this way we show our support to rank and file action and we encourage comrades who share the same view that working class self activity is the best way forward the conquest of both political and economic power by the working class .In so doing ISO is able to win wider periphery to its ranks , those willing to fight and break with the old ideas . Revolution – Wayward As revolutionaries we are for real democracy in which masses have a direct control over the conditions of their lives in a way that parliamentary democracy does not even begin to touch . This is the only kind of democracy on which Socialism can be built .It can only come about as a result of struggle against dictatorship of capital , a struggle in which the right to exploit and to rule has to be repressed and violently if necessary . What it means in practice is disbanding the police , sacking the judges , breaking the bosses‘ army by winning the rank and file over to workers and removing the bureaucratic institutions of government .Above all it involves replacing all old state apparatus by a new apparatus arising from working class struggle like the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917 .The state can not be reformed but only has to be smashed – there is no parliamentary road to Socialism .

Socialist Worker 2009 5

Inside the neoliberal ..STERP Whose good ? For the proletariat to be able to dictate its will to the modern society, its party must not be ashamed of being a proletarian party and of speaking its own language of national revanche, but the language of national revolution – Leon Trotsky, against National Communism: Lessons of the “Red Referendum”. The characteristic disappointment of post-independence Zimbabwean politics is well expressed by the recent new phenomenon of a Government of National Unity between the ruling party from the armed struggle ZANU (PF) and the mass opposition born out of social discontent following a neo-liberal onslaught engineered by the IMF and the World Bank, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). For the ordinary Zimbabwean worker, the MDC is the fountain of hope whose mandate from the working class and other oppressed groups is to reverse the biting effects of neo-liberalism brought by ESAP with the blessing of the dictatorial Mugabe and ZANU (PF). Well I do not think that anyone who has been keenly following the working class struggles of Zimbabwe and the rise of the MDC still have any illusions regarding the ideological transformation of the MDC. For greater detail you may refer to the book, Revolutionaries, resistance and crisis in Zimbabwe: by Munyaradzi Gwisai, which explains in greater details of what I would term “The Great Betrayal of the Working Class”. Even though fully conscious of the realities of the MDC’s economic manifesto, I was not prepared for such an explicit right –wing and neoliberal onslaught on the poor and the working class when the MDC-T finance minister and renegade socialist Mr. Tendai Biti jointly presented with President Mugabe the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programme (STERP) as a measure of putting the economy back on its feet after a decade of economic siege by the international community. The Government funded Herald flighted the printed version of the programme together with supporting statements from government and business. I will quote some sections of STERP and challenge the MDC-T to declare that they are still a party for the workers and the poor. They are surely no longer speaking the language of the poor and the working class. They surely do not seek to enable the proletariat to dictate its will to the society. Below are quotations from STERP. NOCZIM (National Oil Company Of Zimbabwe} 406. Consistent with the new philosophy of cost recovery by public enterprises, NOCZIM will operate viably without any subsidies from the state. 407. Hence, as indicated in the 2009 Budget Statement, NOCZIM will be allowed to charge market prices for its products and recover full procurement costs on its sales to the prescribed market, i.e. government and farmers. -What this means comrades is that there is no more alternative for the poor regarding public transport. Of late the public could make do with the subsidised rates from ZUPCO and NRZ. Other public service providers such as local authorities and GMB will now effect market rated transport costs in their costing of service provision. This does not leave any illusions on the hardships to be

faced by those who earn little incomes and worse still for the 80+% unemployed. Indigenisation and Empowerment 304.This programme will stress an empowerment process that is associated with growth and enterprise development as opposed to mere redistribution of existing wealth. -This is just a confirmation that the new Zimbabwe as illustrated by the GNU is for the benefit of the elites. They are doing away with the communal empowerment in favour of empowering a select few who will be able to access loans from the private financial institutions to enterprise. MACRO-ECONOMIC REFORMS Macro-Economic Stabilisation 312…there will be no quasi-fiscal expenditures and no printing of money. -Whilst there is every reason to applaud the end of Gono‘s casino economics and bank-rolling of government and party officials for political expediency, the way forward should not be scrapping off entirely the quasifiscal expenditure but rather to rationalise it. If Gono was channelling resources to the wrong people then the logical and correct move would be to redirect the resources to the right people and ensure monitoring implementation. A survey in some rural areas revealed that a lot of communal farmers got empowered under the mechanisation programme when the received ploughs and scotch carts, which have seen a positive development. Local Authorities 423.Furthermore, the 2009 budget has already allowed local authorities to review rates and fees payable by residents to levels that strengthen local Authorities ‘revenue bases. -Already there is an outcry from hard squeezed Harare residents against the outrageous rates for water and utilities. So urban dwellers brace your selves for a period of pain as those in power seek to rebuild the economy by skinning us alive. I will conclude by quoting Charles.E.Israel from his book Rizpah where he sums it all up by stating that, “……….Because there is no other source, they have squeezed the small man: the farmer, the artisan, the hewer of wood and the drawer of water. They have demanded blood from his veins, the marrow of his bones. For such demands there must be periodic compensation which is but a semblance of relief to those who are too hard pressed by authority and poverty’’. Comrades the current constitutional question demands that we interrogate STERP and demand what is rightfully ours. They will indeed offer constitutional provisions, which are nothing, but a semblance of relief to those who are too hard pressed by the system. Lets reject the Kariba draft, which is the mother of policies such as STERP and lets demand to pen our own constitution, which removes the yoke of oppression from our shoulders. Abasha Neo-liberalism!!!.

Tatenda Simukai Socialist Worker 2009 6

NO TO A BOURGEOIS CONSTITUTION- FIGHT FOR BASIC SOCIOECONOMIC RIGHTS By Edzai Edson Matika There are a few people today who think that the market alone can solve the question of structural inequality nor there are many who believe that the state alone on its own provides the answer. Clearly there has to be an active, vibrant, flexible and intelligent relationship between the public and private sectors. The question that needs an answer is whether the constitution has any crucial role to play in requiring, regulating and even preventing redistribution of wealth and resources. The constitution of any country is generally considered to be its supreme law. The inclusion of a chapter or bill of rights in a constitution is particularly relevant for human rights protection. This can be evidenced by the progress that is being realised in the field of civil and political rights that have received extensive protection constitutionally. The constitution may confer on certain courts the power to declare invalid any legislation or act that is inconsistent with the constitutionally guaranteed rights in the Bill of Rights. The constitutional entrenchment of a set of justiciable human rights usually represents the highestranking norms within the domestic legal order. Extensive power is vested in the courts to enforce human rights under the system of constitutional supremacy combined with judicial review. Many witty, strong and totally respectable arguments for saying that the question of social and economic rights does not belong to the constitution at all have emerged. The supporters of such a view hold that a constitution should only establish the “fundamental rights and freedoms to the extent that the question of socio-economic rights can be thrown away and policies adopted in conditions of freedom. Why exclude socioeconomic rights from the supreme law? It is beyond doubt the idea of the exclusion of socio-economic rights from the bill of rights in many constitutions is the brainchild of the few bourgeoisies in power. Human rights are claims or entitlements that one has simply because he/she is a human being. To call them human rights suggest that they are universal and due to every human being in every society. They know no geography or history, culture or ideology, political or economic system or state of development. They do not depend on race or class or status. With this definition it is clear that socio-economic rights are also human rights. They also demand for adequate constitutional protection. Some authorities have defined socio-economic rights as “Red Rights” because of their close links with the socialist systems. Other scholars have gone to the extent of calling them the rights of the poor. Be that as it may, socio-economic

right still remain human rights since poor people still remain human beings even in the deep ends of their poverty. There is of course the element of truth in the idea that socio-economic rights are the rights of the poor. Take for example the right to access to clean water. It is absolutely difficult if not impossible for someone who, seeking a glass of water, only needs to turn on a tap at his private borehole, to see how a question of access to clean water can be rated as a fundamental human right yet in the cholera stricken Budiriro and other parts of the country the right that is being demanded the most is the right to drinkable, healthy and accessible water. It is easy for a camel to enter through the eye of a needle than for one to convince a multi US dollar millionaire residing in a multi-roomed house in Borrowdale Brooke that housing is a fundamental human right that needs some constitutional guarantee. How can one who, when in need of a single lunch has to visit his pocket and move into one of the most luxurious and expensive five star hotels and have a meal agree with others in demanding the right to food as a fundamental human right. The bourgeoisies believe in their wallets yet the poor believe in a written document known as the constitution for the protection of their socio-economic rights. There is a great difference in what the few rich people call fundamentals and what the majority believe to be the fundamentals. Then if we allow such few to write a constitution for us, what good can come out of it? A typical bourgeois constitution is marked by the exclusion of socio-economic rights and the extensive emphasis on the first generation of rights i.e. civil and political rights. Reference may be given to the Kariba Draft Constitution, the Chidyausiku Draft Constitution rejected in the 2000 referendum. One must understand that the top -down approach in the constitutional making process is the idea of the electorate, the elite and the parliamentarians to escape accountability and to protect their own interests. A constitution must emanate from below. In other words it must be made by the people and for the people. It must be a bottomup approach. The constitution of the rich is only about power and the accumulation of property. Have one wondered why there is only one right which falls in the category of socio-economic rights which is extensively dealt with in the constitution particularly the Lancaster House Constitution and even the Kariba Draft Constitution? One must understand that the mandate of making the constitution is not for the electorate no matter how much we love them. To say no to such a constitution does not begin and end at the referendum. It begins Socialist Worker 2009 7

with saying no to the initial process of the constitutional making process itself. What type of a constitution can come out of process dominated only by the politicians? In any event most constitutions, reflecting the trend in international human rights law do contain clauses dealing with social and economic rights; one refers to the post-dictatorship constitution pf Portugal, Brazil and the Philippines the post colonial constitution of Namibia and the post -communist Bill of Rights of Czechoslovakia. The general assumption that civil and political rights are more superior to social and economic rights must not be over emphasized since all human rights are universal, indivisible and interdependent. Some of the basic socio-economic rights that must be demanded by the ordinary citizens are as follows: The right to food This right can be narrowly defined as freedom from hunger and starvation. The right to adequate food means that every man, woman and child alone and in the community with others must have physical and economic access at all times to adequate food using a resource base appropriate for its procurement in ways that are consistent with human dignity. This simply means availability of food in quantity and quality, which is sufficient to satisfy the dietary needs of an individual. The right to health It is well defined in the World Health Organisation constitution as a state of complete physical, mental and social well being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity. The scope of this right therefore entails two elements the first element being that which is related to health care (including curative as well as preventative health care). The second element is that which is related to a number of underlying preconditions to health such as safe drinking water, adequate nutrition and adequate sanitation. The right to housing i.e. decent shelter The right entails that every human being is entitled to a decent shelter fit for human habitation and safe for the health and well being of himself and his family. It means that every person has the right to adequate, safe and comfortable, hygienic housing with appropriate essential basic services, including a habitat such as to humanise family, neighbourhood and community relations. The right to education Education must be both economically and physically accessible to all. The International coven at on economic, social and cultural rights states that with a view of realisation of this right, primary education shall be compulsory and available free to all, secondary education shall be generally available and accessible to all by every appropriate means and that higher

education shall be made equally accessible to all on basic capacity … (articles 13&14). Some of the fundamental socio-economic rights include the right to social security, the right to human rights education, the right to development, right to and adequate standard of living environmental rights labour rights among other fundamental socioeconomic rights. In South Africa there is no possibility at all that will be done, that the constitution will concentrate purely on basic liberties and be totally bland on issues of economic rights. In any event the first thing to be discussed even before any other rights and liberties is property rights. Once the economic rights of those who are property-full are on the agenda the economic rights of those who are property-less cannot be ignore especially if the haves have because of past discrimination in their favour and the have-nots have not because they have been unjustly denied access or opportunity or even robbed (e.g. on the land issue). This South African experience is not done by just sleeping over and watching. It takes the vibrant participation of the ordinary citizens. There is need for solidarity among all stakeholders so that they may stand up and speak with one voice against the exclusion of their basic rights from the supreme law of the land. Various constitution worlds over start with a preamble –”We the people of….”, or “the People of….”etc. Who are the people? The people are not the few electorate or a few influential people. A constitution must be people driven. . The people have to speak for themselves. Resist any constitutional making process that is not people driven. The whole nation must stand up, speak out and write the constitution they want. The fight is for everyone. Get involved in the making of the constitution make your voice to be heard. Say no to a defective process say no to a defective bill of rights.

Squanderers !! The governemnt recently purchased a fleet of expensive luxury cars for Ministers yet our entire social service delivery system is continualy collapsing Our education system is in turmoil, as colleges,universities and high schools are being turned into cooperates for making profits . We demand an end to this and all unreasonable fees should be scrapped Teachers and lecturers deserve living salaries.

Socialist Worker 2009 8

Medical workers rejuvenate your union The Medical Professional and Allied Workers Union had again faced near collapse after many of its leading members and left the country for greener pastures. Such exodus of militant union members did not only affect MPAWUZ but affected the entire trade union movement in Zimbabwe as the economic meltdown had climaxed. Many seasoned trade unionists left the country to neighbouring countries and some simply relocated to their rural homes as life in urban areas had became hard. Unions with strong rank and file following found less problems in adjusting in scenarios were leadership left for other greener pastures, they simply took some rank and file leaders to leadership positions. This was unlike the case of MPAWUZ, which was still to develop its membership. After its leaders had left there was none to take over. Bosses took advantage and started attacking workers through arbitrary sackings, offered very low wages which are disproportionate depending on how generous ones boss is since there is no bargaining at all. Some workers at PSMI West End Hospital went for about six months without pay and now the bosses are planning to unlawfully push more than thirty workers on unpaid leave for a period of six months. The solution to all this messy in the industry does not lie in getting good labour lawyers or arbitrators to soothe the bosses rather the solution is workers self activity. Workers need to be organised in their own trade union to fight the attacks unleashed by bosses, bosses themselves are organised in their own employer’s organisations. Steps taken so far by some workers to resuscitate work done by those who left the union is praiseworthy .So far workers from West End and Avenues clinic have managed to convene a meeting with members of the union where they selected a steering committee led by cde Chirenje and cde Sibanda from West End clinic and Avenues clinic respectively. Others fro other clinic and hospitals need now to come an board and work with the committee to urgently call for a big general meeting where possibly a tentative leadership may be selected so that we start engaging employers as union to work towards establishing a national Employment council. This is not difficulty because the previous leadership

had already started the process its only taking over from where they left .

a right to rest, leisure and reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay as well as remuneration for public holidays. The remuneration should be fair to cater for a decent living for him and family.

7.Right to strike A collective withdrawal of labour to make workers grievances heard by the employer. Every one has the right to strike, provided that is exercised in conformity with the laws of the particular country. A worker cannot go on strike alone. But, national laws must not be structured so as to limit the enjoyment of this right. The interests of workers must be heard.

8.Right to protection from unfair dismissal In every dismissal, valid reasons must be given. The worker who is being dismissed must be given the opportunity to be heard. Short-term workers must be protected from such unfair dismissals. All dismissals must be substantially and procedurally valid, with reasons given for the dismissal related to the conduct of the employee or for the operational requirements of the business. An employer unfairly dismissed must be reinstated unless the employee no longer wishes for such.

9.Right to special measures for women to equally and fully participate in the workplace To include condemnation of discrimination against women in all its forms. All legislation which promotes discrimination against women are inconsistent with this right is must be abolished. There must be elimination of discrimination against women, amongst the areas are, choice of employment, employment opportunities, promotion, benefits and conditions of employment including remuneration. All these rights are workers rights listed by workers who attended the labour cluster meeting at the 2008 Constitutional Conference hosted by the Zimbabwe Labour Centre Shinga mushandi shinga!

Shinga Mushandi !!! Shinga !!

Socialist Worker 2009 9

Socialist Worker Nothing for Workers Without Them Workers demand ..... 1.Right to work This was unanimously agreed to be the first because all other labour rights are hinged on this right. For a worker to talk of a right to a fair wage, there should be first a contract of employment between the employer and the employee (worker). The work could be formal or informal, for example teachers and cross border traders. All these are entitled to employment. It is important to value it first because work is exchanged for value. Therefore to have the right constitutionally protected and to ensure its enforcement mechanism is strong. Article 23(1‘) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.

2.Right to just and favourable remuneration. After entering in the contract of employment, then the question of remuneration comes into play. The remuneration must be just and favourable to cater for human dignity and existence worth livelihood. This is to ensure that the worker would be able to sustain himself and his family. Remuneration adequate for health, food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circum stances beyond his control

3.right to form and join a trade union There is no equal bargaining power between the worker and the employer at the workplace. The worker have got a strong muscle to shield the contract to his interests only and reduce the worker to a mere servant whose duty is to subordinate to his master only. So in times of disputes between the two, a representative of the worker is needed who can push for negotiations and settlements. Hence workers have got the right to form and join a trade union for the protection of labour rights. Trade unions like the Zimbabwe Teachers

Association, the National Union for Clothing Industry, the Zimbabwe Farmers Union and many others are examples of trade unions formed to represent the workers of a particular industry whenever disputes arose. However workers are flooding to join or form trade unions but without basic knowledge as to how their rights are protected even outside trade unionism.

4.Right to equal pay for equal work To ensure unity at the workplace, this is necessary because discrimination will be avoided. Work of equal value must be paid equally, for example headmaster/ stress to be equally paid. The issue of gender must not govern what comes on the pay roll. The right must encompass equal remuneration, including benefits and to equal treatment in respect of work of equal value, as well as equality of treatment in the evaluation of the quality of work. This will ensure efficiency and progress at the workplace. The spirit of subordination will be esteemed.

5.Right to protection discrimination

from

There must be no partiality at the workplace. To sideline a worker on the basis of race, colour, sex, language or any other status is discriminatory. If a person is discriminated on any ground, then his right to work and any other subsequent rights are not realised. However, temporary measures, in some instances may be taken and these are not to be read as discriminatory, for example those aimed at protecting maternity.

6.Right to just and favourable working conditions including protection against employment. A worker cannot provide his services where his health and safety will be at stake, or where there is no guarantee for social security in the event of retrenchment and/or dismissal. This right enjoin issues of fair labour standards. There must be an opportunity for every worker to be promoted in his......to page employment to an appropriate higher level subject to seniority and competence. In addition to this, there is

issue No 3 2006 Socialist Worker P 6