Koha Digest 11 (1994)

Digest # 11 (1994)

INTERVIEW ACADEMICIAN REXHEP QOSJA WE MUST GIVE UP ON THE STAGNATING POLICY Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU/Prishtina KOHA: What could you say today regarding the idea of national reconciliation and unification, which failed, knowing your and some other intellectuals' devotion to it? QOSJA: It is a great damage, and even a big misfortune why this idea was not accomplished two years ago. A number of intellectuals were preparing the celebration of the National Convention, which would determine some national reconciliation and political activities' principles. That Convention wouldn't have solved our problems once and forever, but would ease the process of democratization in Albania, and would present more strongly the Albanian issue to the international factors, as a Balkan's issue. Now I think that those who were opposing the Convention have it clear that without national reconciliation, Albania will not be able to develop democratic relations. Now I think that today, two years after, they are also aware that this is the key factor to the stability of the state, for the political, ideological and religious tolerance are a condition for civil peace, whilst the democratic relations condition development. But, the consequences of this political short-slightness of those who imposed so many obstacles to this idea, are suffered not only by the political leadership, but the whole Albanian people - on both sides of the border. If the Convention would have been celebrated two years ago, and if we would have agreed to present the Albanian issue as that of the Albanian people as a whole; if we would have determined our national interest and the political platform to achieve it; if we wouldn't have changed our political requests on a daily basis; shortly, if we would have presented ourselves before the international factor as a modern People and not as a part of it with different interests, then there is no doubt that the Albanian issue would have much more importance than it has now, whilst the political role of the Albanian people and Albania in the Balkans would be bigger than it is today. KOHA: You have criticized the political situation in Albania, whilst the criticized government has replied to your criticism. have the changes occurred in the past two years made you change your mind? QOSJA: The relations in Albania and the level of human rights and freedoms there don't give me much chance to change my mind. I personally saw it necessary to stress that I have expressed my disagreement with a government that threatens and persecutes journalists including writers, which - as the foreign media state- threatens foreign correspondents, which keeps on trying to make the opposition disappear, that subjugates its opponents to the bad economic conditions, which has no respect for the intellectuals, and which rules the country on decrees and not laws adopted in regular procedure. I see it necessary to stress that I am against a regime which is despotic in essence, which does not accept national reconciliation, -1-

which has revenge as political philosophy, which organized political processes, which even sacrifices the national issue only to keep the power. Even more, I consider it necessary to say that I am against a regime that in other conditions and other means, similar to the ones used by the Communist dictatorship, keeps on with the quiet civil war! I am not happy about by the present posture of the USA towards the Albanian issue - because it is still very unclear, I shall not say even unjust, but for the Albanian state and the future of the Albanian people, I consider the American influence to be very important. But this influence, makes the responsibility of the USA grow bigger for everything that is happening in Albania. America is a symbol of democracy in the world and wherever it has such big political influence, as it has in Albanian right now, violations of human rights and freedoms shouldn't be allowed to happen, as they are happening in Albania. KOHA: Until now, apart from a political declaration of Albania, no state has acknowledged the sovereignty of Kosova. Right now there are three options to the solution of Kosova's problem: the sovereign state of Kosova, the republic of Kosova within a new federation and the autonomy of Kosova. QOSJA: Until now there have been three concepts of solving Kosova's problem, that is the Albanian issue: 1. Kosova, an independent and sovereign state with international subjectivity; 2. Autonomy within Serbia; and 3. National unification. The concept of solving Kosova's problem through a republic within the (new) Yugoslav federation, which means Great Serbia, is possible that comes to the minds of some political activists, but I don't know who might they be. KOHA: Why isn't the state of Kosova acknowledged, even though it has been formally declared as such? Is it maybe a determination of the international community to impose on us to become part of a new creature called Federal Republic of Yugoslavia? QOSJA: A state is a state not because it is declared such, but because it exist in reality. You can declare any part of the planet to be yours, but it will always be the state of the one who has the administration, the courts, its currency and especially the police and army. You can declare Kosova your state, but it is the state of those who have the police and army which can twist your neck anytime they please. Kosova is the most brutal example of such a counter-historic, pathological, colonial state: a ethnic minority - the Serbian minority, rules and abuses and persecutes the majority 10-12 times larger that itself- the Albanian majority. Therefore you could not say whether the international community wants us within the narrowed Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)- because we are, unfortunately, under its rule! The issue is how to come out from this Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). KOHA: Our orientation towards political neutrality and international trusteeship seems not very likely to happen. This is Balkan. Do you think such a formula in these circumstances in not serious enough? QOSJA: It is not serious until we can't impose our request. Some foreign political experts, in their interviews, have explained that Kosova could be under UN Trusteeship only if: there is a state of war, which nobody wants, or only if Serbia wants it so, and which is, by violence, exercising it sovereignty over Kosova. The rhetoric requests for trusteeship which could be gifted to us just because we want it, are only dust to our eyes, not to see our tragic political, economic, educational, cultural reality. -2-

KOHA: Many times, in the world, not being able to transfer from a juridical state to a factive one, causes the state to fade away. How can the Kaçanik Constitution be realized, and how can the tendencies to bring us back under Serbia's vasal rule, be stopped? QOSJA: Vasal means to be a state which depends on another state. Kosova was never under this kind of rule, for since 1912 and up to now it lives under Serbia's occupation. Depending on someone and being occupied by someone, are two different things. The socialist countries, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Albania, East Germany were all states, but under the vasal rule of the USSR. Kosova is a state only in words, because Serbia makes its statehood impossible. The vasal rule can be overcome, much easier than that of occupation. How to accomplish the Kaçanik Constitution? When did Kosova stop being under Serbia's vasal rule, as you say, or the state under occupation, as say those who see the situation as it is? When? Never in the past 82 years! The issue is how to free Kosova from Serbian occupation. How? All of us are expecting an answer to this question. KOHA: Activating political life in Kosova under these conditions has become a precedent in political and juridical theory. It is evident that the present situation is activating a lot of negative energy in peripheral and internal problems. Can there be pluralism under occupation? QOSJA: Political pluralism can exist in times under occupation, but then political pluralism becomes, first of all, illustration of the "democracy" of the conqueror. KOHA: Once you had declared that in Kosova there were three political currents: 1. that of national unification, 2. that of independent and sovereign Kosova with international subjectivity and 3. that of special status. Who are those engaged in these currents, and which of the options are connected to our political reality? QOSJA: I am fearing that the autonomists are increasing their number, however they are hiding behind the rhetoric about the independent and sovereign state; or at times behind the UN Trusteeship; and at times with "solutions acceptable for all parties"! It could be said so, because our organization and political practice can not bring us more than autonomy - they are both really autonomist! KOHA: You belong to the national unification line. I believe that 3 million Albanians in the Former Yugoslavia would declare themselves in its favor. How could this option be accomplished? QOSJA: The concept of national unification as a solution to the national problem is something that understands many difficulties, but is more accomplishable than that of Kosova an independent and sovereign state. Our Balkan's neighbors, whose will can't be ignored when it comes to the Albanian issue, finally would more easily agree to have one Albanian state which would unify all Albanian ethnic lands, where the Albanians are either the only or make up the majority of the population, than several Albanian states. KOHA: Hogg's visit to Prishtina and his conversations on five levels speak of the first signs of the decomposition of the movement. All of you who are accepting separate conversations with anyone who come to Kosova, are helping this process. Why does this happen?

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QOSJA: The British diplomacy, as it is known, is one of the strongest and more democratic in Europe. Their representatives, as democrats, do not hesitate to contact different political groupings. This characteristic was expressed on the ocassion of Hogg's visit to Prishtina, and especially in his assistants. I think it is in our interest that not only people who belong to political parties, but also those from culture and science meet foreigners and explain them their vision of the issue of Kosova. Monopoly in this issue can only harm us, for, as it is known, monopolies are not created by the most able. KOHA: Nevertheless, this can help the decomposition of our movement. QOSJA: I would like not to be right, but I claim that we don't have a movement any longer, I mean in the sense of organization- as a Movement. Movement means an organization that moves, and we have no organization that moves. We have some political parties, one more or less bigger, and other smaller ones, and there is a reduction of their leadership going on, they have every time less fundament on people, they have become bureaucratic, they work with a fix schedule, as the party leadership used to work before, in times of Self-managing Socialism! The LDK is organized (maybe not organized) as a party, and is acting like a party. It can't represent our movement, not because of the reasons mentioned above, but because some who have symbolized our movement, who represent its continuance, who are highly valued among people and have even served tens of years of prison for it, are not part of it. KOHA: You are the only one who have criticized some phenomena of our political life and, in general, the policy that we have followed towards the solution of Kosova's problem. Now some others, many years later, are criticizing our internal organization defects and are accepting that the support of international factors is not as presented by the party propaganda. What do you think about these huge changes of political language? QOSJA: In our political, party and even mental life in general, we keep on making the same mistakes we made during 45 years of the rule of Communist ideology and propaganda: we thing that by concealing the truth we are doing good, that we will serve our interests well. And, this serves only those who are hiding the truth, for some time. It was not said in vane, that the best results are reached with the optimum of truth. The ones to blame most are our media. If today we read the papers published in the past three or four years, we will see that they have unsparingly tried to convince us that the international factors- the EEC, the Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in London, then the one in The Hague and the one in Geneva, the CSCE, USA, Germany, France, and Britain fully support our cause, that they support our requests, and that some Balkan states, such as Turkey, even were showing preparedness to acknowledge the Republic of Kosova. If we read the interviews that our political leaders gave one, two or three years ago, than it could be seen that every year they had said: "Kosova's issue will be solved this year!". Every interview and every political presentation of a political leader is an attempt to convince the Albanian people that the international factors support our policy, which subsequently means our requests! Now we must give an answer to the bitter truth: how can a policy be supported, if the main goal of that policy is not? However, the worst of it is not that we have done such a propaganda, whic is in essence untrue: the worst thing is that we have made politics based on wrong premises which was created by such a propaganda - we have done politics totally based on, without any reserves, the international factor, underestimating totally our own active role in determining our fate. -4-

And such policy, on one hand increased the hopes of Serbia that it could keep Kosova, whilst on the other hand it has inspired the disillusion of the international factors on us. We might not accept it, but such policy has made our movement lose prestige in Europe. No one has the right to lie to the people. No one has neither the right nor the need, because the people doesn't fear from truth. From the beginning, we should have told the truth: the international factors, for the time being, do not support our requests for independence. We should have told our people the truth, the one we are telling them now, three or four years later; we should have told the truth, not to deceive it - for this people is not easy to deceive, and not to give up on our requests - in no way, but to draw the right conclusions: not to allow the parties to close within, to give up on fractions of parties, especially that of the LDK, to get better organized, to be much better organized and represent ourselves as such before the world, to increase the arguments which would convince the international factors that the Balkans will not be at peace without the solution of Kosova's problem and without having the Albanians equal to the other people there. The truth should have been seen and told in order to give up on the policy of stagnation - as some foreigners have started calling it, and to make politics of a movement which wouldn't allow Serbia make life so unbearable to Albanians and which inevitably would increase the prestige of our movement in the eyes of the international factors. If in life, and especially in politics, we are responsible for not only what we do, but also for what we don't, then the situation our movement as it is now, compared to how impressive it was between 1988 and 1990, indisputably requests the responsibility of those who, with this policy of stagnation, have brought our movement before dismantlement. They will either be responsible voluntarily or will be forced to do it - they will have to choose. KOHA: When the free elections were celebrated two years ago, you were asked by VOA "...what comes after Sunday", then you had replied: "Monday". You were sceptical about the possibilities of the functioning of the elected institutions. What is your opinion two years later? QOSJA: Some of the elected members of the parliament were angry about my statement at that time. Later they came and apologized, saying: "We thought we were members of a Parliament which will seriously try to be constituted. We couldn't believe we were being manipulated!" KOHA: After every political event, Albanians start from zero again. The analysts abroad don't have much understanding for inconsistent movements. The Albanian political movement in Kosova has entered it's fifth year. What could you say about this phenomenon? QOSJA: Which new political movement is entering its fifth year? The liberating requests that we are putting now were first made in the students demonstrations of 1981, and partially in the 1968 demonstrations. Adem Demaçi had made those requests even before, and since then, and since 1981, and until now, have the requests been made, as well as the attempts to accomplish them - however pale they might have been. In the leadership of the organizations that have been making these requests in the past four years, there are none of those who had made those requests in 1981, but, even in some cases, there are such who have denied them in 1981! Our movement, I believe, would have been morally more convincing to us and for the rest too, if the role of those who had devoted their work and life to the idea long before four years ago would be bigger; those who have devoted their life and work in the sixties, or the -5-

seventies and even the eighties. The interruptions of the continuance of movements, usually, don't speak only of the power of the conqueror the movements are fighting against, but also speak of the struggle for power. And the struggle for power inside the movement, harms it very much. KOHA: You have declared that the history of Albanians is characterized by restriction, as the one of its neighbors by expansion. How do you prove this? QOSJA: At the end of the last century, there were as many Albanians as Greeks, Bulgarians or Serbs. And the lands they were inhabiting were almost of the same area as the ones inhabited by Greeks, Serbs or Bulgarians. Even today, there are as many Albanians as Greeks, as Bulgarians or as Serbs. Nevertheless, about 8-9 million Greeks are sovereign in almost 131 thousand sq. kms.; about 8 million Serbs are sovereign in almost over 140 thousand sq. kms., over half a million Montenegrins are sovereign in over 13 thousand sq. kms. whilst over 7 million Albanians are sovereign in only 28.565 sq. kms! On other Albanian lands, where the Albanians even today make up the only, or the majority of the population, the sovereign people are the Serbs, Macedonians and Montenegrins. The history of the living space of the Albanians is that of constant restriction. Why has it happened so? There is no doubt that we are to blame too: in the past as well as in the present! KOHA: You have also declared that we have intellectuals that support the violation of human rights and freedoms. How? And who are they? QOSJA: In a democratic intellectual world it is clear: the journalists, writers, others, and ordinary people can't violate human rights and freedoms, but they are violated by the state and party mechanisms. History has many tragic examples. In a democratic world, the intellectuals feel they are obliged to defend the individual from the party and the state, if his rights are endangered. Here, persistently, in the past 50 years, the contrary occurs: some intellectuals attack the individuals and defend their party or state. As always, it is most cost-effective to defend the party and the state, who have the police, army, diplomacy, funds, from intellectuals who have only their conscience. And even more: here we see a phenomenon from the past revisited: some of those who used to defend the Communist party and state, now they defend the "Democratic" party and state from the people who criticize them. Of course, here we are not dealing with any democratic political philosophy: we are dealing with a rentable political philosophy. Unfortunately, they are forgetting that, as the famous Hungarian film director Istvan Szabo says, "...the true intellectual has no right to be politically deceived". The wrong evaluations about the issue of human being and essential issues of the era, can't be ever justified. KOHA: Whilst the employees and scientists of the Albanological Institute were closed inside the building not wanting to leave it just because of one order, Prishtina was celebrating March 8! It was then said that it was in vane to try and defend the Institute. It was also said that an eventual protest would make the situation in Kosova even worse. QOSJA: Even we the employees of the Institute knew that we couldn't defend it, but, nevertheless, didn't want to leave it voluntarily. We were not expecting, though, our attitude to be evaluated so cynically by the circles of the LDK: "Let the heroes of the Institute defend it themselves!" The Institute was not only a building, but was also a symbol of the Albanian thought and spirit. Its defense even with protests of students and citizens - why not, would -6-

mean defending Kosova from its ever more aggressive Serbianization, would mean a change in our policy of stagnation, applied by the LDK. KOHA: After the interview you gave to "Bujku", some media qualified it as totalitarian. QOSJA: What media? KOHA: The Kosova Information Center. QOSJA: Unfortunately, that is not an Information Center. If it were, it would inform the Albanian public the right way, objectively about any political activity, any event, any attempt, any thoughts, that are important to our life, and not, mainly the activity of one party. Its points of view, as that of as political party, it is evident, can't be a general Kosovan point of view, and even less the general Albanian point of view. If it were a real Kosova Information Center, it wouldn't haste to reply to any, even the smallest criticism against the policy of the LDK coming from individuals, without telling the public what these individuals really said. What can you do? Those who in eights years, after 1981, didn't allow to even mention my name or the titles of my books on TV Prishtina - now they determine me the ideologic, political and even democratic measure! Before it was in the name of the Communist League of Yugoslavia and the Self-managing Socialism, maybe even Marxism-Leninism, whilst now it is in the name of "democracy"! KOHA: The Albanian satellite program, which is funded by our co-nationals abroad, often speaks of literary and scientific publications. Your book "Death Comes to Me from Those Eyes", published by the famous "Gallimard" publisher in France, and which has been considered as a discovery by the French critics, was not mentioned at all. Why? QOSJA: As I read, one month after my book was published in Paris, a book of a Macedonian writer was published in London. The governmental organs of Macedonia were careful enough to organize the promotion of the English translation of the book published in London, and some other capitals in Europe- naturally trying to affirm the Macedonian spiritual creation and the Macedonian issue. The Albanian journalists, however, were intimidated by the power-holders in Tirana, and did not inform our co-nationals abroad, Albania, Kosova and Macedonia- who could follow the satellite program, about the interest that my book has caused in France! And this, even though that program is financed by Albanians working abroad, therefore it should be a program for all Albanians, and it is not necessary to follow the program too often to see that only two or three people are photographed or two or three parties are followed by it! And like this, until we don't get stuck in the new terror of lies, which is kept in life by attacking the old terror, the Communist one, that of lies! To tell the truth, I don't care too much about this kind of censorship. Literature and scientific books live despite the radio, TV and politics. Politics comes and goes and artistic books keep on their life - of course if the artistic life is in them. KOHA: The impression is that enthusiasm, creativity and even the moral of our movement has started to fade. How to our politics come back to life, how to bring back the forgotten enthusiasm, how to enliven our movement which is disintegrating? QOSJA: How? How else but by changing our organization, changing the leading structures, to withdraw the tired, who have no ideas, who have no creative political courage, those, who -7-

finally, have imprisoned our visions and energy in their offices. Our movement has to be renewed and what should have been done three years ago, must be done: a leadership of the movement must be created. It would be comprised of representatives of parties, and superior institutions of science, culture, science and other associations- a leadership which would make obliging decisions for everyone, a leadership which could lead the Movement. It is a tragic prepotency if a party is of the opinion that it can do it by itself; it is politically tragic if a party is of the opinion that it has the legitimacy to do it on its own. It is really too late to do this, to establish this leadership, for too much time has been wasted, because the people have been demobilized and the largest part of the youth has been dispersed throughout the world, because the Serbian regime has occupied and overtaken all segments of our life, because there is no continency of the Movement and its dispersion has started - but as it was wisely said: better late than never! If we keep up the same way, with this same policy, which when compared to our goals can be called joking-policy, our responsibility to the generations to come, is enormous. KOHA: Does this mean that our posture is not adequate to our goals and requests? QOSJA: We should asks ourselves: are we doing everything that the historical moment seeks from us? Are we acting pursuant the historical responsibility of this precise moment? Yugoslavia has been dismantled, and new states are emerging from it. The whole of the Balkans, as a consequence of this disintegration, is in the process of political and state recomposition. The most tragical position in the Balkans is that of the Albanians, nevertheless. All the rest have either solved or are solving their national issues. As the things are today, it is possible that the Albanian national issue remains not only unsolved, but even worse than it was up to now. Our national situation is such and we: can't agree upon national reconciliation; can't stop the quiet civil war in Albania; keep on struggling for power in Kosova, and we don't accept to be organized and act as a Movement, etc. The Balkans are going through historical events, and we are acting, without any doubt not-historically! KOHA: Why do some international factors give so much importance to Macedonia? QOSJA: The Macedonian issue is a wedge in the body of the Albanian issue. Some international factors are taking advantage of the Macedonian president Gligorov and Albanian president Sali Berisha, to by all means preserve status quo in the Balkans. The present political-governmental status quo favors Macedonians, but is very tragical for Albanians. KOHA: The Party for Democratic Prosperity in Macedonia was the first case of disagreement between Albania and Kosova. Do you think that the political decision making center for the Albanian issue should be Tirana? QOSJA:I think that regardless of whether we want it or not, Albania is the Albanians' Piedmont. This is precisely why Tirana should be the Center of ideas and policy where the national interest should be determined, and the policy should be projected. The role of Albania to solve the Albanian issue, therefore, must be primary. Apart from some time, after the declaration of independence in 1912, Albania has not accepted this role that history has given it, to rise and solve the Albanian issue. And, according to my impression, it is not playing that role today- not even closely. After Ismail Qemali and Fan Noli, who, because they were great personalities, spent little time in politics, Albania had no far-sighting figures, with historic vision, it had no figures that could project history and could integrate the Nation.

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KOHA: Do you think it is too late to change anything in the Albanian-Macedonian relations? QOSJA: My impression is that the Albanians in Macedonia, have in general, taken a wrong posture towards Gligorov's policy. And the posture is wrong because they were told to do so by Tirana and Prishtina. Gligorov, as the British expert on strategic issues Jonathan Eyal says in the interview to Zëri, is linked to Serbia, to Milosevic. The fate of the Albanian people in Macedonia, I understand as the fate of that part of the Albanian people that we have sacrificed! KOHA: Recently, a high ranked Albanian official declared in Bucharest that "Albania is against the change of borders by violence, and that it requests only democratic space for Albanians, in the lands where they live in"! How do you comment this new request for the solution of the Albanian issue, therefore that of Kosova too? QOSJA: No need for any comment: it is tragically clear! This means that we must be satisfied with the "democratic space"; this means that only human rights and freedoms are enough for us. KOHA: Some newspapers, after he left for France, criticized Ismail Kadare. How do you see Kadare's authority and role right now? How much can he help the Kosova issue, and the Albanian issue in general? QOSJA: As every great figure of national cultures, Ismail Kadare too, could cause immense adoration, but also rejection which is hard to understand. The opus of Kadare is such, it is so important in its contents and artistic values that any criticism against him is inevitably understood as an attack against the Albanian national substance. Kadare is such a national and world's figure in literature, he needn't engage himself in separate publications about the Albanian issue, because, his personality and the meaning and value of his literature, speak automatically of the Albanian issue. Nevertheless, he writes separate articles about the Albanian cause. He really is the ambassador of the Albanian cause, therefore of the Kosova issue as well. KOHA: In the preface he has written for your book published in France, you can notice the great respect that Kadare has for you and your work. How do you take his words? QOSJA: Even though Ismail Kadare, who first of all is a poet and a prosaist, expresses his high evaluations much easier than I do, who am first of all a critic and historian of literature, it is understandable that his nice words make me happy. To me, it is nevertheless more important, that Kadare with his work has given me the possibility to think and talk about him. Ismail Kadare could be critical about my work, the criticism could be negative, and yet I will think and claim that he is a great author. And this I don't say as a reader, but as a historian of Albanian literature, who doesn't use the word great in his intellectual evaluations so easily. KOHA: How would you like us to conclude this conversation? QOSJA: We have lost only what we have given up.

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UNAUTHORIZED INTERVIEW ANTE MARKOVIC, FORMER PREMIER OF SFRY by Z.O./AIM AIM: How much do you really know about the attack against Slovenia? MARKOVIC: Many times I had said that Yugoslavia had two possibilities: development or war. I quite well remember, and I think this was in 1990, while talking to the Bulgarian premier in Nis. We both ascertained that the Balkans should become European, or Europe will become the Balkans. Unfortunately, the latter one happened these past years. AIM: According to you, does this mean that Slovenia too, was in favor of war? MARKOVIC: My posture was clear regarding Slovenia and its detachment. Slovenia took over the border check points of sovereign Yugoslavia, therefore the attack of the YPA was reasonable. It is another issue how was the attack perpetrated. I personally think that it had to do with the agreement between Serbia and Slovenia to frame up an attack. Do you think that the generals in Belgrade were so lousy that they attacked with some tanks without ammunition and young soldiers? I personally found out about the movement of tanks in Slovenia on Thursday, June 27, 1991, when I was called by Kucan (and as far as I know he hasn't made this public until now), the only one, by phone. Immediately afterwards I called Kadijevic (former Minister of Defense). AIM: What did you tell him? MARKOVIC: This can be concluded from what happened, or rather what didn't happen in Slovenia. The precise conversation remains for my memoirs. I just want to tell you that the very next day, the generals wanted to air strike some Slovenian sites, especially Ljubljana. I was against it. I told them they should bomb me as well, for I was heading to Ljubljana for conversations, but no one would listen to me. AIM: Do you think that the Slovenians, after the plebiscite would change their minds immediately? You could have bombed us, but that would be an occupation. Do you think that the Slovenians would have embraced anyone afterwards? MARKOVIC: Of course this would be occupation. But at the same time, it is true, you want it or not, there would be Slovenians who would embrace us. Do you think that Slovenia, consciously, for nothing, took the decision to start war, even though it had no armament, whilst it had against the Yugoslav Peoples' Army as opponent, fully armed and in which thousands of Slovenians were serving? You could look at it from this angle, but as far as I know from my experience, the ascertainments regarding the agreement between Slovenia and Serbia are correct. AIM: Could a conclusion be drawn then, that Slovenia is to blame for the dismantlement of Yugoslavia? - 10 -

No. First of all come Milosevic and Serbia. The foundations were made by the Serbian academicians with their Great Serbian Memorandum. But, as I said before, I fought back their hegemonic goals with my economic program, which was very successful. Even when I called upon the governments of Slovenia and Croatia to defeat the Serbian triumph at the Federal Parliament, I had no support. Therefore, if you don't know this too, in the first meeting of Milosevic and Tudjman in Karadjordjevo there were only two items on the agenda: the division of Bosnia, and ousting Ante Markovic... AIM: When did you become conscious that Yugoslavia definitely was dismantling? MARKOVIC: Maybe it might sound strange, but I found it out in October of 1990, on the ocassion of the visit of a good friend of mine, an authoritative financier from France...

KOSOVA THE ARRESTS OF THE EQUAL by ASTRIT SALIHU/Prishtina The days that went by, once again resembled the Kosova we use to know. Even though on a every day basis one could register a search, an arrest, a beating or a mistreatment at least, when there is no one killed, the past days were characterized by a campaign of arrests. These arrests have a common element: people from the institutions of the system of Kosova are arrested, and this means that the institutions proper are persecuted: the Assembly of the University of Prishtina, the Chamber of Economy of Kosova and the Electoral Assembly of the Kosova Red Cross. All of this occurred in a couple of days, May 26-28. Some of the main leaders of these institutions were held in detention several days in a row, and some of them (the moment this article was handed in) are still in detention and will remain there for the next thirty days, as Ismajl Kastrati and Sylejman Ahmeti, who are even accused pursuant Art. 136 par. 1 of the Criminal Code "association with the purpose of hostile activities", in connection to Art. 116 "threat to the territorial integrity". Even though they are accused of establishing a group, whose goal was "the ruin of the constitutional order of the territorial integrity", a group couldn't be consisted of only two people, therefore the next day, a third person was arrested, Mustafë Ibrahimi, Chairman of the Directive Board of the Chamber of Commerce of Kosova. Even though for several years now there have been much more vital organs of the political system of the Albanian in Kosova, it is indicative why people from the Chamber of Commerce are persecuted and are accused according to the severest article of the criminal code, which foresees a sentence from one to ten years of prison. On the other hand, based on the statements of other people interrogated by the police, the interest of the police was concentrated on general information, which without doubt it had at its disposal even before, since the activities of the University or the Red Cross, for example, have been public always. All of these originate basic dilemmas whether this might be an announcement of a campaign that aims at the total blockade of these institutions, subsequently the whole political system in Kosova. Perhaps, hiding behind this persecution of institutions that are less important than the - 11 -

Coordinating Body of the Political Parties of Kosova or another institution which is more dangerous to the Serbian regime in Kosova, stands a codified message of the Serbian regime. All of this starts in times when in the Serbian and Albanian media have been publishing statements of important personalities on both sides, who claim not being members of representing groups in secret conversations between Serbs and Albanians, which allegedly have started, or are about to start. The very often presence of such informations that have started spreading even in international media, if nothing else, contain a clear message: the public opinion of both parties must be prepared for possible conversations of the kind. Unconditioned conversations as a prerequisite of conversations in Kosova, always condition a wave of violence or police actions. These actions are known as from the first Albanian-Serb contacts, at that time lead by the vice-president of the Serbian government Budimir Kosutic, after which came the close-down of the University, since the Serbs had informed the international factor about "the initiation of the unconditioned conversations between Albanians and Serbs". What the Serbian regime does in these cases is as predictable as the seasons. They have to prove always that the initiation of whatever dialogue is conditioned by the actions of the Serbian authorities, as a dialogue of the unequal. This should demonstrate the real power in front of the unreal one of the Albanians; it must, at least, prove and prove again that the Albanian-Serbian dialogue will not be developed between two states. This dialogue will be only of the type within the system, according to Serbian plans. Therefore, any initiation of conversations, be it secret or indirect, by placing semi-informations, maybe even misinformation, will incite acts against the political system of the Albanians in Kosova. The status quo, where two parallel systems function, has until now resembled a quiet consensus between Serbs and Albanians not to touch one another. This should create also an atmosphere of minimal tolerance, until Kosova doesn't come on one of the tables of conversations. Until then, we can count on the functioning, whatever they might be, of the institutions of our political system.

ECONOMY AVRAMOVIC NEEDS FRESH HARD CURRENCY by IBRAHIM REXHEPI/Prishtina "As far as I am informed, Avramovic's economic program is a naked monetary approach, known to any second year student of Economy at the University. My prognosis is that for a short time, in Serbia as well as in Croatia, the prices will keep its stability and then there will be lack of money. Croatia will have it difficult, if it doesn't get a foreign loan, whilst Serbia can't do this because of the sanctions. Then comes the eruption of inflation", says Branko Horvat, asked about the possibilities of the economic program applied in Serbia and Montenegro. Xhemshit Duriqi, who used to be at the head of different economic institutions in the past, says that this program doesn't even have a monetary approach, but is mainly the result of violence against the economic flows. The program's purpose is to positively change the mood of the population, keep up the hope that despite the economic sanctions and the war in Bosnia, Serbia can remain undefeated. In reality, this effect has been achieved, nevertheless it is transparent and the whole mastery relies on stoping the money mill in Topcider. The - 12 -

moment this machine is out back to function, the inflation will start, and it won't be stopped any longer, neither could it be controlled. Avramovic has not the key to Topcider, it is probably in possession of Milosevic. "My impression is that this balance can't hold on for to long, because there are no conditions for stabilization, whilst the requests for fresh money are increasing day by day. The fact that this dinar has no real hard currency coverage, can be evidently noticed by businessmen, for they can't make any payment in hard currency, but once a month. Business can't stand this. Or maybe the other example, when the regular banks can't pay their old savers not even the amount of thirty dinars a month. In the meantime, the budget of what is called Yugoslavia, was filled up thanks to the taxes that economy and citizen have to pay to it. August will be the last month of this program, because then there will be a bigger need for cash, mainly for agriculture. How absurd the situation is, can be proved by a Decree adopted by the Kontic cabinet, stating that the collection of wheat will be done freely, meaning that all the economic subjects can do it, including the state. Which is the subject that strong to be able to collect 3,5 million tons of wheat? There is no such. This is why I am convinced that this year will be the greatest robbery of agriculture, ever. The peasants will have to choose: either they keep the wheat or they give it to the state, and get the money when there is some available, or not get it at all", says Duriqi. Even though 600 million dinars (read Deutsch Marks) are required to pay the wheat, Avramovic seems not to be worried much. In a interview he declared that :"..we must find solutions for some categories funded by the budget, as well as the guaranteed salaries. If we don't do this, the program will go to hell". This means that the salaries of the public officials and militaries must be reduced, and this is a very sensitive issue right now, and very hard to change. The Serbian economists say that the production is so low that it can't sustain the 1,5 million pensionists, whose pensions are increasing every month, regardless of the fact that there is no real cover for them. They take 6% of the overall product, whilst the salaries of the workers can't be increased in a parallel way, for the companies have no money. Zoran Djindjic, Chairman of the Democratic Party claims that right now Serbia needs an injection worth 400 million dollars, and this can't be provided elsewhere but from the capital of the Serbian enterprises which has been transferred to Cyprus, which is estimated to be about 2,5 billion dollars. If that money comes back to Serbia, then the program can survive. This is why Avramovic is insisting on having close relationships with Bulgaria and Greece, because they can save the Serbian program and economy. The monetary policy of the so called Yugoslavia is based on decrees. It was said that the dinar must stick to the DEM, regardless of its real coverage. Now, this is costing the population too much, since, despite the increase of salaries, the communal and other obligations can be barely covered. The depreciation of the DEM is visible by simple comparison of the consumer's power in Serbia and Bulgaria. Whilst it is strong elsewhere, in Serbia, the German Mark is frozen. Nevertheless, people keep as many dinars as they need in a moment, but if they have savings, they keep them in hard currency, usually DEM. Such a policy is similar to what is going on in Iraq, which is also under sanctions. Saddam Hussein holds the ratio of 1 Iraqi dinar to 3 US dollars. But, the black market has another price for it: 1 US dollar is worth 300 Iraqi dinars. Any payments in form of credits are not preferred, because they have high interest rates. For example, a lunch and a beer in a hotel costs 500 dinars, or two average salaries in Iraq, and if this is not immediately paid in cash, - 13 -

then it could cost 3 thousand German Marks. The difference to Avramovic's program is that Avramovic insists on applying loans, but there is no fresh money, three can't be any investments in production. This is why business banks or producers don't give loans, but are interested to convert their goods in money as soon as possible. Duriqi claims that the production now is very low, that is, it has consumed all the reserves it had. Its increase, as claims the Serbian propaganda, occurred only in the first months of the application of the program, since the warehouses emptied all stocks of raw materials their were holding. Nevertheless, now there is no strength to keep on with the second part of the program, or to have this level of production alive until the end of the year. Not even some million of dollars would be enough to Avramovic, he would need some billions and has nowhere to find them. This is why the financial investments, that are mentioned, can be done only as an attempt to extend the life of the program for another month or two, but not to stabilize it. This means that in all aspects the program has failed, whilst the present effects are the result of the conditional close-down of Topcider, and never of new conditions in economy. A case would illustrate the concentration of the repressive apparatus to defend this program. All those who tried to keep up the real value of the DEM, that is the "stizung", were arrested. It would not be a surprise if the others who dare endanger the program will suffer the same fate. But as soon as the army needs more money, it will either start printing it, or will get a loan from a neighboring or a friendly country, and since the latter is hard to accomplish, the first option remains: activate the main generator of inflation.

USA/MACEDONIA DILEMMAS REGARDING MACEDONIA by LINDITA IMAMI/ Washington The issue of Macedonia, as the next Balkan crisis, is more often mentioned in the American press, which emphasizes the need of Western political intervention to find a solution to it. Whilst the Macedonian government is praised for not having caused an open conflict, the Greek policy and the undetermined American posture are being criticized. In the meantime, other analysts think that a successful policy in this state, could lead to the stability of the whole region of the Balkans. Thus, along the references as "focus of the next regional crisis", the American press uses the syntagma "angle of stability" when referring to Macedonia. Last month, a delegation comprised of Hodding Carter, former minister at the State Department, Patt Derian, former assistant to the American Secretary of State, Albert Rohan, an official of the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Henry Sigman, director of the American Jewish Congress and Marshal Harris, Executive Director of the Action Council for Peace in the Balkans, visited Macedonia and Greece, in order to more closely analyze the seriousness of the situation in this region and the possibility of preventing a eventual conflict. The report issued by the Action Council for Peace in the Balkans states that the delegation has concluded that the situation in Macedonia is urgent and serious but solvable. Based on conversations with governmental officials, the opposition, human rights activists, - 14 -

representatives of different ethnic groups, journalists, experts on foreign affairs and representatives of international organizations in both countries, the postures of both sides, the Macedonian and Greek, regarding the general situation, the name of Macedonia, national identity, the Greek embargo against Macedonia and political and economical bilateral relations were published. According to the Macedonian posture, external danger comes from Greece, whose embargo has caused a serious downfall of the Macedonian economy. The Macedonian side claims that the aim of the Greek policy is to paralyze the economic and political life in Macedonia. Macedonia considers that the problem of the flag and constitution should be solved as a group of problems between two countries, because if not, then Athens could force Macedonia to make concessions in other issues too. Internal danger to Macedonia represents the slow rhythm of economic reformations and the debate with Albanians from Macedonia regarding the populations census. However, the Albanians reject the separatist aspirations and say that they request only equal rights as a constituent people and full integration in the political life. On the other hand, the Greek side says that the Macedonian government is irredentist, it requests Macedonia to change the flag and adopt amendments to the constitution as "measures to build up mutual trust", and as a condition to lift up the embargo, establish cultural, economic and political links among the states. The Greek party thinks that the embargo is the last measure to draw the attention of the world towards Skopje's government and its refusal to compromise. The report also states that some Greek circles are of the opinion that Macedonia has the right to exist even though it has no specific national, ethnic, cultural and language identity. But, according to Greek surveys, the report states that the Greek government has some support among the masses for the embargo, and for the policy of Papanderou regarding the name, the flag and the constitution of Macedonia. The conclusions of the delegation were that the combination of internal and external dangers, can place the existence of the independent Macedonian state at stake. The external danger, according to the delegation is the ultra-nationalistic and expansionistic regime of Serbia from the North, the real possibilities of a conflict in Kosova, the international economic sanctions against Serbia and the Greek embargo. The report mentions the dissatisfaction of the Albanian community and the bankrupt economic and political system, as internal dangers. The delegation suggests that USA and its European allies undertake urgent measures, it requests a more engaged policy to solve this crisis, for the conflict or the disintegration of Macedonia, regardless of whether it is a consequence of internal or external causes, could lead to a war of huge dimensions, which could involve some neighboring countries. According to the delegation, regardless of the Greek and Macedonian differences, both countries, as well as the USA and Europe, have a joint interest to solve the problems and evade further conflict. The report states that Athens has a basic interest to have a democratically and economically stable neighbor. The delegation further states that Greece has pushed back the possibility to reach a compromise by introducing the embargo, whilst Macedonia has provocatively acted by using the Vergina star on its flag. The delegation suggests the following to overcome the crisis: establishing full diplomatic relations between the West and Macedonia, the immediate and unconditioned lifting up of the Greek embargo against Macedonia, the full respect of international rules to solve the problems, full membership of Macedonia in the European Council, encouraging democracy, privatization and introduction of the free market economy in Macedonia, the reform of civil - 15 -

rights requesting the Macedonian government to solve the legitimate request of the Albanian population regarding civil rights and their full participation in Government and state institutions, encouraging Macedonia to reach a compromise with Greece in respect to the national symbols, making aware the neighboring countries that intrusion in internal affairs of the state will not be tolerated, the elaboration of a long-term policy for Southern Balkans, the continuation of the presence of the UN troops and the promotion of regional security.

MACEDONIA THE "ALBANIAN ARMY" TRIAL RESTARTED by SELADIN XHEZAIRI/Shkup Finally, after several attempts, the trial against the group of ten Albanians: Mithat Emini, Hasan Agushi, Resmi Ejupi, Selam Elmazi, Shinasi Rexhepi, Hisen Haskaj, Burim Murtezani, Aqif Demiri, Adbiselam Asllani and Euxhen Cami, started in Shkupi. They are all accused of "association with the purpose of hostilely acting to ruin the the constitutional order of Macedonia". On Friday, the first accused Mithat Emini, said that this process is a trial against the Party for Democratic Prosperity and Albanians in Macedonia, whose majority are members of this party. The former Secretary of the largest Albanian party in Macedonia, rejected all accusations, including the one that he had "been commander of the Albanian army". It is an honor being a supreme commander of an army, but I would never accept this, since by nature I am cosmopolite and pacifist, said Emini, telling the Macedonians that they could be at ease, for the Albanians do not represent any danger to them. It is interesting that, as it was said, in order to save time, eight of the accused decided to speak in Macedonian during the whole process, one of them (Hasan Agushi) in Serbian, whilst Aqif Demiri requested to speak in Albanian too, in case of need. A large number of journalists are following the trial, and so are the CSCE representatives and those of the American Liaison Office in Shkupi.

EDITORIAL THE SECRETS OF THE DINNER by VETON SURROI Whilst in the public opinion, first the British, then the Serb and Albanian, the issue of "secret contacts" and "secret Serb-Albanian conversations" in a foreign embassy in Belgrade was raised, a veil of mystery was rising regarding a dinner, that is, the allegedly secret dinner to which I was invited, among thirty people at the Swiss residence in Belgrade. There is no doubt that a dinner can't be called secret if there were 30 invited persons with expressed opposite individual points of view, as it occurred that night, where Western-Europeans, members of the Serbian opposition and those of the ruling party were present. I also believe that the fact that I attained to basic rules of behavior and spoke to, at - 16 -

the dinner table, a man as is Mihajlo Markovic, ideologist of the Socialists and guide to the elaboration of the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences, could have caused such a reaction. It seems as if the problem partially comes from the symbolism of this dinner, that is, its secrecy. Whilst in the Albanian tradition, dinner is the most respected meal, even in cases when hosting friends and guests, in the Albanian traditional symbolic it is not logical to have dinner with those with whom you don't share your opinion. In reality, the stereotypical symbolic petrifying goes as far as it is hardly imaginable in Albanian people's culture to talk to an opponent without raising the voice or offending. To the Serbs, however, on the occasion of the construction of a collective political feeling, dinner, or taken in general eating and drinking, are a tradition of the political elite which, as say the authors of the Memorandum, while sitting at the table "loses in peace what it has gained in war". To the foreigners, especially in Western Europe of Christian tradition, dinner, in the political context, has always that doses of secrecy which the famous dinner of the "Bible" had, that of when Jesus Christ was sold by Judas. In such a context, of the mystery that veils the dinner, the public opinion reacted several days in the past week. Constructions on the "Albanian initiative as a new political step", "the new preparedness of the Serbs" are made, and naturally, the most banal questions such as "who has authorized them, whom do they represent" are put. Essentially, a fear similar to the one before you go to the dentist is expressed, that the time to solve Kosova's problem has come. At the same time, another anxiety, that negotiations are starting. And finally a pressure: let the negotiations start. Maybe this is, politically, the effect of the whole mystery of the Swiss dinner. Even though in this dinner, excluding the excellent food, there was nothing else but an accord that Albanians and Serbs should start conversations (finally this can be read in the newspapers every day, both said by Albanian and Serb political leaders), the erection of this dinner to the level of a debate in the public opinion, reflects more the actual political positioning, than the sole event of the dinner. And the ascertainment that in the list of human fears, since long ago we should have included fear from secrecy.

KOSOVA WE NEED A LEADERSHIP by MAHMUT BAKALLI The question we asked was "Where is Kosova's decision making center today?". Mahmut Bakalli, as a person who studies political science, gave us his point of view. The notion that we use as the "decision-making center" is a new modern notion of political science which is usable in normal conditions of democratic functioning of the political institutions, as the main point of the political decision-making process. The description of this term is always historically concrete, and depends on the character of the concrete political system. Since we are speaking of the institutional organization of the Republic of Kosova, I feel that here we could instead apply the term "leadership", which has to be able and inventive enough to successfully accomplish the political declaration of the Albanian people in Kosova in favor of its independence from Serbia. This goal which has turned into a - 17 -

political movement of the Albanian people, and which couldn't be fully articulated and represented, individually by any political party (therefore neither the LDK), nor the parliament which hasn't been constituted, nor does it function, nor the Government with the Premier, but without the key ministers, neither the President of the Republic who acts solitary, without the support of any political or state institution. However we define the situation Kosova is living in today, it would be qualified as occupation of Kosova and the Albanians by Serbia, with the most brutal police and military, anti-constitutional, illegal methods, used against the Albanian people, with the aim to subjugate us and expel us from our homes, from Kosova. Therefore, our need, actually, is not to make a "decision", since it has been determined by the declaration of the Albanian people, but we need an able and fruitful leadership, which would be apt to, inventively, undertake measures to accomplish this political decision of the Albanian people, in this new phase of its struggle for freedom. Such a need is immediate to Kosova, its vital, because the institutional organization of the Albanian political forces in Kosova is too dispersed, not well organized in proportion to the situation we are living in, therefore it gives no proper results. Both the lack of organization and invention become source of our difficult position, almost the same as the repression of Serbia alone, and the lack of support from the world. This situation we must overcome. Without giving big explanations, my proposal to politically organize the leadership of the Republic of Kosova would be the following: first constitute the parliament elected by the people and let it elect the new government, of well prepared people, completed with all ministries needed in this phase of our struggle for independence, and together with the President of the republic, undertake the necessary measures for its independence. If it is still insisted that the parliament can't be constituted, then the President of the Republic, by Decree, should appoint a collective leadership of the Republic of Kosova, some sort of Presidency, comprised of up to 15 members, very well prepared cadres, of different political parties and other intellectual and non-party political provenance. Chairman of this Presidency would be the elected President of the Republic. This collective leadership would temporarily replace the Parliament and Government, would act and take on itself the responsibility to accomplish the independence of Kosova, meaning that its mandate would be restricted. This leadership would strengthen unity, it would bring back the hopes and the unity of people here and abroad, would be engaged more successfully in the coordination labors of the all-national issues, would expand our parallel institutions, would strengthen our positions regarding the request for bigger support from foreign countries, would strengthen our positions in future negotiations with Serbia or would determine our new strategy of our struggle to freedom and independence. Political pluralism is the column of democracy in conditions when a people is free, when it has its state and in which political parties fight to get the power. In conditions under occupation, when we neither have a state nor the power, and when we struggle for independence and not the power actually, then the existence and the activities of many political parties make sense only if all of them function uniquely and in a coordinated way, aiming at the same goal: the independence of Kosova. Political parties may keep on existing, but I think that a moratorium must be imposed for the time being, freezing temporarily any activity of all political parties, which would only function inside the coordinating body of the political parties, whilst in the diaspora, the Albanians would have to concentrate their activities in Clubs or Albanian communities, and not political parties.

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All of what I have said also refers to the LDK, which should act within the framework of the unique activity of the Albanian political parties, without any monopoly. The LDK thinks that it may convert into a Movement of all Albanian political parties and intellectual and political forces of the Albanians; to turn into a unique front; to replace the coordinating bodies. But then the LDK would no longer be a political party, but a front of all political parties, a movement which in its frame would take all the political energy of the Albanian people in Kosova and diaspora. Once we win, then the democratic political struggle of the political parties for power, could start.

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