Koha Digest 5 (1994)

Digest # 5 (1994)

MACEDONIA FEAR FROM TERRIFYING COINCIDENCE by ISO RUSI/Shkup The moment in which the coordinator of the PPD group of MP's, Muhamet Halili took everything in his hands, after attempting to convince the chairman of the Parliament to stop the session, could not be, fully, considered as an incident. With one of his hands in the pocket, he just stood before the stand, which at that time was occupied by the independent MP Todor Petrov, and removed the microphone. Nevertheless, the fact that this was done by an Albanian, while a Macedonian was discussing, caused many different interpretations. This by itself explains how delicate and explosive is the issue of the Macedonian relations among different nationalities and especially their political representatives. This was only the culmination of the previous interruption of the meeting, when arguments such as who is (neo) fascist, terrorist and similar, were thrown at by both sides to each other. The way the whole thing developed on this 74-th session, proves that he ones who said that the parliament was going to be used as a pre-electoral campaign, were right. Since the beginning, it became clear that no-one will spare anyone, but no one really thought that the inter-ethnic relations would explode so fast. The package of electoral laws, the census Law, the Law on Personal names and ID cards, and their proper delicateness announced the appearance of the first sparks between the Macedonians and, first of all, Albanians. The reason: the debate on the number of MP's to be elected. Instead of 120, the proposal is that there should be 140 MP's, 20 of them elected based on the proportional system. The Albanians insist the number be 40. All of this started with the conclusion of the Albanian MP Eshref Aliu, that he was feeling the first signs of the appearance of the nationalistic hysteria and neo-fascism, which was immediately declared to be an attack against the more extreme Macedonian parties. They recognized themselves in this discussion, and they reacted in such way, that they threw the blame on the others, the Albanian side. Afterwards, the debate gained elements of farce - the MP's of the national Macedonian parties became followers of the civilian society concept, by concluding that the "method of combination" and the proportional system would not assure the small parties the entrance in the parliament, but it would enable the parties of minorities, which don't exist in Europe, to do so. And these minorities are requesting their ethnic groups to become people, they wish to divide Macedonia, and therefore, all of those who will vote in The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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favor of the "combined system" are in reality enemies of the Macedonian state. And then came the names: terrorist, fascist, etc. After the session was interrupted, the event got new, additional interpretations. The "guilty man", Muhamet Halili, first on TV A-1 and then in "Nova Makedonija" declared that what he aimed at was to stop the discussion about something that was not on the agenda, for instead of discussing about the model of elections, the collective hysteria against Albanians was expressed. The "interrupted" MP, Todor Petrov, on the other hand, said that Halili had no arguments, and thus showed his own primitivism, which turns force into an argument. He also added that to him, the PPD was not a representative of Albanians in Macedonia, and that he doesn't accept anyone to identify Albanians with the PPD. The coordinator of the VMRO-DPMNE party interpreted the interruption of the session almost identically to the opposing Albanians (of the other part of the PPD), saying that the incident was not in favor of the state, it was needed by the PPD group to present themselves as fighters for the rights of the Albanians, forgetting on this occasion, that they have wasted three years and a half in sleep, and that they haven't even tried to solve these problems in the government. They also issued a communique: "The procedure is the continuation of the means and methods of violence which are used by the political parties of the Albanian minority, were drastically manifested in the formation of Albanian paramilitary forces in Macedonia, and if the Macedonian government continues tolerating such things, then it will the Macedonian people who will have to stop them!" One day later. The same party, commenting on the conclusion of the Government about studying the possibility of the foundation of the bilingual section in the Pedagogical Academy in Shkupi, among other things claims that the ruling parties are paying expensive taxes for the coalition with PPD and the People's Democratic Party (PDP), making more and more concessions, that lead towards the federalization of the Macedonian state. The party headed by Vladimir Golubovski, VMRO-Democratic Party, speaks of the attempt to create Greater Albania and about the "unnatural governmental coalition". This party requests the prohibition of both PPD and PDP. The MAAK movement considers that all of this is happening according to a scenario created by Athens and Belgrade and requests a new governmental coalition. The only media which was moderate, was the Macedonian Radio. Its director Slobodan Casule, tried to calm down the situation, the same way the editor of the informative program of TV Sarajevo Nenad Pejic had attempted to do. Pejic, even before war started in Bosnia and Herzegovina, praised, but also feared from the self-organization of the citizens of Sarajevo who removed the first barricades in town, which were meant to divide the town according to the national appertaining. And it was precisely this terrifying, but clear, coincidence of events of the, then, coalition of three nationalities in Bosnia, with the events and interpretations in the Macedonian Parliament, that speaks of the new black clouds approaching Macedonia. It is an old conclusion, that after Bosnia, everything is possible. "And, where is our end? Our paradise is somewhere close!" sings Vlatko Stefanovski in one of his songs in the latest CD, "Cowboys and Indians" containing the fantastic instrumental melody "Sarajevo", as part of the music for a play of Swedish production which describes life in the town on the Miljacka. It was a play started by Haris Pasovic, written by Goran Stefanovski and directed by Slobodan Unkovski. Coincidence, yes or no? Time will prove it.

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ECONOMY A SQUARED CIRCLE by IBRAHIM REXHEPI/Prishtina In the park of the town of Podujeva, the foundations of an artisans' center are still waiting to be covered up some day. The investor, The Projecting and Urbanization Institute of Prishtina was planning to gather the money needed for its construction, by selling the shops beforehand, in a bid. Nevertheless, the Albanians didn't see themselves engaged in this arrangement, under the excuse that there shouldn't be any contacts with the representatives of the Serbian authorities, and even less to purchase or sell any real estate. The project is still on its starting point, whilst its whole "effect" is seen through the destruction of the green space in the middle of the town. Something similar was repeated in Kaçanik. Here, the investor was not oriented to assure the money priory, but first it constructed the shops, and then sold them one by one. The dilemma still remained: should the assets be bought, or should the earlier postures of the governmental organs of Kosova be respected? Nevertheless, the ones who wished to own a shop, closed their eyes, and made their deals. The case of the Constructing Combine "Ramiz Sadiku" of Prishtina, is specific. And it is, for since five years ago, it underwent bankruptcy proceedings. The Independent Trade-Union of the workers of this Combine addressed the opinion requesting it not to purchase their assets, for they were hoping to go back to work someday. At the beginning, the interested Albanians to eventually participate in bids respected the wish of the trade-unionists. Later, the situation changed, for all the assets were sold absurdly cheap, mainly to individuals or enterprises in Serbia. The Trade-Union didn't react the second time, but in silence it allowed the Albanians to participate in the bid. On this occasion, it was late, because the largest part of the construction material, the machines and vehicles which were in regular shape, had already passed to someone else's hands. In times when, in the name of some transformation of property in Kosova, many forcible managers started selling out the enterprises, that is some parts of them were offered to private buyers, some Albanian businessmen showed preparedness to invest in these assets to, in order to become owners of that property. Maybe many building would have changed the owner if it weren't for the communique of the Government of the Republic of Kosova, which, was really the posture of the rule of the Albanians in Kosova: "Any contract that Albanians sign with the Serbian authorities after July 5, 1990, the moment the rule of the people is established, will be declared illegitimate - and juridically not valid". This posture made the Albanians, that acknowledged this Government, to give up on the purchase of any real estate, which was in the hands of the emergency managements. As the time went by, the new situation was created, that is some small objects of service and production, small shops, and even some resort buildings, came into the hands of the Albanians, but they mainly appear as lessees. Adil Fetahu, Secretary of the Union of Independent Trade Unions of Kosova (UITUK) claims that the posture of the Trade-Union's organs is not to rent any object which is under the emergency management. "This decision is based on the fact that in case that these objects are leased, then the Serbian government, that is the emergency management, will be promoted to the position of the lessor, which means that they will live or survive on the money they'll collect from Albanians. Nevertheless, we -3-

allowed each of our branches to act according to the need. Despite the fact that we created conditions for more independence of our branches, they respected our decision. It can't be denied that nowadays we have a large number of objects in the hands of Albanians, mainly rented and not owned by them. Some individuals wandered around seeking an answer, and once they found a person that in a way authorized them, then they created moral coverage stating that they had the blessing of the UITUK or any of the political parties in Kosova. There are no dilemmas in the UITUK regarding this issue. There might be individuals who may think differently, and they speak their mind out loud, claiming that this is the posture of the UITUK. These people were discovered rapidly, nevertheless they created confusion and caused damage amongst our members. We also have an agreement with the political parties that whatever is our concern stays, while the political issues are their concern. Those Albanians who have leased an enterprise and have kept the Albanian workers, employed, enjoy our consent. We have also allowed the purchase of buses, which were then used to connect the Albanian villages, since the Serbian authorities had cut off all the regional lines. In these cases, it is not only the individual that gains, but the whole population, who has its transportation problem solved", says Fetahu. "Our decision regarding the requests to lease a building depends of the circumstances, that is the interest and the profit", says Naip Zeka, member of the Central Board of the LDK and President of the Commission on Economic Issues. "There are no discrepancies between us and the UITUK, since, in principle, all political and trade-union subjects in Kosova have agreed that in all these processes, the Albanians should gain the profit. If workers still remain employed under the lessor, and gain more than whatever the emergency management gains from the lease, then why shouldn't there be an agreement? Nevertheless, there are cases in which, not only the workers are not kept, but it also changes the destination. This is when an enterprise, shop or whatever, becomes property of an Albanian businessman, after it was sold by the emergency management. Only in this case, will the decision of the Government be applicable, and the contract will be void and nil". The artisans from Prishtina, are strongly against these arrangements. They think that the rules determined by the government of the Albanians should be respected. Nijazi Stanovci, chairman of their trade-union branch says that there are some unclear things regarding the approved postures, that is, they have changed depending on what subject made the decision. Nevertheless, the artisans are loyal to the Albanian government, therefore refused to lease or buy certain buildings. "We have money. We can do much more to improve the conditions of labor, that is we could also buy buildings instead of working in rotten cabins. But we were against that. Such arrangements are being done by former directors and former political leaders of Kosova, who now own large amounts of money, and are the wealthiest people. I just want to stress that the rent paid for the offices in the former Chamber of Commerce or the Eximkos building is the same to the one we are paying for the log cabins close to the old Technical faculty. But, this situation is being taken advantage of by individuals at their own interest, by declaring that they have the consent of this or that political party or trade-union. It is well known who makes the decisions and how, and if the decisions are made by -4-

individuals, then we'll always have confusion, same as we have today", concludes Stanovci. "It is much better for our wealth to remain here", says Ali Curri, member of the ITU of the "Ramiz Sadiku" Combine. "At first we thought that with the property of the bankrupt Combine, we could establish a new enterprise and bring back all the dismissed workers. This is the reason why we asked our property not to be sold. All I can say that we were betrayed in all aspects, by the then actual government in 1989 and 1990, especially after we demonstrated on the streets against our close-down. None of the promises we were made was fulfilled, and that is why we gave up, for it was much better leasing our property to the Albanians, than have it transported outside Kosova." This is why the issue whether building should be leased or not should be evaluated by the moment and the profit.

INTERVIEW BAJRAM KOSUMI, CHAIRMAN OF THE PARLIAMENTARIAN PARTY OF KOSOVA OUR CENTER IS IN TIRANA Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI KOHA: What is the position of your party today? KOSUMI: Similar to the one two years ago. This is a result of the lack of general activity and movements in the Kosovan political scene. But inside our party, there have been a lot of activities. KOHA: How much influential is your party, in general? KOSUMI: Apart from the work we can do on the field, all we could do is use more efficiently our presence in the Coordinating Body of the Political Parties of Kosova. KOHA: How successful can a political party be in Kosova? KOSUMI: Not much, and this is the result of the deficiencies in the labors of the Coordinating Body. For to have one party start the realization of a project, it needs the support of the other parties too. KOHA: You just said that nothing has changed in the political activities of the parties in Kosova in the past two years. What is the reason of the stagnation? KOSUMI: There is a long list of reasons. What is cardinal to me, is the creation of a very much passive political philosophy, which was imposed all along by the political parties, especially the LDK. Now it is very hard for a party such is the Parliamentarian (PPK) to start new qualitative movements against this philosophy. I don't think this can be achieved without the assistance of the other parties and the LDK proper. Finally, this is not something -5-

to be done without the support of the Coordinating Body. And to have this started in the Body is more than difficult... KOHA: What about the Coordinating body? KOSUMI: On April 13, 1994, we held a meeting after a long time. Not discussing about the past of this body, I think that it could help very much the institutionalization of life in Kosova. The PPK is the second subject by representation in the fictitious Parliament, we have two ministers in Bukoshi's government. Unfortunately, the Parliament doesn't function, and our Government in exile is incomplete, therefore all of us have our hands cuffed in a way. KOHA: Tell us something about the (non) functioning of Bukoshi's government and the initiatives in that respect. KOSUMI: The Government in exile could hardly be more functional than it is. It is an illusion to expect all ministries to function while in exile. On the other hand, if we are speaking of the initiatives to selectively fill out the empty seats, then this would only be political cosmetics which doesn't deal with the depth of the problem. These can only be superficial changes, just to excuse oneself before the public, which is becoming more insisting in its requests. KOHA: Have there been any new initiatives to improve the work of the Body? KOSUMI: Some months ago, we insisted on re-formulating the Coordinating Body. We insisted on creating the core of the future government, some sorts of councils for every particular political issue. Afterwards we insisted on having new members, new parties in the Coordinating body, and thus transform it in a political table which creates the public opinion and would serve as a corrector of its labors. I wasn't thinking of the institutional correction, but the public one. But, the suggestion was not approved because of the lack of consensus. For the Body to become more efficacious, the decisions should be of compulsory nature. KOHA: Does this mean that it will have to evolve into a higher instance? KOSUMI: After the multi-party elections, to insist on the formation of the National Council is not necessary. It should be worked on the vitalization of the legitimate institutions of the Republic: the Parliament and Government. KOHA: Do you think that in present circumstances, the creation of a National Salvation Council is necessary? KOSUMI: First of all, the criteria according to which would someone be elected member of this Council are not known. Then, this Council would have the same functions as the present Government. The same thing, another name... And the last, but not least, its legitimacy before the international factor would be contested, compared to the legitimacy the Government and the Parliament have. Despite the fact that this Council would have been composed of the most relevant subjects and personalities we have, in the contacts with the international factor, this council could be easily isolated. Very easily, it could be defined as a group of people...

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KOHA: Tell us about the executive aspect of the Government and your projects. KOSUMI: After the constituting session of the Parliament failed to be held, we insisted on a reduced functioning of the Parliament. Maybe this wouldn't be democratic and constitutional, but our momentary situation is neither democratic or constitutional. Then, we had no support whatsoever. Now, two years later, we are hearing that other parties are prepared to do something of the kind, especially the LDK. There can not be any serious step without the sublimation of the party system in the institutional life. KOHA: What is the reason for this late change? KOSUMI: I wouldn't like to believe that the reasons are of individual nature or a particular party. The reasons are much deeper. They can be searched for in the Albanian psychology or even in the mentality build up for over 40 years. Nevertheless, this, in my opinion, is the result of the lack of will and engagement of the leaderships of the political parties, to understand the responsibility they have. KOHA: Are there any obstructions by the Serbian authorities? KOSUMI: I don't consider explanations such as "We can't do this or that because Serbia won't allow us to", to be serious. They are in fact empty! There are many things that we can do, if nothing else, then we could try and improve our internal political organization. I don't think Serbia is interested to have a war in Kosova. At least not right now. It is our problem that we are not able to use this space for a better activity. KOHA: Do you think the concept of "the Chairman's party" about a political party is extended enough in our public? KOSUMI: Totally. In our party, we have tried to break down this concept. If the Chairman leaves, this shouldn't result with the disappearance of the Party. We have created a team of people in order not to have the party made up of only the president. I consider we have been successful in this sense. KOHA: What can you tell us about the engagement of Albania? KOSUMI: In times when our intellectuals repeatedly travelled around the world, one thing was not understood the way it should; that the path of the Kosova Albanians should first of all be Prishtina-Tirana-Prishtina. I believe that the cooperation between Prishtina, Shkupi and Tirana exists, but I also believe it is pretty vague. KOHA: Do you think that the political capital of Albanians is Tirana? KOSUMI: I understand what you mean. I think it is absurd to say that Tirana is involved in the internal affairs of the Albanians. These theses have been repeated in the past 40 years. Whether we want it or not, if we insist on having a unique national space, then we must admit that Tirana must be the center of our national movement. KOHA: In some circles, the case of the PPD is used to illustrate how "patronizing Tirana can be", towards Albanians on this side of the border. What is your opinion?

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KOSUMI: I don't think the case of the PPD was Tirana's patronizing. The case of the PPD was first of all a failure of the Coordinating Body of the Albanian Political Parties in the former Yugoslavia. It is a result of the lack of its engagement. KOHA: Do you think that a similar thing could happen in Kosova's internal political scene? KOSUMI: It is very hard to forecast such a thing. Regarding the Albanian political parties in Kosova, I don't think that they will use the same was to clean up their rows. I wouldn't like something like that to happen. It is very hard to give a prognosis. But, whatever internal obstacles there are, they must be removed. Albania and the Albanians are one.

THE WORLD AND THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA THE TRIUMPH OF ETHNIC STATES by ANTHONY BORDEN & ZORAN PAJIC/London In the inevitable public debates during this week in Europe, Gorazde will become part of many explanations of the moment. The majority of the lessons will concentrate of military frames. The others will focus on the failures of the UN. Whatever it may be, the fundamental lesson is not at all technical, it is even very human. Written between the mud and the tears of the sad town, it will close down the final chapter of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia. Destroyed by war and full of refugees, Gorazde can easily be called a human catastrophe. The battle for it didn't start because of the communication and transporting lines, or the conquest of a disregarding ammunition factory, - as are some of the arguments among the circles of analysts and situation commentators. Neither does General Michael Rose's statement stand, that the Gorazde tragedy can become only a late battle to gain the final ace for the bargaining to come. Before the war, Eastern Bosnia was considered as the territory with most Muslim population. Now, apart from Gorazde and two small enclaves Srebrenica and Zepa, the Bosnian Serb forces have killed or expelled almost all Muslims from this area. This is why, Eastern Bosnia will always remain the main issue of the Muslim-Serb conflict, when it is known that one of the most important requests of the Bosnian government is that the cleansed territories be given back to Muslims. The recent events indicate that the Bosnian Serbs will not let go on the occupied territories. Pale and Sarajevo know that in the future, the resistance against the Serbian domination in this region, or any other attempt to fight back "the ethnic cleansing", as greatly stated by Lord Owen, will not rise from the negotiating table, but from a strategic military base which could easily be imagined in Gorazde. Erase Gorazde (Srebrenica and Zepa too, why not?) and the fate of Eastern Bosnia is clear. Occupy Gorazde - and the success of ethnic cleansing is sealed. Clean up the remaining enclaves, and the path to an ethnic clean Serbian state is opened. If Gorazde is the final solution of the Serbs regarding the Muslims, then this is also the final blow to the involvement of the great powers in the region and their pacific role. -8-

The air raids over Gorazde were understood as a great historical moment, -that was the first terrestrial engagement of the NATO, it was the first attack of the international forces in Bosnia. Nevertheless, immediately after this, the Western officials showed unbelievable hesitation, explaining almost with an excusing voice that what happened is only an attempt to protect the Blue Helmets. Finally, these explanations were at least honest: after two years of total failures, the explanations of the high principles and the eternal truths, as the opposition to the international aggression, the support of the credibility of the UN, etc. etc. now have become senseless. The concentration on this enlightening moment, skipping elegantly over the key issue - the Serbian occupations, proves the vagueness of the question why try and find an explanation. All signs indicate towards the preparedness of the world to acknowledge the state and the state-hood of the Greater Serbia. Some world's diplomats considered the care for the Muslim enclave as a pathetic hypocrisy, when at the same time, no one cares about the brutal ethnic cleansing going on in the Banja Luka region. Really, each international step, taking into account the positive diplomacy in the past months, - stressed some advantages of ethnic cleansing. It is characteristic that the first answer that came from the international circles in relation to the Gorazde debacle, had to do with the development of a confusing idea on the new harsh sanctions against Belgrade. After three years of war in the Former Yugoslavia, being as far away from the elaboration of a strategy to stop ethnic homogenization, the great powers can be really disappointed by their reconciliatory engagements. Now the Government of Bosnia, the Bosnia Serbs and the UN, are reviewing the whole UN engagement in Bosnia. This is giving up on the considerable optimism which came up two months ago around Sarajevo and the Muslim-Croat agreement. The deaths have been reduced in great mass and, finally, the great powers, especially the USA and Moscow, have probably agreed on a more creative and determined posture. Mirabile Dictu, something could be done. Essentially, in the political vocabulary, the diplomatic storm put on surface a delicate conception but a hopeful one for the region; people must live, if not together, then at least one aside the other. The state units in the future, whatever the political and territorial formulation might be, however just or unjust - must safeguard some relations among each other. This should not be taken as a tendency to enliven some kind of a Yugoslav integration; maybe just as something to fight back the exhaustion from war. Nevertheless, the impression that something like this can be realized, was gotten during the wide spectre of international political meetings among the forces in the region, as well as the examples of the Bosnian population, civilian or military, Croats, Serbs or Muslim, - a large number of which expressed its excitement when the first contacts were made possible, when the bridges were passed over, when commerce could start... Inevitably, Gorazde brings back the exhausted drama to the Balkans'. Serbian extremists are given a lot of force, the hope will vanish and they will lose the reason to fight. There is no doubt that the shoot-down of the NATO airplane gave the Serbs many reasons to laugh about Yasushi Akashi's "warning", about retreat from Bosnia. The strategy of war, of this army, is opening artillery fire on the totally unprotected civilian population. On the other hand, this has given another incentive to the ridiculous myth about the unshakeableness of the Serbian -9-

army, which won't get through without consequences. In reality, the hope that the Serbs will give up on 20% of the territories under their control - as foreseen with the Muslim-Croat agreement- is totally groundless. This will only shake even more the agreement, which is anyways shaky. The success in Gorazde will also influence the Krajina Serbs, which will convince themselves that they have even less reasons for further concessions. The patience of Bosnia's Government-politically equalled with its attackers and militarily handicapped by the arms' embargo - seems to have ran out. The political wing that favours the long-term war will become stronger. If to this we add the unceasing fire of the snipers in the, once again closed down, capital city, then there is less serious hope to find a political solution. (The retreat of the UN forces would mean the breakdown of truce, which was barely reached). In the meantime, the agony of the Bosnians and the Government of Bosnia would strongly convey the message to the political leaders in the strained regions of Kosova and Macedonia, and even further South of the Balkans, - that would contain a truth; the violent extremism is paid back well, and that whatever concession or moderation is a simple lack of responsibility. Here, the key issue is not Gorazde, nor Zepa, Srebrenica or Sarajevo. The reason why the international politics has failed, can't be found on a downed airplane. In their three years' long engagement in the Balkans, the fiasco of the great powers consists on the refusal to oppose the concept of ethnic states. Ethnic cleansing has already been recognized, whilst the vision of the long-term solution of the problems in the region is nowhere to be seen yet. (Anthony Borden is Director of the Institute for Peace and War, seated in London, Great Britain. He is also editor of the Bulletin on Balkans Conflict. Zoran Pajiæ is professor of International Law at the University of Sarajevo and lecturer at the Center for Human Rights of the Essex University in Great Britain.)

CULTURE SHKELZEN MALIQI, Editor in Chief of "THEMA" LIFE AMONG THE MEDIOCRE MAJORITY interviewed by Baton Haxhiu KOHA: You have returned with new issues of the specialized publication Thema. It seems as if the second issue, which was qualitative beyond all expectations, has somehow frightened your colleagues which declared it "too much modern for the situation we are facing". And then, polemics inside the Philosophers and Sociologists' Association started. MALIQI: I wouldn't say the conflicts are peripheral. It is a very strange knot, but very often, in a mutant society which is a continuation of the failed Socialist system. The non-creative and mediocre part of the Association declared itself against "Thema's" concept, meaning, it is against the publication of the magazine. The majority of them, those who have never written a line in their life, or are discovered plagiarists, tried to, by a voting machinery, impose the - 10 -

"criteria" and "selection" of authors, who have already published their works in 13 previous issues, but who represent the minority in the Association. So, the problem is the Association, and not the magazine. The magazine has criteria, whilst anybody who ever wanted became member of the Association, without any criteria just because they held PhD titles, or were professors or lecturers in faculties and institutes... KOHA: After this controversial issue was published, you were accused of subjectivism and unfairness. They even requested your resignation or discharge. MALIQI: The fact that "Thema" is by name connected to the Association, is not important at all. If the majority in the Association thinks that "Thema" belongs to them, then they could take its name and shell. The project will, nevertheless, be continued under another name. KOHA: But what has revived the cultural life in Kosova, was the Soros Foundation. It was said that at first it was even boycotted by intellectuals. What did the Foundation really do? MALIQI: There was no boycott. Maybe at the beginning there were some reserves regarding something which was unknown and that astonished the majority: a foreigner is throwing money in a bottomless well! But, Soros has been in Prishtina only a year, and it is early to draw conclusions. It was opened in a critical moment, when our media couldn't breathe... But the following question should be asked: what would've happened without Soros' assistance? What have we learned from last year's crisis? Some of us maybe haven't learned anything because we have inherited the mentality and the manners of those that survive on the budget, and not work and the market. But, it is clear that Soros can't replace the budgets. Whoever can make it on his own, has no need of Soros. Of course, it is another thing when we speak of humanitarian assistance. KOHA: You are an intellectual who considered politics and dealing with it as a casualty. The others have attacked you, blaming you for everything, and now they respect you... MALIQI: I was terrified by the energy some people were spending only to get over the party I belonged to. I couldn't believe the desire and anger they were putting in, to win the "power" which didn't exist at all, but was only of symbolic value. The rule they won is equal to the angle of the newspaper where they publish their stereotypical communiques. Only the demon of power could force these poor people to covet the posts of the masters of the desert. But, I don't think to have been the only one to blame constantly. To tell you the truth, in occasions I have been less attacked, than I had expected. And, if after all the adventures I have gone through by walking on the edge of political thought, my opinion is still respected, and now it is only an opinion of an analyzing journalist, this may happen because I have always tried to be as clear as possible, open and honest towards the readers and the public. Even criticizing myself. KOHA: "Traitors" and "Patriots" are terms that usually appear among the people of poor political culture. The years of doubts in Kosova resembled political folklorism which eliminated, without any criteria, anyone who thought differently. To think differently was national treason. Why? MALIQI: I don't agree with you when you say the people that thought differently were eliminated. Eliminated from what? The parties? This is not serious. The problem is that here - 11 -

there are no objective conditions to have pluralism of thought, for we are in state of occupation. The pluralist form taken by our movement at the end of 1989 and beginning of 1990, was even maybe more promising and fruitful for that time of democratic movements, when there was hope of free elections in Kosova, but today, it makes no sense. Now we have entered the phase in which pluralism becomes grotesque and when two social-democratic parties, two liberal parties, two PPD parties work the same way and release similar communiques... We also have two Parliaments, and maybe two parts of the government. Caricating our "pluralism", it is understandable that I am not in favor of some sort of monism, unity and disappearance of differences. The differences in opinions, as well as of interests, can't be eliminated. This is the axiom of modern politics. I think that the situation of the Albanian movement urges the need of facing different opinions in order to discuss how to find a way out from this grotesque false pluralist situation and how to develop a movement which will be apt to face the challenges. KOHA: In a long article of yours "Albanians and Europe" you have asked yourself; Who are the Albanians? What do they consider Europe, and what does Europe consider them? What should be accepted and what should be rejected? We ask you the same questions. MALIQI: The largest interior theme of the Albanians is the very much expressed particularism in such a small space. It is a matter of how to make the integration of the Albanian society, that of the nation. I preferred the soft varieties: ecumenism, regionalization, the preservation of the differences and the compound structure, considering that this "soft" strategy, essentially fits into the long-term strategy of the creation of the United Europe, where, someday, the Albanians should find their place. The dilemma about the West or East has been solved definitely. KOHA:You have been critical towards the present Albanian political model. What can the Albanian intellectuals do now and today, if they are divided regarding concrete Albanian issues? MALIQI: The fact that they are divided, doesn't mean that they are undetermined. Nevertheless, they are not required to decide as intellectuals. In the political race which is developing, and the negotiations about the fate of Kosova, which it seems to me will very soon start, the intellectuals will participate and will decide as politicians. On the other hand, however big the divisions might be, it is clear that there is full agreement about the key issue, the independence of Kosova and the solution of the Albanian issue in the Balkans. We have daily politics and a long-term policy, but we have no middle-term politics. We forget that the political developments go step by step, in phases. The majority of the disagreements appear once this development factor is ignored, that of the processing of the political solutions. KOHA: Claiming that the Albanians are an ancient people, over two thousand years old, makes no sense as long as everybody is forced to remain a baby in the cradle. You remember saying this? MALIQI: Yes, and it is a fact. When compared by the age, the Albanian people are the youngest in Europe. I don't know why is it insisted so much on the ancientness, when our future and our force rely on the fact that over 80% of Albanians are young or at least feel young. Even though no mathematical equations can be done, I am, nevertheless, convinced that Albanians are most perspective people in Europe. Sometimes, joking, I say that we have given the Jews and the other people two thousand years of advantage and that the next - 12 -

millennium will be ours. KOHA: Finally, what would the intellectual have to do in the created circumstances, to withdraw or fight back the mediocrities who treat the culture, politics and professional work, as well as the intellectuals that deal with these areas, as rugby players. The strongest, the brutal, the better; he remains in the game. MALIQI: Intellectuals and politicians should not have any illusions. If they have decided to participate in the rugby game, then do so. It they prefer another game, that has more noble rules, then wait for the turn of the game to come. In reality, there are no definitive rules for these things, not because we are in a state of emergency, but because this is also applicable in "normal" times.

EDITORIAL COCA-COLA AND THE GOD OF FERTILITY by VETON SURROI There is a village in southern Mexico, close to the heart of the jungle, where the native Indians realize their Pagan-Christian religious services with a bottle of Pepsi-Cola. The Christian side of the rite is the sugared water, the blessed, whilst the Paganism of the rite is the carbonization of this particular water. The bubbles of the carbonized water are the signs of fertility, they identify God almighty that brings good crops, good luck in hunting and enough inspiring resistance to the damp nights in Chiapas, as the region is called. It was a question of luck of why Pepsi and not Coke. In fact, it was thanks to the astuteness of a travel agent of this company, that the marketing of his product could be easily combined with the spiritual needs of the Indians. And he achieved to divinise Pepsi Cola, to become part of communication with Heaven. I am not sure that the Indians had the chance to chose between Pepsi and Coca-Cola (we shan't discuss tastes), and this is of not big relevance. In Latin America, gaseous beverages have become a tradition, there are no waves of white immigrants who haven't brought or tried to bring such beverages. Finally, the market is full of strong symbols of the American marketing, Pepsi, Coke, Mirinda... Whatever was looked upon in Latin America as a symbol of conquest, in Eastern Europe it became a symbol of liberation. The last years of Communism in Eastern Europe were proportionally followed by the stronger penetration of the gaseoused caramel. At the end, as the Berlin Wall was falling, the obstacle fell too, the one which stopped the inhabitants of the smoked tows by Wardburgs and Trabants to feel their palate itch, not because of the Russian champagne, but the American Cola. And: all of this has not gone through without deep emotions. Not without curiosity was I looking at an ex-political prisoner who served in Burrel (Albania) how he enjoyed his first Coca-Cola, and I had seen in his crying eyes, the intercourse of happiness for the so long expected moment and the deception for the lack of miracles' effects that the, so much hated beverage by Enver Hoxha, should have produced. If, in Latin America, Coca Cola is a sign of domination, whilst in Europe it proves the downfall of dictatorships, is there any other symbolism left for this magic, but basically deceiving, beverage, between two extremes? As proven by the Indians in Chiapas, there is a - 13 -

lot of space for invention, for the caramelled liquid can become blessed. Or as it happens in the former Yugoslavia, it can become a separation line in the post-Communist period. For example, that today in the 90's, in Prishtina we will ask for: "... an original Coca-Cola, produced in Bulgaria", that is, we ask for a Coca Cola which is produced according to the original receipt in a country which was a synonym of Communist backwardness. A country to whom the inhabitants of the Former Yugoslavia would show off and sell consumers articles produced "on the liberal side of Socialism". Thus, Bulgaria proves its post-Communist health, compared to the drastic downfall of the Former Yugoslavia, sunk into human ragtag. But, even in this copy of Hell's circles, there are differences, as should any citizen of Belgrade coming to Prishtina probably know. That citizen should have probably figured out that here, instead of the "COCTA", the soc-realist attempt to make "even a better Coca-Cola", we drink the "original Coke from Bulgaria". If I should find symbols in this, I wouldn't hesitate to ask for the help of the divinities of Chiapas. Maybe they would evaluate our attempt to be separated by a line, drawn by God proper, whatever His name might be. A line between fertility and destruction. This, as our existential need, has not been understood by the representatives of the civilization that created Coca-Cola.

THE WORLD AND THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA MACEDONIA IN WONDERLAND by VLADIMIR MILCIN/Shkup It seems to be the fate of any ethnic group in the Balkans, to be majority and minority at the same time. To be majority in one state and minority in the other. We must respect this truth. Refusing to do so, we'll provoke wars in the Balkans. No majority has the right to manipulate with its minorities outside its borders, and no majority has the right to violate the rights of a minority inside. The majorities in the Balkans should "grow", and get over the complex of "small imperialists". This understands giving up the dreams of ethnically clean states, without any national minorities in them. It should be understood that to be part of a minority is not an embarrassing position, and it should be also understood that living along the minorities should not be a dangerous situation. The responsibility is, no doubt about it, of the majorities. They are responsible of the disposition of the different minorities with whom they live, as well as responsible of the acts of the minorities (parts of themselves) which live in neighboring countries. Two "achievements" of the Balkans' history must be overcome: ethnic cleansing and manipulations with national minorities. "We feared that hiding behind the words Macedonia and Macedonian, were Bulgaria and Bulgarian", told me once a Greek intellectual, and a friend of mine, wanting to explain the liberalist resistance against the nationalistic hysteria incited by the Greek Government. My answer was: "So you have supported Samaras' policy, the same one that did all it could to make my country depend on Bulgaria, closing down the Greek-Macedonian border the same - 14 -

moment the Serbian-Macedonian border closed down because of the UN sanctions against Serbia". Are the Greek politicians really fearing from Macedonian nationalists? Or they need them just as scarecrows for the Western governments and the international public, for it is very hard to convince someone in the West that the forces in power in Macedonia are a threat to Greece. Since the beginning and up to now, the Macedonian march towards sovereignty, independence and the international recognition has been achieved through pacifism and patience. This is so evident, that once, foreign journalists had asked me the same question; whether the Macedonian citizens really wanted to live in an independent state! The independence of Macedonia is the example of the program of conflict solution. This is the explanation given. Now, we face the strategy of Andreas Papanderou: ruin the poor Macedonian economy, destabilize the country and allow the power to pass over to the extremists of the VMRO-DPMNE, by manipulating with populist demagogy. Afterwards, it would be very easy to convince the international public that, really, the independence of Macedonia should be annulled. History must go backwards. Papanderou ignores Gligorov as his neighbor. He wants Milosevic! The only Macedonia Papanderou would agree to, is the one inside the Yugoslav borders, or rather inside the Greater Serbia. What a "wonderful world " it was until Greece was the only privileged country in the Balkans. No one ever asked questions about national minorities living there. No one was interested to know about human rights issues in Greece since Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania had fallen under Communist rule. At that time, the Northern Greek province was not named "Macedonia", but "Northern Greece and Trachea!". What is the price to be paid to revive Yugoslavia with Macedonia as a dead-end, as a transporting corridor between Serbia and Greece? The truth is that the Greek blockade is very successful, for Macedonia is lacking railways which would link the East and the West. This is the inheritance which remains from "the wonderful world" we lived in for at least 50 years. The existence of this country in the middle of the Balkans has not been acknowledged by the neighboring countries. The right to chose its own name, or being more precise, to keep the name it has been holding since 1944, was not recognized either. Even more, some of the neighbors are denying the existence (the name and identity) of the majority population in it in the Republic of Macedonia. This majority has found itself in a very specific situation, denied not only by the neighbors, and is constantly pressured to respect the rights of the minorities. This strategy is old enough. The Macedonians had the chance to feel it on their own skins after the Balkans' wars, for they had to refuse the existence of the Macedonian minority in Greece. Finally, the Greek government is used to deny the existence of the Macedonians in general. There are no Macedonians in Greece, therefore there are none in Yugoslavia, that is their explanation. This is an old story, and goes way back to 1912, when Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria defeated the Ottomans. I don't think that comparing the Ottoman Empire to the Former Yugoslavia is adequate, but thinking of the Macedonian issue, it is hard to escape the impressions on the similarities during the dismantlement of both countries. Sixty years earlier, the idea on the Balkans federation was very attractive for a part of intellectuals and political leaders in Macedonia. They supported the idea looking at it as the - 15 -

solution to Macedonia's issue. The small imperialists in the Balkans destroyed these hopes. The disintegration of Yugoslavia, as a federation of many nationalities, including the Macedonians, is a consequence of Milosevic's ambitions do gain a dominant position, and idea created over the concept of Greater Serbia. It is more than evident that the dismembered Yugoslavia is really the first step towards the very old idea; all Serbs in one country. There are many reasons linked with the refusal of the Republic of Macedonia to enter any political integrations in the Balkans. One of the most important is that these new "proposals", have a very old background. Here, in Macedonia, these voices are heavy and cause anxiety. Integration with a state without a name?..It more resembles the annulment... (The author is theatrical director by profession and member of the Social-Democratic leadership in Macedonia).

THE WORLD AND THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA MARRIAGE BY FORCE by ŽARKO PUHOVSKI/Zagreb There is a sense of triumphalism on the air - more in the international media than in those of the Former Yugoslavia. Many observers and actors are convinced that the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (therefore the whole post-Yugoslav war) has ended. The Washington Agreement on the Constitution of the Federal Bosnia and Herzegovina (as a part of a Confederation with Croatia), the armed intervention of the UN/NATO forces in Gorazde, the negotiations between the Croatian authorities and the representatives of the "Krajina", it seems as if all were directed towards the same, towards the peace in the region. But, first of all, there are fundamental differences between the situation in Bosnia and that in Croatia. In Bosnia the negotiations are tactic on truce, just that they are formulated as long-term solutions. In Croatia, on the contrary, the conversations are about strategy, for long-term solutions, but they are presented as negotiations about the demarcation, disengagement of the troops and other elements of the first steps towards truce. The noisily announced Washington Agreement on Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the moment being, functions as a truce agreement. The Serbian party will be forced to take part in this process and it will be in its interest to do this, for the basic idea is, still, that of the division of B&H, with the open possibility for the Serbs to unite with Yugoslavia/Serbia (with less territories than they have). In perspective, the fundamental problem is the position of the Muslim and Croat parties in B&H. Therefore, the American pressure was used with a simple trick, to, at least, reach a formal agreement between two sides. The trick is that many problems (of the transitory phase) would be evaded and the interest will be centered, at the beginning, in the solution of the existence of the future state. This thing functions, the truce between Croats and Muslims is on, but still, the main problems remain unsolved. To tell the truth, the situation in Bosnia is similar to the one in Croatia in Jan. 1992, immediately after the truce between the Yugoslav army and the Croatian one. After two years and a half, they still attempt to find the political solution in Croatia for all the problems caused by war, and - 16 -

the meantime is used to prepare both parties ("Krajina" and the Croatian authorities) for negotiations. Second, and in this direction, the evident defects of the Washington Agreement are more symbols of the problems which will be present in the future, than elements of the present crisis. The purposed realization of a federation created completely by the ones from above, for the first time in history, is by all means debatable. A federation with an own Constitution, but which doesn't acknowledge its federal units, and which even has to invent its federal units. And when it comes to it, if it comes, the federal units will be already ethnically cleansed territories, so the Croats and Muslims will live one aside the other, and not the one with the other; instead of communicating directly, they will communicate through representatives. The idea of a confederation with such a federation with Croatia is something that would represent a problem, let's say, for Germany and France (for evident political and legal reasons), therefore it is relatively easy to imagine how hard will it be for Croatia and B&H, especially after this kind of a war and years of propaganda and revenge. It is enough to stress, in a legal-technical context that all Croats from B&H would also be citizens of the Republic of Croatia, which will mean that they would have two votes in all elections and referendums which will have to do with the future of the federation/confederation. But, as it is said, these details are not of great importance if the whole plan is to be taken as a part of an agreement on truce. People in B&H will need years to get used to a life without war (which still is not the same as life in peace). In the meantime, a strolling normalization is, nevertheless, needed. The next steps towards the planned federation/confederation will show great disagreements in the interpretation of the imposed Constitution (starting from the election of the first President of this creature). The international supervision will remain, and the relevant political factors which were against the UN Trusteeship over Bosnia will be forced to develop a very complicated net of mini-trusteeships and politically semi-independent communities. But, when compared to war, even this careful attempt to evade the real solution, the attempt to find a transitory solution, is the least worse thing. All of this, naturally, is not a description of a peaceful process, but shows a process of cooling down the situation. At the same time, the fact that the most important problems will, most likely, not be solved the way the other things have been implemented now, shows that the international politics will not give up on this region in the future. It would be nice, naturally, if the people who live in this region could start, finally , to find their own solutions. But, as we have been used to for so long, the only thing you can learn from history is that no-one is able to learn anything from it. (The author is professor at the Philosophical Faculty in Zagreb)

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