05_chapter 1.pdf

Chapter -1 INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER -1

Introduction It would be pertinent to state that the history of India is rich with the contributions made by women from time to time in various fields of politics. In the modem period particularly since the beginning of the struggle for freedom, a considerable number of women have made remarkable contributions by taking active participation in national political issues. The genesis of nationalism and feminism can be traced in the social reform movement, spearheaded by Ram Mohan Roy in Bengal when the issues of women education, abolition of purdah, widow-remarriage etc. were raised. At the same time, the British feminists also advocated the cause of women education and health care in India.1 Despite the fact that some women elite had started to participate in affairs of national politics in the wake of 1857 revolt by joining the Indian National Congress, the women’s associations like Devi Sakhi Samiti, 1886, Swam Kumari Devi’s Ladies Association 1886, National Social Conference in parallel with Indian National Congress 1887, Pandita Ramabai’s Sharda Sadan, Ramabai Ranade’s Hindu Ladies Social and Literary Club 1902 etc., dedicated to the improvement of status of women through education etc. maintained a non-political stance. It has been argued that scholars of 19

century India viewed the question of reform from different

perspectives and the male generally dominated the public discourse. Rosahind O’ Hanlon in her article points out how reform controversies in late 19th century and male participation with reform did not change women’s status and role in society but merely helped them to redefine the traditions. If helped them to enrich the modem 1 A. Kumar, Encyclopaedia of Women in 21st Century, Vol. 7, New Delhi: Anmol, 2005, p. 87

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Indian culture in order to legitimate their claim to replace the British as rulers in the future.2 It may be mentioned that a highly educated women elite had emerged by the end of 19th century. Initially women’s participation was confined to this group but a much wider participation emerged in 1920s with significant changes in the organization of family as well as changing political senario.3 During this period a large number of women belonging to the poor and uneducated sections of society came forward to provide shelter, food, carried arms or messages to the revolutionaries. At the same time they played a crucial role by inculcating a passion among their children to serve the nation.4 The levels of women participation in the national politics depended largely on the methods of politics followed by the National Congress. However, a few were associated with the party who attended its sessions as wives and visitors. The first women to be elected President was Annie Beasant in 1917. Eight years after in 1925 Sarojini Naidu become its second President. Thus, in the movement for equality of women in India, the role of reforms and the freedom struggle is of great significance. The newly educated class created awareness among women against the oppressive social customs. The spontaneous and massive participation of women in the struggle for national freedom paved the way for an active role in national politics. This participation helped in the removal of social shackles and activised women to press for social and political equality as desired by Mahatama Gandhi. An outstanding women’s organization in Gujarat,

2 Rosahind O’ Hanlon, Issues of Widowhood : Gender and Resistance in Colonial Western India” in Doughles Hayes and Gyan Prakash (ed)., Countering Power: Resistance and Everyday Relations in South Asia, OHP, 1991. Leela Kasturi and Veena Mazumdar, Women and Indian Nationalism, New Delhi, Vikas, 1994, p. 34. 4 Ibid, P. XXXXIV

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Jyoti Sangh, was established in 1934 for this purpose. Meanwhile, the All India Women’s Conference (AIWC), the major umbrella organization was started in 1927. ’ Its first meeting was held in Poona. The organization pressed for legislation to enact marriage reform, raise the age of consent, protect women labourers and to gain the right of vote for women in constitutional reform of 1935. Gandhi tried to motivate the larger section of female population by giving an emotional appeal that your Mother is in chain and you should sacrifice everything to liberate her. This was a tremendous idealistic appeal to the Indian women-hood and youths. He knew that strength of India lies in its women because of their great influence over their sons. Moreover, he called upon the women to come forward in order to fight the evil of drinking and boycotting the foreign clothes because only women crusaders can give a determined fight against such social evils. He said that without involving women in nationalist politics, he can’t achieve any success as they constitute half the population. And if half the population of the country has no role and remains silent spectators, then the national movement would not have any weight and importance. So he appealed them to participate in the movement in every manner. Having a different views with the leaders of social reform movement, Mahatma Gandhi realizes the negative consequences of colonial rule on women’s economic status and therefore, he decides to launch a Khadi movement offering women an immediate and open channel for their participation in the national movement. He said that full freedom of India is not possible unless our daughters stand side by side with the sons in the battle for freedom and this requires them to realize their own power.56

5 Neera Desai, Women in Modem India, Bombay, Vora & Coy, 1977, p. 125. 6 Gandhi’s Speech at a Public Meeting in Paganeri, September, 27, 1927, The Hindu, September 29, 1927.

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The Khadi Movement inspired women to develop a strong liking for Indian textiles and a preference for saris. They were made to think that picketing of foreign cloth shops is a great service to poor labourers of India. They successfully adhered to the principle of non-violence by holding peaceful processions against the exploitative deeds of colonial rulers. During this process a large number of women were imprisoned. Thus, women took an active participation in the boycott of foreign clothes and drinking. Feeling encouraged by their role, Gandhiji organized a congress of women at Dandi for leading a movement against the salt law.7 Relevance of the Study It is significant that there are a few comparative studies of women’s participation in nationalist politics. Analysis in this area has received inadequate attention of Indian historians both before and after 1975, when a need to study women’s role in modern history began to be acknowledged world-wide. Moreover, most of the accounts of women’s role in national politics are descriptive, not critical or analytical. They do not examine the participation of women in nationalist politics on regional basis. Being dominance of elite perspective, a large number of women from the peasantry and the working class including thousands of house wives mostly mothers who provided indirect support to national movement by shouldering family responsibility when their men went to jail or got killed, have not been studied. Gail Pearson’s study of the women suffrage movement in Bombay raises doubts about whether women’s movements based on ideologies that support traditional gender roles can bring about lasting social change. Pearson agrees that the winning of the right to vote, and later, of reserved seats in legislatures, had only a minimal impact on female social roles and their lives.8

7 The Leader, April 30, 1930. 8 See Gail Pearson, “Reserved Seats: Women and the Vote in Bombay, 1ESHR, Vol. 20, No. 1, 1983.

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Existing research on women and national politics being non-comprehensive, non-comparative and cursory in nature, a proper reconstruction of modern period of Indian history with a focus on women’s participation in freedom movement in general and development process in particular is required. Such a reconstruction from a comparative perspective will throw a fresh light on regional variation. The study and research on women’s life, status and role in Indian national politics has become a subject of wide concern these days. The participation of women in national politics in northern and western part forms an important and interesting aspect of the history of modem India. It is of great significance that this participation brought political independence as well as social and cultural regeneration for the country. Review of Literature The participation of women in nationalist politics as a subject of research is of recent origin in India. The historiography of the national movement has conceded little space to women’s contribution to freedom struggle. In spite of active participation of women in the national movement, historical writing in their activities are disappointing. The nationalist view kept in mind the achievement of national leaders only and subsidiary movement their regional variations and socio-economic analysis have been severely underplayed in their examination of the movement. The Marxist gave considerable space to subsidiary movement of leaders and peasants but role of contribution of women remain unexplored in most of their writings. The subaltern or new people’s history marked a shift in the process of history writing from King to Courtyard and more political parties to social and economic

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analysis. It provides ample space to movements from below, local and regional movement. Most of the accounts of women’s role in national politicss are descriptive only. Moreover, the rural and working women, who participated in the freedom movement are not taken up in such studies. However, a British administrator, LeMesurier has given an account of socio-economic impact of colonialism on women’s lives and beliefs, turning them into sources of radical inspiration for the youth of East Bengal in 1907, in unrecorded confidential proceedings, Morley and Minto Papers, Home Department, Government of India. A more outspoken point of view came from a senior demographer, who in his days as a development administrator could not include better economic opportunities for women within the community development programmes as well as to recognize the economic value of their work. Thus, there were deliberate attempts to keep women subjugated economically, socially and politically as explained by Ashok Mitra in ‘The Status! of Women: Shifts in Occupational Participation, New Delhi, ICSSR, 1961-71. Tarachand’s, (History of the Freedom Movement in India, 4 Vols. Delhi : I

Government of India, Publication Division, 1961-72, tries to examine role of women in the social process, perception of their own lives, the broader social reality, the roots and structures of inequality etc. He also enlists some efforts to overcome such problems. R.C. Majumdar’s, History of the Freedom Movement in India, 3 Vols. Calcutta, 1962-63, lists the emancipatory effects of women’s participation in freedom movement, revolutionary terrorism etc. Judith Brownls Gandhi and the Civil Disobedience Movement, Cambridge I

University Press, 197|2, describes the participation of women in the movement as a political nuisance.

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Sumit Sarkar’s the Complexities of Young Bengal, 19th Century Studies, Delhi, Vikas, 1973, talks of rigid barriers of caste, traditions and customs and social reforms that could not affect much change in the social structures in India. There has not been any autonomous struggle by women themselves to change relations without or inside the family. However, a limited and controlled emancipation of wives is allowed by western educated men on personal level for survival in a hostile social world. Actually writings in English language prior to 1975 pertains to women belonging to elite group of society. The lives and conditions of large majority of women as well as the changing historical forces have not been explored and thus marginalized. The status of women in the process of social change, women’s rights, gender disparity, empowerment etc., has been examined in Kalpana Dasgupta’s, Women on the Indian Scene, New Delhi: Anhinav, 1976. The women studies in the post—1975 period have stressed on seeking a higher status for them in social hierarchy as described by M.N. Srinivas, in Changing Position of Indian Women, Delhi : Oxford, 1978 and M.S.A. Rao (ed.), Social Movements in India, Vol. II, Delhi, Manohar, 1979, when numerous local women’s association, organizations, clubs, societies, samitis and institutions are established with an objective of women’s uplift and social reform. These later develop into public activities in support of women’s democratic rights and contacts with women groups and movements. The majority of members of such organizations belong to reformist, educated and privileged families. Likewise the early associational activities of elite women have played a role in identity formation of the new regional elite of all major religious communities who were eager to provide evidence of the advancement, progress and potential of Indian women hoping to establish the readiness of their class for increased influence, social leadership and political ascendency as highlighted by J.M. Everett’s, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi : Heritage, 1979.

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Later Ramabai sets up a series of mahila samajs/women’s associations, girls schools, orphanages and widow’s homes. Rambai Ranade also establishes the Seva Sadan for women and poor and Swaran Kumari, Devi’s Sakhi Samiti, 1886 for women’s handicrafts etc. while injecting a sense of nationalism in minds of women as stated by Graldine Forbes, in the Indian Women’s Movement : A Struggle for Women’s Rights or National Liberation in Gail Minault (ed), The Extended Family : Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan, Delhi, Chanakya, 1981. Sarojini Naidu believes that the fate of women was linked with the fate of nation. She weilds a tremendous influence on contemporary women and sees no conflict between tradition and women participation in public affairs, as quoted in Gail Minault’s as in preceding para. Kosambi’s The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India : An Historical Outline, Delhi : Vikas, 1982 etc. highlights the cultural, religious and ideological perceptions towards women’s role in India. Many other studies like V. Mazumdar’s Emergence of Women’s Custom in India and the Role of Women Studies, Centre for Development Studies, New Delhi, 1985, Education and Social Change, N.N. Bhattacharya’s History of the Tantric Religion, Delhi : Manohar, 1987, Manmonah Kaur’s Role of Women in India’s Freedom Struggle (1857-1947), New Delhi, Sterling, 1985 critically examine the entry of women into the Civil Disobedience Movement, participation of women w.s.r. to biographical details of prominent women of India. Vijay Agnew’s Elite Women in Indian Politics, covers the women of India with some reference to different status. Eleanor Morton’s Women Behind Mahatma Gandhi and Padmini Sengupta’s the Story of Women of India discuss the participation of women in different sectors of Indian society.

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Bipin Chandra’s India’s Struggle for Freedom : 1858-1947, Delhi : Viking, 1988 explains the women’s movement, women’s participation in peasant and trade union movements along with their role in freedom struggle. In Kumkum Sangery and Sudesh Vaid’s (ed) Recasting Women, New Delhi : Kali for Women, 1989, Partha Chatterjee criticizes the liberal content of early reformers’ ideology but denies that the women’s questions are overlooked in reform agenda of freedom struggle. The nationalism resolves the women’s question in accordance with its preferred goals. While preserving the core of national culture, he discovers ideological framework within which nationalism is to resolve the women’s questions including education, travel in public conveyances, watching public entertainment programmes, employment out the home etc. M. Karlekar’s Voices From Within: Early Personal Narratives of Bengali Women, Delhi : Oxford, 1991, examines the issues of women’s education, family ideology, reality of roles played by majority of women as well as voices from within organizations of women and in their own homes. Rajendera Raju’s Role of Women in India’s Freedom Struggle, New Delhi : Discovery, 1994 is an analysis of activities of Oriya Women in various phases of freedom struggle and to estimate their achievements during the period 1921 to 1947. Leela Kasturi and Vina Mazumdar’s Women and Indian Nationalism (ed), New Delhi : Vikas Publishing House, 1994, contains different papers on women and Gandhian liberalism, role of frontline women in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal armed revolution, as well a study of prominent women freedom fighters in Andhra Pradesh is made. Manju Varma’s, The Role of Women in the Freedom Movement in Punjab, Delhi: Abhijeet, 2003 has assessed the role of women in freedom struggle during the years 1919-1947. It pointed out that when the social setup in India was marked by backwardness, orthodoxy, conservation and traditionalism, a large number of women

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came forward to participate in the movement. Similarly, a sizable number of women from Punjab also participated while discarding their purdah life. The Arya Samaj, the Sangh Sabha and the Anjuman’s contributed a lot by launching reforms movements for invoking people’s feelings against the alien rule. The women were motivated much by the Gandhian philosophy when they conformed to Satyagraha and non­ violence while protesting against the British policies. Geraldine Forbes; Women in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, 2004, considers their recent history from the 19th century under colonial rule to the 20 century. She begins with the reform movement which was established by men to educate women and demonstrates how education changed their lives and enabled them to take part in public life. She documents the formation of women’s organization, their participation in freedom movement, their role in colonial economy and development of women’s movement in India since 1947. Anup Taneja’s Gandhi, Women and the National Movement, 1920-47 New Delhi, Harchand Publications, 2005 discusses the women’s issues during preGandhian phase as well as Gandhi’s perception of women. It also highlights the role of women in non-co-operation and Khilafat Campaigns, Civil Disobedience Movement and the Congress party’s movements. Bharti Thakur’s Women in Gandhi’s Mass Movement, N. Delhi : Deep & Deep, 2006, highlights the social evils affecting the women, gender equality, women education, mobilization of women in Non-co-operation, Civil Disobedience and Quit India Movement in different states, women’s participation in developmental programmes etc. Suruchi Thaper B. Jorkert’s Women in the Indian National Movement, New Delhi : Sage, 2006, identifies some of the dominant interpretations on the role of women in national movement; participation of women of Hindi belt in public sphere,

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reconciliation of domestic and public values etc. How the middle class women identified themselves as Gandhiwadi or Krantikari? Raj Kumar, Rameshwari Devi and Romila Pruthi’s Women’s Role in Indian National Movement, traces the evolution of women’s nationalist movement into a dedicated band of missionaries to oust the Britishers from India. It also highlights the role of women in 19th century w.s.r. to different aspects of freedom struggle i.e. nonco-operation, civil disobedience movement in Bombay, Bengal, Madras, North India. The economic status of women in colonial era is also discussed. The revolutionary role of Madame Bhikhaji Cama is described in detail. Thus, constructing a clear picture of women’s life before colonial rule is difficult because pre-British record had fewer documents that shed light on the actual lives of women. There were references of duties of women in ‘Guide to the Religious Status and Duties of Women’ translated by Julia Leslie but no references to women agricultural labourer, market women, sewing women etc. Husband was supreme god for women and those who gave birth to daughters were treated with disdain. The impurity of a widow was never removed. But there were a few women who rebelled against social order.9

The first historical accounts of Indian women date from the 19th century and are a product of the colonial experience. These accounts tell of an ancient time when women were held in high esteem followed by a long period when their status declined. Then the British came on the scene. They introduced new ideas about women roles and capabilities which were adopted by the Indian elite. The historical record confirms that women found an escape from convocational roles in religions and scholarship and occasionally through political action. Some women were able to have outside patriarchal households and gained 9 Julia Leslie, The Perfect Wife: The Orthodox Hindu Women According to the Stridharampaddhati of Tryambakayajvam, Delhi: Oxford University, 1989, pp. 3-20.

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status as courtesans. But the options open to women of extraordinary talent or those unhappy with their lives were limited. Records prove that a few women could became educated, attained fame and commanded arms but most were denied men’s opportunities to acquire knowledge, property and social status.10 However, the reforms groups spread to every part of India by the middle of 19th century. They focused on the problems of female infanticide, polygamy, child marriage, purdah, ban on female education, deavasies and patriarchal joint families. Indian texts have cited the women as devoted and self sacrificing but overshadowed by their biological characteristics and subordinate, supportive roles is assigned to them. Colonial histories have narrated the civilizing mission of the British as re­ securing Indian women from their own culture and society. The nationalist historian opined that Gandhi brought women into public life and gave them the tools to solve their own problems which ignores the history of women during pre-Gandhi period. The Subaltern Studies focused on all non-elite colonial subjects while explaining the hegemonic processes and stories of suppressed people. Gayatri Spivak wrote that subaltern and female has no history and can’t speak and deeply in shadow.*11 According to her women were the victim of dual oppression of colonial and patriarchy as well as the further oppression of western scholarship. The gender issues found little space in the writings of historians of British India. In the early 1970s women records were not in libraries or archives but on the houses and

memories

of individuals.

Therefore,

the

research

units

and

documentation centres undertook the task preserving papers and books that might

10 See Veena Oldenburg, Life Style as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesan of Lucknow, India, Faminist Studies, 16, No. 2, Summer, 1990, pp. 259-87. 11 Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Can Subaltern Speak and Maxism and Interpretation of Culture (ed.) Carry Nelson and Lawerence Grossberg, Urbans & Chicago: Universe of Illinois Press, 1988, pp. 271-313.

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otherwise have disappeared. The Nehru Memorial Library focused to acquiring the personal paper of women and collected the oral histories. SPAROW (Sound and Picture Archives for Research on Woman) in Bombay preserved the women’s documents especially photographs, films and recordings.12 Yet there is no Archive or Museum devoted to preserving items of women material culture. Many of the women who found a voice and left records did not lead privileged lives. They lived and worked with patriarchal societies but were not crippled in the process. *

Tara Ali Beg, in her work ‘Women of India’, documented the activities of women, particularly those who inherited political tradition from their families e.g. Sarojini Naidu, Kamala Devi Chattopadhaya, Hansa Mehta and Vijay Lakshmi Pandit, all from elite households. She categorized the female activities into - social reforms, education for girl and political participation for women. Moreover, Manmohan Kaur, 1968 and Aprana Basu, 1976 have contributed a lot in this pursuit. These three books reflected the elite nationalist women set the precedent for the participation of other middle class women in the movement. Gandhi played a key role in getting their participation, women were eager to participate in the movement, the Indian women movement is projected different from that in the west because of its conflict with interest of women. Vijay Angew, 1979 delineates three categories of women those who were not member of political organization, women associated with Gandhi in Khadi movement and a small elite group of women participated in all aspects of the movement. Uma Rao, 1994, opened that non-violent nature of movement assisted women to participate equally in the struggle. Kamala Devi Chattopadhya, 1983, explains that Indian women hesitated to use words feminist and they aligned with movement for their own rights.

12 Founded by C.S.Lakshmi, Neera Regai and Maitreg, Krishnara.

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Kumari Jaya Wardena, 1986, raised the issue of right to vote, education and property and equality within the legal process. Gail Pearson - regional study on Bombay identifies three aspects of movement: (i) Women provided cohesiveners to the nationalist movement because women as a category was undifferentiated in public consciousness, (ii) The nationalist in order to arouse the national sentiments of the population to prove the unworthy nature of Britishers, (iii) Women support was required for effective form of resistance - boycott of foreign trade and picketing of shops. In Gail Minault, 1981, the public activities were seen as national extensions of household roles while facilitating women stepping out from their houses. George L. Mosse, Nationalism and Sexuality, 1985 discussing nationalists idealize both manhood and womanhood as the guardian of the traditional order. Himani, Banerjee, 1995, printing presses were swamped by material in the form of tracts, plays and novels on domesticity, moral and practical education for the Bengali Bhaduramahila. Andrew Parker, 1992, Nationalism and Sexuality, analyses the relationship between national identities and metaphorical constraints of the nation as women. Moreover, Mayer, 2000 analyzes the complexities of gender relations with in nationalism. The review of literature shows that there are a few studies on women’s participation and role in nationalist politics. Even the available studies fail to examine the significance of women’s participation in national movement and explore the regional variations.

Objectives of the Study The present study is to explore the social and political dynamics of women’s participation and mobilization in the Natonalistic movement

from the Bombay

Presidency and United Province. The evaluation of their participation from different

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cultural environment and political configuration would permits the researcher to focus on in-depth analysis of women’s (elite as well as non-elite) social origins, the manner of their mobilization and the socio-political constraints.

However, the main objectives of the study are •

To study women’s participation in nationalist movement from Bombay Presidency and United Province (UP)..

•

To study the social origins of participants.

•

To study their participation in non-cooperation movement.

•

To highlight their participation in civil disobedience movement.

•

To examine their involvement in quit India movement.

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To study the strategies involved in their mobilization.

•

To study the changes brought into their socio-economic life.

Sources The present study pertains mainly to women’s participation in nationalist politics in northern and western parts of India w.s.r. to Non-Co-operation, Civil Disobedience and Quit India Movements. For this purpose the relevant information is to be collected from sources given below:

Primary Sources: •

Fortnightly Reports of Government of India, 1920-44. Home Political Files of Government of India, 1920-44 (National Archives of India, New Delhi)

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•

Private papers of Women Freedom Fighters.

•

Oral History Transcripts of Women Freedom Fighters (Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi)

•

Home/Political File, State Archives, Lucknow.

•

Home/Special File, Maharashtra State Archives.

•

Interviews with Women Leaders.

•

Contemporary Newspapers, Journals and periodicals.

•

A.I.C.C. papers.

•

Provincial Congress Committee Reports.

•

Speeches of M. K. Gandhi.

News Papers: -

Statesman

-

Bombay Chronicle

-

Tribune

-

Abhudoya

-

Amrit Bazar Patrika etc.

Secondary Sources: Books and Journals.

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Scheme of Chapterization: The study is to be divided into seven chapters:Chapter-I

Introduction - significance, review of literature, objectives and hypotheses, methodology and scheme of chapterization.

Chapter-II

Origin of Women’s Participation.

Chapter-Ill

Participation of Women in Non-cooperation Movement

Chapter-IV

Women’s Participation in Civil Disobedience Movement

Chapter-V

Women and Quit India Movement

Chapter-VI

Impact of Women’s Participation on their Socio-Economic Life

Chapter-VII Conclusions