Party System In The Pacific

DISCUSS FOUR WAYS IN WHICH THE TRADITIONAL OR CULTURAL SYSTEMS IN THE PACIFIC INFLUENCE PARTY AND ELECTORAL SYSTEMS. Author: Manoa Nagatalevu Tupou. The electoral and the party systems of the world can be linked backed to ancient Greece and Rome where the most basic of democratic institutions emerged as well as the emergence of the representative democratic assembly. The decline of Medieval Europe, opposition to the Catholic Church as well as the revolutions of Europe gave rise to the emergence of the modern state. This transition in society from monarchical and absolute rule to democratic rule or rule based on consensus saw the rise of party and electoral systems fuelled by the Ideologies of that age. Today almost all countries in the world have elections under an electoral system. The electoral system a state adopts depends on the choice of the state’s political leaders and is usually entrenched in the state’s constitution. In the Pacific region, a total of seven electoral systems are adopted while the nature and number of political parties varies from state to state1. This variation can be attributed to numerous factors, however, a factor that clearly influences both electoral and party systems are tradition and culture. The extent of this influence depends very much on the composition of the state’s population, political beliefs of the members, and members of the electorate. Since Fiji gained independence in 1970, elements of traditional and cultural influence can be clearly seen in Fiji’s political arena especially on the formation of political party’s and what they value during election. This however, does not assume that all political parties in Fiji are influenced by the two elements mentioned. Fiji adopted the Alternative voting system in 1997 after the review of the 1990 constitution2. The political parties that compete during elections vary from one election to another. This essay will place a great deal of emphasis on Fijian political parties because of the frequency at which they invoke culture and tradition to their advantage during election period. The four points that will be discussed in this essay are firstly, traditional leadership; secondly, kinship; thirdly, provincialism and lastly the discussion will focus on women and how successful they were during elections as well as briefly focusing on the part tradition and culture has to play in this limited participation. The four points highlighted above are chosen from a wide range of possible points to consider. However, these points reflect well to the link between tradition and culture and their influence on Party and Electoral system. The link is not physical in nature just like the concepts themselves are not physical but ideological. Before commencing it is worthwhile to define the meaning of the terms that will be used frequently in this essay. Tradition can be defined loosely as a set of ideas and practice that is passed from generation to generation and is taught through the combination of observation and practical involvement while culture can be defined as a set of rules which govern thought and behavior in society3. These two terms are inter-related. Like the terms already defined, electoral and party system are also related. Party system are described through the number of parties that existed, the strength of the Available Online: http//www.ip.alp.org.au/download/now/csw_presentation_2.3_electoral_systems.pdf

1

Stockwell. F. R., (2004), “AV or not AV?: That Is The Question…in Fiji”, in Political Culture, Representation and Electoral Systems in the Pacific, University of the South Pacific, Port Vila, (page. 6) 2

parties, the ideological differences between the parties and the structure of the parties4. While the electoral system can be defined as the system that a government uses upon which elections are conducted. It incorporates the methods of casting votes, the size and shape of the constituencies, the extent of the franchise, and the rule relating to candidates and parties and those regulating the administration of elections5. Fiji, given its inalienable attachment to tradition and culture is evidently influenced by it. The history of Fiji’s electoral system is such that since independence Fiji has had two electoral systems. After independence till 1990 the Fijian state has been using the First Past The Post system that is common to all former colonies because these systems are inherited from former colonizing states6. However, after the 1990 elections, internal and external pressure forced the Fijian government then to review the 1990 constitution on which the 1990 election was conducted. The review resulted in the emergence of not only a new constitution in 1997 but also a new electoral system as well, the Alternative Voting system. Like the First Past The Post system, the Alternative Voting system is a “…majoritarian system that is based on single-member electorates. Unlike the First Past The Post, the Alternative Vote gives electors the choice of ranking candidates in order of preference…”7. In both systems, political parties have tended to play along the line of traditional and cultural sympathizes in the hope of securing votes during elections. This is common especially among the Fijian political parties. From independence till 1987 the year of the first coup de tat, the Fijian dominated Alliance Party never lost an election. After the coup, a new political party was formed with the backing of the Fijian chiefs, the Soqosoqo Ni Vakavulewa Ni Taukei (SVT), which waned in existence after the 1999 elections. The coup of 2000 saw the birth of a new Fijian dominated political party the Soqosoqo Duavata Ni Lewenivanua (SDL). These are the three political parties that will be focused on in this essay. The first influence of tradition and culture on the electoral and the party system in Fiji is the use of traditional leadership. Given the make up of the Fijian socio-political entity, the value Fijians place on their tradition is first and foremost although this might be waning today due to education and so forth. According to Ratuva, traditional leaders would often deliberately be made party leaders and so forth8. All the three Fijian dominated political parties used traditional leadership in their bid to secure seats in parliament. This is clearly evident in Ratu Mara presence in the Alliance Party. His presence given his chiefly position and the education that he got, appealed to the Fijian community in such a force that it drew in quite a considerable portion of the Fijian people. During the SVT’s reign, the backing it got from the Great Council of Chiefs, an institution that was established with all the major Chiefs as its member, is enough to get the SVT the support from the Fijian people during the election of 1990.The fact that the leaders of the party (Sitiveni Rabuka) stood up against the government in 1987 in the name of the Fijian course also greatly boosted their political Jones, Philip., (1993), ‘An Introduction to Sociological Theories, in Studying Society: Sociological Theories and Research Practices, London: Collins Educational, page 6 3

Ball, R, A & Peters, G, B., (2000), Modern Politics and Government, 6th Edition, Macmillan Press, page 111

4

Ibid. page 117

5

Durutalo, A., (2006), ‘Fiji: Party Politics in the Post Independence Period’, in Party Politics in the Pacific Islands, edited, Pandanus Books, Canberra, page. 167 6

Nicholl, R., (2006), ‘Electing women in Parliament: Fiji and the alternative vote electoral system, in Pacific Journalism Review, Vol. 12, No. 1, page 93 7

Ratuva, S., (2006). ‘Primordial Politics? Political Parties and Tradition in Melanesia’, in Political Parties in the Pacific Islands, edited, Pandanus Books, Canberra, page. 37 8

success in the 1990 election. The SDL party in its Cabinet line up prior to the 2006 coup had all the Chiefs or at least representatives from the three leading ruling families in Fiji. Adi Samanunu Cakobau a minister without portfolio who is from the leading family in the Kubuna Confederacy; Ro Teimumu Kepa, Minister of Education and head of the Burebasaga Confederacy being the Roko Tui Dreketi and the Tui Cakau, Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu, Minister of Lands and head of the Tovata Confederacy9. An interesting development happened prior to the 2006 election when provincial councils were encouraged not to entertain politics during its meeting. However, during the Rewa Provincial Council meeting, the spokeman of the Roko Tui Dreketi announced the chiefs’ intention to contest election. When the announcement was made it indirectly is signifying the call of the paramount chief for her people to rally support for her political party. Her nephew Ro Filipe Tuisawau who argued that tradition and politics ought to be separated contested this. After the election, Ro Filipe lost to the Roko Tui Dreketi on a very small margin10. When traditional leadership is used as a political tool, the likelihood that it will secure Fijian support is quite high. The second influence of tradition and culture in electoral and party systems is kinship. Given that the Fijian traditional system places great emphasis on kinship. Common people would usually align themselves with parties where either members of their family, village or Chief is a member. In the case where a Fijian chief is a member of a political party, it is only natural for his or her people to join that political party as well especially in the rural communities. This was evident during the reign of the Alliance party and the SDL party as well. The SDL party was formed with the backing of the Naitasiri chiefs namely the Qaranivalu, the paramount chief of the Naitasiri province and Ro Kalokalo a minor chief within the district of Naitasiri11. The involvement of these two chiefs secured the support to an extent of the Naitasiri people. The Fijian tradition is such that loyalty to chiefly positions is foremost. So when chiefs enter a political party let alone being one of those who saw the establishment of a political party, people started recruiting kinsman and advocating the parties’ manifestoes in their respective villages in both formal and informal session during grog session. So when the two chiefs of Naitasiri were involved in the establishment of the SDL party, the rest of the Naitasiri province particularly those in the villages felt that a party has been indicated to them that is associated with the province; thus the support of the Naitasiri people towards the SDL party has to be unwavering. This is particularly evident when the Naitasiri Provincial Council on many occasion after the dethronement of the SDL government during the coup of 2006, remain steadfast in opposing the interim regime even to the extent when they agree not to sent any provincial representatives to the revised version of the Great Council of Chiefs. In the villages, villagers refuse to attend any meeting organized by the interim regime while they were advocating the People’s Charter welcoming the government officials with empty community halls. The third influence of tradition and culture in the electoral and the party system is through the concept of provincialism12. This concept reflects the nature in which loyalty is accorded throughout the Fijian system. Loyalty is first accorded to tribal and Vanua chiefs before it is extended to provincial and then on a national basis to the Confederacy chiefs13. Available Online: Fiji Elections Office – Elections 2006, http://www.elections.gov.fj/results2006.html

9

The Fiji Times, (2006), Win is no surprise for Rewa Chief, 31st November, page 15

10

Personal interview with Waisale Luveniyali, SDL Party Official, March 12, 2009

11

Durutalo, A., (2006), ‘Fiji: Party Politics in the Post Independence Period’, in Party Politics in the Pacific Islands, edited, Pandanus Books, Canberra, page. 168 12

Lawson, S., (1996), Tradition Versus Democracy in the South Pacific: Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, page 53 13

Provincialism is well and alive in Fiji particularly between the central and the western chiefs of the country not forgetting those of the north. Chiefs of the central and eastern Fiji have always enjoyed government positions more often than northern and western chiefs. Quite frequently in the not too distant past, chiefs from the western side of Fiji would be contemptuous towards their positions as far as leadership in the government is concerned sighting their economic contribution as a basis of their disgruntlement. Political Parties that is significant only to the Western region of Fiji would prop up by politicians from that side of Fiji14. For Example, the Bai Kei Viti and the Western Democratic Party were established as a response to the political parties established by chiefs of eastern and central Fiji. This is so because of a lack of centralized rule in the traditional Fijian hierarchy prior to cession. In the Fijian hierarchy, the Western side of Fiji is significant as is other provinces in Fiji of having no paramount traditional leader amongst them. The leaders in these parts of Fiji are more equal in status when compared to Central Fiji. The fourth influence of tradition and culture in the electoral and the party system in Fiji is the nature of women status in the Fijian hierarchy. Women traditionally are not always expected to be at the forefront of leadership let alone contending to it. This is so because particular aspect of the Fijian culture requires male to be the main contender and players for women’s role are more restricted to domestic and other related chores. For a woman to be at the forefront in attempting to lead is often considered deviant in the Fijian society. It is not until recently that women are beginning to take a more active role in this area. This is reflected in the number of women contesting elections in Fiji despite being granted this opportunity in 196315. Since 1994, a total of 24 women were elected into the House of Representatives16. A factor that contributed or helped keep at bay the presence of women in Parliament has been attributed by some to the nature of the electoral system in the country concerned, in that it did not accommodate women contenders during election because of the nature of the structure of the political parties. However those women who are born into traditionally superior households have a bigger chance of succeeding compared to commoners. Education and advocacy however, is helping improve this situation. The four factors mentioned in this essay are only some of the many factors that could have been highlighted to link the influence between tradition and culture to the electoral and party system. Traditional leadership, the kinship system, the notion of provincialism and the status of women reflected this influence. Despite the attempts made to limit the influence of tradition and culture through the adoption of electoral systems that are assumed to be fair, the influence still persists due to the attachment that to an extent is emotional on the part of the Fijian people to their tradition and culture. The inalienability of tradition and culture is so strong that politician’s tent to play along these lines to secure their seats in Parliament. It is clear to most that once the traditional and cultural cards are played during political campaigning, there is always a possibility that it will attract sympathizes from the native community. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Durutalo, A., (2006), ‘Fiji: Party Politics in the Post Independence Period’, in Party Politics in the Pacific Islands, edited, Pandanus Books, Canberra, page. 168 14

Nicholl, R., (2006), ‘Electing women in Parliament: Fiji and the alternative vote electoral system, in Pacific Journalism Review, Vol. 12, No. 1, page 94 15

Ibid, page 94

16

Ball, R, A & Peters, B, G., (2000), Modern Politics and Government, 6th Edition, Macmillan Press, London Durutalo, A., (2006), ‘Fiji: Party Politics in the Post Independence Period’, in Party Politics in the Pacific Islands, edited, Pandanus Books, Canberra Jones, Philip., (1993), ‘An Introduction to Sociological Theories, in Studying Society: Sociological Theories and Research Practices, London: Collins Educational Lawson, S., (1996), Tradition Versus Democracy in the South Pacific: Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Nicholl, R., (2006), ‘Electing women in Parliament: Fiji and the alternative vote electoral system, in Pacific Journalism Review, Vol. 12, No. 1 Ratuva, S., (2006), ‘Primordial Politics? Political Parties and Tradition in Melanesia’, in Political Parties in the Pacific Islands, edited, Pandanus Books, Canberra, Stockwell. F. R., (2004), “AV or not AV?: That Is The Question…in Fiji”, in Political Culture, Representation and Electoral Systems in the Pacific, University of the South Pacific, Port Vila, (page. 6) The Fiji Times, (2006), Win is no surprise for Rewa Chief, Wednesday, May 17 Personal interview with Waisale Luveniyali, SDL Party Official, March 12, 2009 Available Online: http//www.ip.alp.org.au/download/now/csw_presentation_2.3_electoral_systems.pdf Available Online: Fiji Elections Office – Elections 2006, http://www.elections.gov.fj/results2006.html