Koha Digest 13 (1994)

Digest # 13 (1994)

MACEDONIA A BOX HALF-WAY OPENED by ISO RUSI & SELADIN XHEZAIRI/ Shkup A period of four years is a good opportunity to resume the effects of the activities of any political party. When it regards the Party for Democratic Prosperity (PPD), all what has happened since the times when new parties emerged and up to today, there is even more reasons for these analyses. Almost a year and a half before the first elections in Macedonia, in 1989, it was already clear that Macedonia will act accordingly to the pattern applied by former Socialist states and other parts of the Former Yugoslavia - Slovenia and Croatiameaning that the first "new" political parties will, in writing, proclaim the Western-like liberalism, whilst in reality they would pretend to become national movements (in the ethnic sense of the word). When it regards Macedonia, this was confirmed in the beginning. The first swallow of a multi-party environment - the League for Democracy, then with an expressed civil concept, which did not manage to draw the attention of a large number of people, drowned in waters of elitism. The first attempt to create a Macedonian HDZ, the MAAK, didn't fail because it was grounded on the all Macedonian assembly, but because its ideologists were playing tactics with the then reformed Communists and the public which was impressed by them. Their hesitating policy rapidly produced VMRO-DPMNE, the party of surprise in the first multi-party elections in Macedonia. VMRO-DPMNE was then a strange union of the young nationalist radicalism and the "serious" Macedonian national concept, before all, under the strong influence of the (again) most popularized Macedonian dissident, Dragan Bogdanovski. It's said a strange union of radicalism and wise approach, because the program of this party which was offered by Lupce Georgievski, Vladimir Golubovski, Boris Zmejkovski and Dragi Arsov, as founders of the new national party, was at the level of political dilettantism, and was reduced to thirty lines, which in essence only requested independent and "clean" Macedonia. The influence of Bogdanovski, who had first appeared with his program of the Democratic Party for Macedonian national unity, for the youth and the "Green" was such that they immediately started unification, which enabled the "ones lacking experience" to gain a solid program, whilst the ones "with experience" and tired after all, the national dissidents, to get more enthusiasm and energy. Then it was clear to everyone that in the first step towards democracy and introduction to the flows of Western civilization they reached only organization on ethnical basis, which couldn't be even fought back by the "left" parties. Other populations in Macedonia had it also clear that something should be done for their own people. But all of them had previous experiences and that forced them to be more careful. Let's just remind the readers that the announcement of the formation of the PPD in Macedonia had caused many reactions not because of its programs and documents, where the national and Albanian orientation couldn't The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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even implicitly seen, but because of the "in Macedonia". According to the old schemes of the struggle against Albanian nationalism and irredentism, it was interpreted, among others, also as an expression of the nonrecognition of Macedonia as their state, by the founders. On the other hand, it was clear that in times of many parties, let's put it in this way, some "old debts" had to be settled. People who were persecuted in the eighties, in the party (the League of Communists of Yugoslavia), when they were afterwards differentiated in the places they used to work, or simply lost their jobs because they had been expelled form the then only existing party, had to find a way to articulate their postures. Thus, the initiative of the political organization of Albanians started in Tetova, and not by chance, where the mentioned differentiations in education were most expressed. And the core of the founders was made up of people who had precisely been persecuted in the same way. Since the beginning, the first political party of the Albanians had gotten full support of the Albanian population. Albanians, who in times of the old regime had been represented in the institutional organs by "honest Albanians" based on the famous "key", fully supported the creation of PPD because they understood it as a victory of the new space of their freedoms. But this brought problems to the initiators and first leadership. From this distance, we could ascertain that these people were struggling to be careful towards the government as well as the requests of the followers, which covered a wider spectre. As the first political force, the PPD reached to gather them all under one roof. This was evident after the People's Democratic Party (PDP), with its radical requests, didn't manage to get such support. The case was the same with other Albanian parties and organizations. The euphoria which emerged amongst the membership and the leadership was a result of the feeling that all Albanians in Macedonia had united. That feeling of power, regardless of the percentage of Albanians in Macedonia then, the fact that this party was a factor that couldn't be ignored in the political scene of Macedonia, on one hand decided to participate in the new government (at the beginning by getting inside the Parliament and later with the silent approval of the ministerial positions for Albanians who at that time didn't belong to any party), which was proven to be a wise political move, even more, a step which safeguarded the stability of Macedonia. But, some "children's diseases" appeared. As if the leadership of the party was not prepared for such a national support. Full football stadiums and national symbols were more a manifestation of political irrationality of power, which primarily was in favor of the others. Thus, even though it couldn't be claimed that the PPD and the VMRO-DPMNE were similar parties of different ethnic groups, with totally unnecessary acts, the PPD allowed to be damned, first of all in the eyes of the Macedonian public, in the same was VMRO-DPMNE was. With the constitution of the Parliament of Macedonia and the initiation of its labors, it was clear that PPD was a very strong parliamentarian group in quality. But, on the other hand, this created a tension inside the party. A sort of parallelism was created inside the PPD - the political leadership saw the parliamentarian group as competition. In the "who is the boss" game, it very often happened that they were working against their interests- either by the attempt to apply the party centralization, or by the replacement of people, or politically unwise acts such was the declaration of the Republic of Illyrida, or, finally, not having it clear which is the basic strategy of the party. The first party leader and the first leadership were thus criticized by many, from different positions, from different sides. The other part is classic. The leadership had become a problem to all. The leadership and their leader considered themselves to be invulnerable, because they were popular among the masses. The frictions inside the party from the First Congress of the Party and to the final division proved -2-

that it was impossible to remove Nevzat Halili (first PPD Chairman) from his post. The stratification according to different political options in one national movement, before all, created the conditions for different practical agreements between fractions. In that scheme, both parties had sufficient arguments to attack the others. In consequence, a bout a year ago there were very "hot" discussions regarding as sort of "perestroika" in the leadership of the PPD, but unfortunately the discussions were done behind closed doors, whilst the appearance of Menduh Thaçi who was seconded in public by Arbën Xhaferi, as "assistance" from Prishtina, made the crisis end the way it is now, with the full support of determined circles in Tirana. The LDK has not pronounce itself clearly, apart from the appeals for reconciliation! Regardless of this, the President of Albania's Parliament Pjetër Arbnori, in an exclusive interview for KOHA, which will be soon published, declared that: "Tirana had nothing to do with this issue, and it had no reason for involvement in issues that regard the Albanians living in Macedonia, because I think that Albanians living there are a mature people and know how to solve their own problems. Without mentioning quarrels that happen everywhere in the world, I would say that the most important thing for Albanians today is that they should fight for a fair population census to finally determine that Albanians are Albanians and to finally know which are the pretensions of each side. Secondly, after the quarrels inside the PPD, I would say that another phase will come: after quarrels there will be meetings, conversations, agreements, in order for everyone to put aside his own problems to set aside the people that have stopped their evolution and to accomplish a unity which favors Albanians. And those who have intentionally made a mistake, they should be told farewell by the others..." Menduh Thaçi says that the reason why the "Joint Congress" failed was the disrespect of the vote. Abdurrahman Aliti, the then Chairman of the Preparations Committee of the Congress claims that "the main issue was which will be the criteria for the functioning of the joint Board up to the Congress. All of us agreed that the grounds of the agreement would be the statutory norms. However, the so called Gostivar group didn't not respect this agreement, regarding the number of delegates, the "key" to the election of the delegates and second, that the Congress had to include the members of the Central Board of the Party, members of the parliament, the minister and finally the chairmen of the branches. Tell me, what kind of a Congress of a party is it if the members of the Central Board are not allowed to participate, and how is it possible to say that this is a Congress, if people responsible for the creation of the strategy and politics of the party are not present?", thus excluding any possibility of having had a "before-hand prepared scenario". "Out of 244 delegates of the Congress, our Congress was attended by 147", explains Aliti. In the meantime, from to Tetova Congresses and up to now, as if the PPD was consolidating its lines. An impression is gotten that dealing with oneself in this phase of transition of colors of the local reality only proved the typical Albanian wrath and one lecture: pluralism can't be comprised of only three parties. Therefore, the "box" called PPD, at the beginning so jealously kept, is now half-open...

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LBANIAN LOBBY IN THE USA THE ALBANIAN ISSUE IS A MACRO-ISSUE by LINDITA IMAMI/Washington According to the definition, a lobby is a group of people which is engaged to influence upon the American legislature, i.e. the laws, and to try and find ways to influence the legislators in favor of a certain interest. Following this pattern, the Albanian Lobby in America was established in 1986, known as the American Albanian Civic League. According to Joe DioGuardi, Chairman and one of its founders, the Albanian-American Civic League (AACL) is the only organization registered as the Albanian Lobby in the USA. Even though DioGuardi doesn't deny the existence of other groups and other means that the Albanian community applies to influence upon and inform the American circles, he thinks that their activity is concentrated only in the engagement to act regarding one Congress representative within his labors among the electors. DioGuardi states that such an activity is ran only in the electoral zones of the city and state of New York, inhabited by a large number of Albanians. Going back to the activity of the AACL, he adds: "We are the only official Albanian Lobby seated in Washington and we are supported by American-Albanians and not by Albanian governments or political parties. The League is an independent NGO and an American product of the American Albanians who think that there is an interest to exert influence on the American Congress regarding the Albanian issue in the Balkans, and to promote interests which we, here in America, think that are important for the Albanians that live there. We do not represent the Kosova Albanian government nor that of Albania, but the American Albanians who want to tell the truth about the Albanians in Kosova, Albania and Macedonia. Thus, we represent not only the concerns of the American-Albanian community, but also the international geo-political and cultural interests of the Albanians." DioGuardi used to represent the New York's 19-th District at the American Congress from 1985 to 1989, in which time he was noticed not only for his ideas regarding the financial regulation of the Congress budget, for he is an accountant by profession, but also because of his labors advancing the Albanian issue. "I worked together with my staff until early morning in order to elaborate the strategies which I would then defend in the Chamber. The experience in Washington helped me to know Washington better. I am the key person of the League in Washington. I know the ways to contact Congressmen, how to phone them, when to approach them. Every Lobby must have a key person well acquainted with Washington. Even though I own an accountant's diploma, I think I have a Ph.D. on Albanianism, because during my long experience, I have achieved to know the Albanians very well" - says DioGuardi. During the first five years since its formation, the AACL has organized visits of some of its members and American political figures to Kosova, Albania and Macedonia. Joe DioGuardi is well remembered for his visit to Kosova in 1989 and especially his press conference in Belgrade in the International Press Center, where he spoke of Kosova. In 1990, AACL developed a successful activity to organize the first public debate on Kosova in the Congress, where respected figures of Kosova Albanians spoke about the situation. The same year, DioGuardi and Congressman Tom Lantos visited Albania, a visit which was evaluated by many, as an important base of political pluralism in Albania. Still in the same year, the League organized a massive demonstration of Albanians in front of the Capitol and the White House and influenced in the approval of the Bill presented by Senator D'Amato regarding the -4-

sanctions against Serbia, which was later approved by the American Congress. In 1992, DioGuardi spoke before the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Senate, visited Albania during the first elections and assisted the pre-electoral campaign of the Democrats with 59 private vehicles from Macedonia. The same year, he visited Macedonia and presided a delegation of the League which was invited by President Berisha to celebrate the 80-th anniversary of Independence in Vlorë. In 1993, a delegation of the AACL lead by DioGuardi visited Albania. In April, the delegation visited Shkodra, whilst in September they went to see what was the situation in the Albanian Army like. In Macedonia, the AACL presented President Gligorov its concern about the unequal treatment of the Albanian population in Macedonia. Apart from these visits, the AACL has cooperated with other groups to organize demonstrations, has published informative booklets, articles and a book titled "The Agony of Kosova", which is a compilation of informations, exchange of letters, speeches, essays and studies about and regarding the issue of Kosova, with a special emphasis on the situation in Kosova. "The Albanian issue is a macro-issue", says DioGuardi, taking into account that Albanians live in Albania, Kosova and Macedonia. "There will be no peace in the Balkans is the Albanian issue is not solved and the aspirations of 7 million Albanians who live there", stresses DioGuardi. The solution, according to him is the withdrawal of all Serbian troops from Kosova, an International Trusteeship over Kosova and its independence, a more intensive American and international program for development and reconstruction in Albania, full equality of Albanians in Macedonia, the organization of a just population census and the guarantee of equal civil and human rights of Albanians in Montenegro, Preshevë, Medvegjë and Bujanoc. "Any other status apart from independence will not be successful in Kosova". Albanians can't trust Serbs, and finally there will be no security and there will be always tensions between Albania and Serbia in Kosova doesn't become independent". These postures have been published by DioGuardi persistently in the American papers and so has he stated in the correspondence with Congressmen and American Officials. "All of these are known to American officials". We have to exert influence upon the American President through the Congress and this is achieved through a strong Lobby". "Albanians, wherever they are, must cooperate and must learn to think as one people and to convey one message which the world can understand." Expressing the urge to act before Kosova is endangered, he says: "With a stronger Lobby in Washington we can achieve success. All must understand the need to have a coordinated central Lobby with a concentrated message". DioGuardi very often mentions the Jewish Lobby in the USA as an example of concentration and organization, the American system which according to him is the most democratic and pluralist way as well as the coordinated activity of the Albanians in 1990. Referring to the activities of the Albanian Community he says: "Albanians have a tradition to sit in a round table, but when it comes to the Lobby and its activity, people must be selected professionals". This is the only way that leaders such as Berisha and Rugova should consider us, they must present us their needs, and then we will push them through our channels. According to DioGuardi all other groups that deal with the Albanian issue are registered as agencies at the Ministry of Justice, as Ruder Finn for example, or are branches of political -5-

parties as is the LDK. "By law, we are not allowed to pay Congressmen for their electoral campaign. We are volunteers, whilst our trips, phone and fax bills are covered by the contribution of the American-Albanian community". DioGuardi is by origin an Arbëresh, whose family had immigrated to the States in 1929, from Southern Italy. "My father was alive when I started dealing with the Albanian issue. He was happy about my enthusiasm regarding this matter. This is the same enthusiasm I wake up every morning with". Asked whether the Albanian community was supporting him for re-election, he answered by telling a story: "Some Jews headed towards Jerusalem had seen an old man, 99 years old, planting a tree. They asked him why was he planting the tree if he would not be able to enjoys its fruits. The old man replied that he had found many trees when he came to this place and that he wanted the others find the same in the future. History will prove my honest motives and the results of my labor". DioGuardi is actually running for Congress. Dr.Sami Repishti is a person who knows very well the Albanian community in America, especially its political activity. He was also one of the founders of the League. Even though he had been active in political life of the Albanians, writing articles is his political activity now. Actually he is writing a book about Albanian-Greek relations which is expected to be published during this year. "Even when I was active in politics, I was independent. Now we are trying to create a cultural and artistic association which would help the Albanians to get an education here and at home", says Repishti. "I think that the Lobby has been reduced to one person. There is no person that can deny the merits of DioGuardi, because he is a man of great authority and has opened thousands of doors. But when in 1991/92, when the democracies were established in Albania and Kosova, the role of the Lobby should have changed and become the foundation of the Albanian policy in the USA". Repishti thinks that when it was established, the Lobby was acting as the Albanian government in order to present the Kosova issue, because the Albanian Communist government wouldn't do it. "I don't think that someone has the moral and legal right to represent the politics of Kosova or that of Albania in America, because we don't live and don't suffer there. We established the League because of the needs of the time". According to Repishti, the AACL attempts to keep the same role, that is of an organization that makes politics of the Kosova and Albania in Washington. "No one has the right to speak on behalf of Kosova or Albania. We must get instructions form there and if it is necessary this will be conveyed to us by presidents Berisha and Rugova in their meeting with the community. If it is necessary, this we have to do by all mean". "Now we need new activities in Washington, because the problems are of other nature. We need moderate and not euphoric people and I don't believe that the Lobby is so expanded that it can represent Kosova and Albania in America, and that it can face the problems of the two states." In the USA, the Albanian Public Affairs Committee (APAC) exists too, and its task is to collect contributions for electoral campaigns of candidates running for Congress.

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Asked about APAC, Repishti replied that its activity is necessary and it is a part of the American system. "We must have a strong APAC, for thus we exert influence on American legislature and inform the American public, especially the governmental one". Asked where does the difference between the AACL and APAC rely, Repishti said that APAC was much more restricted that AACL since it concentrates on gathering contributions whilst the Lobby organizes conferences, seminars, meetings, etc. According to Repishti, they complement each other. Finally, Rrustem Ibraj, chairman of the LDK for New York, New Jersey and Connecticut is of the opinion that the LDK is the best organized political subject of the Albanians in America, and that according to him is having the most dense political activity. This includes the influence in the American Congress as well as informing the American opinion bout the Kosova issue. "Even though there us a need for a better coordination, we haven't stopped our labors", says Ibraj. He said that the lobbying activity of the LDK is coordinated with the Government of Kosova and not the Presidency of the LDK because of the technical obstacles to reach Kosova. Asked about what has the LDK done to influence the decisions of the American Congress, he said: "I think that we have influenced in several decisions and resolutions". Regarding the individual actions of some individuals, he said that they shouldn't be stopped, but on the contrary they must be supported because they take advantage of their connections in the Congress. Regarding the unity of the Albanian political subjects, he said that the LDK supports the AACL, but that they think that it should cooperate with Kosova. Concretely, it hadn't been active in this direction. The LDK would really want DioGuardi's reelection. However, there must be a long-term plan regarding the diaspora, supported by Albania and Kosova. Thus, the influential function of the Albanian Lobby, along the AACL is also achieved by the LDK and individuals. Even though the ultimate goal of groups and individuals is the same, the exertion of influence upon the Congress regarding teh Albanian issues, it happens often, that members of these groups or the individuals confuse the public, which can't determine which is the Albanian Lobby and which one of them best represents the Albanian interests.

MACEDONIA "WHERE DID THE PPD NOT GO WRONG?" Dr. Xheladin Murati, Vice-President of the Macedonian Parliament and one of the founders of the PPD, took over the leadership of the continuity part of the PPD, the one which is represented in the Parliament, after the withdrawal of the chairman Nevzat Halili. As a responsible person in the party and government, and as a connoisseur of the situation since pluralism was installed in Macedonia, he made a re-evaluation of everything that has happened for KOHA. KOHA: PPD is slowly transforming from a political movement into a political party with clear political contours, but this was done by using the most austere method of being declared "traitors, quislings...". In fact, where did it go wrong?

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MURATI: If we are seeking for mistakes, then many could be found. But I think that we must not look for mistakes, but find solutions. It is undisputable that PPD was established as a political party, but under a populist euphoria of some of its activists. It immediately got dimensions of a movement, which came back to it as a boomerang. Today, the PPD is a party that pretends to be modern, with a clear political and programmatic vision. The method applied to destroy the PPD, has no precedence in democracy, but is very common in a Communist totalitarian system. It happened, and we are trying to heal the wounds. You ask me of what did PPD do wrong? It is harder to say where it didn't do wrong. Evaluating our mistakes right now would be too subjective. The mistakes should be seen in the whole complexity of their appearance. KOHA: It seems as if the main cause was the "weapons' affair", which is interpreted in different ways. What do you think of this? MURATI: In this short four years' period we faced many problems, but the "weapons' affair" was the biggest surprise to me, which had shaken the whole Albanian factor, the Albanians in Macedonia and wider. I am sorry to say that I was the last one to know of such activities. There will be different interpretations of the affair for much longer. Regarding this issue, we must make a clear distinction between the initiative, action and what is organizing an activity and finalizing an activity. I think that the problem was blown up too much, with a purpose hidden behind, and which is not in the interest of coexistence in the Republic. It aims at presenting Albanians as a destabilizing factor, to be beware of. Therefore, the method of suspicion, intimidation, insecurity is being imposed, and it is groundless. But unfortunately, this is how it happens, and no one accepts the guilt, whilst the Courts have it difficult to justly and unbiasedly evaluate the whole situation and release the accused. I myself am confused about everything. The arising topic is, what kind of dominating tendencies are being expressed now and how could the reflect themselves in the perspective? The straight answer should be given by analysts. KOHA: And the role of Albania? MURATI: I honestly tell you that I don't know. I know that someone is putting the authority of the Democratic Party of Albania at stake, and I am sorry for this. KOHA: After the "affair" burst, as if Tirana has turned its back to the Presidency that you are presiding? MURATI: My evaluation differs from your's. I am convinced that there are problems in communication and that it has not ignored us or turned the back on us. If this were the case, then a question would be put: Why? What did we do wrong? I even think that it is fair for any subject to chose whom it will cooperate with. My conviction is, and I might be wrong, that there were different evaluations, lack of information, even disinformation, which were expressed in the organization of the PPD. If there is something else that separates us, a problem of ful political and national character, of which I know nothing, I allow the possibility of indifference towards the leadership of the PPD. However, the virus of indifference has probably passed away. Time brings conscience back, affirms, judges and -8-

re-evaluates. We are not infallible, but we not made mistakes on purpose. KOHA: What is there to change in the leadership of the PPD, now that the "informal" (as declared by the Ministry of Interior) leadership headed by A. Xhaferi pretends to be the legitimate leadership of the party? MURATI: The PPD with all its organs, branches, MP's, and ministers is working according to the statute and the program. It manifests a high level of responsibility, political and national maturity. It is interested to cover all areas, parts and segments of the societal and political activity in the institutions of the system and to adopt the democratic space. If someone pretends to usurp the PPD, then it would have to be done by force. The changes that are being done favor the reorganization of the PPD, the improvement of the quality of work, the strengthening of the political labor and mobilization of the membership for the actions to take place in the future. I am not speaking of the ones who are pretending the legitimacy, we know them, we were once together, and we can keep on being together. There is no reason for division, if anyways we are so separated and I ask whether there is any sense to divide the divided again. We must look how to unite and get united. Lets set aside the wrath, jealousy, careers, self-enchantment, and similar. Even if we are separated, in two different political parties, it would still be in our favor, because we would have conditions for cooperation grounded on democratic principles, I see nothing wrong there. Political will, understanding and good will is needed. KOHA: Now you are facing the Census and in November come the elections. What do you expect from these events? MURATI: These are two very important events of political value and national responsibility. I expect the census to be objective, realistic and self-explanatory about the declaration of the citizens of Macedonia. This is in our interest and that is why the mobilization of all the Albanian political subjects and citizens is needed to successfully accomplish this operation of statistical, evolutional and national importance. We expect the elections to be as democratic as possible, to be regular and we expect cooperation among the Albanian political subjects in the Parliament, because it is evident, voting is essential while approving acts and laws. We could accuse each other, we could lie to one another about what is happening in the Parliament, but 23 votes are impossible to stop the approval of any law. Therefore, elections must receive us better prepared, because they are also a test for democracy in the Republic, but also for the internal Albanian democracy.

MACEDONIA TWO PORTRAITS by KIM MEHMETI In politics there are three categories of people: the leaders, those who trust the leaders and the "watchman of the political toilets". This kind of categorization can't be done among the Albanians in Macedonia, because there is still no political leader with a totally defined portrait, and neither the masses to have a "political appertaining" which would be grounded -9-

on a clear political concept which would gather people with the same political goals. Only the "watchman of the political toilets" of the type of Qani Mehmedi (journalist of Radio Tirana, Albanian from Macedonia) who has published in sequels, a piece about the political situation in Macedonia (in "Rilindja", Tirana issue), and who could be briefly characterized in two or three sentences: those are type of people who don't like a thing because they can't understand how could the future be projected without their active presence. So, according to their logic, in Macedonia there are no Albanian intellectuals, neither do the little institutions left, where they attempt to defend their national identity, worth something; therefore, all Albanians that have at least a gram of knowledge and some days of school are against people and a such should be cleansed. A well known thesis and goal. Bravo! The question arises: how much have the Albanians in Macedonia articulated their political tone and this looked upon from the prism of their largest political party and leaders of that party, the PPD. Since long ago, this party had been divided into two fractions which could, conditionally be called as the fraction which "is recognized by the state of Macedonia" headed by Xheladin Murati, and that which is not recognized by them- lead by Arbën Xhaferi. Another theme would be which were the criteria that the state chose to take the side of the PPD they consider to be legitimate, but it is more than evident that months in a row, both fractions consider themselves to be legitimate, which means that we are speaking of the train that is riding on the same rails, but that is pulled by two engines. It is an impossible and absurd thing. At first sight one could get the impression that there are two concepts, which is not true. If a superficial analysis of the leadership of the two fractions is made, then the truth is that the problem is the speed and not direction of travel. Whilst on one side we have the crawling "train" pulled by the engine called Xheladin Murati, which is inclined to adapt its speed to the signals that the others masterly set before it and, on the other side, the one lead by Arbën Xhaferi and which would like to have an electronic engine, which would equal the speed of that of the generation they belong to- meaning that they want a "220 clicks per hour ride". Therefore, the division inside the PPD is not of ideological basis and not even so much conceptual, but is really a confrontation of generations. Whilst all other political parties in Macedonia make changes and refresh their rows, PPD didn't even let some air inside its wagons, and made no renovation whatsoever to its engine. And, whilst Nevzat Halili and his vice-chairman Sami Ibrahimi thought that their knowledge of English would be enough for them to remain in the leadership of the party, the new generation headed by Menduh Thaçi surprised only those who couldn't tell the right political time and the new calendar of the disposition of the basis. It, in first sight, differs two political figures - Xheladin Murati and Arbën Xhaferi - and it is not only the "diplomatic" neatness of the first one and the beard and sports image of the second one. It is not even that people say that Xheladin Murati, besides a house he owns in Tetova, also has an apartment in Shkupi, whilst Arbën sleeps at his friends'. However, precisely these superficial differences conceal the more serious ones: the first one was product of a time in which an individual was cultivated to always compare the good to the bad that could have happened, whilst the second one equals the realized good to the optimal highest peak which could be conquered in political games. Therefore, there are no differences about which is the goal to achieve, but precisely which is the speed to drive towards the goal. Xheladin Murati is surrounded by those who think that all could, the least, be ambassadors in Washington of deputy director of Macedonian Radio and Television, whilst Arbën is surrounded by youngsters who know how to conquer the "curves" in high speed. So, Xheladin Murati was imposed a great carefulness - 10 -

in case of political turns, which at times makes the turn either to late, or non-productive, whilst Arbën Xhaferi is always supported by his followers who increase the speed, always counting on the eventual accidents. In such a situation, Xheladin Murati and Arbën Xhaferi are maybe acting as if they weren't noticing all the time that they are waiting for the third one to come. If they continue thus, then it will not be a surprise, that behind these two, a person like Gafurr Thaçi would emerge, somebody who is masterly building his political image before the young generation, which as any young generation like high speed and very wisely uses the political mistakes of the future Albanian "ambassadors". The question how could Xheladin and Arbën reconciliate, remains without an answer. Looked upon this reconciliation from the aspect of pragmatism, it could start with Xheladin giving Arbën his apartment in Shkupi, so this intellectual could solve his housing problem, whilst Xhaferi could, in exchange, reveal the formula of the respect of the young Albanian intellectuals in Macedonia. Once Arbën solves his housing problem, and Xheladin discovers that it is not only the beard that makes Arbën be respected by the young intellectuals, the third one- Menduh Thaçi - will offer new surprises. Could this happen- to have the confronted groupings of the PPD united? The answer to this question is not as easy, as that of the question regarding the next step of the "watchman of the political toilets". It can be foretell what Qani Mehmedi will write about in his piece (his leading idea is clear and simple - "After my arrival in Tirana, in Macedonia there are no more honest and wise Albanians left"), but when it comes to the relations amongst the two groups in the most massive Albanian party in Macedonia, the PPD, nobody can make a prediction. These days, new movements could be expected: both Xheladin and Arbën were in Tirana. Luckily enough, there they have contacted with intelligent people and not Qani Mehmedi, for if they would have, the next step they should have taken was to "cleanse" Albanians from Albanians. To finish up the job which for years has been dreamed by the Slav chauvinist cuisines.

MACEDONIA THE NAME IS NOT IMPORTANT ANY MORE The name of Menduh Thaçi is always linked to qualifications going from "leader of the radical wing of the PPD" up to "the Albanian extremist leader". He became popular as the representative of the line of discontinuity in the PPD, when Nevzat Halili was Chairman. As a person who has criticized that time and as vice-chairman of the PPD (the part which has been declared informal by the Macedonian administration), evaluates the past, the present and the future of the Albanians in Macedonian pluralism. KOHA: Where do you see the genesis of the crisis called PPD? THAÇI: The genesis of the crisis which alarmed the public for over a year ago, started in the first months since its foundation. I see three segments of activity which have made this crisis erupt: one would be the lack of professional qualifications of the leaders of the party, I mean - 11 -

political qualifications, the second aspect is the lack of intellectual preparedness to face high level problems and third, there were also moral problems present in all provinces, therefore among Albanians in Macedonia too, meaning that there misunderstandings among people. The crisis has its roots in the non-realization of the program tasks, and the responsible for this are the former leaders of the party, but also the officials in Macedonia. The Macedonian officials were not ready to intellectually, mentally and practically face the Albanian issue, and this has influenced the crisis to become deeper. KOHA: You will maybe agree that the crisis reached its peak after the ATSH (Albanian News Agency) comment. What do you think, was this the way to divide the leadership? THAÇI: I don't agree that this was the culmination. Maybe that was the last thing that forced the presidency to resign. The crisis was deep enough even before the comment, and the presidency was just before resignation. I do agree that the comment was pretty harsh, but if we analyze the other side, and that the effects of the politics that was made by the former leadership were harmful, maybe it was necessary to be harsh and to show them the place where they belong. To tell the truth, before the comment they had been discharged by 29 signatures, and from that day they had usurped the political functions, they were not the Presidency any longer. Now I know that this particular comment has shocked both individuals and their families. If any of them thinks that he is not guilty, and that is his right, then he will have the chance and time to prove the opposite. Finally, I would add that ATSH most probably had the proof to make such a comment. KOHA: Your wing is accused of coming to power by violating statutory norms. They also mention the so called historical Gostivar Convention. How strong are these accusations? THAÇI: Our wing, our people, our leaders are members of this party. We used to have different functions, chairmen of branches, activists, etc. The Gostivar Convention! To me it is not historic. I agree it was not, but it was a normal, extraordinary convention of a party. And now, usually, people in one political party, at least this is my opinion, unite because of the political and ideological aims, the idea unites them, whilst the statute is a document which they elaborate themselves. I want to say that the essence is much more important than the form. KOHA: After this and other events that occurred, an agreement to have a joint congress was reached. When it started, it lasted one hour. Afterwards, there were two congresses and two leaderships of one sole party! THAÇI: Yes, there was an agreement. The contours were the following: seven were members of the Gostivar Board, seven from the Congress Preparatory Board and 17 representatives of the branches. The present presidency of the Party, the then Gostivar Board always lead in votes by seven (19:12). It is another problem that in the second meeting three MP's and two ministers quit the joint Board, and I think this was planned beforehand. I myself was convinced that they were going to organize another surrogate congress of the kind. I think that this is because they were all ex-Communist leaders. It is hard for them to accept the free election. The other option is that they could have had an order to act thus, because the victory of the former Board of Gostivar was not only a victory inside the PPD, but it would also influence the other Albanian structures and the relations with the Macedonians, in the governmental coalition. I claim that no one has the right to deny the other to have a different - 12 -

opinion or organization. But when we are referring to the Congress, I totally agree with people to organize and think differently, but that in all cases the votes are decisive. The majority must win. The Congress reached the majority, so no one could stop the others from leaving the room, but they should have established another group and not a surrogate congress and engage the government, Ministry of Interior, the PTT, etc. to take away the legitimacy. This is the first time I say it, and I think that maybe the time has come to state that it is not important any longer, who will hold the name of the party, for they might be movements in this direction, there might be other parties emerging, because insisting on keeping the name is out of date. It is more important not to have any other serious problems. We are not interested to have them. KOHA: And it the meantime, the Ministry of Interior had to intervene to differentiate the PPD! THAÇI: Yes, it is true, based on the old law on the registration of the political parties, the Ministry of Interior has that competence. The new law, which must be approved, gives this competence to the Courts. The Ministry of Interior, in this concrete case, gave legality but not legitimacy to the others, and this was expected to happen. Because if the legality was given to us, then the coalition had to be renewed, or the party remaining in coalition had to get a new name. KOHA: Is there any chance for reconciliation? THAÇI: I expected you were going to ask me whether unification is possible. I like your question. I like it because there must be chances for reconciliation. There might be no chances for fusion or unification, but there must be chances for reconciliation. A moratorium of mutual attacks must come, so all of us can work in favor of the mutual interest. Unification is impossible. Before the Congress, there were still some chances. Our political opponents have created different structures in branches and sub-branches. I want to say that we have double organs and it is very hard for them to join up again. I think the Albanians would lose so much time doing this, that there will be no time remaining for the political parties to think why were they established for. This unification would not be important. It is important to have people not hitting each other any more, for their problems will be solved in the next elections. The ones with good rating, will win. KOHA: Maybe when this issue of KOHA will reach the readers, the Census in Macedonia might have started. Maybe... THAÇI: This Census is organized because of the Albanians, since in 1991 they were boycotted by the authorities. Then the Albanians showed civil disobedience, but when the new law is compared to the old one, it is very clear that this one is even more restrictive. It is so transparent. In 1991 you didn't need a citizenship certificate, the population was not divided in residents and non residents, and now the Government requests these documents. Usually, those who have voted this law, I am referring to Albanian MP's, when they explain the reasons why they did so, they claim that presidents Berisha and Rugova are in favor of the census. This is normal. There is no Albanian - a normal person - who is against the census. However, president Berisha didn't declare himself in favor or against any of the provision of this law. When to this you add that the law itself is not being respected by the administrators, who are in their majority Macedonians, then it is clear that the number of Albanians to come out has been determined beforehand. We were not involved in conversations and the work of - 13 -

different commissions, therefore we have no responsibility. The responsible are the ones who voted the law. The results of the census will not oblige us. KOHA: Once you had declared that if the census were fair, the next elections would produce one third of Albanian MP's. The elections are near. Will the Albanians participate as divided or...? THAÇI: The participation of Albanians in the parliament will also depend on the electoral units. Here is a concrete example: in 1990 Tetova had circa 120 thousand voters, it had nine candidates, whilst Manastir (Bitola) had 89 thousand voters and had as many candidates as Tetova. This is enough to conclude that the vote does not have the same value everywhere in Macedonia. When the minimum value is assured, then will the Albanians have 30% of the seats in the Parliament, then they will become a serious political force, for then they will gain the right to veto. In the next elections, we will have to see what other manipulative project will be approved by the Government, maybe they will ask for the citizenship certificate which almost 50% of Albanians do not possess. I don't agree with you claiming that we are divided, because honestly, total national homogenization is very dangerous. Albanian political parties must compulsorily agree upon the disputable electoral units. Maybe we will also have the good will of another relevant Albanian political subject and will try to win what we deserve.

EDITORIAL SEARCHING FOR AN IDEA by VETON SURROI The activity of the flies around the heads of the policemen on the southern borders seems to be the same everywhere. In the border between Mexico and Belize, I had seen the stoic posture of a policeman who had even trained his eyelashes not to react to any initiative of the insects. Last week, whilst the miserable attack, continued I saw on the Greek side, between Macedonia and Greece, a new contribution to the description of the southern policeman: hanging cheeks, which wouldn't move even a millimeter whilst the lips barely opened to explain whether you can or can't cross the border. With the hand in the pockets, the smell of day before yesterday's sweat and always open to the dialogue of bribery, the Greek policeman was presented to me as the best of the experiments of failure: the transformation of Greece into a Western-European country. For this failure to occur a century was needed, or only one moment, whatever. Greece, since its liberation from the Ottoman Empire made the same gestures as any other newly liberated Balkan state which felt it was a mini-power: it created the great idea, the idea of expansion, the idea of grabbing as much land as possible and their ethnic "cleansing". Afterwards, with the cold war another great idea placed Greece into movement, that of the creation of a unique military-political front against the expansion of Communism. The idea of the Atlantic Treaty tried to save Greece from the Balkans mud in which this country had, some many times, politically drowned in, and the presence of the European Community was an attempt to save - 14 -

it from the economic sludge presented, who knows why always with the symbol of the donkey, as the emancipated transporting means in the Balkans, as the most emancipated Hellenic means of transportation. The failed idea: from the political aspect Greece still remains in its reactions as a problematic state (Macedonia, Albania, Cyprus, the non-recognition of minorities inside the state), and in the economic sense it still lives very much on the subventions of the European Union, especially in agriculture. Even in the relations with other countries of the European Union there are still paranoid noisy tones: for example, the constant threat to Holland that its butter shall not be consumed any longer if it doesn't change its Balkan policy. Thus, and not without a reason, in a meeting of NGO's last week in a place close to Athens, the deputy chief of foreign affairs and son of the present Primer-minister Yorgos Papanderou, expressed the Greek fear regarding the future membership in the Western European alliance, especially when the twelve will become the fifteen with a tendency to grow. "We need a utopia", he said. A utopia about the Balkans full of understanding, tolerance and cooperation. The third idea for Greece in this century? The true one. Who knows. The important thing is to see how will it develop in the future, especially if it is admitted, even if it is implicitly done by the Greeks proper, that they are far away from their partners of the twelve, but also far away from the ideas that make Western Europe a consensual space of life. Going back to the roots is called a trend. It is even more important, when it comes from a man as young Papandreou, brought up in Sweden and the States, who is rediscovering himself as a Greek and a Balkan's person.

KOSOVA BETTER ONE TRUST THAN MANY CAPTAINS by BEHLUL BEQAJ (Reply of Behlul Beqaj, BA Political Sciences, to our question regarding the need of have in a decision making center in Kosova). After a relatively long lethargy, the political panoramic of Kosova is characterized by two tendencies which are irreconcilable in surface. On one hand, because of different motives, the attempts to present the situation objectively are evident, and on the other hand, there are attempts to idealize the political goal of the Albanians. In the public and partially in political circles, there is a political tendency which prejudges that the people shouldn't be burdened with something which is not achievable right now, but that each purpose should be approached without any dilemmas, with a tendency which would live even without a considerable part of its co-nationals, with a multiply retarded economy, with the continuation of the dilemma "will we win or not", only for the sake of the realization of the expressed political will. Briefly, a political tendency which has before itself the national ideal, but which is concentrated on pragmatically verified criteria, is rubbing against the tendency which is lead by the national political ideal which abstracts and minimizes the pragmatic consequences. As a result of this friction, we had, on one side, alleged traitors of - 15 -

the nation, collaborationists of the anti-Albanian regime, criticizers of the actual policy of the dominating political forces, and spies of different intelligence services, and on the other side, there were the true patriots. The "hunt" of enemies is intensified, because we will allegedly be closer to the achievement of our purpose, if we declare "war" against each other, and not if we intensify the activities against the anti-Albanian regime. We don't have it clear yet that the "hunting" of old and new enemies is as dangerous, as is the exclusive national prepotency of people that act under the firm of the dominant political forces which, in the pragmatic plane show an upsetting impotence. It is forgotten that we will be far away from our purpose if we restrict our front, and persistently discover "enemies and opponents" amongst our co-nationals and others. The internationalization of the Albanian issue should not be taken a priori as a national success, for it could happen that a wrong therapy of the external factors could cause Kosova and the Albanians long-term consequences. Regarding the injustice that London has done to us, we had the excuse that the world didn't know us, but today it would be hard to find an explanation for the failure of the international factor and ourselves. This is why we must concentrate on the practical realization of the framework of our political determination and not to produce "enemies and opponents", and fight for a fictitious power. It is in our national interest not to trust anyone and everyone a priori, but we must trust only those who are concretely moving things in the direction of the national interest. It is good that Albanians have understood the national interest and are trying to affirm it as a democratic issue. Therefore, the Albanian movement has harmonized its political purpose with the way of realization, but because of the discrepancy with the possibilities and the lack of support of the international factors, who are declared in favor of peace, dialogue, multi-ethnicity, multi-culturism and who concretely, in the case of the former Yugoslavia are guided by the results of war, we must reconsider, complement, have invention, make refreshment of cadres, in order to advance the issue and not debilitate the Movement. The way and the models of the solution that are circulating in the different offices of the decision-making centers in Europe and America make us aware that the issue of Kosova and the Albanians is being approached precisely in the way which will make it remain open all the time! The reason is simple as much as a paradox. The involved factors in the former Yugoslav crisis change the proclaimed principles every time their interest is in danger. The contradiction between the principles and the interest, is the main reason why the crisis is still lasting and maybe even reason of escalation of the crisis in the region. The inconsistency could be overcome only with our consistency regarding the purpose to become a sphere of interest of a certain external political factor. As much hesitation that we have in this direction, that bad will we pass through. However, worse than being an open issue, is to be a closed one against the expressed political will. Therefore, the evaluation of the political, geo-strategic, economic, religious, military and friendship interests, must be done thoroughly. Until Serbia doesn't understand the national issue as a democratic one, and until it won't harmonize its aim wit the way of realization of the interest, on one hand, and until the International Community, on the other hand, doesn't concretely affirm the declarative principles, as the pivot of the unique international interest, the Albanians, that is their lands will remain for some time within the formal and pragmatic plane of the Serbian interest, depending on whether they will work on the constant elevation of the possibilities and not the national sacrifices. Finally, the world might not back-up independence, even though it has not presented any arguments against the right of the Albanians but, from the examples of Croatia and Bosnia, we have at least learned that the nation and an individual who are not engaged to - 16 -

accomplish their own rights, deserve to be subjugated. To prevent coming into this situation, we must change something in our political thinking and acting. The functional institutions of the Republic of Kosova must get a New Center (The National Resistance Council) attached, which will be the pivot of the political-liberation activities. The number and cadres' profile would be determined by the functional need, in which two criteria would dominate: the verified determination and the undisputable professional capability. This new feature is necessary in our political life, apart from arguments that have been circulating lately, because of the following: a) our issue today, objectively overpasses the possibilities of our present political organization, b) the multi-party environment is necessary, it is our determination and democratic and civilizing interest, but it has converted into a scenario and interest of the Serbian regime and partially the external factor, therefore we need a complete party moratorium inside, and especially abroad, c) in conditions of specific occupation there can't be any development of different opinions, and its improvisation is doing more good to the anti-Albanian regime, than the Movement. d) the usurpation of political space of one-another, could easily result with disorientation and conflict inside the nation, even before starting to unknot our issue, and especially afterwards, which is not in our interest. e) the possibilities of political solutions are drying out, therefore a substitute of the Parliament and government must exist, an organ which would lead the people with competence and authority. If the leaders involved in politics think that, personally, in their own way, they represent a sort of a decision-making center, maybe the formation of this Council would be unrealistic, as it is not realistic to think that the Parliament of Kosova could be constituted in these conditions, but the unpredictable dynamics of processes and the possible individual and collective endangerment will make the creation of this body an imperative of time. Precisely taking into account these arguments which should be discussed even more thoroughly, the political subjects that represent the national interests, should finalize the constitution of the joint body with a decisive national program which would create an adequate system and harmonized political platform, which understands, above all, the elimination of the organized repression of the actual Serbian regime. Without the elimination of violence, there can't be any activity of the political subjects, for violence, according to the definition is an anti-thesis of politics. This is why any official political conversation in conditions of occupation, is only a new mistake which not even in better domestic and international conditions could create desired and real political content. If the actual regime has been defined as an occupying one, then our attitude should be adequate to the evaluations, for like this we are only giving the regime space enough to intensify the repression, and on the other hand, the violence and terror against Albanians will be treated as a consequence of the protection of the "Serbian state" from the invented anti-Serbian danger. We must constantly have in mind that the purpose of this regime is to achieve its goals with less resistance and consequences possible. Hope is necessary, but it is dangerous when it doesn't - 17 -

rely on indicators and objective facts. The leaders might forget their promises, but the people remembers. Therefore, it would be better if the "Kosova ship" would have one trust of authoritative leadership, instead of many captains which could mislead us.

INTERVIEW NORMAN ANDERSON, Head of CSCE Mission in Macedonia WE ARE NOT RELAXING, WE ARE FOLLOWING UP THE SITUATION Interviewed by IBRAHIM MEHMETI/Shkup KOHA: Mr. Anderson, Macedonia is becoming more attractive to the international opinion. It is said that Macedonia is the future focus of crisis in the Balkans and there are also people who call it a "corner of stability". It is evident that there are reasons enough to sustain both claims. How do you, as head of the CSCE Mission in Macedonia, evaluate the situation in Macedonia? ANDERSON: The CSCE is following up the situation in Macedonia and regularly submits reports. This is our main activity. I would say that in the past two years the situation has become stable, and it is quiet for the time being. However there are still some threats which are present, and we are concerned about any threat coming from abroad, we are concerned about the relations of different ethnic groups inside, and we are also concerned about the economic problems. Even though from the outside the situation might seem stable and quiet, we are not relaxing, but on the contrary, we are following the situation very carefully, so we can be sure that it wouldn't turn into a crisis. Right now, I don't think we are facing a serious crisis of any kind. KOHA: Speaking of the stability of Macedonia, this issue is often linked to the inter-ethnic relations, especially that of the Macedonians and Albanians. How stable are these relations according to you? ANDERSON: We are carefully following the development of the relations between the Albanian community, the government and the Macedonian community. We were concerned when we found out that the Albanian community had split, however, since we were in constant contact with all of them, we have concluded that both fractions of the Albanian community are in favor of democratic dialogue and that none of them represents any violence or extremism, and this is a very positive factor. I think that in the future, it is very probable, we will have problems which concern Albanians, and one of them is the future population census. The CSCE will assist, in the sense of monitoring the census. The CSCE is closely cooperating with the European Council and other international organizations. In case a problem or a contest appears, we will try to solve it. KOHA: The census will start in a couple of days, but the impression is that there are still problems in this respect. Do you think there will be an unpredictable problem? - 18 -

ANDERSON: I think that the time to prepare the census was short, but the experts engaged in it seem to have done their job, therefore it is my impression that the census will take place in a regular and professional way. There might be questions arising in the future regarding the census, but I think that they'll be solved along the way. But, even after the end of the census, the processing of the data will take some time, for sure, therefore if there are still problems, I think that they could be discussed and solved subsequently. KOHA: Some time ago the relations between Macedonia and Albania had deteriorated, but recently a positive change is visible, especially after the meeting of presidents Berisha and Gligorov, and after Albania agreed to vote in favor of the membership of Macedonia in the CSCE. Some time ago, you had visited Albania, so could you please comment both issues? ANDERSON:I am glad to see that the relations are improving, especially after President Berisha's visit to Ohër. I think that we can already see the results of those talks. As you said, Albania will support Macedonia's membership in the CSCE, and that is very positive. I visited Tirana and some other parties in Albania and I am very satisfied with the conversation with President Berisha. On this occasion, I was convinced that Albania is supporting the stability of Macedonia and that there was a great interest on both sides, to start a cooperation in transportation and economic relations and I feel that we will witness an evolution of good relations in the future. The economic cooperation between these two states could be very important in the future and it should be developed because both sides could profit on it. KOHA: In this direction, a great contribution could be that of the construction of a railway which would connect Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey. ANDERSON: I think that it would be a great contribution, since right now, the communication links between these two states are inadequate. I think that expanding the Port of Durrës would also help a lot. I suppose that these projects need large investments and they will depend on foreign assistance, and they will also take some time, for they can't be accomplished so rapidly. I believe that the construction of these lines will help the economic development of both states. KOHA: The Greek-Macedonian contest is not new but, still, it is very actual and harmful for the political and economic life in Macedonia. Which are the instruments that the CSCE could use in the solution of this problem? ANDERSON: Regarding the CSCE we, naturally, know that the Greek embargo is causing many problems to the economy of Macedonia and also, that this embargo could increase the instability in this state, therefore I think that this is very unfortunate. We hope that the embargo will stop soon and that this request will be presented in the conversations mediated by Cyrus Vance. KOHA: We are witnessing a new conflict arising: that between Albania and Greece. What repercussions could this have for Macedonia? ANDERSON: The relations between Greece and Albania are not part of our mandate, but I - 19 -

think it would be good to have a stable situation in the region. Thus I think that all of us would want to have this region stabilized, because our labor too, depends of the general stability in the Balkans.

MONTENEGRO IN PLURALISM AS IN MONISM by NAIL DRAGA/Ulqin With the introduction of pluralism in Montenegro (1990), it was justly expected to have essential changes in the system. This was most expected by Albanians, but it seems as this were just an illusion. What is even worse, the situation hasn't changed even after the second pluralist elections (1992), which is proving in practice that in Montenegro, for some more time, even though in pluralism, the situation will be the same as in times of monism, when speaking of national equality, in some aspects even worse, which is anachronic to our time. Despite the fact that the Constitution of Montenegro (approved in Sept. 1992) guarantees a civil society, it is a national one, regardless of that it contains a whole chapter on the rights and freedoms of national and ethnic groups. It must be stressed, that Muslims, Albanians, Croats belong to this category, according to the authors of the Constitution, whilst the Serbs are a people, because Montenegro is part of a federation it shares with Serbia. From this constitution, it is clearly seen that the citizens of Montenegro are divided into two groups: in people and national minorities or ethnic groups. The mentioned chapter has determined some rights as are the language, culture, information, education, etc., rights which the state should guarantee and make the realization possible. Such issues represent a juridical corpus which shouldn't be underestimated, but it is another issue whether something has started being applied in practice. Even though two years have passed since the approval of the Constitution, until now, nothing worth mentioning has happened in this sense. This would also be another element for criticism, but it shouldn't surprise us, for this was the way the regime has acted in the past five decades, even though the former Communists have allegedly converted. The fact that the Albanians in Montenegro couldn't realize none of the rights that the constitution has guaranteed them, speaks enough of the permanent ignoring they have been subject to. In this precise political moment in Montenegro, when Albanians are not present in the Republican parliament, the question arises who is to represent Albanians in Montenegro. If in the first multi-party elections in Montenegro the Albanians, through the Democratic League of Albanians in Montenegro (DLAM) in coalition with the SDA, had been represented in the parliament, in the last elections they failed to do so, because they couldn't assure the 4% of votes, which were a condition to participate in it. Looked upon the situation from this aspect, the Albanians are out of the game, because they are not where they should and where they deserve to be. The fact that in Montenegro is visited by foreign delegations and figures but that the Albanians have no chance to meet with them, speaks itself of the fact that Albanians - 20 -

are at the margins of political activities. The Democratic Forum of Albanians, a non-political association exists in Montenegro, but its functions have been totally paralyzed, which deserves all criticism, even though it has many merits for having approved the Memorandum on Special Status of the Albanians in Montenegro in 1990. But, since this time, after the initiative for the activation of a Board which would be in charge of the realization of the Memorandum, the Forum did not have any activities at all. Thus, in such a situation, the Albanians were abandoned to themselves. Since there is no coordination of actions, everything is done ad-hoc. In November last, another Albanian political party was established in Montenegro: the Democratic Union of Albanians seated in Ulqin (Ulcinj), which has enriched the pluralist mosaic in this environment. In this precise moment, this is an opposition party and it will remain as such until the next elections. It seems as if the non-existence of another political party since the Democratic League of Albanians in Montenegro was established, has been a weakness of the Albanians in this state. The sole fact that the DLAM did not have an organized opposition, made it act with euphoria, which resulted with the defeat in the elections, where the Albanian electorate has lost the most. From now on, it is believed that many things should change, with the only condition that the political parties act seriously to make the public opinion aware of the position and requests of the Albanians for national and civil equality in Montenegro. Only thus, and not dealing with oneself, could something be done, because of the contrary everything will be as before, without any prospects for the better. It is the last moment to competently deal with our issues, because the others act accordingly to their political options. It is more than necessary to establish a dialogue with the government, regarding those issues that can be accomplished based on the Constitution, and not to act just through press communiques. Since until now nothing has been done in this sense, such an action is as much necessary, that much reasonable, since this is the way to start the dialogue and regulate the inter-ethnic relations in Montenegro. It should be stressed also that the passiveness of the Albanians in Montenegro has favored the government too, because this was an argument enough for the rulers, that since Albanians were not requesting anything, they had them all. But, it is the last moment for Albanians to become permanently active. Only thus will the Albanians overcome anonymity, especially in respect of the international public.

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