Kkk.docx

Name: Ibrahim Ahmed Ph. D 2nd Semester

Representation of Pashtoon Nation in the poetry of Kushal Khan Khattak Introduction The ideas of nationalism has been widely discussed under the literary-education dimension. Under this dimension the state sponsored role of literacy and education has been focused. Benedict Anderson argued that the expansion of the print capitalism created a reading public in a specific language. That brought a sense of shared belonging across space and time among the people who comprised of that reading public. Similarly Ernest Gellner argued that the development of the society from agricultural setup to industrial setup increased the bureaucratization of the society as a result of which the state use the literacy to be imparted to the children in the official language. Both of these explanations based on the literary-education dimension did not explain the emergence of ideas of nationalism in the pre-colonial South Asia. This is particularly due to the differences in the context of the development of European vis-à-vis South Asian societies. Both Anderson and Gellner has written on the context of Europe while conceptualizing the ideas of nationalism. The literacy was not widespread in South Asia in pre-colonial period due to which the emergence of ideas of nationalism as conceptualized in the context of Europe could not be taken for explaining the South Asian case (Ayres, 2008:921). South Asia has a wide cultural diversity due to which it should be understood as a monolith category in which one language could be enforce. Rather in pre-colonial South Asia the Mughal Empire has not instituted a language for the sake of constructing a shared sense of identity. This research would focus on Pashtun tribes that inhabited the regions adjoining the road to Kabul from Delhi near Khyber Pass. The question that would be discussed in the paper is that how the Pashtoon1 nation has been represented in the poetry of Khushal Khan Khattak? It the argument of the paper that the Pashtoon nation has been represented as the one who share oppression and

1

I have used the word Pashtoon, but in Khushal Poetry Afghan is also used. I am not dwelling into the debate of what word should be used to represent the nationalism, the focus is on the construction of national identity.

deprivation speak one language Pashtu. Hence the shared identity has been constructed in the poetry of Khushal Khan Khattak in relation to the Mughals. Historical Background The idea of nationalism was present even before Khushal khan khattak started to represent Pashtoon nation in his poetry. The Pashtoons had ruled over the regions of South Asia since the early 13th century from the time of Alauddin Khilji. By the year 1451, Pashtoons again established their rule in South Asia under the Lodhi rulers. It was during this time that the ideas of Pashtoon nationalism was surfaced. The tribes from the Pashtoon border land regions adjacent to the Khyber Pass were called for joining services at the court in Delhi. Olaf Caroe has written, The exception is the encouragement given to the Border tribes to take service in Delhi. Large numbers flocked down in response to a firman issued by Bahlol, the first Lodhi, stating that, “Hindustan can best be held by somebody who rules over a nation with tribes. Let every Afghan tribesmen bring his relatives leading a life of indigence, let them come and take up estates in Hind, relieving themselves from strained circumstances, and supporting the state against powerful enemies”.

The reference to the nation of tribes meant that the shared values of tribalism would become the binding force for the Pashtoon nation. They would unite together with each other against the enemy. The appeal demonstrated that the Pashtoon should care each other along with establishing unity with each other. Among those Pashtoons who came to Delhi to join services also included the grandfather of Sher Shah Suri, Ibrahim of Sur. The Mughals has started to make inroads to Delhi during the intervening years in which the Lodhi power diminished (1526), and the establishment of Sher Shah Suri rule in (1539). During this period the Mughal inroads in Delhi with the aspiration to establish their rule was not achieved either by Baber or by Humayun (Caroe, 1958:137-138). The caravans that entered the road to Delhi from Khyber Pass had to pay the adjoining Pashtoon tribes toll tax. These tribes also plundered the trading goods from the caravans. These constituted the major source of revenue for these tribes. However, these tribes resisted the payment of tribute to Sultans of India. Baber (1526-1530) has realized the importance of these tribes. He started draw a wedge in between the Pashtoon tribes to weaken their consolidated sense of belonging to a nation of tribes. He invited the chiefs of Dalazak to a dinner to establish cordial relations with them. Moreover, he married the daughter Malak Shah Mansur, Bibi Mubarka, who belonged to the

Yousfzai tribe. Malak Shah Mansur assisted Babur in his expedition of India, he assured the safe passage of the Mughal forces from the region. They also provided Babur with the forces to accompany him in the battle of Panipat against the Lodhi dynasty. Although Baber defeated Lodhi in the battle of Panipat in 1526, but the Mughal rule was not established in India on firm foundations rather it trembled. The Pashtoon tribes started to revolt against the Mughal authority with the death of Babur. They asserted their autonomy from the Mughal rule. His son Humayun (1530-1540 and 15551556) was also unable to establish control in the Pashtoon regions, because he was confronted with the rise of another Pashtoon rule lead by Sher Shah Suri, whose father came on the call of Lodhis to Delhi to work for the entrenchment of the Pashtoon dynasty. Humayun faced difficulty in establishing control in Punjab where Sher Shah has established his sovereignty, and went on exile to Persia. When Akbar (1556-1605) ascended throne and established his rule at Delhi, he started to adopt reconciliatory measures with the Pashtoon tribes so that the route from Delhi to Kabul remain secure for continued access to the lines of communication. By the year 1586, there was a great deal of disturbances on the region of Khyber Pass, where Roshnia movement was assuming momentum. They started to plunder the caravans and blocked the lines of communication from there. They revolted against the Mughal authority under the leadership of Jalala, but they were unable to face the might of the Mughal army, due to which they retreated to Tirah. In order to provide safe passage to the caravans and for the Mughal forces Akbar constructed a fort at Attock. This fort was constructed on a strategic location from where the Pashtoon tribes could be controlled more effectively. The protection of the route from Attock to Peshawar was assigned to Malik Akor, who was a chief of Khattak tribe, in lieu of a Jagir (Qadir &Minhas, 2013: 47-50). Khushal khan khattak appeal to Pashtoon nationalism Khushal khan khattak tribe had animosity with the Yusufzai tribe. Khushal Khan Khattak fathe, Shahbaz Khan received lethal wounds in the battle against Yusufzai tribe as a result of which he died. His tribal members agreed to transfer the fief of Shahbaz khan to his son Khushal Khan Khattak. In 1641, The Mughal Emperor, Shah Jahan, confirmed the Jagir to Khushal as the chief of the Khattak tribe along with the duty to protect the lines of communication from Attock to Peshawar. Meanwhile the death of Shahbaz khan had not mitigated the hostility in between the khattak tribe and Yusufzai. They continued to fight battle with each other.

Khushal was loyal to the Mughals in the initial days when he succeeded his father. When Aurangzeb ascended the throne he also gave confirmation to the Chieftainship of Khushal. When Aurangzeb decided to withdraw the toll tax on the transit of food grains and other articles, Khushal agreed to that change. The year 1663 changed the relationship and association of Khushal with the Mughal Empire. Hanif Khalil and Hamida Bibi has mentioned this event as In 1663, Mahabat Khan, the Governor of Peshawar respectful and friendly towards Khushal khan was transferred to Deccan replaced by Sayyid Amir and one Abdur Rahim as his deputy. This was a turning point in Khushal’s association with Mughals. The transfer of Mahabat khan ultimately created hostile environment for Khusahl as latter was a straightforward Sardar but Ayyid Amir was addicted to bribes. He expected that Khushal would provide him a share out of his toll collections but he refused to do so…. Sayyid Amir entered into collusion with Khushal’s opponent….They first hatched conspiracy to implicate Khushal khan in a murder case, which failed. Then as a part of this conspiracy, Sayyid Amir obtained ambigious order from the king for the arrest of certain farmers and Khushal became the exclusive casualty of the said order; the beginning of a long ordeal for Khushal, which only terminated at his death (Khalil & Bibi, 2017: 120).

When Khushal was sent to the prison his attitude towards the Mughals underwent a shift he no longer remained loyal to the Mughal. He started to appeal the Pashtoon tribes to unite together in their struggle against the Mughals. The Pashtoon tribes are fighting each other due to which they lack unity. Khushal wrote, Unfortunlately, Pakhtoons have fallen prey to three evils i.e ignorance, lack of mutual trust and cooperation and are lasting disunity ( Khalil &Bibi 126).

The implicit reference was made here to the Yusufzai tribe with whom Khushal khan family was having rivalries. Khushal was disappointed that they had not fought with the Mughals when the time came. Khushal khan khan wrote, See how many battles have been fought on all sides; Yet still, amongst the Yusufzai, there is no shame (Raverty, 1862: 150). Although khushal was disappointed of the attitude of Yusufzai tribe with him. But he was also expecting the other tribes like Afridis, Mohmands and Shinwaris to contribute in the struggle against the Mughals and construct unity among themselves. Khushal wrote, Let us see what the Afridis, Mohmands, and Shinwaries will do; For the Mughals are now lying encamped at Nangraha I alone, amongst the Afghans, grieve for our honor and renown Whilst the Yusufzai, at their ease, are tilling their fields (Raverty : 153)

The Afridi chiefs Aemal khan and Darya khan always fought the Mughal forces continuously for seven to eight years. The Mughals were usually unable to establish control over these tribes. Khushal also apprised their efforts for outing the Mughal rule from the Pashtoon inhabited region (Raverty: 143). He appreciated their struggle in the following words, Ae-mal Khan and Dar-ya Khan – From death preserve them. Were neither of them, at fault, when opportunity occurred. They dyed red the valley of Khaiber, with the blood of the foe; On karrapah, too, they poured forth war’s din and tumult. From Karrapah, even unto Bajawrr, both plain and mountain, Time after time, as from an earthquake, quaked and shook. It is now fifth year, since in this neighborhood, Every day heareth the clashing of glittering swords (Raverty: 150)

The appreciation of the efforts of the Afridis tribes was mentioned by Khushal in order to bring unity among the Pashtoon tribes by mentioning the examples of Darya khan and Aemal khan. He continued to construct the Pashtoon nation in relation the Mughal rule over them. He make an appeal to the Pashtoons to rise against the authority of the Mughal, He wrote, For the sake of things, no other termination can be seen, Than that the Mughals be annihilated, or the Afghans undone

He increased the morale of the fighting Pashtoons vis-à-vis Mughals, so that other may also join them on the national cause of the Pashtuns. He asserted that the Pashtoon nation is far more superior to the Mughals, He wrote, The Afghans are far superior to the Mughals at the sword, Were but the Afghans, in intellect, a little discreet. If different tribes would but support each other, Kings would have to bow down in prostration before them (Raverty: 152)

Khushal khan attach the honor and dignity in the fight against the Mughals. He assert that in order to get freedom it is necessary to take the swords. In his view to gain freedom it was necessary to get for giving sacrifice. He wrote, Freedom cannot be attained without the use of sword. I think that sans honour and dignity, death is preferable to life. There is no left no option, either LMughals have to quit or Pakhtoon to embrace disgrace and misery (Khalil & Bibi: 128)

While spending days in prison, Khushal realized the importance of the independence for a person. He elevated the status of freedom and independence at the cost of kingdom. He was previously loyal to the Mughals and when he was sent to the prison, as a result of the abovementioned conspiracy plotted against him, where he denounced the priviliges that the Pashtoon derive from having relationship with the Mughal Emperor, He wrote, In hostility towards Mughals, my abode is in mountains And deserts for redeeming Pakhtoon honor. Lo the Personal and petty interests and Mughals could never be Friends. The Mughal awards Independence is higher in status than a kingdom. When A person loses independence, he became a prisoner (Khalil & Bibi: 129)

Khushal Khan mentioned the deprivation and the misery of the Pashtoon vis-à-vis the Delhi. The people of Delhi are living under better conditions comparatively to the Pashtoon tribes. The Mughal emperor continued to oppress the Pashtoon tribesmen. The shared deprivation and oppression was the link which the Pashtun tribesmen had with each other in opposition to the Mughal Emperor. Khushal wrote, Wherefor doth Aurangzeb his throne and crown adorn? For death will assail, and lay waste the both of them His evil name only will remain behind in the world; Knowing, as he doth, whether he as Kasra, or as Hujaj acteth. Overwhelmed in grief, I know not of festival or feast, Though the whole people of Dilhi make gladness and joy (Raverty: 156)

Khushal idea of nationalism was based on the shared deprivation and oppression of the Pashtoon tribes who speak Pashtu language. He wanted to overcome this divisive tendency among the Pashtoons in order to unite them against the Mughal authorities. He was extremely dismayed of the inability of the Pashtoons to listen to him and become one nation. He wrote that, Nor doth any one here seek to avail himself of my abilities and experience, Nor are the capabilities of this country’s people of any advantage unto me We converse together in one tongue- we speak the Pashto language; But we do not, in the least, understand what we to one another say. The Swatis account themselves exceeding wise, whilst they are but fools; Now that I have beheld the Suwat valley, I have this much discovered, That there is no tribe more abject and contemptible than the Yusufzais (Raverty: 181-182)

Conclusion The idea of Pashtoon nationalism was there before khushal khan khattak. He just made the appeal for the nationalism for the very first time. When the Lodhis have asked the Pashtoon tribes to settle in Delhi, and contribute on the consolidation of the nation based on tribe was different from the appeal that Khushal made to the Pashtoon people. Lodhis were the ruler who wanted that their people should assist them in the uplift of the Lodhi dynasty. On the other hand Khushal was loyal to the Mughals in the beginning. The shift came when he was sent to the prison as a result of a conspiracy. Khushal started to write more in terms of consolidating the Pashtoons tribes against the Mughals. He emphasized on the need of unity and reconciliation among the different tribes of Pashtoons. He constructed a binary of US and THEM in which the Mughal where constructed as THEM. He argued for the need of sacrifice for achieving independence from the Mughals. He preferred death instead of aligning himself with the Mughals again.

References BiBi, Hanif Khalil & Hamida. 2017. "Khushal Khan Khattak and his Political Thoughts." Pakistan Journal of History and Culture XXXVIII (2): 117-138.

Caroe, Olaf. 1958. The Pathans: 550 B.C -A.D 1957. Newyork: MACMILLAN & CO LTD.

Hamdani, Faragh Bukhari & Raza. n.d. Khushal Khan k Afkar. Accessed October 5, 2018. http://www.freepdfpost.blogspot.com.

Minhas, Altaf Qadir & Zakir. 2013. "KHYBER PASS IN IMPERIAL POLITICS OF THE MUGHALS (1519-1707)." J.R.S.P 50 (2): 44-62.

Raverty, Henry George. 1862. Selections from the poetry of Afghans. Omaha: University of Nebraska. Accessed October 5, 2018. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/afghanenglish.