Harvard Linguistics 171 Handout 2

Ling171.lec.4 Chapter 1 Categories 1.1. Lexical categories 1.1.1. Verbs and Nouns – Basic distinctions •

Properties distinguishing between V and N

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General lack of morphological clues.  syntactic, distributional criteria a. Negation and A-not-A question b. Aspectual markers c. Ability to take an NP object: V can assign case, but N does not. (e.g., baodao, fanyi, fanxiu, yanjiu, chuli, shuoming, guanxin, danxin, etc. )

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High degree of polysemy a. Possible candidate for an ‘exoskeletal’ approach or ‘constructionist’ approach, according to which the Lexical items are unspecified or underspecified for their syntactic categories. (cf. Borer 2005) b. Or nominalization or denominalization to relate these forms?

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But many nouns and verbs do not exhibit polysemy: hence such a ‘strong’ constructionist approach is totally inappropriate. - da-si ‘hit-dead’, ti-po ‘kick-broken’, qie-kai ‘cut-open’ (verbs) - huoji ‘turkey’, niurou ‘beef’, shuben ‘book’, pingguo ‘apple’ - cf. ?ta de qie-kai xigua ‘his cutting the watermelon open’; *ta dui xigua de qie-kai ‘his cutting open of the watermelon’.  action nominalization vs. gerundive nominalization. (In gerundive nominalization, VP or IP is nominalized, but V is not.)

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N and V are two proto-categories, generally

(1)

Feature-based characterization of lexical categories (preliminary) [N]

+

+

-

-

[V]

-

+

-

+

N

?

?

V

Feature Category

1.1.2. Localizers •

Required of NP/DPs used to denote locations, except those NP/DPs that are inherently locational. Object-denoting NPs are ‘pure’ in object-denoting. (“analytic”)

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Ling171.lec.5 • •

• • (2)

(3)

Distribute like Ns – in argument positions, as subject, object of verbs and of prepositions. In adjunct positions, need to be introduced by zai. Paraphrasable as NPs, too. Postpositions? Not. (cf. Li and Thompson 1981) [The fact that N+L may take a preposition is not itself evidence against N+L it being an adposition (postposition) phrase—cf. from under the table, from behind. The fact that in adjunct positions N+L must take P is evidence that it is not adpositional.] Do not combine with classifiers (“like P”?) – unlike a full-fledged N Not a case of ‘multiple status’ or polysemy. L exhibits dual properties of N and at the same time, not depending on its environment, unlike zai, gei, gen, etc.) a. wuzi li/limian  room inside b. chuang xia/dixia  bed underneath c. da shu pang/pangbian big tree side

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wuzi de limian room DE inside chuang de dixia bed DE underneath da shu de pangbian big tree DE side

a. wo tingshuo na-zhang chuang dixia cang-le henduo shoushi. I hear that-Cl bed underneath hide-asp a.lot.of jewelry ‘I heard that underneath that bed were hidden a lot of jewelry.’ b. na-zhang chuang dixia, wo tingshuo cang-le henduo shoushi. that-Cl bed underneath I hear hide-asp a.lot.of jewelry ‘Underneath that bed, I heard there were hidden a lot of jewelry.’

(4)

a. ta dagai *(zai) Boston zu-le yi-jian gongyu. he probably P Boston rent-Asp one-Cl apartment ‘He probably rented an apartment *(in) Boston.’ b. ta dagai *(zai) cheng wai/li zu-le yi-jian he probably P city outside/inside rent-Asp one-Cl ‘He probably rented an apartment outside/inside the city.’

(5)

Classifiers yi-zhang chuang, si-tiao tui, one-Cl bed four-Cl leg ‘a bed’ ‘four legs’

(6)

gongyu. apartment

a. si-tiao four-Cl

chuang tui bed leg

b. zhe-pian shu pi this-Cl tree bark

zhe-ke shu, this-Cl tree ‘this tree’

na-pian pi that-Cl bark ‘that bark’

vs.

*si-zhang chuang tui four-Cl bed leg

vs.

*zhe-ke shu pi that-Cl tree bark

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Ling171.lec.6 (7)

• (8)

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a.

(?)si-tiao chuang de tui four-Cl bed leg

vs.

si-zhang chuang de tui four-Cl bed leg

b.

(?)zhe-pian shu de pi this-Cl tree de bark

vs.

zhe-ke shu de pi this-Cl tree de bark

Difference between (6) and (7): chuang-tui is an N, chuang de tui is an NP [NP1 … [NP2 … bed ] de leg ] Monosyllabic localizer: bound form. Hence it might be that chuang-xia is a compound on a par with chuang-tui. But this wrongly predicts that CL cannot agree with chuang:

(9) a. yi-zhang chuang one-Cl bed ‘beneath a bed’ b. zhe-shan men this-Cl door ‘behind this door’

xia underneath hou behind

c. na-jian wu li that-Cl house inside ‘inside that house’ • Disyllabic localizer: can be a free form like a full NP (qiantou, pangbian, waibian, shangmian, dixia, houtou, libian etc.) Examples: • Free-form localizers can also take classifiers when used independently or with de. (Though examples are generally unnatural, for independent reasons presumably.) • However, when used without de, they all behave like monosyllabic localizers. (10) a. yi-zhang chuang one-Cl bed ‘beneath a bed’ b. zhe-shan men this-Cl door ‘behind this door’

dixia underneath houtou behind

c. na-jian wuzi libian that-Cl house inside ‘inside that house’

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Ling171.lec.7 •

The generalization: - A localizer is a head taking the preceding NP as its possessor. The whole NP-L behaves as an NP headed by L (=N) selected by the verb (a locational verb like dao, qianwang, qu and the preposition zai which requires its NP object to be [+location]. ) The L must be the head at this level because that the whole NP-L can correctly check the s-selectional requirement of the verb. - BTW: this requirement holds of Modern Chinese because Modern Chinese is highly analytic. The nouns are very ‘pure’. They are simply object-denoting. (This is just one of the many properties of analyticity of the language.) Old Chinese did not require a localizer: 君子藏器於身 ．，待时而动，何不利之有!(周易·系辞下传) 八佾舞於庭 ．，是可忍也，孰不可忍也？(论语·八佾) 孙叔敖举於海 ．，百里奚举於市 ．。(孟子·告子下) 又：过我，就我。

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Analysis: Grammaticalization of the localizer from a full N status to a clitic. Undelryingly, and throughout Syntax (and LF), the localizer is a head. As a result of weakening, it loses its phonetic integrity and cliticizes to the immediate N, in PF. Its clitic status makes it impossible to retain the pronominal marker de, which is itself a clitic and hence cannot host another clitic. Or, conversely, dropping of de in this context (permitted in ‘inalienable possessive constructions’) triggers or facilitates the weakening of N to L. The localizer is, on the one hand, like the ‘s in English, e.g., the King of England’s head. On the other hand, it is also like in front of, on top of, etc., which are clearly the results of reanalysis from [on [top [of NP]], with top being the head of NP. The difference is that, in English top is weakened to become a part of a complex preposition one top of, not a part of the following NP. “On top of NP” is a PP, but “NP-L” is still an NP. Zhe-zhang zhuozi-shang is ‘top of this-CL table’ in syntax, but ‘this-CL table-top’ in PF. Featurally: L = [+N, -V]. In terms of bar-levels, perhaps clitics are X-0.5, while affixes are X-1 (cf. Selkirk 19xx). Clitics cliticize, but affixes attract.

1.1.3. Adjectives •

Adjectives vs. verbs: heshi vs. shihe (? buman, qifen see 59. 60) pa, haipa, kongpa ‘fear, afraid’

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the dui-test, vs. the hen-text (cross-linguistic considerations)

(11)

a. zhe-ge gongzuo dui ni hen heshi. this-Cl job on you very suitable ‘This job is suitable for you.’

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Ling171.lec.8

b. *zhe-ge gongzuo hen heshi ni. this-Cl job very suitable you. (12)

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zhe-ge gongzuo hen shihe ni. this-Cl job very suit you ‘This job fits you well.’

Adjectives vs. Nouns:

(13)

a. ta shi yingxiong. she be hero ‘She is a hero.’ b. ?ta yingxiong. she hero ‘She is a hero.’

(14)

a. ta hen yingyong. she very heroic ‘She is heroic.’ b. *ta shi hen yingyong. she be very heroic Intended reading: Same as (48a).

- English vs. Chinese adjectives: If not [+V] then be is required. (15)

a. He is foreign. b. He is from another country. c. He is a foreigner.

1.1.3. Prepositions 1.1.3.1. The verbiness of prepositions (16) a. b. c. d. (17)

zhiyu ‘as for’, guanyu ‘about’, … cong ‘from’ gei ‘to/for’, zai ‘at’, xiang ‘toward’, … ba, bei

a. guanyu zhe-jian shi, tamen yijing taolun-guo le. about this-Cl issue they already discuss-asp LE ‘Regarding this issue, they already discussed (it).’

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Ling171.lec.9

b. ta cong nali dai-huilai henduo jinianpin. she from there bring-back many souvenir ‘She brought back many souvenirs from there.’ c. ta gei ban li de ren zuo-guo bushao shiqing. he for class inside DE people do-asp not.few thing ‘He did quite a few things for the people of the class.’ d. ta ba guizhongde shoushi cang-zai waguan li. she BA expensive jewelry hide-in clay.pot inside ‘She hid expensive jewelry in a clay pot.’ (18) (16a) E.g.: guanyu

(16b) E.g.: cong

(16c) E.g.: gei

(16d) E.g.: ba

Yes

No

No

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

No

No

Yes

No

Pre-subject required Cluster movability Independent use as verb

1.2. Functional categories •

Classifiers, Numerals, Determiners (demonstratives)

(19) N = [F0, +N, -V] CL = [F1, +N, -V] Num = [F2, +N, -V] D = [F3, +N, -V] •

Light nouns: CL, Num, D, and L

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Verbal functional categories: zhe, le1, guo; le2; ba, ne, ma • Verbal aspects: [F1, +V, -N] • Le2: [F2, +V, -V] • Complementizers and Clause-typers: [F3, +V, -N]?

(20) a. ni-men zou ba. you-pl leave BA ‘You can leave (now).’

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Ling171.lec.10 b. ta qu-guo ma? he go-ASP MA ‘Was he there (before)?’ b. shei xie zhe yi zhang ne? who write this one chapter NE ‘Who will write this chapter?’ •

The celebrated de a. XP de N/NP/DP. b. Adjectivalizer? Then [F1, +N, +V] c. Nominalizer? Then [F>0, +N, -V]

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