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WATER POLLUTION AND SOCIETY OMTEX

INTRODUCTION

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] Comprising over 70% of the Earth�s surface, water is undoubtedly the most precious natural resource that exists on our planet. Without the seemingly invaluable compound comprised of hydrogen and oxygen, life on Earth would be nonexistent: it is essential for everything on our planet to grow and prosper. Although we as humans recognize this fact, we disregard it by polluting our rivers, lakes, and oceans. Subsequently, we are slowly but surely harming our planet to the point where organisms are dying at a very alarming rate. In addition to innocent organisms dying off, our drinking water has become greatly affected as is our ability to use water for recreational purposes. In order to combat water pollution, we must understand the problems and become part of the solution.

POINT AND NONPOINT SOURCES According to the American College Dictionary, pollution is defined as: �to make foul or unclean; dirty.� Water pollution occurs when a body of water is adversely affected due to the addition of large amounts of materials to the water. When it is unfit for its intended use, water is considered polluted. Two types of water pollutants exist; point source and nonpoint source. Point sources of pollution occur when harmful substances are emitted directly into a body of water. The Exxon Valdez oil spill best illustrates a point source water pollution. A nonpoint source delivers pollutants indirectly through environmental changes. An example of this type of water pollution is when fertilizer from a field is carried into a stream by rain, in the form of run-off which in turn effects aquatic life. The technology exists for point sources of pollution to be monitored and regulated, although political factors may complicate matters. Nonpoint sources are much more difficult to control. Pollution arising from nonpoint sources accounts for a majority of the contaminants in streams and lakes.

CAUSES OF POLLUTION

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Many causes of pollution including sewage and fertilizers contain nutrients such as nitrates and phosphates. In excess levels, nutrients over stimulate the growth of aquatic plants and algae. Excessive growth of these types of organisms consequently clogs our waterways, use up dissolved oxygen as they decompose, and block light to deeper waters. This, in turn, proves very harmful to aquatic organisms as it affects the respiration ability or fish and other invertebrates that reside in water. Pollution is also caused when silt and other suspended solids, such as soil, washoff plowed fields, construction and logging sites, urban areas, and eroded river banks when it rains. Under natural conditions, lakes, rivers, and other water bodies undergo Eutrophication, an aging process that slowly fills in the water body with sediment and organic matter. When these sediments enter various bodies of water, fish respirationbecomes impaired, plant productivity and water depth become reduced, and aquatic organisms and their environments become suffocated. Pollution in the form of organic material enters waterways in many different forms as sewage, as leaves and grass clippings, or as runoff from livestock feedlots and pastures. When natural bacteria and protozoan in the water break down this organic material, they begin to use up the oxygen dissolved in the water. Many types of fish and bottom-dwelling animals cannot survive when levels of dissolved oxygen drop below two to five parts per million. When this occurs, it kills aquatic organisms in large numbers which leads to disruptions in the food chain.

Polluted River in the United Kingdom The pollution of rivers and streams with chemical contaminants has become one of the most crutial environmental problems within the 20th century. Waterborne chemical pollution entering rivers and streams cause tramendous amounts of destruction.

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Pathogens are another type of pollution that prove very harmful. They can cause many illnesses that range from typhoid and dysentery to minor respiratory and skin diseases. Pathogens include such organisms as bacteria, viruses, and protozoan. These pollutants enter waterways through untreated sewage, storm drains, septic tanks, runoff from farms, and particularly boats that dump sewage. Though microscopic, these pollutants have a tremendous effect evidenced by their ability to cause sickness.

ADDITIONAL FORMS OF WATER POLLUTION Three last forms of water pollution exist in the forms of petroleum, radioactive substances, and heat. Petroleum often pollutes waterbodies in the form of oil, resulting from oil spills. The previously mentioned Exxon Valdez is an example of this type of water pollution. These large-scale accidental discharges of petroleum are an important cause of pollution along shore lines. Besides the supertankers, off-shore drilling operations contribute a large share of pollution. One estimate is that one ton of oil is spilled for every million tons of oil transported. This is equal to about 0.0001 percent. Radioactive substances are produced in the form of waste from nuclear power plants, and from the industrial, medical, and scientific use of radioactive materials. Specific forms of waste are uranium and thorium mining and refining. The last form of water pollution is heat. Heat is a pollutant because increased temperatures result in the deaths of many aquatic organisms. These decreases in temperatures are caused when a discharge of cooling water by factories and power plants occurs.

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Demonstrators Protest Drilling Oil pollution is a growing problem, particularly devestating to coastal wildlife. Small quantities of oil spread rapidly across long distances to form deadly oil slicks. In this picture, demonstrators with "oil-covered" plastic animals protest a potential drilling project in Key Largo, Florida. Whether or not accidental spills occur during the project, its impact on the delicate marine ecosystem of the coral reefs could be devastating.

Oil Spill Clean-up Workers use special nets to clean up a California beach after an oil tanker spill. Tanker spills are an increasing environmental problem because once oil has spilled, it is virtually impossible to completely remove or contain it. Even small amounts spread rapidly across

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] large areas of water. Because oil and water do not mix, the oil floats on the water and then washes up on broad expanses of shoreline. Attempts to chemically treat or sink the oil may further disrupt marine and beach ecosystems.

CLASSIFYING WATER POLLUTION

The major sources of water pollution can be classified as municipal, industrial, and agricultural. Municipal water pollution consists of waste water from homes and commercial establishments. For many years, the main goal of treating municipal wastewater was simply to reduce its content of suspended solids, oxygen-demanding materials, dissolved inorganic compounds, and harmful bacteria. In recent years, however, more stress has been placed on improving means of disposal of the solid residues from the municipal treatment processes. The basic methods of treating municipal wastewater fall into three stages: primary treatment, including grit removal, screening, grinding, and sedimentation; secondary treatment, which entails oxidation of dissolved organic matter by means of using biologically active sludge, which is then filtered off; and tertiary treatment, in which advanced biological methods of nitrogen removal and chemical and physical methods such as granular filtration and activated carbon absorption are employed. The handling and disposal of solid residues can account for 25 to 50 percent of the capital and operational costs of a treatment plant. The characteristics of industrial waste waters can differ considerably both within and among industries. The impact of industrial discharges depends not only on their collective characteristics, such as biochemical oxygen demand and the amount of suspended solids, but also on their content of specific inorganic and organic substances. Three options are available in controlling industrial wastewater. Control can take place at the point of generation in the plant; wastewater can be pretreated for discharge to municipal treatment sources; or wastewater can be treated completely at the plant and either reused or discharged directly into receiving waters.

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Wastewater Treatment Raw sewage includes waste from sinks, toilets, and industrial processes. Treatment of the sewage is required before it can be safely buried, used, or released back into local water systems. In a treatment plant, the waste is passed through a series of screens, chambers, and chemical processes to reduce its bulk and toxicity. The three general phases of treatment are primary, secondary, and tertiary. During primary treatment, a large percentage of the suspended solids and inorganic material is removed from the sewage. The focus of secondary treatment is reducing organic material by accelerating natural biological processes. Tertiary treatment is necessary when the water will be reused; 99 percent of solids are removed and various chemical processes are used to ensure the water is as free from impurity as possible.

Agriculture, including commercial livestock and poultry farming, is the source of many organic and inorganic pollutants in surface waters and groundwater. These contaminants include both sediment from erosion cropland and compounds of phosphorus and nitrogen that partly originate in animal wastes and commercial fertilizers. Animal wastes are high in oxygen demanding material, nitrogen and phosphorus, and they often harbor pathogenic organisms. Wastes from commercial feeders are contained and disposed of on land; their main threat to natural waters, therefore, is from runoff and leaching. Control may involve settling basins for liquids, limited biological treatment in aerobic or anaerobic lagoons, and a variety of other methods.

GROUND WATER

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Ninety-five percent of all fresh water on earth is ground water. Ground water is found in natural rock formations. These formations, called aquifers, are a vital natural resource with many uses. Nationally, 53% of the population relies on ground water as a source of drinking water. In rural areas this figure is even higher. Eighty one percent of community water is dependent on ground water. Although the 1992 Section 305(b) State Water Quality Reports indicate that, overall, the Nation�s ground water quality is good to excellent, many local areas have experienced significant ground water contamination. Some examples are leaking underground storage tanks and municipal landfills.

LEGISLATION Several forms of legislation have been passed in recent decades to try to control water pollution. In 1970, the Clean Water Act provided 50 billion dollars to cities and states to build wastewater facilities. This has helped control surface water pollution from industrial and municipal sources throughout the United States. When congress passed the Clean Water Act in 1972, states were given primary authority to set their own standards for their water. In addition to these standards, the act required that all state beneficial uses and their criteria must comply with the �fishable and swimmable� goals of the act. This essentially means that state beneficial uses must be able to support aquatic life and recreational use. Because it is impossible to test water for every type of disease-causing organism, states usually look to identify indicator bacteria. One for a example is a bacteria known as fecal coliforms.(Figure 1 shows the quality of water for each every state in the United States, click on the US link). These indicator bacteria suggest that a certain selection of water may be contaminated with untreated sewage and that other, more dangerous, organisms are present. These legislations are an important part in the fight against water pollution. They are useful in preventing Envioronmental catastrophes. The graph shows reported pollution incidents since 1989-1994. If stronger legislations existed, perhaps these events would never have occurred.

figure 1

GLOBAL WATER POLLUTION Estimates suggest that nearly 1.5 billion people lack safe drinking water and that at least 5 million deaths per year can be attributed to waterborne diseases. With over 70

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] percent of the planet covered by oceans, people have long acted as if these very bodies of water could serve as a limitless dumping ground for wastes. Raw sewage, garbage, and oil spills have begun to overwhelm the diluting capabilities of the oceans, and most coastal waters are now polluted. Beaches around the world are closed regularly, often because of high amounts of bacteria from sewage disposal, and marine wildlife is beginning to suffer.

Perhaps the biggest reason for developing a worldwide effort to monitor and restrict global pollution is the fact that most forms of pollution do not respect national boundaries. The first major international conference on environmental issues was held in Stockholm, Sweden, in 1972 and was sponsored by the United Nations (UN). This meeting, at which the United States took a leading role, was controversial because many developing countries were fearful that a focus on environmental protection was a means for the developed world to keep the undeveloped world in an economically subservient position. The most important outcome of the conference was the creation of the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP). UNEP was designed to be �the environmental conscience of the United Nations,� and, in an attempt to allay fears of the developing world, it became the first UN agency to be headquartered in a developing country, with offices in Nairobi, Kenya. In addition to attempting to achieve scientific consensus about major environmental issues, a major focus for UNEP has been the study of ways to encourage sustainable development increasing standards of living without destroying the environment. At the time of UNEP's creation in 1972, only 11 countries had environmental agencies. Ten years later that number had grown to 106, of which 70 were in developing countries.

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WATER QUALITY

Water quality is closely linked to water use and to the state of economic development. In industrialized countries, bacterial contamination of surface water caused serious health problems in major cities throughout the mid 1800�s. By the turn of the century, cities in Europe and North America began building sewer networks to route domestic wastes downstream of water intakes. Development of these sewage networks and waste treatment facilities in urban areas has expanded tremendously in the past two decades. However, the rapid growth of the urban population (especially in Latin America and Asia) has outpaced the ability of governments to expand sewage and water infrastructure. While waterborne diseases have been eliminated in the developed world, outbreaks of cholera and other similar diseases still occur with alarming frequency in the developing countries. Since World War II and the birth of the �chemical age�, water quality has been heavily impacted worldwide by industrial and agricultural chemicals. Eutrophication of surface waters from human and agricultural wastes and nitrification of groundwater from agricultural practices has greatly affected large parts of the world. Acidification of surface waters by air pollution is a recent phenomenon and threatens aquatic life in many area of the world. In developed countries, these general types of pollution have occurred sequentially with the result that most developed countries have successfully dealt with major surface water pollution. In contrast, however, newly industrialized countries such as China, India, Thailand, Brazil, and Mexico are now facing all these issues simultaneously.

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CONCLUSION Clearly, the problems associated with water pollution have the capabilities to disrupt life on our planet to a great extent. Congress has passed laws to try to combat water pollution thus acknowledging the fact that water pollution is, indeed, a seriousissue. But the government alone cannot solve the entire problem. It is ultimately up to us, to be informed, responsible and involved when it comes to the problems we face with our water. We must become familiar with our local water resources and learn about ways for disposing harmful household wastes so they don�t end up in sewage treatment plants that can�t handle them or landfills not designed to receive hazardous materials. In our yards, we must determine whether additional nutrients are needed before fertilizers are applied, and look for alternatives where fertilizers might run off into surface waters. We have to preserve existing trees and plant new trees and shrubs to help prevent soil erosion and promote infiltration of water into the soil. Around our houses, we must keep litter, pet waste, leaves, and grass clippings out of gutters and storm drains. These are just a few of the many ways in which we, as humans, have the ability to combat water pollution. As we head into the 21st century, awareness and education will most assuredly continue to be the two most important ways to prevent water pollution. If these measures are not taken and water pollution continues, life on earth will suffer severely. Global environmental collapse is not inevitable. But the developed world must work with the developing world to ensure that new industrialized economies do not add to the world's environmental problems. Politicians must think of sustainable development rather than economic expansion. Conservation strategies have to become more widely accepted, and people must learn that energy use can be dramatically diminished without sacrificing comfort. In short, with the technology that currently exists, the years of global environmental mistreatment can begin to be reversed.

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Population education INTRODUCTION

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rom the founding of the United Nations, education has been recognized

as one of the essential underpinnings of human development and societal progress. The right to education is proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948),1 and education’s importance with respect to population and individual development has been strongly endorsed in major United Nations conferences and summits. The World Conference on Education for All, convened in Jomtien, Thailand, in 1990, established goals and strategies to achieve Education for All (EFA). Recently, at the World Education Forum (Dakar, 2000), the Millennium Summit in 2000 and the special session of the General Assembly on children in 2002, the international community of nations explicitly recognized that education, especially primary schooling, is critical for achieving social and demographic progress, sustained economic development and gender equality. Achieving universal primary education and eliminating gender disparities in education are among the key objectives of the United Nations Millennium Declaration (2000).2 The importance of education has also been stressed in the series of international population conferences. The Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (1994)3 adopted quantitative goals related to education, endorsing the Jomtien EFA goal regarding elimination of illiteracy, and also calling for universal access to primary education before 2015 (para. 11.6) and elimination of the gender gap in primary and secondary education by 2005 (para. 11.8). In 1999, the key actions for the further implementation of the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Develop-ment4 further specified an intermediate goal of achieving by 2010 a net primary school enrolment ratio for children of both sexes of at least 90 per cent (para. 34), and also noted a particular need for improving the retention rate of girls in primary and secondary schools (para. 34). In the field of population studies, it has long been recognized that education is strongly related to a broad range of demographic behaviours. The spread of education throughout a population has been shown to be of central importance for the long-term demographic transition from high to low levels of fertility. Caldwell (1980), in particular, has maintained that high levels of fertility would nowhere persist for long once a society had achieved “mass education”, that is to say, once a large majority of children were sent to school. More recent trends have generally borne this out (Lloyd, Kaufman and Hewett, 2000). At present, educational attainment is strongly related to differences between countries in levels of fertility and mortality (figures I and II). In general, such cross-national associations may reflect the effects of education on demography, and the effects of demographic factors on education, as well as the joint effects of other factors that may separately influence both education and demographic variables. In fact, a substantial body of research has been directed towards examining each of these important relationships, and it is generally accepted that education both influences and, over time, is influenced by demographic factors. The present report provides a review and update of the relationships between education and the main demographic areas, with attention to entry into reproductive life; fertility, desired family size and family planning; mortality and health; and migration, with a focus on international migration. Also examined is progress towards meeting the

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] goals of Education for All.

I. TRENDS IN POPULATION, EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT

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hile linkages among population, education and development

have long been recognized, the priority accorded to these relationships has varied. In the decades following the Second World War, education was a high priority for many Governments, and educational systems underwent a rapid expansion. By the 1980s, however, faltering economies, debt-service burdens and structural adjustment programmes had led some countries to reduce the provision of public services, including education. It was generally in the poor countries that education budgets suffered the most, and enrolment ratios declined in some cases, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. At the same time, the understanding of the process of development was also changing in ways that accorded education a more prominent role. In the decades immediately after the Second World War, professional economists concerned with development focused mainly on growth in output (gross national product (GNP)) as the indicator of progress, and especially on industrialization and trade issues as determinants of growth. While there was surely a consensus that a high level of economic development could not be achieved with a largely illiterate populace, formal economic models generally paid little attention to “human capital” as a determinant of economic growth; however, this gradually changed. A growing number of economists found evidence that human capital — particularly education and health — had important economic benefits society-wide. Beyond this, the whole concept of development evolved, shifting from a narrow vision to one that encompassed the broader relationships among socio-economic development, poverty and the environment. There was also a greater recognition that, over and above its strictly economic effects, education helped foster progress towards other goals such as better health and longer life, personal development, participation in civil society and access to a wider range of opportunities. Research on economic rates of return to education generally seeks to measure either the social returns that accrue to the entire society or the private returns that accrue to individuals. At the household level, research has established that education boosts individual incomes in a wide variety of settings, although the size of the return varies over time and place. Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (2002), reviewing numerous studies in countries at all levels of development, found an average private return to primary education of 27 per cent. Where traditional practices or other factors limit the participation of women in the labour force or constrain the types of employment in which women can engage, the economic return on investment from female education is reduced. Overall, however, women receive a higher return on investment in schooling than men do. As regards social returns, with few exceptions recent studies have confirmed the significant positive association between schooling, and productivity and economic growth. Other studies have looked at the positive spillover effects beyond education’s impact on the growth of gross domestic product (GDP) — effects that are not normally taken into account. The greater productivity of individual workers has also been found to enhance the productivity of co-workers, while higher levels of worker education facilitate the discovery, adaptation and use of more efficient production processes. Mingat and Tan (1996) concluded that rates of return varied not only by level of schooling but also by level of development. For low-income countries, primary education was the best investment, while in middle-income countries, where primary education already tends to be more widely available, increased investment in secondary education yielded the highest social returns. Among high-income countries, returns were greatest for tertiary education. This suggests that in low-income settings, primary education deserves priority in the allocation

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] of resources. The World Bank (1995) has argued that, based on such evidence, many countries have misallocated spending between education subsectors, with a disproportionate share of resources going to secondary and university education. Other studies have investigated the role of primary education in reducing poverty and income inequality. The overwhelming conclusion of these studies was that primary education is a potent means of reducing poverty and inequality, with particularly marked benefits for the poorest segments of society. A number of other benefits from investments in education and training have been identified. For example, studies have found that primary education contributes to better natural resource management, and more rapid technological adaptation and innovation; and that education is linked with the greater diffusion of information, which is crucial for boosting productivity. What is the impact of family size on the amount of education children receive? Studies of the relationship have often found effects that were not statistically significant, but when effects were significant, children in large families usually had lower educational participation and attainment. Results suggest that this relationship is weak in comparison with the relationship between amount of education and other factors _ household poverty, for instance _ that independently affect children’s schooling. The relationship between family size and investment in children has been found to vary according to level of development, phase of the demographic transition, level of government social expenditures and cultural factors. In some countries, unwanted births have been found to reduce educational attainment and to be a major reason that girls drop out of school. How have developing countries fared in providing education in the face of rapid population growth? Despite demographic pressures in many developing countries during the period 1960-1980, school enrolment grew at an unprecedented pace, enrolment ratios rose and class sizes generally declined. Schultz (1987) found that, controlling for per capita income, enrolment ratios were no lower in countries where the proportion of population of school age was high. Effects of the rapid growth in the school-age population on school quality are less clear. The cross-national evidence suggests that school expenditures generally do not increase in response to an increase in the size of the school-aged cohort, in other words, spending per school-age child tends to be lower where the “demographic burden” is greater. The study by Schultz found that where the school-age population was relatively large, there was a tendency for teacher-to-student ratios to be somewhat lower, and teacher salaries and public expenditures per child were substantially lower. The study of Mingat and Tan (1998) based on data for the period 1975-1993 found that richer countries provided more resources for education per school-age child, and that their smaller demographic burden contributed between 17 and 32 per cent of richer countries’ advantage. There are also examples of shorter-term surges in child cohort size inducing dramatic school crowding and teacher shortages, for example, during the baby boom in the United States of America during the 1950s and 1960s.

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II. EDUCATION AND ENTRY INTO REPRODUCTIVE LIFE

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iming of marriage, onset of sexual relationships and first birth are

influenced by both cultural norms and socio-economic factors. Where education is a prerequisite for obtaining desirable jobs and achieving social mobility, the opportunity cost of early marriage or pregnancy can be significant. Yet, even as schooling deters young women and men from early marriage, education also gives them a level of independence that may lead to early onset of sexual relations and childbearing. On the other hand, in societies where there are few incentives for prolonged schooling and limited alternatives to marriage, young women and men are more likely to marry at relatively early ages. Recent survey data and other research provides an overview of the extent to which education affects marriage and cohabitation, sexual initiation and contraceptive use. Data from Demographic and Health Surveys for 28 sub-Saharan African countries, 12 Asian countries and 13 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean show that early age at first marriage, onset of sexual activity and first birth are more common among women with no education than among their educated peers. In most cases, the proportions experiencing those life events decrease regularly as the level of education attained increases. There are some exceptions: in several countries, the proportions for some indicators are higher for those with primary education than for those with no primary education. However, the proportions of women who marry or give birth before age 20 are in all cases substantially lower for those with secondary education. For example in Africa, by age 20, on average 75 per cent of uneducated women had married, 83 per cent had initiated sex and 61 per cent had had a first birth, while among women with secondary or higher education, 30 per cent were married, 64 per cent had initiated sex and 27 per cent had had a first birth. Similarly large differences by education are found in Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean (table 6). Although women with secondary or higher education are less likely to marry or give birth early, a majority of them initiate sexual activity before age 20 in most countries. Education plays a greater role in delaying marriage and first births than in postponing the initiation of sexual activity. As information about the onset of sexual activity was not ascertained in most Asian countries, the results discussed here for that topic pertain mainly to Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. In Africa, the differentials between women with no education and those with secondary or higher education are, on average, 45 percentage points with respect to marriage by age 20, 19 per centage points with respect to initiation of sexual intercourse and 34 percentage points with respect to having had a birth by age 20. Among men, as among women, in the majority of countries the proportion marrying by age 20 decreases as the education level attained increases. In Africa, 21 per cent of uneducated men were married by age 20 compared with 9 per cent of educated men (those with secondary or higher levels of education). In Latin America and the Caribbean, 27 per cent of uneducated men and 15 per cent of educated men were married by age 20. There are some exceptions to the general pattern — in Ghana, for example, the proportion married by age 20 is higher (12 per cent) for men with secondary or higher education than for those with no education (8 per cent). Whereas greater educational attainment appears to deter early onset of sexual activity for women, it seems to have the opposite effect among men. In Africa, 64 per cent of uneducated men compared with 73 per cent of those with secondary education were sexually active before age 20. In Latin America and the Caribbean, 75 per cent of uneducated men compared with 85 per cent of those with secondary education had initiated sexual activity by that age.

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] Most of the women who become sexually active before age 20 do so before age 18. On average, in Africa, 68 per cent of women aged 2024 who had no education were sexually experienced by age 18, whereas the corresponding proportion among those with secondary or higher education was 39 per cent (table 7). The same relationship holds for Latin America and the Caribbean where, on average, 58 per cent of women aged 20-24 with no education had had sexual relations before age 18 compared with 24 per cent of those with secondary or higher education. Similar patterns of sexual initiation have been observed in the developed countries. Recent reports for France, Romania, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America show that women receiving more education initiated sexual activity later. In some countries, this was also true for young men, although education tended to exercise a stronger restraint on women’s early sexual activity than on men’s. In the more developed countries, later age at first birth is also correlated with high educational attainment. In the United Kingdom, women aged 20-24 who had left school without any qualifications were almost 20 times more likely to have had a birth by age 20 than women who attained an advanced-level certificate or higher (Wellings, 2001). In Japan, women with a junior college education had first births 15 months later than women with a high school education, while women with a university degree had first births two years later than women with a junior college degree (Small and Kerns, 1993). The onset of sexual activity can affect the health of adolescents, as adolescents often do not seek prenatal care for various reasons such as fear of parents’ reaction, lack of awareness of the pregnancy or of the availability of prenatal care, or fear of expulsion from school. In the majority of countries, the onset of sexual activity before age 20 and within marriage is more frequent among women and men with no education than among their schooled peers (table 8). Premarital sexual activity before age 20 is more common, in a majority of countries, among educated women and men than among their peers with no education. Most exceptions are in Latin America and the Caribbean where, in the majority of countries, the incidence of premarital sexual initiation is higher among women with no education than among educated women. In Africa, Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean, first births before age 20 occur more often within than before marriage among all education categories. The use of contraception among sexually active young women (aged 15-19) and men (aged 20-24) increases with the level of education in both sub-Saharan Africa and in Latin America and the Caribbean (table 9). In Africa, for instance, 7 per cent of adolescent married women with no education are currently using contraception, compared with 27 per cent of adolescent married women with a secondary or higher education. For Latin America and the Caribbean, the corresponding proportions are 17 per cent and 45 per cent, respectively. At each level of education, sexually active single women are more likely to use contraception than are married women. Regarding types of contraception employed, the use of traditional methods is more common among women with no education, irrespective of marital status. Similarly, among men, the use of modern methods is higher among educated men, irrespective of marital status. In the developed countries, the use of contraception also varies by educational level. In the United States, the percentage of young men and women who did not use contraception at first intercourse was higher among those who had not completed high school than among those who had. A similar wide gap in the non-use of contraception at first intercourse between men and women with no education and those with an advanced level of education was observed in the United Kingdom. While in the developed countries use of modern methods of contraception predominates, the type of method used at first intercourse varies by educational level. In France, for example, the use of the pill was more common among men and women enrolled in vocational schools, and their use of the condom was lower than among students in academic schools. A comparison over time of the average proportions of women aged

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] 20-24 marrying by age 20 shows that, during the 1990s, early marriage declined across all educational categories in the majority of African countries, but increased in Latin America and the Caribbean among women in each educational stratum (table 10). The most significant increases occurred among women with no education in Bolivia and Brazil; among women with primary education in Colombia and Peru; and among women with secondary or higher education in Brazil, Ghana and Zimbabwe. In some of these countries, the increase in the proportion ever married by age 20 appears to reflect an increase in informal or consensual unions, especially in Latin America and the Caribbean. A similar examination of trends in the onset of sexual activity shows that in Africa, the percentage experiencing early onset by age 20 has changed little among women at all levels of educational attainment. In Latin America and the Caribbean, it has increased across all educational strata and age groups. The pattern of change in the initiation of sexual activity varies by country. Trends in the incidence of first births before age 20 are similar to those for marriage. Whereas the prevalence of first births has, on average, declined across all educational categories in subSaharan Africa, it has increased across all educational strata in Latin America and the Caribbean.

EDUCATION, HEALTH AND MORTALITY

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oth developed and developing countries have achieved major gains

in health and survival since the beginning of the twentieth century. However, benefits have not accrued evenly across socio-economic groups. Better-educated people everywhere stay healthier and live longer lives. The strength of education as a policy lever in social and economic development has been recognized at the national and international levels. The implications for health and mortality of the persistence and further widening of education differentials are dire, given the powerful association among education, health and mortality. DEVELOPED COUNTRIES Education is a strong predictor of the health and mortality experience of individuals and their households in developed countries. Education differentials in health and mortality exist in all societies, irrespective of development policies, health-care systems or mortality levels. Education differentials in health and mortality are also not limited to particular ages, although the evidence discussed here relates to adults. Education differentials in mortality in Europe are well documented. Kalediene and Petrauskiene (2000) found inequalities in life expectancy in Lithuania to be highly correlated with education. In the Czech Republic, not only are education differentials in mortality large, but they have also widened over time (Blazek and Dzurova, 1997; Bobak and others, 1997). In Russia, between 1979 and 1989, less educated groups persistently experienced higher mortality than better-educated persons. Differentials in mortality were larger for younger than for older adults. For each age group and sex, the relative advantage of better-educated persons in Russia increased between 1979 and 1989. Education differentials were also larger for men than for women. Shkolnikov and others (1998) estimate that the education differentials in life expectancy in Russia amounted to about a 9 per cent reduction in male mortality and a 7 per cent reduction in female mortality for each additional year of education. Infectious and parasitic diseases, respiratory diseases, accidents, violence, suicide, and factors directly related to alcohol appear to have been the causes of death associated with the widest education differentials in Russia (Shkolnikov and others, 1998).

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] CONCLUSIONS

E

ducation is a vital aspect of population change, social development

and economic growth for every society, impacting the economic future and social well-being of all individuals. Education is also a globally recognized human right. As stated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations General Assembly more than five decades ago: “Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit” (article 26, para. 1). The right to education, and education’s importance for societal and individual development, have been repeatedly acknowledged in major United Nations conferences and summits. The centrality of education is clearly reflected in the outcomes of the global United Nations conferences during the 1990s and the Millennium Summit. The World Conference on Education for All in 1990 established goals and strategies to achieve basic education for all. Starting from that Conference, the World Education Forum (Dakar summit) in 2000, the Millennium Summit in 2000, and up through the recent special session of the General Assembly on children in 2002, the international community of nations has explicitly recognized that education, especially primary schooling, is critical for achieving social and demographic progress, sustained economic development and gender equality. Education is one of the key objectives of the United Nations Millennium Declaration, adopted by the Assembly in September 2000. In paragraph 19 of the Millennium Declaration, heads of State and Government resolved to ensure that, by 2015, “children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling and that girls and boys will have equal access to all levels of education”. In the area of population, building upon the recommendations of the previous United Nations conferences on population, the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (1994) called upon Governments to ensure universal access to primary education before 2015 (para. 11.6) and ensure access by girls and women to education beyond the primary level (para. 4.18). In paragraph 11.2 of the Programme of Action, education is defined as a “key factor in sustainable development (which is) at the same time a component of wellbeing and a factor in the development of well-being through its links with demographic as well as economic and social factors”. Education provides enormous impetus to the development of the poorer countries of the world, by providing opportunities for individuals, especially women, to achieve their potential and contribute meaningfully to their communities. Education not only imparts technical information — reading, writing, mathematics, sciences — but provides opportunities for self-discovery and personal enrichment. This knowledge and increased understanding of their place in the world and their community empower individuals to more effectively realize their desires and achieve their potentials. Through education, individuals are better able to enjoy healthy lifestyles, achieve the desired number and spacing of children, undertake the type of work that they wish to undertake and, in sum, better manage their lives. When aggregated, these individual choices, decisions and improvements have powerful effects on national development. No society can consider itself truly developed without its citizens’ being educated. Education impacts society along many paths. This report focuses on one critical avenue — the interrelationships between education and population, and their resulting effects on development. The major conclusions of the report are summarized below within the following areas: (a) interrelationships among population, education and development; (b) expected

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] changes in the school-age population and the achievement of internationally recognized goals; (c) impact of education on patterns of marriage, onset of sexual activity, fertility and contraceptive use; (d) relationship among education, health and mortality; and (e) role of education in international migration.

Relationships of education and development: • Increased education makes an important contribution to societies’ economic growth and to the economic fortunes of individuals. Evidence also suggests that for low-income countries, expansion of primary education represents the best investment. For middleincome countries, where primary education is typically already widespread, increased investment in secondary education tends to have a greater impact on economic growth. • Illiteracy is a powerful predictor of poverty. A large body of research shows that primary education has a catalytic role in improving economic and social conditions among the poorest segments of society, including girls, rural dwellers and minorities. An important conclusion is that the expansion of educational opportunities is one of the most powerful tools for improving such conditions. Another important conclusion is that the expansion of educational opportunities is one of the most powerful tools that Governments have for promoting both income growth and equality. • In some settings, the direct economic returns to women’s education are limited because women are excluded from many types of employment. Nevertheless, studies of economic returns to educa-tion for individuals demonstrate that the returns from increasing women’s schooling are, on average, even larger than the returns from increasing men’s schooling.

Growth of the school-age population and meeting the goals: school enrolment and literacy: • The enormous growth in the numbers of school-age children has presented a formidable challenge to countries in the less developed regions. Worldwide, the school-age population comprises about 2 billion persons, more than double that of 1950. Close to 90 per cent of the school-age population lives in the less developed regions. In Africa alone, the school-age population comprises 330 million persons, which is nearly quadruple the number in 1950. • Between 2000 and 2050, nearly 300 million persons are expected to be added to the world’s school-age population. Over 350 million — a 20 per cent increase — are expected to be added in the less developed regions. Over 90 per cent of this increase is projected to occur in Africa, whose school-age population is projected to double from 330 million in 2000 to 660 million in 2050. The school-age population of Nigeria alone will increase by 34 million (nearly 70 per cent). • The school-age population of the more developed regions is expected to decline by over one fifth between 2000 and 2050 — by about 60 million. The school-age population of Europe is projected to decline by 70 million (40 per cent). In contrast, the school-age populations of both Northern America and Australia-New Zealand are expected to rise by 20 per cent— by 16 million in the case of North America and by 2 million in the case of Australia-New Zealand. • An estimated 862 million adults in the world were illiterate in 2000. Four countries — Bangladesh, China, India and Pakistan — account for close to two thirds of the world’s illiterate population. • The Dakar goal, adopted in 2000, requires a 50 per cent improvement in national literacy rates by 2015. If present trends continue, about 25 developing countries are likely to reach this goal. Another 58 countries are poised to achieve an improvement of 30-50 per cent in their illiteracy rate. The remaining 30 countries, many among those with the lowest literacy levels in the world, are projected to reduce illiteracy by less than 30 per cent. • Two thirds of the world’s illiterate adults are women. Gender gaps

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] remain large in many countries, especially in Africa and Asia. For example, in sub-Saharan Africa in 2000, 29 per cent of young women (aged 15-24) were illiterate, as compared with 19 per cent of young men, and in South and West Asia, the figures were 39 per cent for young women and 23 per cent for young men. • Literacy rates among women have been improving at a faster pace than among men. However, in 2015, at current trends, there will stillbe 507 million illiterate women compared with 292 million illiterate men. • Progress in improving access to schooling had been in general greater during the 1990s than during the 1980s. Yet, as of 1999/2000, an estimated 115 million children of primary-school age were not in school. Nearly all (94 per cent) of those children live in the developing regions. • In most parts of the world, girls and women have traditionally received less education than boys and men. Over recent decades, there has been substantial progress in narrowing the gap between boys’ and girls’ enrolments and the gender gap in literacy, in all regions. Yet the gaps remain large in many countries, especially in Africa and Asia. By contrast, in the more developed regions and in Latin America and the Caribbean, there exist today only small gender gaps in primary and secondary enrolments, and such differences as do exist are usually to the advantage of girls. • At current rates of progress, 57 countries are unlikely to reach the goal of universal primary education by 2015. Furthermore, 41 of these countries, including some of those in Central and Eastern Europe, have experienced some backsliding in recent years.

Marriage, onset of sexual relations, fertility and family planning: • Among both women and men, an early age at first marriage is more common among those with no education than among their educated peers. • Women’s age at onset of sexual activity is higher among those with higher levels of education. The evidence for men, however, is less clear. • Education of women is a major factor influencing the start of childbearing. In the developing countries, the proportion of adolescents that have started childbearing is 3 to 5 times as high among adolescents with no education as among those with a secondary or higher education. • The impact of education on fertility is significant, both at the aggregate level and at the individual level. Globally, countries with higher female literacy rates and educational attainment have lower total fertility rates than countries whose populations have lower education levels. • The impact of family size on children’s education in most settings is generally found to be weak in comparison with other social factors — household poverty, for instance. However, in some countries, unwanted and excess fertility has been found to reduce children’s educational attainment, and for adolescent girls, pregnancy often leads to dropping out of school. Within countries, fertility decreases as educational attainment increases. The largest fertility differentials by education are found in sub-Saharan Africa, Western Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean, where women with a secondary or higher education ultimately have, on average, about 3 children fewer than women with no education. Differentials in fertility by educational level are much smaller in developed countries than in developing countries. • In the developing countries, husband’s higher education is also related to lower completed fertility, but its effect is weaker than that of wife’s education. In the developed countries, there is only a slight difference (less than one half child) between the family size of the least educated men and that of the most educated men.

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] • The relationship between educational attainment and fertility evolves depending on the stage a society has reached in the fertility transition. The difference in total fertility between the lowest and the highest educated tends to widen at the beginning of the fertility transition. The difference narrows as the fertility transition proceeds further, and as low-fertility norms become diffused throughout the society and family planning services become accessible to all. • Women with higher levels of education desire smaller families. Education differentials in the ideal number of children are greatest in sub-Saharan Africa, where women with no education desire to have, on average, 2 children more than women with a secondary or higher education. • In general, women in developing countries want fewer children than they actually have and this gap varies across educational groups. The gap between desired and actual fertility is larger among women with no education or primary education than among women with a secondary or higher education. This is particularly true in Latin America and the Caribbean where the difference between wanted fertility rates and actual fertility rates among women with no education is almost twice as large as the difference among highly educated women. • In the developing countries, contraceptive prevalence varies considerably across educational strata, there consistently being a higher prevalence among better-educated women than among women with low or no formal education. Even a small amount of schooling has a significant impact on contraceptive behaviour. Contraceptive-use differentials by education are most marked in sub-Saharan Africa, the region with the lowest level of education and the lowest level of contraceptive prevalence. In Africa, the proportion using contraception among women with a secondary or higher education is more than 3 times as high as that among women with no education. In the developed countries, where contraceptive prevalence is already high, differentials in contraceptive use are small

Health and mortality: • Declining mortality has acted to accelerate the growth of the school-age population. Even though this has the short-term effect of requiring the provision of enough teachers and schools, mortality decline also means that less of the costly investment in educating children is lost to premature death. In economic terms, declining mortality increases the returns to the investment in education, since more of the children who receive schooling survive to become productive workers, parents and, eventually, elders. • Of the socio-economic variables that have been found to be associated with differentials in health and mortality, education is among the strongest and the most consistent. Wherever the relationship has been examined, better-educated people and their family members appear to stay healthier and to live longer lives. For example, in many developing countries, the better educated have greater knowledge of how to prevent HIV infection. • In the more developed regions, education differentials in adult health and mortality are well documented. Evidence suggests that education differentials in mortality within developed countries are widening as better-educated persons increase their relative survival advantage over the poorly educated. • In developing countries, studies have shown that those with less education have: higher maternal mortality, children with higher under-five mortality, less knowledge of key health interventions, lower levels of immunization coverage, and lower nutritional status. Access to proper care during pregnancy and delivery is also sharply differentiated by the level of a woman’s education. • HIV/AIDS is a threat to the survival of education systems in many high-prevalence developing countries. High levels of teacher attrition and absenteeism because of HIV/AIDS-related illness challenge

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] the education systems of such countries. The epidemic inflicts heavy burdens on students and their families, often resulting in declining school enrolments and increasing dropout rates. As education systems are weakened by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, teaching and learning are becoming less effective for large segments of the populations of a growing number of developing countries.

International migration: • Education is increasingly being taken into consideration as a key characteristic by countries that apply admission and residence criteria for immigration. This has long been the case among the traditional countries of immigration (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States). As a result, these countries attract more educated migrants than receiving countries in Europe. However, since the second half of the 1990s, European and other receiving countries have also been enacting legislation placing emphasis on migrants’ skills. • The educational attainment of migrants varies widely depending on their region or country of origin. The distance between origin and destination, the reasons for migration and the age structure of different groups of migrants are some of the determinants of the differences observed. • Increasingly, student migration has paved a way for a migrant workforce or for permanent settlement. Migrants educated in the host country might be at an advantage in finding employment locally. In some cases, student migration is used as a channel for clandestine labour migration. As recruitment of highly skilled professionals has become competitive, foreign students, especially those in science and technology, are being seen as part of a qualified migrant workforce. • Recent years have witnessed an increased international mobility of students. The stock of international students is concentrated mostly in developed countries. The United States, the United Kingdom, Germany and France are the leading destinations for people seeking education abroad. • Foreign students come to study from a wide variety of countries that often have geographical, historical and institutional linkages with host countries. Countries in Africa, Asia and Europe mostly attract students within their respective regions, playing the role of regional hub for higher education. A preponderance of Asian students has been a characteristic of student migration to Australia and the United States. In sum, it is abundantly clear that education plays a key role in national development, besides being a prime component of individual well-being. Through education, individuals are empowered to have choices and make decisions, in such areas as work, place of residence, family size, health, lifestyle, and personal development. When aggregated, all these individual choices and decisions have dramatic consequences for a population. As the Secretary-General recently stated, “without the full development of a country’s human resources, development will not take root, and economic growth will not be sustained” for “educated individuals are far more able to contribute to the well-being and advancement of their societies” (Dubai Strategy Forum, 28 October 2002).

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Social system of tribals Social Transformation and Political Orientation: The Case of Midnapore Tribals THE CONTEXT AND THE BACKGROUND Social transformation is less deterministic when compared with modernization or development. Obviously, such a transformation process has multiple dimensions. As is evident today, social transformation brought into effect through development plans mostly belong to the political sphere dominated by state and national level politics. In this sphere priorities of the political parties, personal ambition of the political leaders, political prestige of the contesting parties, and other such factors of ‘irrational’ category become more important. In the tribal situation prevailing in the undivided Midnapore district of West Bengal economic changes and political management display a level of inequality. This has probably forced the tribals to go for politicizing their own identity. Changes noticeable in the life style pattern of Midnapore tribals are basically economic changes, which fall into two categories: (i) occupational changes in the direction of activities pertaining to labour from agricultural activities, and (ii) changes which have direct political bearing in the sense that traditional modes of control are led by state agencies and political parties. It may be possible to establish a link between the two. As far as Midnapore tribals are concerned, social transformation at the behest of political affiliation is a reality. In the economic sphere, they have realized that what is good for one member may not necessarily be good for all other members. Coming under the banner of a communal party may be viewed as a desperate attempt to project their identity, but it takes them to the path of confrontation. It has even pervaded their community life. From the anthropological point of view, undivided Midnapore district in the state of West Bengal provides a contrasting situation for assessing the trend of social transformation among the tribals. It is representative of a situation where state and national level politics have made inroads into the tribal system. It may be noted that populationwise Midnapore reveals features, some of which are specific to the region and some of which bear the stamp of a more general pattern. The following points deserve special attention: (i) Midnapore has one of the highest tribal populations among the districts of West Bengal. As a fall out of that, a demand was made for the inclusion of tribal-dominated areas of the district in the recently constituted state of Jharkhand. (ii) Of all the tribal groups, the Santal are the most dominant. Other tribal groups include the Lodha, Kharia, Bhumij Munda, Oraon, Bodiya, Kora, Mahali, etc. The members or these tribes live in a situation which is highly

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] interactive and where the non-tribals, with various governmental and political party-level controlling agencies on their side, have made considerable dent into the tribal political oraganization. There are occasions when matters directly involving the tribals are also decided by them. (iii) The non-tribal population, represented by the caste Hindus and Muslims, provide the contact situation for the tribals. In such a contact situation, though each community exercises a certain amount of selectiveness, ‘tribe-peasant’ and ‘tribe-caste’ continua may still be overtly or covertly manifested. Mention may specifically be made of ‘TribalRajput continuum’ as put forward by Surajit Sinha (1962) on the basis of his historical and ethnographic studies of the Bhumij. (iv) The interaction pattern between the tribals and non-tribals in Midnapore must be examined from a specific historical context. The Santal example maybe cited. Bhowmick’s (1987) observation on them, though debatable, may be taken as an attempt to highlight this point. He writes, “The Santals call themselves as ‘Hor’ meaning ‘Man’, but we call them as ‘Santal’ which is possibly a term derived from Samantapal, i.e. borderguard used by their dominating nontribal neighbours, as these people lived beyond the Hindu Caste settlements or enclaves at that time. In course of time, even the Santals too, in compelling situations, had to accept the term ‘Santal’ for their own identity.” Bhoumick, however, did not elaborate what the ‘compelling situations were. Generally speaking, Santal interaction with the nontribals of the region followed a pattern derived from a historical course of development on which they themselves had very little control. There was a certain amount of historical compulsion about the situations they had to face. These were the situations created out of their contact with the dominant non-tribal population, who had made deep inroads into the Santal territory. (v) In a pluralistic situation the tribals on most occasions enjoy the status of ethnic minorities. (vi) Economic, political and social changes in status among the tribals are not always at per or in tune with the majority commu-nity. (vii)The forest, which sustained them for a long time, has lost its hold over their economic life to a considerable extent due to its large-scale destruction and also due to their loss control over it. This factor of reduced man-forest relationship is singularly important in forcing some of them to go for settled cultivation, wage labour and industrial work. But in these fields they face an uphill competition from the non-tribals. (vii)Differentiation has crept in the tribal social system as the new generation is socialized

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] into patterns of behaviour, which do not quite fit with the traditionally defined cultural and social positions. Affiliations to political parties are to an extent responsible for differentiating tribals into tradition-bound and emergent role performers. POLITICAL ORIENTATION AND INTERACTION PATTERN The political constrains under which the tribals of Midnapore function, interfere with their life situations more directly as they have become increasingly dependent on the dominating political order established by the Marxist or, more correctly, Leftist Government of West Bengal. In the tribal system the communistic ideology is expected to find a relatively easy acceptability because of its emphasis on equality. Still, in the ultimate analysis identity along ethnic lines holds sway over the prophecy for establishing a broad socialistic order as has been reflected in the popularity the Jharkhand movement for a fullfledged state incorporating tribal-inhabited areas from Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and West Bengal. There have been frequent clashes between the members of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the followers of the Jharkhand Party. Of course, the conflict between the two groups cannot always be taken as the result of differences in outlook between tribals and nontribals. It also involves two contesting groups of tribals. The killing of a tribal Deputy Commissioner in a Belpahari village under Jhargram subdivision in 1992 may be cited as an example of this conflicting outlook. But it has to be conceded that the Midnapore tribals in general were considerably swayed by the demand for a separate state, which could safeguard the interests of the tribals of the region. With the creation of a separate Jharkhand state the political pressure on them has been mounting. A situation has been created where they have come under increasing pressure from the political parties, more so from the Leftists. As things stand today, it may be possible to speak in terms of ‘polarisation’ between the Leftists and Jharkhandis. Lately, a new political force in the name of an extremist Naxalite organization has made its appearance in Midnapore West. It has the potentiality to disturb the existing process of political alignment. Among the national political parties, B.J.P. has recently made an incursion into the tribal belt of Midnapore. But ethnic identity still engages the attention of the tribal people in general. As a matter a fact, ethnic identity so vigorously pursued by a large section of the tribals today has affected the style of life and outlook of the people depending on the readiness with which they are able to stand up against a politically installed sanctioning authority in the form of state organization. There is another side of the picture. Some tribals, who, in their individual capacity, are aligned with the ruling party, have added a new dimension to the problem of tribal identity. But giving more stress on individual economic benefits and political gains is not always in the best interest of the community as a whole. It distorts the shared image of the ‘self’ and strikes

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] at the very root of the integrated structure of the society so long demonstrated by a tribe. Needless to say, the essence of a tribal society is the collective output, which can only nurture its identity, its ethos, and its values. If collective dream is an irrational’ factor, so also is the personal ambition. Still, in these days of economic dominance, technological skill and political maneuver, self-interest rather than group consciousness seems to be the priority. Finding a place in the category of an economic class with derived advantages becomes a more important proposition in that case. It may no longer be possible to apply the popular ‘continuum’ model in an absolute sense to describe the type of relationship in existence between the tribals and non-tribals. Initially, the tribals were lured into a larger regional identification through ‘economic symbiosis’ with the Hindu castes and peasants. With initial expectation clearly on the decline, the link with the Hindu society has come under close scrutiny from the more knowledgeable section of the tribals. A tendency has now developed in them to attribute all kinds of economic and socio-cultural deprivations to their almost complete identification with the Hindu caste ad peasant groups. It has generated protests in them in the form of movements and new political affiliations. The introduction of the modern panchayat system has reduced the tribal village council to position of lesser importance. The traditional village council remains mainly engaged in matters connected with religion and rituals, birth and death. Its power is clearly on the decline, particularly in issues concerning land disputes, inheritance of property, imposition of taxes, developmental activities. A parallel may be drawn with some areas of North-East India where the traditional Village Council has also been reduced to a less important position. In the hill areas of Manipur, the Village Authority, established at the behest of the state government, exercises real power. It has associated itself more directly with the practical problems faced by the people in their material existence. What is more important, it enjoys the patronage of the state government. But those who are in this body are usually from the concerned village or villages and there is hardly any outsider inducted in it. In Midnapore the panchayats rarely function along community lines. The Anchalik Panchayat representing an area exercises greater control over villages composed of tribal population. There are non tribals representing tribal villages at the Anchalik Panchayat level. In some cases, even at the Gram Panchayat level the non-tribals manage to find a place. So, it is doubtful whether all types of social transformation in tribal areas are spontaneous in nature in as much as these do not quite meet the expectations of the people. An impression is created, which in some cases becomes a conviction, that access to resource base and distribution of benefits depend more one’s commitment to and participation in the contemporary political system. Kamalalota is a multiethnic village under Nayagram Block, the population of which is composed of Santals, Lodhas, Koras, Mundas and Bhumij. The Santals are not only the

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] numerically dominant group, but they also represent the village at the political level. But in the process they uphold the interest of the political party more than their own interest. A few years back Chandamani Murmu was the village representative at the Nayagram Gram Panchayat. She was also a member of the Nayagram Branch Committee of the C.P.I. (M). It was, however, left to Harish Tripathi, a member of the Jilla Parishad, to resolve any serious internal dispute that might crop up between the constituent groups of the village. This only shows the nature of intervention by the political party in the affairs of the people. The same situation still continues. It may be mentioned here that quite a number of tribals from this area, who had earlier belonged to the Jharkhand Party, joined the C.P.I. (M) party in recent times. It cannot be said with certainty that all of them were willing partners. The local C.P.I. (M) leaders seized the opportunity of propagating the party’s strength in having a wide base at the mass level. The leaders emphasized time and again that with their party firmly in the saddle, inter-community conflicts involving the tribals had reduced to a considerable extent. Interaction pattern between tribals and nontribals and between tribals themselves may be examined from the standpoint of ‘complementary’ and ‘reciprocity’ of inter-human actions and reinforcements as developed by Gouldner (1967). “…. Complementarity connotes that one’s rights are another’s obligations, and vice versa. Reciprocity, however, connotes that each party has rights and duties.” In the former case the parties involved are unequal partners. The social context of the two different groups involved in such a relationship is never the same. At the higher political level the tribals are undoubtedly at the receiving end. Onesided complementarity marks the relation-ship between the tribals and non-tribals in that sphere.To the tribal interactants such a motivational relation rarely brings satisfaction. For argument’s sake, if it is to be conceded that reciprocal interest should govern the relationship between the two sections of the populations, then the tribals are to be given more say, or, in specific terms, more power at the higher level of politics. This will at least dispel any apprehension in the minds of the tribal people that they are victims of ‘internal colonisation’ and in the process keep their morale high. Morale is an evaluative functional category, which determines the legitimacy of a system from the standpoint of ego. In this sense, morale is a measure of authority system and power structure. However, morale as an attitude does not always follow a unified path. It is not possible, nor is it necessary, that the same people will have the same degree of morale on every occasion. From this point of view, the attitude of the tribals also varies depending upon the closeness with which they are associated with reference groups, political parties and leadership. IMPLICATIONS OF TRIBAL SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION As it is, social transformation among the tribals follows a more or less directed course. It

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] is doubtful whether economic prosperity could be a leveller. Moreover, the type of economic prosperity we are used to and the way it is to be achieved disturb the co-operative base of the tribal social system. At Kamalalota village the Santals worked in the agricultural fields of Buddhadeb Singh, the Bhumij Ex-M.L.A., on payament while the Lodhas were employed by the Santals for the same purpose. Paid labour as controlled at different levels. A preliminary survey conducted in a Kora village near Midnapore town revealed that the limited few who could manage to get a permanent worker’s job in the adjacent Tata Metallic Works had a greater share of agricultural land and had a more easy access with the panchayat leaders. By selling off a portion of agricultural land they could acquire the minimum necessary skill by gaining political access to make an entry into the field of industrial labour. Those who were landless or had very small agricultural holdings could not reach that level. That was the case of with Binu Mundi, a landless agricultural labour, who could not improve his lot in spite of the fact that he did manage to get a job of an earthfiller at the Tata Metallic Works. The job was a purely temporary one meant for a very limited time period and he was also in no position to stake a claim for a higher-grade job for which he did not qualify. His capability was partly conditioned by his accessibility to resource base and power base. The story of Binu Mundi could be the story of many others like him. Their story has not yet ended. It must be admitted that turning forest-dwellers and agricultural settlers into wage earners and industrial labourers may not always go to the advantage of the group as a whole, more so, when it involves the question of political manipulation. A change of this nature is a lopsided one, which weakens the bonds that hold the society together. The process of weakening is rather faster than the rate of increase in the economic options to a less differentiated tribal community. The fact is, the tribals have also entered the field of power relations in a significant way and they have even formulated an ‘ideology of power’ often supported by the traditional kinship relations. In a situation of changing power relations social transformations are bound to be unequal. In the history of India as a nation such a situation was prevalent immediately after the transfer of power from the British Government to the independent India. As Bose (1967) observes, “Under these circumstances, not only were the social transformations unequal, but eventually they led to significant inequalities and tensions in the political field when power came to Indian people either through British Constitutional reforms, or as a result of massive political action undertaken by the people of India in general.” In other words, social transformation among the tribes is following the same trend as was evident during India’s long struggle for the attainment of a national status. To quote N.K. Bose (1967) again, “The tribes have to make up much leeway in their advance to modern life, and

OMTEX CLASSES THE HOME OF TEXT [Type the author name] there is a consequent and natural desire to bring the necessary amount of social change as fast as possible. And this takes on the same character as was witnessed during India’s growth to nationalism. In the case of similar growthamong Schedule Tribes we can designate this as the growth of a ‘communal subnationalism’.” The observation is no less valid even today. In the context of Midnapore and adjoining areas belonging to the neighbouring states, which cannot possibly be separately treated, the whole process of social transformation deserves to be seen from this angle. As has been demonstrated by history time and again, increased contact, influence of the general process of modernisation directed through a process of politicisation cannot always stop ‘communal sub-nationalism’ from making headway. On a number of occasions, social transformation proves to be counterproductive to those who try to see it primarily as a means of social control and consolidation of political authority. One needs to keep in mind the recent rise of an extremist Naxalite organization in the name of ‘Ganayuddha’ in West Midnapore in this context. All will agree that it is not just one of those freak occurrences. KEY WORDS Social transformation; tribe; political orientation; interaction pattern ABSTRACT In the present context it may not be possible to treat social transformation independent of politically motivated action. In recent times, transformation of tribes along caste and community lines has slowed down to some extent and in some cases the process has been reversed. But the state and national level politics have made the tribals of Midnapore increasingly dependent on the dominating political order established by the majority community and communities of non-tribals. This has created adverse reaction among them in the sense that they have found an alternative in the form of Jharkhand party to counter the political domination of the majority group. For the tribals, economic changes directed and controlled by the present socio-economic order have benefited only a selected few and as a result differentiation has become a component of the tribal life-style making them more vulnerable than ever.

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Plan your visit The National Zoo covers a large area. It takes several hours to see all of our animals and exhibits—more if you stop for lunch or a snack, spend extra time in an area of special interest, or talk with a keeper or interpreter. We suggest that visitors, especially first-time visitors, take a few moments to plan their visit either before they arrive or when they first enter the Zoo. We offer many online resources to help you plan. How to Get to the Zoo We encourage visitors to take public transportation to the Zoo. You'll save natural resources and reduce your greenhouse gas emissions. If you plan to drive, be sure to see our information about parking. Where Are Some Highlights? We hope our visitors see all of our animals, but if you are short on time, some highlights include our giant pandas, Mei Xiang, Tian Tian, and their cub, Tai Shan, at the Fujifilm Giant Panda Habitat; our Asian elephant calf, Kandula; our three Sumatran tiger cubs; and many exhibits, including Amazonia, Small Mammals, and Invertebrates. Find out what other animals we have and where you can find them. Asia Trail, a new series of wonderful habitats for seven Asian species, is now open.

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Download a free audio tour of Asia Trail from Fujifilm. Review the Zoo Map Look at our online Zoo map and plot your route through the Zoo so you don't miss any favorite animals. If you drive to the Zoo and arrive early, you may be able to park in the lot nearest the animals and exhibits you want to see first. Choose a meeting place in case someone gets separated from your group.

Print a guide for visitors with young children.

Check Our Calendar See what programs are going on the day you'll be visiting. Also, check out our calendar to see what special events are happening when you plan to visit. Or you might want to plan your visit to coincide with one of our celebrations or events. A few times each year, the Zoo closes early to prepare for a special event. Dress for the Weather and Terrain While many of our animals are always or usually in indoor exhibits, many others, including giant pandas, other bears, seals, and sea lions, and great cats, are usually outdoors. To make your walk around the Zoo more enjoyable, comfortable shoes are recommended. The Zoo is set on hilly terrain and some paths are steep. Find out what's responsible for the Zoo's terrain in "Beneath It All: The Geology of the Zoo." Avoid the Crowds We always suggest arriving early in the day, before 10 a.m. or after 2 p.m., when the Zoo is usually less crowded. Weekdays tend to be less crowded than weekends, and fall and winter are less crowded than spring and summer. The Zoo grounds open at 6 a.m. all year round, but the animals you may be most interested in seeing may not be on exhibit until 10 a.m. Get What You Need When you arrive at the Zoo, stop at an Information Kiosk, where Information Aides answer questions, rent strollers, sell maps, and offer wheelchairs. The National Zoo Stores sell Fuji film, Fuji Quick-Snap cameras, and a host of souvenirs. Bring Your Old Cell Phone Bring your used cell phone to the Zoo's Visitor Center and drop it in the collection box at the front desk. Thanks to a partnership with ECO-Cell, your phone will help FONZ support the National Zoo's mission. Other Tips and Suggestions Learn about other good ideas at Tips for Families Visiting the Zoo.

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DAILY PROGRAMS Something is always happening at the National Zoo. Daily programs include animal training, feeding demonstrations, and keeper talks. Some programs change from week to week. We strive to keep the schedule current, and apologize for any errors. Please consult a schedule at the Zoo the day of your visit.

Short Films at the Zoo You can take a break from visiting the Zoo's animals and head into the air-conditioned Visitor Center Auditorium to learn about their lives and stories. These programs, which aired previously on the Smithsonian Channel, are free.

Sunday | Monday | Tuesday | Wednesday Thursday | Friday | Saturday

Amazonia Fish Feeding Where: Amazonia, entrance level

When: Friday-Sunday: 11 a.m.

What: Thousands of fish species live in the Amazon Basin. Meet some of them in our Amazonia Habitat.

Asia Trail Interpreters Where: Asia Trail What: Learn about giant pandas, sloth bears, clouded leopards, and four other species living on Asia Trail.

When: Daily: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.

Beaver Valley Interpreters Where: Lower end of Valley Trail What: Learn more about Mexican wolves, beavers, river otters, and other North American animals.

When: Thursday–Friday: 10 a.m.–1 p.m. Saturday–Sunday: 10 a.m.–4 p.m. April–November

occasionally on weekdays

Bird Interpreters Where: Bird House What: Check out feathers, bones, and eggs and learn about the fascinating world of birds.

When: Monday–Friday: 10 a.m.–1 p.m. Saturday–Sunday: 1–4 p.m.

Cheetah Interpreters Where: Cheetah Conservation Station What: Explore the world of the cheetah and other animals at the Cheetah Conservation Station, including Grevy's zebras and scimitarhorned oryx.

When: Monday-Friday: 10 a.m.-1 p.m. Saturday-Sunday: 10 a.m.-4 p.m. April-November

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Eagle Feeding Where: Beaver Valley

When: Daily: 2 p.m.

What: Learn about eagles, falcons, and hawks.

Elephant Bath Where: Inside Elephant House

When: Daily: 10:30 a.m.

What: Meet our Asian elephants.

Elephant Training Demo Where: Outside Elephant House

When: Daily: 11 a.m.

What: How do you get a four-ton animal to cooperate? Come find out.

Encounter Invertebrates Where: Invertebrate Exhibit What: Explore the complex, fascinating world of invertebrates: corals and crabs, ants and anemones, seashells and spiders.

When: Daily: 10 a.m.-4 p.m. Feeding demos every half hour. Hands-on activities vary daily.

Flight Exhibit Enrichment Where: Bird House Indoor Flight Exhibit What: Watch birds forage and catch their food mid-flight, as a keeper or volunteer narrates.

When: Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday, Sunday: 11 a.m.

Giant Octopus Feeding Where: Invertebrate Exhibit

When: Temporarily on hold

What: The giant octopus will eat almost anything it can catch.

Gorilla Feeding Where: Outside the Great Ape House What: Learn about western lowland gorillas, one of our closest relatives.

When: Daily: 11:30 a.m.

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Great Cats Keeper Talk Where: Great Cats Exhibit What: Learn about Sumatran tigers and African lions.

When: Saturday–Sunday: 2:30 p.m.

How Do You Zoo? Where: Visitor Center What: Learn about working at the Zoo in this hands-on discovery room for children ages five to ten.

When: Saturday–Sunday: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.

Kids' Farm Interpreters Where: Kids' Farm What: Learn about farming and how taking care of animals takes time, dedication, and knowledge.

When: Monday-Friday: 10 a.m.-1 p.m. Saturday-Sunday: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.

Large Mammal Interpreters Where: Inside the Elephant House What: Learn about the Zoo's elephants and hippos.

When: Thursday–Friday: 10 a.m.–1 p.m. Saturday–Sunday: 10 a.m.–4 p.m.

Meet a Kiwi Where: Bird House What: Learn about New Zealand's best known bird.

When: Monday, Wednesday, Friday: 11 a.m.

Meet a Mammal Keeper Talk Where: Small Mammal House What: An animal keeper will introduce you to a naked mole-rat or another small mammal.

Meet a Reptile

When: Daily: 2 p.m.

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Where: Reptile Discovery Center

When: Daily: 3 p.m.

What: Learn all about reptiles, which live on every continent except Antarctica.

Meet a Zebra Where: Zebra yard on Olmsted Walk What: Meet our male Grevy's zebras, the largest of all zebras.

When: Saturday–Sunday: 1 p.m.

Otter Feeding Where: Beaver Valley

When: Daily: 10:30 a.m.

What: Find our what North American river otters eat and how they communicate.

Primate Interpreters Where: Inside and outside the Great Ape House, and at Gibbon Ridge, Lemur Island, and Think Tank Interpreters will not be at all exhibits at all times but will rotate among these exhibits.

What: Learn about some of our closest relatives, great and lesser apes —gorillas, orangutans, and gibbons—and discuss the idea of animal thinking.

When: Wednesday-Friday: 10 a.m.-1 p.m. Saturday–Sunday: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.

Reptile Discovery Center Interpreters Where: Reptile Discovery Center What: Learn about the extraordinary world of reptiles and amphibians such as salamanders and frogs, crocodiles and turtles, lizards and snakes.

When: Daily: 10 a.m.-4 p.m. Hands-on activities vary daily.

Seal or Sea Lion Training Where: Seal or Sea Lion Pool

When: Daily: 11:30 a.m.

What: See how graceful—and hungry—gray seals and California sea lions are.

Sloth Bear Feeding Where: Asia Trail

When:

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What: Find out what and how these Asian bears eat.

Daily: 11:30 a.m. Weather permitting

Small Mammal Interpreters Where: Small Mammal House What: Learn about a wide variety of animals including the three-banded armadillo, naked mole-rat, golden lion tamarin, and banded mongoose.

Spider Rap Where: Invertebrate Exhibit What: Eight-legged wonders! Come meet some of the world’s amazing spiders.

When: Monday-Friday: 10 a.m.-1 p.m. Saturday-Sunday: 10 a.m.-4 p.m.

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RULES AND REGULATIONS Rule Number One: Enjoy Your Visit! The National Zoo is a wonderful place to explore, learn, and relax. Our few rules help ensure an enjoyable and safe experience for all visitors. No Pets Pets, leashed or unleashed, are not allowed in the park because they may disturb the Zoo's animals. In hot weather, it is dangerous to leave a pet closed up in a vehicle. Please leave your pets at home if at all possible. (Service dogs are permitted.) Walk, Don't Ride Only people in wheelchairs and kids in strollers or wagons get to ride around the Zoo. Biking is permitted only on public vehicle roads. Riding bikes, scooters, skateboards, and the like is prohibited on all pedestrian walkways. While in the Zoo, you must park or walk or carry your bike, scooter, skateboard, etc. There are bike racks near the Visitor Center and at Lion-Tiger Hill. No Smoking To decrease fire hazard and ensure the safety and health of visitors, staff, and animals, smoking is not permitted in the public areas at the National Zoo. Quiet, Please Please do not play loud music; use earphones to avoid disturbing animals and other visitors. Please Don't Feed the Animals Our animals have scientifically formulated diets to ensure their health and well being. Human food may make them sick. Also for the animals' safety, our Food Service outlets do not offer straws or lids. Balloons are prohibited. Respect Boundaries Rails, moats, and other barriers between you and our animals are there to protect you and the animals from harm. It is especially important not to lift children over rails or rest them on railings, or let them stick fingers or arms through fences. Remember, Zoo animals are wild animals. Don't Litter Put all of your trash in bins. Look for blue bins to recycle your cans and plastic bottles. Help us save resources and keep your Zoo clean. Photography Visitors are encouraged to take photographs for their personal use and to share their memories with family and friends. Photographers wishing to market and sell their photos of Zoo animals must contact the Smithsonian Institution's Office of Product Development and Licensing.

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Ten great reasons to visit zoo 1.

Discovery The Zoo is a great place to discover and appreciate diverse and unusual creatures from tiny leaf-cutter ants to huge elephants. Learning about other species by watching their behavior can offer us new insight into ourselves.

2.

Imagination Finding out about the survival strategies that different animals have stretches the imagination. Check out how orangutans walk along the suspended O Line, how giant pandas use their “thumbs,” and how naked mole-rats are like honeybees.

3.

Young Animals Seeing young animals learning to adjust to their new environment and interacting with their mothers can be a lifeaffirming experience. Our animal youngsters are irresistible and entertaining. Check out the panda cub, young western lowland gorilla, Sumatran tiger cubs, sea lions, Asian elephant, and other young animals at the Zoo. more

4.

Ice Cream and Souvenirs Being at the National Zoo is a great excuse to eat ice cream and bring home plush animals.

5.

Watching Local Wildlife Walking down paths to less popular areas of the park or taking a break on a bench puts you among thousands of plants, trees, and animals like chipmunks, squirrels, ducks and many other bird species. Meet the animals who call the Zoo home, along with the Zoo’s more permanent residents.

6.

A World of Animals Be a wildlife biologist in Washington, D.C.! You can watch and learn about wild animals from all over the world in one place.

7.

Great Exercise Walking along the paths visiting animals is good for you! Many local residents walk and jog through the Zoo daily, keeping fit while enjoying views of tigers, lemurs, elephants, gibbons, pandas, sloth bears, and other animals that spend most of their time outdoors.

8.

Supporting Great Causes Visiting helps support the Zoo’s mission to study, celebrate, and help protect animals—at and outside of the Zoo. Money raised through your visit goes to many worthwhile causes, including species and habitat conservation and improving Zoo facilities for animals and visitors.

9.

FUN There’s something about the Zoo that brings out the kid in all of us. Having fun is important at every age!

10. Admission is free!

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This is an important first step. The reason why this step is first is because everything you do might depend on where you are going to plant your tree. For example, if you want to plant a tree in a park, you first need to find out who manages the park (is this a city park, state park, private, etc.) and ask their permission to plant a tree. They might say "yes, you can plant a tree but we can only plant certain kinds of trees" - for example some parks will only plant native trees (trees that have historically grown in the area) or they might have a tree planting plan that identifies historically grown in the area) or they might have a tree planting plan that identifies the type of trees to be planted. Or, you might be planting a tree near power and telephone wires so in selecting a tree you would want one that would not grow tall or fast (a dogwood tree for example). You might even want to replace a tree that has been destroyed by lightening or killed by disease. Replacing the tree with the same kind of a tree would be nice. In selecting a site, remember, our communities and cities need and have an ongoing need to have trees planted by people. That's because life is hard in the city for a tree: trees that might grow from seeds are cut by lawn mowers, sidewalks prevent water absorption by trees plus the added work of cleaning the air of auto emissions makes survival tough for trees. So the cities and town really need more trees! Once you have identified where you would like to plant a tree, you need to ask permission from the owner or the manager of the property. This person might be a state forester, park ranger or the principal at your school. This rule even applies if you want to plant a tree in your yard at home - you still need to ask for permission of your parents.

You might be able to have a tree donated for your project or you might need to raise funds to purchase a tree. Check with your state or community forester to see if they have any programs where they give away trees for tree planting projects. Also, ask for their advice on the types of trees to plant in the area where you live - different trees are native to different states, and native trees will thrive better after planting. If you are not able to get a tree donated, don't fret - you can raise the money you need to purchase a tree. Contact the manager at your local Wal-Mart or a business at busy intersection and ask permission to do a car wash or bake sale to raise money. Offer to clean litter for a fee from the parking lot after a football game. Collect aluminum cans in the classrooms and cash the cans in for money at the end of a month. Sell T-shirts. You might even be able to raise enough money to plant several trees!

Use proper tree planting tree procedures! No matter if you plant the tree by yourself or with your family, friends, club, class or scout members, you will want to use proper tree planting procedures - to make sure the tree has the best chance for a long life.

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1. Dig the hole as deep as the rootball and twice as wide. 2. Check to see if the soil around the hole is too hard - if it is, loosen it up a bit with the shovel. 3. Remove the container from the rootball. (The roots are like the tree's blood vessels and they work best if they are not all twisted and knotted up, so you might need to straighten them out if they are circling around after having grown in the container.) 4. Place the tree in the hole, making sure the soil is at the same level on the tree as when the tree grew in the garden center. If your tree has burlap around the rootball, place the tree in the hole and then carefully untie the burlap. Leave the burlap lying in the bottom of the hole (this is Okay - the burlap will simply turn into organic matter over a period of time). 5. Fill in around the rootball with soil and pack the soil with your hands and feet to make sure that there are no air pockets. 6. Make a little dam around the base of the tree as wide as the hole with left over soil or grass clumps to hold in the water. 7. Give your new tree a good soaking of water to help settle it into its new home. 8. Name your tree, like Tara and her friends named the first tree they planted "Marcie the Marvelous Tree." 9. Repeat the "One In A Million" Promise. 10.Need more help? Contact your state or community forester listed in your telephone directory or call your local nursery for help and / or advice.

Organize a community tree planting event (Hey - More than 1 tree can be planted!) There may be people like community officials, other organizations like the Scouts and business representatives in your community who would love to be involved in your project - all you have to do is to ask. Once more people are part of your team, they can help you with other things like finding a planting site, purchasing a tree, helping to dig a hole. To help make the day a community event, try to involve the entire community - at least invite the entire community - and you can do that by making an announcement about the event through the media including the newspaper, radio, and television. (We can even help you if you need help on writing a press release).

Take care of the newly planted tree - and this means water and mulch around your tree. (The tree will be thirsty after it is planted, so deeply water it each week (2 to 3 gallons) for the first year. If mother nature happens to water your tree during the week, then don't worry about watering that week - Mother nature is the best source for water) Give your tree a "mulch blanket." A mulch blanket is a 2- to 4-inch covering of rotten leaves, wood chips, pine straw or shredded bark that will insulate the growd, decrease the amount of weeds that will grow around your tree, keeps moisture around the roots and provides food for your tree. Make sure that the mulch blanket is not piled up on and touching the base of the tree but has a little space between the tree and where the mulch begins - you simply might need to push some of the mulch back from the bottom of the tree.

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Write Thank-You notes to people who helped with the project (and if Mom or Dad helped you with the project, write them a little thank-you note too!) Hint: One thing that Melissa does with her Thank-You notes is that she draws Thank-You Pictures! This is more fun and for her, says more than words ever say!

Uses for Trees Many trees have uses which were once commonplace but have been largely forgotten, such as ropemaking from species such as lime. Others have uses which are becoming ever more applicable in the modern world, such as biomass production from willow species. This is a fascinating subject, and at Gawmless End we are growing many different varieties out of interest, to see which do best and might therefore have a place in the modern version of hillfarming.

Edible Uses There are many trees and shrubs which produce fruit or nuts, or products such as oil from these, which are delicious raw or when processed, eg. for jam. Some trees produce edible saps, others edible leaves. Still others can be managed as useful forage crops for livestock. We have several varieties of apple, pear, plum and cherry growing on, and a productive range of red- white- and blackcurrants, gooseberries and hybrid and other berries. Berry shrubs seem to do exceptionally well here with minimal attention, apart from the nurturing of any plant which provides nectar or pollen around their flowering time (in order to attract and encourage bees to pollinate the berry bushes). Different sorts of nut trees, including pine nuts and edible acorn varieties, are also present - see our unusual trees pages.

Other Uses •

Trees can be grown as a crop in themselves, for timber, biomass, or basketry. Many trees and shrubs were formerly important for uses such as ropemaking or in medicinal preparations.

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Trees and shrubs can represent a valuable soil stabilizing or windbreak resource, enabling adjacent crops, including grass and other fodder crops, to grow better.

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Some trees fix nitrogen in the soil, which directly benefits adjoining crops, or enrich it by taking up scarce minerals and other nutrients from deep in the soil, where more shallow-rooted plants cannot reach them, and making them available through its leaves when they fall in autumn. Where particular soils are known to be poor in particular minerals, judicious planting of particular accumulator species of trees and shrubs can help redress this vital balance (indeed, in a Forest Garden setting, tree species and numbers are carefully chosen to obviate entirely any need for application of specific soil additives).

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In careful plantings the benefit to surrounding soils is greater than any disadvantage such as shading by mature trees. Livestock benefits from both the improved shelter, and from improved forage quality and quantity.