Onno Van Nijf Political Culture Termessos

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Public space and the political culture of Roman Termessos Onno M. van Nijf Introduction Atalante A visitor walking in the agora of the small city of Termessos, high up in the mountains of Roman Pisidia, would be confronted with an odd phenomenon. On the West side of the agora in a street right in front of the sumptuous stoa that had been presented to the city by King Attalos of Pergamon, he would see not one, but two statues of the same local woman, Atalante, the daughter of Piaterabis. His attention would first be drawn to a large lifesize portrait statue accompanied by a long inscription recording the decree of the city by which the statue was awarded.1 In the month of Soterios, on day thirteen in the regular assembly, it was resolved by the people, on the proposal of the presiding committee (probouloi): since Atalante, daughter of Piaterabis, granddaughter of Pillakoas, great-granddaughter of Kinnounis, a widow, adorned both with nobility and with sophrosyne (temperance), and who reveals every womanly quality, emulating by her exertions the accomplishments of her ancestors who had frequently offered their philotimia (ambition through generosity) towards the city, both in expenditure of no mean kind, and in advancing money, and in public subscriptions and gifts and priesthoods, since she has promised when a great grain shortage occurred to provide an ample supply for the populace (plethos), and since in fulfilment of her philotimia she is providing grain unstintingly from the month Idalianos of the present year, it was resolved that she shall be honoured by the people with a bronze statue in her likeness (eikon) and a golden crown, and that the statue shall be set up at a prominent location in the city, near the stoa of Attalos, along the wall of the straight South Road where also the prizes are placed that were won by the boys in the gymnastic games, which Hermaios, son of Hoplos had organized when he was supervisor of the youth (paidonomos). And also that the artisans (technitai) shall have permission to set up, at the same spot, a statue (andrias) of Atalanta through which they displayed their philotimia, as they requested; and that on the statue set up by the people this decree shall be inscribed, but on that of the artisans any inscription they shall want. The other monument, standing immediately next to it, was the statue that was awarded to her by the technitai of the city which was referred to in the larger inscription. It carried the inscription that the technitai had been permitted to compose themselves:2

This paper is part of a larger project that is dedicated to the study of the epigraphic habits in Roman Termessos, for which see i.a. van Nijf 1999; van Nijf 2000; van Nijf 2003a, van Nijf (in press) and van Nijf 2001. This paper draws on some of the material presented in these previous works. Besides in the Groningen session of the Greek city project, versions of this paper were read in Paris, Exeter, Hamburg, Athens and Liverpool. I thank my hosts and audiences at these occasions for their questions and remarks. I also like to thank Maaike Leemreize and Martine Hekman who have researched some aspects of the epigraphic display in Termessos as part of their course work. 1 TAM 3.1, 4. 2 TAM 3.1, 62.

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The technitai honoured Atalante, daughter of Piaterabis, son of Pillakoas, son of Kinnounis. Widow. Who had been their benefactress as she provided to the entire populace ample supply when there was a grain shortage. If our visitor would stroll further, to pay a visit to the temple that we know as N5, probably dedicated to Artemis, he would come across Atalante again in an inscription that she had set up herself for her grandfather Pillakoas, as she had been instructed to do in the testament of her father Piaterabis.3 Atalante was clearly some kind of celebrity, but she was not the only one. Close inspection of the epigraphy of Termessos would establish that the numerous statues that littered the city centre represented in fact the members of just a handful of families. The urban landscape of Termessos was apparently designed as a stage for a small group of local celebrities, whose names and faces were visible everywhere. In this paper I want to try to explore the implications of this monumental celebrity culture, and argue that ‘celebrity’ and power were closely connected. I shall argue that the monumental culture that organised the Termessian cityscape was a crucial ingredient of the language of power by which the notables of Termessos represented and realised their dominant role in the city. Termessos At the turn of second and third century of our era Termessos was a flourishing small city, well equipped with all the amenities of civilised urban life. This was a particularly active and creative period: the city had adopted the new style in architecture and town planning that characterised the ‘Great Rebuilding’ of the Roman East.4 Still based on classical principles, the cities were now built on a larger scale than ever before, and monumental buildings with spectacular façades displayed the wealth and power of their builders. Termessos was endowed with many of the traditional buildings without which no town could expect to be considered as a ‘polis’ by the Imperial Greeks:5 a theatre (O1), an odeion (O2), two gymnasia (H, I) and monumental stoas on the agora (L1, L2), and the ultimate fashion statement of the era: a large colonnaded street (L5), shown in the map on Figure 1. The notables of Termessos, who had largely built and financed these constructions, were also responsible for a huge epigraphic production. More than 1000 inscriptions have been published in volume 3 of the Tituli Asiae Minoris, and in a number of supplements.6 Many of these were epitaphs that were set up in the cemeteries bordering the city centre to the North and the South, but a large proportion consists of honorific inscriptions that were found on statue bases, scattered throughout the city. In this respect Termessos must have resembled any other city in Roman Asia Minor. What makes Termessos unique, however, is the relatively large number of preserved monuments found in situ. The exemplary publications by Heberdey and his successors enable us to reconstruct in considerable detail the epigraphic landscape of a typical provincial town at the turn of the second and third centuries AD. Monumental politics The Termessian notables 3

İplikçioğlu et al. 1991, 5 = SEG 41, 1258. Van Nijf 1997, 71 and 181 for the expression. 5 The criteria are mentioned in a famous passage in Pausanias on the small town of Panopeus: 10.4.1. 6 TAM 3.1; İplikçioğlu et al. 1991; İplikçioğlu et al. 1992; İplikçioğlu et al. 1994 and İplikçioğlu et al. 2007. 4

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One look at the map makes clear that the landscape of Termessos was literally dotted with monuments (Figure 2). The great majority was, as we shall see, set up for a small group of top-families, the local nobiles or ‘notables’. The power and influence of these families of ‘notables’ was paramount. Their political status depended on the appointment (by election or co-optation) of male members of these families to traditional offices and priesthoods, and on their primacy in the boule, membership of which became hereditary. The leading role of the boule is nicely illustrated by a series of dedications that were set up in the Termessian agora around the year 203: they were dedications to the boule by the demos, and by the boule to the demos. Although they were no doubt erected to celebrate a local variant of a concordia ordinum, it is nonetheless striking that in both inscriptions it was the boule that was mentioned first. The boule was clearly represented as the dominant force of local politics.7 Like elsewhere in Roman Asia Minor the Termessian boule may have consisted of a few hundred members. For what it is worth building O2, identified as an odeion or bouleuterion, could seat 500-600 people, which would be a plausible figure for council membership in this age.8 It is interesting to speculate about the implications of a boule of this size for the constitution of the elite. To keep the boule at this size probably required c. 20 new entrants each year, given prevailing mortality rates.9 It is likely that the traditional bouleutic families would be hard pressed to find this number of recruits in their midst, and they would have to resort to various strategies to keep the numbers intact: the entrance of younger men, or even children from their own family would be an obvious strategy; bouleutic families that were dying out could take recourse to adopting others.10 But even so, it would probably have been necessary to accept from time to time fresh blood (and money).11 A large boule will by necessity have caused some degree of social mobility. One probable response to such mobility would be to internally stratify the bouleutic order so as to have a ‘hard core’ of families that were successful in securing intergenerational transfer of bouleutic status and probably maintaining control over positions of political

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TAM 3.1, 48 and 49. A similar inscription was set up in Theatre O 1. It is in this context relevant to look at the situation in Termessos Minor, or Oinoanda, that had been founded as an apoikia from Termessos Maior, as we saw above. It has been argued that the boule in this city numbered about 500 members, but Wörrle has shown that the number of 500 refers to a privileged group of grain-recipients that included the bouleutai, and an unknown number of others who would be added by lot until the 500 were reached. We do not know how large the gap was, and the number may have fluctuated anyway, but I suspect that councillors made up the greater part of the 500. Termessos was much larger than Oinoanda, and a figure of 500 is not unreasonable. 9 If we use the tables of Coale and Demeny Model South, and assuming that the average entry age would be 30 years we get the following results: level 3 males (e0= 24.7; e30 = 28.1): annual number of recruits necessary 21.4; level 5 males (e0=29.3; e30=29.9): gives an annual of 20.1, and level 7 males (e0=33.9; e30=31.6): results in 19.1 new entrants per year. I would like to thank Arjan Zuiderhoek for supplying me with the calculations, see also his contribution to this volume. The implications of demographic conditions for the composition of the elite in Roman Egypt are admirably explored by Tacoma 2006. 10 Adoption (huiothesia) must have been common in Termessos, cf. TAM 3.1, 54 and 234. Many more inscriptions identify the natural father: 14, 55, 98, 104, 153, 158, 161, 164, 717. 11 Such men were often accommodated in an institution like the gerousia which catered both for members of long established families as well as ‘new men’. The gerousia might have been a representative cross-section of the population, as has been argued by J.A. van Rossum in his Leiden dissertation (van Rossum 1988), and in a paper at the 2003 Groningen conference that could unfortunately not be included in this volume. There was a gerousia in Termessos, but we are not informed about it is membership; cf. Heberdey in RE s.v. Termessos 763. 8

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importance, and a second tier of ‘new men’.12 Some of the latter might have been able find their own place in the inner core, but the greater part may not have stayed in the boule for more than one or two generations. The Termessian data provides evidence for the development of just such an inner oligarchy. The fortuitous combination of a relatively large number of inscriptions and the obsessional tendency of Termessians to list their ancestry on their monuments has allowed Rudolph Heberdey to reconstruct the genealogies of more than twenty families of notables who could trace their families back for several generations.13 These families appear to have formed the hard core of the Termessian elite. We come across these families exactly where we would expect them. We know that the practical affairs in the boule were in the hands of a small committee the probouloi: about 12 men between 30 and 40 who may have served for one year, under an archiproboulos, who appears to have been the eponymous magistrate. Heberdey has been able to link 29 out of the 52 (archi)probouloi that were known to him to families whose family trees he was able to reconstruct.14 An analysis of the individuals who took on civic priesthoods and magistracies yields a very similar picture, with the same known families providing many of the priests.15 The evidence suggests that there was indeed an ‘inner oligarchy’ in Termessos. Public life in Termessos was perhaps not monopolised, but certainly dominated by a small côterie of families. The status and power of this inner oligarchy were not only dependent on their institutional positions. For power to be accepted it also has to be represented: the formulation and visualization of power is often as important as its institutional base, though this has been less frequently investigated as an element of political culture. The notables had to communicate their social superiority as natural and self-evident. In Termessos, as elsewhere in the Roman East, power and status were made visible through what we may call a particular ‘oligarchic style’ that created social distance between the ‘ordinary’ population and the ‘notables’ and their families. Ancient politicians stylised their appearance and their public personae no less than their modern successors. One way to express status was through material culture. A conspicuous atrium house in the centre of the city near the agora provides an example of the display associated with notables.16 Although a private dwelling, it served a semi-public function since the monumental atrium allowed the owner to receive the public, as every Roman patronus received his clients at home. An inscription on the outside marked it as the house of Besa, the son of Arteimos, the son of Trokondas, ktistes (founder) of the city, who is not otherwise known, but who must have belonged to the upper echelons of Termessos.17 We know next to nothing about the dwellings of his fellow-notables, but the scale of their ambitions can be deduced from their conspicuous tombs that dominated the extensive funerary zones on either side of the city, forming a city of the dead that was an extension of the city of the living.18 The best surviving evidence for the oligarchic style of the Termessian notables is found, however, in the many honorific inscriptions and monuments that were set up to commemorate the achievements and qualities of the honorands in the public space of the city. These 12

For a discussion of the notion of an inner oligarchy, see Pleket 1998. The stemmata of the most important families are reconstructed in Heberdey 1929. They are reproduced in Appendix V of TAM 3.1. 14 TAM 3.1, Appendix IV. 15 Cf. TAM 3.1, Appendix III, 17 out of 26 imperial priest came from known families. 16 The House is discussed and illustrated in Lanckoronski et al. 1892, 101-102. The rise of the ‘noble house’ is discussed in Walter-Karydi 1994. 17 TAM 3.1, 878. For a discusion of the term ktistes, see below. 18 I discuss some aspects of the funerary culture in van Nijf (in press). For a discussion of the material remains, see Cormack 2004, 306-323. 13

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monuments give us a good idea of the core values of the notables and are, therefore, a good guide to the oligarchic political style that was current in Roman Termessos. Even if we cannot see the politicians in action, these inscriptions at least captured how and why the notables wanted to be commemorated. Honorific monuments It is by now widely accepted that honorific inscriptions of the Roman empire are not simply material records of political transactions, but are themselves an integral ingredient of a process of representation of social and political roles.19 We need only to return to the monuments of Atalante to get a taste of the intense discussions, the personal energy, and the political time that must have gone into the conferral of this particular set of honours. There is no reason to assume that other monuments would have given rise to fewer issues, and the conclusion must be that public honour, and more in particular the setting up of public statues, must have been a fixture on the political agenda. There were several dimensions to monumental honours that are crucial in determining their significance in the political culture of Termessos, and their materiality is not the least important. We tend to consider inscriptions as texts, but we should not forget that they were monuments too. The decree for Atalante makes clear that the Termessian authorities were fully aware that monuments had a striking visual impact. Each monument was a kind of multimedia event that served as a vehicle for a complex process of elite self-fashioning: text, image and location played an important part in defining the meaning of each monument. The first thing that you would see, drawing your attention to each monument, was of course the statue. Traditionally, archaeologists and art historians have ignored the portrait statues of the Roman East – which they considered as artistically inferior derivatives of classical examples. Recently, however, scholars are beginning to place this art form in its cultural and political context, and these ‘two cultures’ are now increasingly studied together.20 A major impetus to this approach was given by archaeologists like Paul Zanker and Bert Smith who were among the first to explain the statuary representation of the political classes “not only in terms of chronology or biography, but of cultural choices. The portraits … deploy a received and recognizable statue and portrait language to make and project plausible looking statements about selected social, cultural and political aspirations.”21 Then as now image was a matter of acute political importance. It is unfortunate, therefore, that we do not have at our disposal the Termessian statues, but we can safely assume, the portrait style of Termessos to have conformed to that employed in other cities of Roman Asia Minor. Secondly, the text of the Atalante monument reminds us of the importance of place for the ‘visualisation of power’.22 The decree is very particular about the exact location of the various monuments set up for Atalante. This is not peculiar to Termessos. As public honour was a form of political capital, city authorities seem to have maintained throughout the empire a strict control over access to honorific space. It was not possible for just anyone to receive an honorific statue in public space, nor was it possible for all groups or individuals to set up statues wherever they wanted. There were clear rules laid out by the authorities for these matters. Throughout the Roman empire we find city councils exercising strict control over the 19

An excellent article by Wulf Raeck established this already for the Hellenistic period: Raeck 1995. See now also Oliver 2007. I have discussed the importance of honorific statues for the political processes in van Nijf 1997, van Nijf 2000, and van Nijf 2003b. 20 Cf. Ma 2006. 21 Smith 1998, 91. 22 Cf. Oliver 2007.

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organisation of public space, and over the exact location of statues.23 This must have affected the social impact that a monument could make. A conspicuous life-size statue strategically located at a prominent place close to the centre of political decision-making clearly carried other connotations than a small statuette set up in a backstreet with little traffic, or a statue in a gymnasion packed with similar objects. The setting of a monument constituted an essential part of its political meaning, and it follows that place is also a feature that needs to be taken into account in an analysis of the honorific practices. This is where the Termessian material is of particular interest. This city offers an unparalleled insight into the arrangement of monuments in the city centre due to the large number of monuments that were found in situ, and most of all thanks to the meticulous recording and publication of these findspots by Heberdey and his successors.24 Even if Termessos was not unique in the tight regulation of its honorific spaces, it is a uniquely rich source for this kind of question. In a previous article I studied some aspects of the arrangements of honorific monuments throughout Termessos, and argued that various zones in the city centre attracted particular types of monuments.25 In this section I shall build on the results of that study. A closely related aspect that must have determined the meaning of honorific moments is the authorship. As I stated above, not everyone or every group was allowed to set up statutes anywhere they liked in public space. The dossier for Atalante makes clear that overall control was exercised by the city authorities, but other groups and organisations could ask for permission to set up a statue. In the case of professional associations, this was a way of marking out a place for themselves in the civic world. The inscription for Atalante shows that the technitai felt that the honorific exchange with Atalante also contributed to their philotimia, love of honour.26 Seen in this light the monument was a joint project in self-representation of the technitai, the city, and Atalante herself. The authorship of honorific inscriptions can help us, therefore, to fill in details concerning the social and political hierarchy in this city. Finally, we should pay attention to the language that the notables used to present themselves and members of their families. Although it is beyond the scope of this article to give an in-depth analysis of all the elements of the language of power, we should also pay attention to some nuances of the honorific language. The inscriptions offer us a view not only of what was done and by whom, but also of how actions and personalities were discussed in public. Honorific language is an important guide to the concerns and pre-occupations that define the political culture of the age. In a recent study of the ‘language of responsibility’ in Greek cities, Sviatoslav Dmitriev has noted that in the Roman period inscriptions began to attach various honorific epithets to offices and liturgies presenting them as first, highest, most splendid, most remarkable, greatest, most estimable, or even most perfect.27 This terminology was important because it performed a kind of political alchemy by representing archai and liturgies as prestigious social functions, rather than as administrative positions.28 Something similar seems to have happened with the terminology used to qualify the individuals concerned. The honorific

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For a discussion of the location of statues in the western half of the Roman Empire, see Zimmer 1989 as well as Alföldy 1979 and Alföldy 1984. 24 TAM 3.1; İplikçioğlu et al. 1991; İplikçioğlu et al. 1992; İplikçioğlu et al. 1994 and İplikçioğlu et al. 2007. 25 Van Nijf 2000. 26 Van Nijf 1997, 73-127. 27 Dmitriev 2005, 109-139. 28 Dmitriev 2005, esp. 109-119.

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inscriptions were peppered with adjectives that denoted the personal excellence, highness, majesty, fame, honour, and dignity of the honorands.29 This kind of honorific language was, I suggest, not merely flattering, it was performative and politically relevant: it served as a kind of marker, a signal that the honorands were capable and worthy of public representation. The expressions used also signalled that the achievements and qualities of the honorand were important to the civic community at large. An analysis of the honorific inscriptions of Termessos should, therefore, also take account of matters like style and vocabulary. So what can we say about the styles associated with civic leadership in Termessos? What was important enough to commemorate? What crucial qualities did the Termessian notables want to get across? I shall discuss here a number of ‘domains’ that were apparently very important to the Termessian elite and their self-representation: inscriptions highlight their patriotism, piety, loyalty to Rome, Greek identity, and athletic success. Patriotism Most inscriptions in Termessos can be read as a testimony to the patriotism of the honorand. Social superiority implied that the members of the elite had a special relationship with their fatherland. Elite citizens could stake out their claims to patriotism in various ways. As magistrates, priests and benefactors they could fairly argue that they contributed more to their polis than other citizens. They offered, in material terms, what made the polis really a polis. Thus we find inscriptions that commemorated individuals as civic magistrates or liturgists, and others that marked their contributions to buildings, the financing of an aqueduct, funding of embassies, or the grain supply of the city, and (very frequently) the organisation of athletic contests.30 These monuments displayed the importance of serving one’s city in various ways. But, at the same time, as Richard Gordon argued, “the nature of what was given … construct an idea of what is needful to the community, and idea constructed by the elite in terms of its own judgments of values” and by means of its euergetism, the elite “sets it self up as the major carrier of central values in the community.”31 The honorific monuments did not simply testify to the patriotism of the honorands, but also presented them as exemplary citizens without whom the city could not continue to exist. Patriotism was not simply a label that could be stuck to various actions or offices; the monuments displayed patriotism as a defining characteristic of the honorands. This was not merely a matter of practice, but also or mainly a matter of style. To be a benefactor, one also had to look the part. As we saw above, no statue has been found in Termessos that would accompany this type of patriot, but it was plausibly argued by Paul Zanker that statues of the type ‘Angestrengter Polispatriot’ or ‘stressed polis patriot’ were particularly suitable here.32 This imagery was underlined by an explicitly patriotic language. The paramount importance of wealthy benefactors for the existence of the city found expression in the title ktistes (founder) or ktistria (foundress) of the city. Some Termessians were expressly

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TAM 3.1, Index X, Apellationes honorificae mentions i.a. ἀξιολογώτατος, διασημότατος, ἔνδοξος, κλυτός, λαμπρός, σεμνός, and φιλότειμος. 30 A list with the athletic contests can be found in TAM 3.1, Appendix II Certamina. To which should be added the contests in İplikçioğlu et al. 2007, Tafel 2. 31 Gordon 1990, 229-230 32 Zanker 1995b.

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commended as philopatris, lovers of their country, whereas many others were praised for their philotimia to their city.33 In some cases the patriotism of the elite was presented in even more affective terms: prominent councillors were described as ‘fathers of the polis;’ wealthy women as its mothers, and of young men and boys it was said that they were ‘sons of the polis’, which seems to have been considered as a preparatory stage for their future role as ‘fathers of the city.’ 34 It was suggested by İplikçioğlu that we interpret such terms as an expression for a kind of ‘honorary citizenship’. However, this affective language also has certain political overtones implying a sense of superior love for the city on the part of the elite, while at the same time reducing the citizen body to the rank of children.35 Walking through Termessos a Termessian notable would be able to establish to his satisfaction that he belonged to a group of ‘super citizens’ who loved their home-town more than anyone else. Exemplary piety But notables were not only seen as more patriotic, they also presented themselves as more pious than others. Piety was expressed by performing priesthoods, but also by performing acts of piety, such as setting up votives to the gods. Piety was of course linked to social and political status in various ways, but most common was the commemoration of civic priesthoods. Most of these were for cults that the Termessians shared with other Greeks, and included of course the emperors themselves, or Imperial gods as they have been described.36 In some cases however we see that piety was given a particularly local twist, e.g. when dedicating a processional statue of the goddess Thea Eleuthera;37 another Termessian patriot set himself up as the first priest of the local founder-hero Termessos.38 As civic priests or priestesses, the notables offered prayers on behalf of their community. They provided the gods of their city with treasures and dedications, or arranged for the construction or embellishment of temples and sanctuaries at the expense of the city, or met the bills themselves. Civic priesthoods were of course not new, but the frequent commemoration in this period by local notables of their religious functions and achievements presented civic piety as a core attribute of elite families. The Termessians would often see members of their notable families in their official garments, wearing conspicuous priestly crowns, and holding sacred objects during the frequent sacrifices, contests and other rituals; statues near or in sacred buildings, but also on public squares and along the main streets, made this image a permanent fixture of the urban landscape. To drive the message home monuments frequently highlighted the piety of the notables by stressing their eusebeia, or by referring to their priestly status even where this was not strictly relevant, as in athletic inscriptions or on epitaphs.39 When individuals were simply identified as ‘So-and-so, the Priest’ without specifying a deity, it is clear that piety was used as a marker of elite identity.40

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Ktistes/ktistria: TAM 3.1, 57, 58, 121, 122, 123; Philopatris i.a. TAM 3.1, 58, 83, 87, 98, 115, 12, 123; philotimia is very common: I counted more than 40 attestations, including TAM 3.1, 1, 4, 7, 55, 102, 109, 136, 139, 141. 34 Cf. TAM 3.1, 14, 16, 21, 87, 98, 105, 122 and als (with discussion) İplikçioğlu et al. 2007, no. 18, pp. 76-78. 35 Pleket 1998, esp. 212-214. 36 For a survey Heberdey, in RE s.v. Termessos, 753-759. 37 TAM 3.1, 136. 38 TAM 3.1, 101, the reading is not certain, however. 39 E.g. TAM 3.1, 25, 53, in the funerary area e.g. 222, 283, 330; cf TAM 3,1. Index VII.2, s.v. ἱερεύς. 40 Cf. Heberdey, RE s.v. Termesssos 753;

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Loyalty to Rome The position of the elite was, however, more complex: although they liked to be seen as the ‘rulers of their city’, they were themselves also in a dependent position vis à vis Roman power. It was said that the notables always had to worry about the ‘boot of the Roman soldier’ hanging over their head, so it is not surprising that loyalty to Rome was also displayed.41 The Roman empire depended on the loyalty of the urban elites – whose job it was to make sure that taxes were paid, and to impose order on the urban population. In return, wealthy families emerged as the ordo of decuriones, whose superiority was guaranteed by the emperor and Imperial elites. Loyalty to Rome was a crucial element of their social power, and therefore frequently highlighted in their self-representation. The inscriptions of course commemorated activities that displayed loyalty to –and good relations with– Rome, notably the organisation and financing of embassies, former military service, or even activity as a governor or other administrator. Of course Imperial priests and priestesses, or the priest of Thea Rome, were the most conspicuous local philoromaioi, but on a more concrete level we find commemoration of the construction or embellishment of shrines and dedications to the emperor, and the organization of Imperial contests that underlined the same mentality.42 Visually, loyalty to Rome could be signalled by showing the honorand in Roman military gear, or as an Imperial priest or simply by representing him as wearing a toga. Although the ‘love of Rome’ could be represented at various locations, there was a particular concentration of Roman images in the stoa built by the benefactor Osbaras in the second century AD.43 Athletic skills The most common statue-type in Termessos, however, must have been that of the victorious athlete, as more than half of the honoraries are dedicated to athletes, nearly all belonging to known elite families.44 The ritual calendar of Termessos was punctuated by the constant sequence of festive contests, with a special place for the heavy sports: wrestling and pankration, although other disciplines were also found. Some contests were organised with public funds, within the gymnasia of the city, but the more prominent ones were funded by private benefactors. More than 20 of these games were known, and although we do not know exactly how these were distributed over the year, we may safely assume that the Termessians frequently had the opportunity to sit and watch the games together.45 Athletic skills carried many different connotations. The popularity of athletics in Termessos reminds us of the importance of the body in expressing cultural and social ideals. Athletics signified leisure and success, dedication and training, strength and health. Moreover athletic competence may also have been used to establish masculinity as a civic virtue. Perfect citizens also had perfect bodies. But as athletics was also a quintessentially Greek activity, the desire to claim Greek identity though mastery of a traditional Greek sport in the gymnasion would also have been important.46

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For the expression: Plutarch Praecepta (813e). E.G. TAM 3.1, 41, 52, 55, 66, 74, 85. 43 See van Nijf 2000, 29. 44 There are more than 40 inscriptions that commemorate athletic success. I have discussed the link between athleticism and elite status in Termessos at various places: van Nijf 1999, van Nijf 2001 and van Nijf 2003a. 45 They are listed i.a. in TAM 3.1, Appendix II, certamina, and in İplikçioğlu et al. 2007, Tafel 2. 46 I have discussed this link in more detail in van Nijf 2003a. 42

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Participation in these games was not limited to the upper classes, but elite families played a prominent part in the games, both as their organisers, and as their main performers.47 The majority of the inscriptions for athletes were –as one would expect– set up for boys and young men of ephebic age, most of whom can be traced to one of the leading families of the city. But athletic competence was also attractive to adult citizens: several priests and magistrates thought it appropriate to commemorate their athletic successes on their inscriptions as well.48 Such statues were not only found in the gymnasia, or other buildings, but were visible throughout the city in the most conspicuous places, alongside the statues for priests and benefactors. The Termessians were confronted everywhere with images of their elite in the shape of well-trained athletes, and apparently there was no perceived conflict between these different spheres. Athletic skill was represented as a political virtue.49 The culture of power I have suggested above that one of the attractions of the commemoration of athletic skills was that it drew attention to the Greek credentials of the honorands. It is widely accepted that Greek cultural identity was of prime importance for the self-image and orientation of the local elites throughout the Roman East. Schmitz’ excellent study, Bildung und Macht has made clear that traditional Greek paideia –high literary culture– served the elites as a source of social-political capital.50 Even in remote Termessos, we see individuals flaunting their familiarity with Greek culture in various ways. A recently published inscription for a prominent Termessian, who was praised by his friends for ‘being a champion with words’, demonstrates that the ability to speak in public was even in Termessos one of the defining characteristics of the local elite.51 Several notables were also able to present themselves as benefactors of Greek cultural institutions, such as the gymnasium, or as founders of traditional Greek competitions. In some cases, they clearly aimed for more. A certain Marcus Aurelius Platon, for example, had not only been the benefactor to the local gymnasion, but he was also hailed as a neos Herodes, a New Herod, presumably referring to the famous orator Herodes Atticus.52 Marcus Aurelius Platon’s name is suggestive of more subtle ways of claiming cultural allegiance. It is striking that there was something of a fashion in Termessos for Greek designer names that had a clear highbrow ring about them.53 Among the hundreds of standard Greek names, names such as Plato, Atalante, Apelles, Achilleus, Homeros, Iason, Kadmos, Kleon, Perikles, Philologos, Solon, and Sokrates stand out. Such highly classicizing names were clearly used to mark the bearer –and his or her parents– as au fait with the Greek literary and cultural heritage. Such names were common among the Termessian elite, but were not limited to just the families of the notables. Whatever this may imply for the depth of Hellenization, it shows that a Greek identity provided some cultural capital, and members of the Termessian elite found it attractive to be portrayed as pepaideumenoi – cultured Greeks. A recent study by Paul Zanker identifies the various options open to a Greek notable wanting to draw visual attention to his intellectual qualities.54 But any degree of Hellenism would have

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Van Nijf 2001. E.g. TAM 3.1, 152, 168. 49 Above and in van Nijf 2003a. 50 Schmitz 1997. 51 İplikçioğlu et al. 2007, 21. 52 TAM 3.1, 123. 53 I discuss this issue more fully in van Nijf (in press). 54 Zanker 1995a. 48

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implied a dress and hairstyle that was easily recognizable: wearing a traditional cloak or sporting a beard went a long way in establishing one’s Greek credentials. Honorific monuments offered individual members of the elite an opportunity to represent themselves in various guises: as super citizens, as pious priests, loyal Roman subjects, as well-trained athletes and as educated Greeks. Most inscriptions seem to present themselves as concrete exchanges for concrete benefits: offices, priesthoods, and benefactions are obvious examples. And every modern reader who has witnessed the upsurge of national feeling during soccer championships, or Olympic games, will understand that even an athletic victory might be construed as a civic benefaction. The honorific statue was then presented as a mutually advantageous exchange where concrete benefactions were traded for the best that a community had to offer: status and renown. However, it should be noted that the honorific language did not always stress an exchange of benefits. In many cases the monuments highlighted the patriotism, piety, paideia or even athleticism of the honorand, without making explicit the basis for these honours, or why he – or occasionally she– was thus addressed.55 These qualities were simply presented as the personal attributes of the honorand, and as such were sufficient reason in themselves for an honorific monument. Such inscriptions made clear that Termessian notables embodied the qualities which justified their public prominence. They did not have to prove anything. Kinship and pedigree However, the most important dimension of political culture to emerge from the epigraphic material is the centrality of kin and family in the construction of individual elite identities.56 The monuments allowed the notables to connect their individual representation with that of their kin and ancestors. In this final section I discuss how individual representation served a wider social strategy, aimed at the collective representation of the families of notables as repositories of the totality of qualities on which civic life was said to rest. The Termessian material allows us to explore in some detail the centrality of the family in the representation of the social status and power of the elite. The central role of elite families is most clearly visible in the representation of women in the civic landscape. Honorific statues for women were found throughout the city centre (Figure 3). Some of these women would have been liturgists, priestesses, or benefactresses, as we have seen in the case of Atalante. And even though none of these women ever occupied a position of formal administrative power, they did attain a prominence that clearly had a political dimension. Riet van Bremen has shown that the visibility of women was normally a function of the status of their families. When women performed a function like that of high-priestess of the Imperial cult, they often shared this position with their husbands, and when they offered a liturgy they did so normally on behalf of their male relatives. Thus, the public representation of women was a family affair.57 This connection was further underlined by the fact that most of the women were described in terms that drew attention to virtues that could be construed as particularly suitable for

55

I discuss this issue briefly in van Nijf 1997, 11-13. It was not uncommon for young members of elite families to be praised for their athletic skills, without being able to show an impressive palmarès, see van Nijf 2001, 325-327. 56 These paragraphs are based on an MA dissertation written in 2008 by Martine Hekman under my supervision. 57 Van Bremen 1996. Even though Kearsley has demonstrated that the archiereiai of Asia were not always married to an archiereus, in Termessos this seems to have been standard practice. TAM 3.1, 55, 78, 83, 97, 99 and İplikçioğlu et al. 2007, 9, 11, 15.

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women such as sophrosyne, eunoia, and eusebeia. This language was used to emphasize that despite their public appearance, women had not lost their female qualities.58 At the same time the honorific statues of Termessos were used to show that these women still played their traditional role within their family. Some statues for women did not commemorate public achievement, but merely referred to roles as dutiful daughters, nieces or wives, emphasizing moral qualities. Philandreia, love for her husband, was in itself sufficient reason for a public monument.59 The imagery of the statues would also have emphasised domestic qualities such as modesty or pudicitia.60 As such, monuments were more often than not paid for by, or set up at the initiative of, the families involved; these public honours became a simple extension of family selfrepresentation. The statues for elite women, whether in commemoration of a public role or a more private quality, were a function of the desire of their male relatives to represent their family as ideal. It is striking that the same principles seem to have applied to the less prominent male family members or even children. Many honorific monuments did not specify any concrete achievements. The desire to commemorate kinsmen alone was apparently reason and justification enough.61 The emphasis on the family as the core of their identity was also visible in other ways. Termessians were avid ‘genealogical bookkeepers’ who used inscriptions to list their ancestry in considerable detail. A Termessian was known not only by his own name, and that of his father, as was standard practice in the Greek world, but by the names of several generations of ancestors as well. 62 Atalanta was known as Atalanta Piaterabios Pillakoou Kinnounios, but other (male) Termessians were equally keen to outline their lineage. To give some examples: Oplesianos Oplonos Oplesios Arteimou or Hermaios Moleous Pillakoou Hermaiou Attatos. Other women include Nannelis Platonos Ermaiou II Theodosiou. We find one Roman citizen tracing his family back for seven generations (M. Aurelios Asklepiades Troïlou Trokondou V Atteous), as well as evidence of adoption (Apollonios Simonidou Apolloniou Thoantos phusei de Simonidou).63 This emphasis on kin and descent makes good political sense: in an oligarchic system all politicians, i.e. all politically active persons, were represented not only as individuals, but also as members of an identifiable family. Individual qualities and achievements did not only reflect the social status and political power of individuals, but added to the achievements, traditions and aspirations of entire families. At this point we can go back to the inscriptions for Atalante and her family with which I started this paper. We saw there that statues and images for her family and for members of the other families were spread throughout the city. It is now clear that this dissemination of family images was closely connected to the wider epigraphic strategies of elite families. The total epigraphic representation of each family across town was a function of –and a precondition– for their social and political status. The top Termessian families literally towered over the landscape. When we zoom in on particular parts of town, we can get an even better sense of the effect this must have had. One of the most popular and best recorded areas of statue display is the colonnaded avenue L5 (Figure 2). Colonnaded streets seem to have 58

See for this line of argument the analysis of the so-called Laudatio Turiae by Emily Hemelrijk Hemelrijk 2005. 59 TAM 3.1, 96. 60 Eule 2001. 61 E.g. TAM III, 54,56, 64, 79 and 81. 62 On this tendency, see van Nijf (in press). 63 TAM iii, 4,

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been a quintessential part of the urban armature in the cities of the Roman East.64 Of course they may have served as an easy flow of traffic, but it should be noted that in Termessos the street L5 was not exactly a main artery. The intercolumnar spaces were made for the display of statues, and whatever its role in Termessian traffic, one of its purposes must have been to serve as an urban statue gallery. As most of the orginal inscriptions in this street were found in situ, or at least very near to their original location, we can reconstruct the layout in considerable detail.65 At first sight, the street offered a random mix of statues for athletes and priest, benefactors and magistrates, men and women, and young boys. In between them you would find the occasional statute for a non-Termessian, usually a representative of the central government. But there was a clustering of members of certain families – each member being commemorated for different individual achievements or qualities. But while each individual inscription may have concentrated on one particular honorand, or on a particular set of attributes, seen together these monuments sent out the message that this or that particular family collectively possessed all the attributes and qualities that were expected of the urban elite. The cumulative psychological effect of this strategy should not be underestimated: it was by walking through Termessos that one was constantly reminded of who really mattered, and why. The honorific inscriptions put the Termessian notables literally and metaphorically on a pedestal. The arrangement of statues in the urban landscape was clearly a politically relevant phenomenon. Envoy: the strength of traditional politics This discussion of the political culture in Termessos may seem grist to the mill of scholars who argue that traditional politics had atrophied.66 Surely the personality cult that we find here proves that politics had indeed become a meaningless pastime for the happy few? However, we should not be too quick to dismiss Termessian politics, since behind and around the statues traditional politics were remarkably resilient. The Termessians had acquired a democratic constitution early on in the Hellenistic period. In the Roman period, this would have been evident to any visitor, before he even entered the city. Down in the valley, along the ‘royal road’ (C1) leading into the city, an inscription of just under half a square metre commemorated the treaty between the Termessians and the citizens of Adada, which obliged them to lend mutual aid in case one of the cities was attacked, ‘or when in either city the laws were subverted’, or when the ‘established democracy’ would come under threat.67 The use of the term ‘demokrateia’ is significant. ‘Demokrateia’ could be used to mean no more than an internally autonomous city that was not a tyranny.68 Yet although the term does not mean that Termessos had acquired a constitution on a par with that of Classical Athens, it would be unwise to assume that it was without value. For Adada and Termessos demokrateia was meaningful enough to need preservation. Even though we know little about levels of political participation, the installation of a ‘democratic’ regime must have helped ‘politicise’

64

For the new fashion of colonnaded streets in the Roman East, see Ward-Perkins 1981, 286, Coulton 1976, 176 ff. and Parrish 2001, 11. 65 The inscriptions along this street are conveniently listed in topographical order in TAM 3.1, Appendix I. Heberdey lists inscription numbers, names of honorands and the stemma where known. 66 Cf. for a modern formulation of this prejudice, see Runciman 1990, taking his lead from Jones 1940 and De Ste. Croix 1983. See the introduction and also Salmeri in this volume. 67 TAM 3.1, 2. 68 Rhodes and Lewis 1997, 528 ff.

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the population. Citizens would have to gather in assemblies where collective decisions were taken, and there was a range of offices that had to be filled. For most of the Hellenistic period Termessos had maintained its relative independence.69 The Termessians seem to have made contact with the Romans in the early second century BCE. Later, having succumbed too easily to Mithridates, they lost their independence – and a substantial part of their territory. They seem to have rehabilitated themselves in Roman eyes some time in the seventies BCE: their territory was restored and the Termessians were recognised as leiberei amicei socieique populi Romani. Termessus Maior thus became a civitas libera et immunis – a free and tax-exempt city, yet compelled to recognize Roman suzerainty and to follow Rome’s foreign policy.70 Having learned that autonomy was something that was the Roman Senate’s –as it would be later the Roman emperor’s– to remove or restore, the Termessians appear to have remained in this relatively free position throughout the Principate. The city was allowed to mint its own coinage, and continued to advertise their autonomy on their coinage until the early third century.71 Freedom was also represented otherwise. Around 200 CE a processional silver statue of the personification of Free Termessos (Thea Eleuthera) was commisioned for 2500 denarii by her priest Tiberius Claudius Florus, a former eponymous magistrate, who belonged to one of Termessos’ best known families.72 And finally an inscription found in the theatre records the acclamation εἰς ἐῶνα τὰ δίκεα Τερµησσέων αὐτονόµων (May the Privileges of the Autonomous Termessians Last Forever!).73 This shows that the Termessians of the Imperial period still cared strongly for their autonomia. Freedom and autonomy were clearly a source of considerable civic pride. The inscriptions also show that Termessos was technically still a democracy. The decrees were still passed by the demos on probouleutic advice from the councillors. The assembly met regularly,74 and we know that at least some meetings took place in the theatre that seated c. 4500 people. If, as one text suggests, the entire population was gathered there, this would imply that the number of the politically active citizens may have been of the same order.75 The Termessian demos was active: what little evidence we have for the issues on which the assembly deliberated suggests that the demos concerned itself with many of the areas that had always been on the agenda of poleis: the appointment of magistrates, financial affairs, civic subdivisions (including the introduction of new phylai), construction works (roads and cisterns), food-supply, and the organization of games and festivals. And although Termessos would not have been able to have its own independent foreign policies, there were still external matters to decide such as sending of auxiliary troops, and the maintenance of good 69

For a discussion of the Hellenistic period: Kosmetatou 1997. Roman Termessos is discussed by Heberdey 1931. 70 For a discussion of the Lex Antonia see Ferrary 1985. 71 For images of the coinage see: 40, 45, 46, 52, 53, 54; pl. xli and xlii. For some easily accessible examples see: SNGFr 2214v and Martini 13-18 via: http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/greece/pisidia/termessos_major/t.html (Consulted 17 Sept. 2008). 72 TAM 3.1, 136. 73 TAM 3.1, 877. 74 The expression used in the decree for Atalante was ‘ennomos ekklesia’. This will have implied a normal, regular assembly as was prescribed by the laws of the city, as opposed to some kind of emergency session,Rhodes and Lewis 1997, 503. 75 ΤΑΜ 3.1, 5. The text differentiates between the entire populace (to sunpas plethos) and the political assembly (demos). I assume that the people gathered in the theatre at that occasion were not the entire population, nor all the citizens, but a selection of politically active citizens, supplemented by an unknown group of interested inhabitants without political rights. These may have included the perioikoi that are on record, but it hard to imagine that the plethos contained a high proportion of individuals who were not part of the demos.

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relations with Roman officials and indeed the emperor, to whom the city sent out several embassies, and the negotiation of relations with the emperor (not least in the context of the Imperial cult) was at the core of political life under the empire.76 Of course, a great deal of attention was lavished on the award of honours and statues to the city’s notables, but we have seen that these negotiations were of political importance. Politics is always in the first place “a debate on what politics is about, and with which issues it can occupy itself,” and such debates helped to the relationship between the demos and its leaders.77 And this was certainly the core business of politics. Even in democratic Athens the relationship between mass and elite was a crucial dimension of political culture.78 It should not be assumed that political debate was meaningless, and that the outcome of each deliberation would have been set in advance. Christina Kokkinia has argued on the basis of a study of Plutarch, Dio and Aelius Aristides that politics was played for real, that elites would not so much have feared the demos, but rather the threat of factionalism, manipulated by elite politicians.79 We do not have the writings of a Termessian Plutarch or Dio, but it would be unwise to assume that the Termessian elite did not take the assembly seriously. We should not underestimate the leverage that a full assembly could have on the process and outcome of political decision-making, even if the decision mainly concerned awarding political honours.80 If an active assembly is a sign of a well-developed political culture, Termessos seems to have been a success. This is confirmed by the fact that the demos was apparently concerned about the effects of its own decisions. A fragmentary inscription that was set up in Temple N3 in the first half of the second century CE is a decree of the boule and the entire demos regulating the archiving and re-publication of important decrees that had been issued for the deliverance (soteria) of private and public interests.81 P.J. Rhodes has argued that concern for the publication of the public decrees was a sign of a strong and active demos; in that respect Termessos does fairly well.82 Finally, it would seem that political culture was not limited to the city centre: Termessos had a large territory on which there were various rural settlements (peripolia) which like Athenian demes could be villages or even small towns. These appear to have had some degree of political autonomy, and were able to pass their own decrees, mainly in honour of local benefactors.83The evidence for the activities of these peripolia covers both the Hellenistic and Imperial periods, which suggests that in this respect there was at least a degree of continuity: Termessos did not get depoliticised under the empire, neither did the Termessian chora. In sum, it seems difficult to deny the Termessians their identity as a politically active community. Institutional continuity and a widespread political activity throughout the Roman period suggest that political life in this polis was far from dead. Conclusion 76

For the Imperial cult see Price 1984. De Haan and Velde 1996, 168: “’Politiek’ is allereerst een strijd om de vraag wat politiek is en waarmee politiek zich mag en kan bezighouden.” 78 Ober 1989, cf. Salmeri in this volume. 79 This was emphasised at the Groningen 2003 conference by Christina Kokkinia. Het paper was published elsewhere, Kokkinia 2006. For the strengths of the political debate see also Salmeri and Tacoma in this volume. 80 See for a discussion of this point see Rogers 1991. 81 TAM 3.1, 3. 82 Rhodes and Lewis 1997. 83 İplikçioğlu 2004, is the best discussion: he argues that the territory was even larger than Heberdey had thought and gives a detailed account of its extent. 77

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In this paper I have explored various aspects of the political culture in Roman Termessos. I have collected the evidence for political practices and institutions and argued that Termessos was anything but de-politicized. The Termessians were active citizens who took their pride in their city’s autonomy, and who debated in the assembly about the pressing issues of the day. These included crucial issues like the food-supply of the city, the sending out of troops and negotiations of relations with the Imperial centre. But much political time must have been devoted to praising and honouring members of the leading families. This was not meaningless. Politics is also a discussion about the rules by which politics are played, and about identifying and qualifying the players. I have argued that the honorific representation in a city like Termessos was an important ingredient of the political culture and a good guide to the mentality and self-image of the political classes. Inscriptions clarify the basic elements of the political style that the leaders of the Termessian community adopted. Monumental commemoration was a political strategy and a fundamental part of the way in which the members of the elite reinvented themselves as a bouleutic order. Text, image, and location of each monument together made a statement of political importance. Social distance and political power were made present by the use of an explicitly elevated symbolic language, and legitimated by an abundant display of moral and personal qualities. The monuments represented individual members in moral terms as patriots, as pious priests, and as loyal subjects to Rome. They positioned them as super citizens: as benefactors, as cultured Greeks, and as successful athletes. These were the core elements of an oligarchic style that was not limited to Termessos, but which we can follow there in more detail than in other cities. The most telling conclusion is however, is that a study of the monuments highlights the importance of kin and family structures for the identity of the Termessian notables. The monuments were used in various complementary ways to locate individuals with precision in the context of kinship networks, and in their aristocratic pedigrees. The honorific practice was a joint effort by the city and the families of the notables to ensure maximal commemoration of the members of a handful of families. Inscriptions honoured public achievements, but private virtues and family relations were displayed with equal dedication. Many of the ‘public’ monuments were family affairs: they were set up, or paid for by family members, and not infrequently commemorated matters of a mostly domestic importance. Honorific inscriptions were a crucial element in making the private lives of the notables a matter of public interest. In Roman Termessos the personal had become the political. Department of Ancient History, University of Groningen Bibliography Alföldy, G. (1979), ‘Bildprogramme in den römischen Städten des Conventus Tarraconensis: das Zeugnis der Statuenpostamente’, Revista de la Universidad Complutense 18, 127-275. ─── (1984) Römische Statuen in Venetia et Histria. Epigraphische Quellen., Heidelberg: Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil hist. Kl. Cormack, S. (2004) The space of death in Roman Asia Minor, Wiener Forschungen zur Archäologie, Vienna: Phoibos. Coulton, J.J. (1976) The architectural development of the Greek stoa, Oxford: Clarendon Press. de Haan, I. and H. te Velde (1996), ‘Vormen van politiek. Veranderingen van de openbaarheid in Nederland 1848-1900’, BMGN 111, 167-200. De Ste. Croix, G.E.M. (1983) The class struggle in the ancient world from the archaic age to the Arabic conquests, London.

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Dmitriev, S. (2005) City government in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, Oxford: OUP. Eule, J.C. (2001) Hellenistische Bürgerinnen aus Kleinasien. Weibliche Gewandtstauen in ihrem antiken Kontext, TASK Vakfi Y, Istanbul. Ferrary, J.L. (1985), ‘La Lex Antonia de Termessibus’, Athenaeum 63, 3-4. Gordon, R. (1990) ‘The veil of power: emperors, sacrificers and benefactors’, in M. Beard and J. North, Pagan Priests, Oxford: Blackwell, 199-231. Heberdey, R. (1929) Termessische Studien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Denkschriften, 69. Band, 3. Abhandlung. Vienna: Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. ─── (1931), ‘Zur Geschichte von Termessus Major in römischen Zeit’, Anzeiger Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 68, 1828. Hemelrijk, E.A. (2005), ‘Masculinity and femininity in the Laudatio Turiae’, CQ 54, 185-197. İplikçioğlu, B. (2004) ‘Ländliche Siedlungen und das Territorium von Termessos (Pisidien)’, in F. Kolb and E. Müller-Lucker, Chora und Polis, Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 103-146. İplikçioğlu, B., G. Çelgin and A.V. Çelgin (2007) Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium, IV, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse Sitzungsberichte 743 / Veröffentlichungen der Kleinasiatischen Kommission, 18, Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. İplikçioğlu, B., G. Çelgin and A.V. Çelgin (1991) Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium, i, Vienna: Sitzungsberichte 575. ─── (1992) Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium, ii, Vienna: Sitzungsberichte 583. ─── (1994) Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium, iii, Vienna: Sitzungsberichte, 610. Jones, A.H.M. (1940) The Greek City. From Alexander to Justinian, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kokkinia, C. (2006) ‘The governor’s boot and the city’s politicians. Greek communities and Rome’s representatives under the empire’, in A. Kolb, Herrschaftsstrukturen und Herrschaftspraxis: Konzepte, Prinzipien und Startegien der Administration im römischen Kaiserreich: Akten der Tagung an der Universität Zürich, 18.-20.10.2004, Berlin: Akademieverlag, Kosmetatou, E. (1997), ‘Pisidia and the Hellenistic Kings from 323 to 133 BC’, AncSoc 28, 537. Lanckoronski, K., G. Niemann and E. Petersen (1892) Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, ii. Pisidien., Vienna: F. Tempsky. Ma, J. (2006), ‘The two cultures. Connoisseurship and civic honours’, Art History 29, 325338. Ober, J. (1989) Mass and elite in democratic Athens. Rhetoric, ideology and the power of the people, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Oliver, G.J. (2007) ‘Space and the visualization of power in the Greek polis. The award of portrait statues in decrees from Athens’, in P. Schultz and R.von den Hoff, Early Hellenistic portraiture. Image, style, context, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Parrish, D. and H. Abbasoğlu (2001) Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge, and Xanthos. Journal of Roman Archaeology, no. 45. Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaeology. Pleket, H.W. (1998) ‘Political culture and political practice in the cities of Asia Minor in the Roman empire’, in W. Schuller, Politische Theorie und Praxis im Altertum, Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 204-216. Price, S. (1984) Rituals and power. The Roman Imperial cult in Asia Minor, Cambridge:

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