Academic Writing.docx

The Public As Collaborator: Crowdsourcing Models for Digital Research Initiatives

Introduction As online social networking sites reach their golden age, people turn to them to both actively seek and passively find information to enhance their individualized experiences. People who have experiences that are uncommon in their real world communities can gain benefits by turning to online communities to build weak ties and share information. Some parents of children with special health care needs may be required to stay at home more to care for their children, and online social networking sites and personal blogs may connect them to others who share their experiences. Besides such physical isolation, it may not be as easy for parents of children with disabilities to find parents with similar experiences in their real world community, as only about six percent of the U.S. population have disabilities. In order to study how parents of children with disabilities find information through informal online social networks, the author conducted a review of the relevant literature such a study must form a foundation on. The author located key findings in three areas of research: literature on the information behavior and needs of parents of children with disabilities; literature on the new frontier of online social network analysis and social media; and literature on health-­‐related online support groups, whether those groups were formed by formal organizations or blossomed organically. At the center of these overlapping areas lies the heart of this study’s primary concern.

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Information Behavior and Needs of Parents

Parents want to learn from other parents. Adults without children may appear as less trustworthy information sources due to their lack of personal experience and ability to verify the accuracy of advice. Several studies confirm that parents of children with disabilities want to hear from other parents of children with disabilities, making such like-­‐experienced individuals more trustworthy sources of information and potentially rich sources for empathy. Mackintosh’s 2005 study on the information sources of parents of children with autism found that parents believed that the best sources were other parents, and that individuals with lower incomes and socio-­‐economic status had fewer information resources. Mackintosh’s study identified websites as a source of information but did not identify social media sites explicitly. Statically published websites provide a controlled flow of information, whereas social media sites provide a space for dynamic interaction and exchange of information in a many-­‐to-­‐ many forum. Mackintosh’s study also found misinformation was a concern of such parent-­‐ to-­‐ parent exchange of information, with no mediation from authoritative health information professionals.

Pain (1999) found that personal communication is the preferred method for information-­‐gathering parents of children with disabilities, with one parent stating, “There was no substitute for real people, written information is nice to have as a comfort factor, but you really get your information from people, talking face to face with them” (p. 303). Pain concluded the purposes for information, regardless of source, were the following: “to enhance management of the child,” where certain information improves working with the child on a day-­‐to-­‐day basis (1999, p. 305); “to help parents cope emotionally,” where empathy from other parents adds comfort to a diagnosis from an authoritative source; and “to access benefits and services,” where information shared leads to new opportunities (1999, p. 308). How do these preferences transform in a world where more and more personal communication becomes computer-­‐mediated? Huber et al. (2005) and Tillisch (2007) both found the Internet cited as the most common information source for parents of children with

disabilities. Tillisch’s survey of 1,000 parents found support groups rivaled the Internet for most-­‐used sources of information, with Huber adding that information seeking is greatest at the time of diagnosis. Personal communication through online social networking may be the next fruitful place to study information behavior of parents of children with special health care needs.

Analyzing Computer--Mediated Online Social Networks As more parents seek information online to help them manage day-­‐to-­‐day needs of their child with disabilities, cope emotionally, and find services, the scale of computer-­‐ mediated communication and information is growing rapidly. No longer does the computer-­‐ mediated role of information provider rest squarely on the bandwidth of static, one-­‐way communicating websites. With the birth of a new genre, Web 2.0 and social media, online social networking sites such as Twitter (launched 2006) and Facebook (launched 2004 and opening to the public in 2006) have spurred computer-­‐mediated communication and information sharing into a new era. Facebook has more than 845 million user accounts (Protalinski, 2012), and Twitter has more than 300 million user accounts (Taylor, 2011). The people behind those accounts may not all be active users, but the data amassing on social media servers is enough for the Library of Congress to enter into an agreement with Twitter executives to create an archive of all public tweets (Raymond, 2010). Such is the value of that publicly contributed data—a status update being a unit of data—to the future of research. Researchers have already begun to conduct empirical studies on the large-­‐scale datasets these online social networking sites can provide. Dodds et al. (2011) used more than 46 billion words comprising roughly five percent of tweets posted between September 9, 2008, and September 18, 2011, to determine the happiest days of the seven-­‐day week were Friday through Sunday, the happiest hour, between 5 and 6 a.m. Researchers of social networks are also turning their attention to the data available on social media sites. Huberman et al. (2009) cautions that counting the mere number of friends and followers does not give an accurate portrayal of influence, a much-­‐debated term among online social networking researchers. Huberman et al. believes networks hidden among networks can be found by studying who talks to whom, a metric not easily discoverable through public profiles alone. Burgess (2009) argues that online social networks can be leveraged to empower women in learning environments, emphasizing that networking function—linking

people together—to build social capital that facilitates access to information and resources. Burgess warns against believing online networks escape established privilege structures, cautioning those wanting to turn to a digital environment to be mindful of how power reinvents itself online. Scholars researching information behavior and cultural communication patterns find the data embedded in online social networking sites to be rich and informative, as well. Lerman and Ghosh’s study (2010) tracked how information spreads through Twitter and Digg. Digg, a user--‐submitted news aggregator, became the “denser” platform for these researchers due to the ease of tracking comments and measuring popularity of submissions. Digg users vote on stories by clicking a thumbs-­‐up icon or thumbs-­‐down icon so visitors to the website can see how each submission ranks in popularity. Lerman and Ghosh found that network structure affects the dynamics of how the information flows from one person to the next. Digg makes following the popularity of posts on the Wild West of Twitter seem like herding and wrangling cats. But those retweets can be wrangled. boyd et al. (2010) argue retweeting— where a post by one Twitter user is seen by another Twitter user and reposted to the latter user’s profile— can be studied as a conversational practice. The researchers found that Twitter users retweet posts for specific purposes. The retweet shows engagement in a conversation and shares information among the listeners. A retweet in and of itself sends the message that the user is listening. boyd et al. found the other two purposes for retweeting a post are to indicate agreement publicly (or publicly to one’s approved list of followers if that user has a private account) and to validate others’ thoughts. This study of retweeting as a conversational practice demonstrates that attribution, relationship-­‐building, and community appreciation are important aspects of participating in online social networks. Chen (2011) came to a similar conclusion that retweeting acts to mediate relationships on Twitter. Chen found that the more hours users spent on Twitter, the greater the need those users had to connect with others. Chen confirmed this need for “we-­‐ness” by participants in online social networks, and that the more active users were, the more likely they were to also feel connected. Chen’s study focused on uses and gratification theory (U&G) to explore Twitter users’ need to connect with others. Psychological needs direct communication goals, according to Chen’s explanation of U&G theory, which requires purposeful decisions on participating with communication media. Chen states (2011, p. 757), U&G focuses on social and

psychological needs, which generate expectations that lead to different patterns of media use to gratify these needs (Katz et al., 1974). It is important to note that Internet communication has in some ways nullified the traditional sender-­‐ receiver model, which makes using U&G even more relevant to online media (Ko, 2000). People online can choose what media they want to use (Singer, 1998) with a simple click of the mouse. They can both send and receive messages simultaneously through media such as Twitter.