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REGINA O’CONNOR FOREWORD BY THE IRISH TAOISEACH

THE REASONS WHY Regina O’Connor was born in Ballincollig and grew up in Banteer, County Cork. Regina is a qualified Irish solicitor who has worked for the last five years as a legal and political advisor to the Fianna Fáil MEPs and is currently advisor to the ALDE Group, the third largest Political Group in the Parliament. Uniquely she has worked in all three parts of the European Union: the European Commission, the Council and the European Parliament. During her career, she has undertaken pro bono cases in human rights and is a graduate of Masters in European Politics in the prestigious College of Europe, Bruges. Regina was chosen by the British Council to represent Ireland as a participant of the TransAtlantic 2020 Young Leader Network, a Network of 100 young leaders chosen from North America and Europe in July 2008. She is now part of the Yes to Lisbon Treaty Campaign as legal and political advisor to Pat Cox, ‘Ireland for Europe’. Her forthcoming book ‘The Reasons Why’ - European Union will be available in the coming weeks.

THE REASONS WHY IRELAND AT THE HEART OF EUROPE REGINA O’ CONNOR

Visit Regina O’Connor websites at:

www.europeanunion-thereasonswhy.com www.europeanunion-thereasonswhy.blog.com

First published in Ireland in 2009 Copyright © 2009 by Regina O’Connor

Bookcover design by Peter Firth, 207design.co.uk Photo by Michael De Lausnay, Brussels.

This e-book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition, being imposed on the subsequent purchases.

CONTENTS

Foreword by An Taoiseach Brian Cowen Chapter 1 - Ireland - Closer to Boston or Berlin? Chapter 8 -

The Lisbon Treaty - Fact Not Fiction

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Chapter One IRELAND - CLOSER TO BOSTON OR BERLIN?

Introduction Are you a “jump around” Boston-Irish M.C. or are you an über-cool Berliner? Mary Harney, as Tánaiste in an address a few years ago sided spiritually with Boston for us all. Was she right? I believe that it is more accurate to say that Ireland is a natural bridge between the EU and the U.S. and that Ireland is equally spiritually close to both. It is time that we celebrate our Diaspora in the U.S. but we have an equivalent Diaspora in Europe that is less known and less celebrated. Are we as aware of our extremely strong historical, cultural and spiritual links to the European Kingdoms, Continent and European Community throughout the Ages where we joined ranks with the continent’s royalty, papacy, empires, presidents and army generals and achieved prominence as diplomats, merchants, academics, religious and military men? Well it goes without saying that we are also spiritually close to the United States. We are linked spiritually through our common people and ancestral ties; economically through invaluable inter-linked two-way trade, foreign investment and employment; politically and culturally. Although Minister Harney’s statement was not intended to be defining, nonetheless it did end up viral in the media, in our vernacular and in our cultural psyche. And no wonder, it filled a huge communication vacuum on Ireland’s connection and place in Europe as no-one was putting forward the reasons why Europe mattered to the Nation. It is certainly a welcome debate point. Ireland and the Irish long before the queues at Ellis Island was rocking Europe. What of the Irish men and women who befriended the Spanish Court and Rome’s Pope Paul V? What of a Kerryman who was appointed

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Spanish diplomatic envoy to Kings Charles I and II, Popes Innocent X and Alexander VIII? Yet another, an Irish man to a Limerick family of refugees in France who was appointed Spanish Ambassador to London and Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs? And what of one of the most influential Irish lady of her era who would become “Ireland’s first Ambassador” in exile? What about the great Irish entrepreneurs of Cognac and Bordeaux who have created world-recognised brands of Cognac Hennessy and Michel Lynch wine? What of Irish military exploits learned in action on the continent and effectively used against English colonialists at home? What of a Limerick man who was appointed Marquis by King Louis VI and whose grandson would go on to become the third President of France? What about another Limerick man who was recruited by Tsar Peter I and served under Catherine the Great? What of the Irish born Duke of Wellington who led a British army, made up of a majority of Irishmen to victory over the infamous Napoleon at Waterloo, some kilometres south of Brussels? What of the legacy of the Irish monks and Celtic missionaries who throughout the Middle Ages travelled across Europe from the illuminated monastic powerhouse of Ireland, carrying Irish manuscripts, spreading Christianity and Celtic art and who in the 17th century would set up 34 Irish colleges to preserve our Catholicism and our language and nurture our Irish identity in exile? Finally and most importantly, what of the thousands of Irish men who laid down their lives to protect the freedom of fellow small nations such as Belgium during World War I and II?

Background to the Movement East - ‘The Flight of the Earls’ When we think of emigration from Ireland, the majority of our minds will automatically turn to images, thousands of miles west of Ireland to Ellis Island. The first emigration to the U.S. first commenced around 1790, more than 140,000 leaving the island of Ireland. We do not so automatically think of the arduous journey east of Irish emigrants to the European Continent, hundreds of years earlier.

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Thousands of Irish emigrated eastwards as refugees, due to land confiscation, the Plantations, the persecution of Catholics and the search for education by Catholics on the Continent. The waves of emigration eastwards took place well in advance of the queues of Ellis Island. Emigration from Ireland from the early modern period, to the continent commencing from 1605, had an immediate impact on Ireland itself. The first major wave, ‘The Flight of the Earls” marked the end of the Old Gaelic power system and consequentially total English control of Irish land. The power of the Gaelic Chieftains outside of Ulster had subsided in the 1570s and 1580s despite rebellions against Elizabethan troops. Ireland during these decades was ravaged by war and even famine, with estimates of a third of Munster’s population dead through war, famine and sickness. In addition, Gaelic life changed dramatically with the outlawing of Brehon law, Gaelic dress, private armies and the poetry of the bards under royal control. Brehon law was the system of law used by the Irish dating from Celtic times. Under this system, the Celtic Druids were succeeded by Brithem or judges who acted as arbitrators. This custom was passed down from generations orally and in later years was recorded. Interestingly, Irish women under this law had more rights in terms of property and divorce than women in other European societies. The Nine Years War which had begun in 1594, leading to the defeat of the Ulster Chiefs joined by the Gaelic Chiefs at the Battle of Kinsale in 1601 was a sharp finale. Some clans had marched their armies of 5,000 men over 300 miles in winter for this battle. Catholic Spain came to our aid under the command of Aguila following the request of Hugh O’Neill one of the famous Ulster chieftains in 1600 with an estimated 3,000 troops. Ireland was very much a central focal point of European politics even then. The Spanish empire that had taken over present day Belgium and the Netherlands came to Catholic Ireland’s assistance to weaken English protestant influence in Spanish Netherlands by pulling English soldiers back from the continent. The Spanish successfully held Kinsale for 12 weeks but on seeing the reality and strength of royal troops, signed an accord and departed. The Gaelic chiefs also departed. Ulster became the last province to

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be planted by Elizabethan settlers. Without property or authority, the Chieftains agreed to depart with their families as part of a group of around a 100 to the European Continent.

The Flight of the Earls, 1607 Who were these characters and what was to become of them and more importantly what was to be their impact on European continental soil? The Irish College of Louvain, just a few miles from the European political centre of Brussels, houses a wonderfully detailed and illustrated exhibition which has formed the basis of the following chapter depicting character profiles that impacted Europe. The College itself, which has just celebrated its 400th year anniversary, has been central to the Irish experience of Europe. The Irish College was founded in 1607, with the financial assistance of King Phillip III of Spain, by a Franciscan Brother Flaithrí Ó Maoil Chonaire, a theologian and spiritual advisor to the Flight of the Earl leaders Hugh O’Neill and Rory O’Donnell two famous Ulster Chieftains. The entourage of 99 who departed Lough Swilly, due for Spain, landed in France instead due to bad weather and moved on to the town of Louvain then located in the Spanish Netherlands. The Irish College of Louvain is one of 34 Irish Colleges set up in European University towns to address the Catholic educational needs of the Irish abroad. Other Irish colleges include those established in Aachen, Prague and Rome. Interestingly, four hundred years on, the College continues to host Irish students and Irish officials on study trips and courses to learn about the European Union in addition to American students mainly of Irish heritage, who study in Louvain and go on to undertake an internship in the European Parliament. Red Hugh O’Donnell, (Hugh Rua O’Donnell), son of Sir Hugh O’Donnell and son-in law of Hugh O’Neill was born in 1572. The English, afraid of a strong alliance between the O’Donnell’s and the O’Neill’s kidnapped Hugh when he was 15 and imprisoned him in Dublin Castle. Following a second attempt to escape, he and his colleague

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Art O’Neill escaped from Dublin Castle into the Dublin mountains in the dead of winter. Art O’Neill did not survive the winter and Hugh lost two toes to frostbite. Following his return to Ulster, Hugh became Chief of the O’Donnells in 1592 and was Lord of Sligo and Connaught. He successfully with Hugh O’Neill defeated the English at the Battle of Yellow Ford in 1598. This battle could have been the start of the driving of the English out of Ireland but reinforcements from England usurped their plan. Following the Kinsale defeat of the allied troops of Hugh O’Neill, Lord Richard Tyrell, Donal Cam O’Sullivan Bere, the O’Driscoll’s clan and O’Connor’s of Kerry at Kinsale, Red Hugh left Ireland. He sailed to La Coruna, Galicia, Northwest Spain where many chieftains were already arriving with their families. He was received with great honours by the Governor and the Archbishop there. An Irish College was founded there. He plotted a return to Ireland and was promised assistance from King Philip III. On his second journey to Valladolid to lobby Philip he died, many believe from poisoning, organised by the English in July 1602. He was buried in the Franciscan monastery in Valladolid but following its demolition the location of his tomb is now unknown. Donal Cam O’Sullivan Beare a powerful Gaelic lord in the southwest of Ireland who had also been defeated in Kinsale departed for Spain. He had joined with the O’Neills and the O’Donnells years previously, in the Nine Years War against the English. He is famous in Ireland for his epic march northwards with 1,000 of his clan who became starving refugees. At the end of the march, which had included women and children, only 35 remained alive. He pleaded with Spain for assistance but to no avail. In 1605 O’Sullivan Beare also fled to La Coruna accompanied by several hundred followers. He helped found a college for Irish students in Santiago de Compostella. He became a Spanish courtier, recognised as an Irish prince and was admitted to the Order of Santiago in 1607. This Order was the Military Order of Saint James of the Sword, which was formed originally to protect pilgrims from Moorish bandits who would travel to and from the tomb of Saint James at Santiago de Compostella. The rules of the Order were similar to Templar rules and the Order itself very prestigious indeed.

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He was killed in 1618 in Madrid - it is unclear whether this was as a result of a duel or if he was assassinated. Hugh O’Neill or “Hugh the Great O’Neill” was born to the O’Neill clan and eventually received the Title of 2nd Earl of Tyrone. He and O’Donnell had made overtures to the Catholic King of Spain as to their allegiance to the Catholic Church to garner armed assistance. Following the Battle of Kinsale, O’Neill and Rory O’Donnell (chief of the O’Donnell clan following Hugh Rua O’Donnell’s departure to Spain) departed Ireland as a Group of ninety nine from Rathmullen on Lough Swilly in September 1607. O’Neill, O’Donnell and their entourage stopped off for the winter in the Irish College in Louvain and then headed on to Rome where they were welcomed by Pope Paul V. In the interim, like Hugh Rua before them in Spain O’Neill spent his time in Rome trying to secure Spanish armed assistance from King Phillip III. The bigger picture was to return to Ireland and overthrow the English. Meanwhile however, the Spanish economy was weak following a war with the Dutch at Gibraltar and Phillip III was in the throes of making peace with James I, successor to Elizabeth I. Hugh O’Neill died in Rome in 1616 not having had the opportunity to return to Ireland and was buried in the Spanish Franciscan church of San Pietro, Montorio. An example of a revered woman in exile is Rosa O’Doherty, whose remains are in Louvain, buried with two of her sons from her marriage to Caffer O’Donnell, brother of Rory O’Donnell. Rosa provides a natural bridge between two of the waves of emigration east. She herself was part of the Flight of the Earls first wave in 1607 following the failure to stop English colonisation in Ireland. She was originally married to Caffer O’Donnell, brother of Hugh O’Neill. She lived in Louvain with her two sons. Following Caffer’s death in exile, Rosa married Eoghan Rua O’Neill, a nephew of Hugh O’Neill and an officer in the Irish regiment of the Spanish army in the Spanish Netherlands for 40 years. Eoghan Rua returned to Ireland as one of the leaders in a nation-wide uprising in which the Gaelic Irish and Old English joined together in

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the Confederation defending the monarchy of Charles II against the Parliamentarians led by Cromwell and against further plantations. Rosa returned to Ireland in 1648 and following the death of her husband by poisoning or disease, she escaped out of Ireland on the second wave in 1649. While in exile, she held court in Brussels and is described as “Ireland’s first ambassador” because throughout her life in Louvain, she provided Irish people with papers to facilitate their travel across Europe. Hugh Dubh O’Neill, a nephew of Eoghan Rua, who had been born in the Spanish Netherlands and had gained enormous insight into strategic war-fare there, returned to Ireland with his uncle. Hugh Dubh is famous for having led the greatest military coup against Cromwell during the Siege of Clonmel. It is said that in one day, 3,000 of Cromwell’s men lay dead and wounded, more casualties than in years of English civil war. It was the biggest defeat that Cromwell had endured in Ireland or England. O’Neill had sent Irish agents to Brussels for assistance from the ardent Catholic Duke of Lorraine but by his surrender in 1651, it had not materialised. Hugh Dubh was imprisoned in the Tower of London and spent his remaining days in Spain. Another character during this period was Thomas Preston. Born in 1605 to an old English family, he joined an Irish regiment in the Spanish Netherlands which defended Louvain against a vastly superior French and Dutch force in 1635. He returned to Ireland to support the 1641 uprising as Confederate general and fought against Cromwell. In 1650, King Charles II created him Viscount Tara. Preston was governor of Galway when, in April 1652, it became the last Irish town to surrender to the Parliamentarians. He then left for France to join the exiled Royalist court and died in Paris in 1655. The defeat of the remaining Gaelic clan families who had supported Charles II in exile prior to his return in 1660 against the Parliamentarians resulted in huge confiscations of land from Catholics and the further suppression of their religion. Conditions were horrific for Irish natives and combined with the outbreak of The Plague in 1649 slums, low food supplies and hunger were prevalent. Irish land and agriculture had been slashed and burned, cattle had been stolen and farmhouse inhabitants evicted. The Irish population has been

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successfully uprooted to the West of the Shannon through the Act of Settlement, the most radically effected plan of the British Isles. As a consequence, thousands of catholic women and children in the 1650s were shipped off as slaves to the Caribbean, some estimate up to 50,000 in total. Historians claim that in those last 4 years before Cromwell’s suppression of the Rebellion (1645-49) more that a quarter of the Irish population died through hunger, disease and battle. Thousands left for exile to Spain and France following an agreement between the Confederation and the Parliamentarians. Some historians approximate this number at 40,000 who were never to see Ireland again.

Influence of the Irish Friars on Irish History and Catholic Education As Irish people, particularly when travelling to any corner of the globe, we become more and more aware of the clear brand of Irish people and Ireland. Ironically, it was in the Irish College of Louvain, just outside Brussels, where this cultural identity both at home and in exile was first instigated and formed. Up until the 17th century, our island as we have seen above was a nation of clans. We were made up of clans of Celtic Irish and Old English families such as the Butlers of Ormonde and Fitzgeralds of Desmond who were part of the original failed attempt of Ireland’s conquest in the 16th century under the Tudor Conquest. They maintained independence from the monarchy and the New English. Life on all levels was based upon local allegiance. The Louvain friars cared for the Irish emigrants and refugees as they passed through the Gateway of the Irish College in the Spanish Netherlands. In addition, they launched an ambitious plan known as the “grand project” to forge a national identity. One of their achievements was to compile the first dictionary in the Irish language. They also created a simplified grammar and developed the first lead fonts for printing books in Irish, basing the design on the handwriting of one of the friars at Louvain.

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The friars also took it upon themselves to organise the writing of the first history of Ireland. This was an extremely visionary step and long-term means to create a common sense of identity amongst Irish folk which would naturally evolve from a common sense of history. In order to gather up historical facts, a chronicler and his two assistants were sent from Louvain to Ireland to collect cultural, and historical, some ancient and to make copies of them. This was to form the basis of our Annals of the Four Masters or Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland which chronicles Irish history from the biblical flood to AD 1616 documenting the births, dates and activities of the Gaelic Irish nobility. A colourful personality amongst the friars was Dominic De Rosario O’Daly from Kerry, born in 1595 to the Desmond branch of the Fitzgerald family or Geraldines on his mother side and the Ó Dálaigh from his father’s side. He became a Dominican in Tralee, Co. Kerry and travelled throughout Europe studying in Spain and Bordeaux. In 1627, he was sent to teach theology in the Catholic University of Louvain, in 1425. Two years later he travelled to Madrid on business and with three Irish friars established the Irish Dominican College in Lisbon, supported by Phillip of Spain. Womens’ education was not forgotten and O’Daly constructed a convent of Irish Dominican Nuns in Lisbon. In 1650, he was appointed Spanish diplomatic envoy to Kings Charles I and Charles II and Pope Innocent X. The Portuguese queen appointed him envoy to Pope Alexander VIII. He worked as the Queen’s Confessor. Later, he accepted the title of Bishop of Coimbra on the condition that he could finance a larger Irish college building. He was appointed by King John IV of Portugal to conclude a Treaty and forge alliances between the kingdoms of Portugal and France. In addition, O’Daly had recognized that the Portuguese would have to obtain English support to avoid domination by Spain or France. He played a significant role in negotiating the marriage of the English king, Charles II, to Catherine of Braganza, daughter of the Portuguese king in 1661. O’Daly died in Lisbon the following year.

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The Wild Geese - the Treaty of Limerick 1691 the Third Wave The next wave of migrants which left for Europe from Ireland were part of ‘The Flight of the Wild Geese’ following an agreement under The Treaty of Limerick 1691, for James II supporters who were defeated by William of Orange and his supporters in the Williamite War that concluded at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. Again, the Irish had become embroiled in an external struggle, this time between Catholicism and Protestantism. Under the Treaty, some families were allowed emigrate from Ireland. They were marched down to Cork and the boat-trip to exile was labelled “The Flight of the Wild Geese” a reference to the lonely call of such wild fowl. It is said that 14,000 took this option to go to France and to become part of the Irish Brigade there under James II. The term “Wild Geese” later broadened to include all those who had left Ireland for Europe during the late 17th and 18th centuries as a consequence of the Penal Laws imposed on Catholics, many of whom went into further battle. In fact life would not be easy for those in exile either, particularly those who went on to become involved in European wars. In a letter in 1732 written to Dean Swift, a Sir Charles Wagan stated that in the preceding 40 years, more than 120,000 Irish had been killed or wounded in battle in Foreign Service. In truth, we have paid for our EU position through the blood sweat and tears of our ancestors, lest we forget.

The Entrepreneurs Some of the personalities in exile have had an immensely positive impact on European and even world life. Long before the Smurfits, the O’Reillys, and the Dunnes business families, Irish entrepreneurial families were establishing themselves in exile. The label and brand of being Irish does inevitably lead to conversations regarding Irish stout and whiskeys. I bet you never thought of Ireland vis-à-vis wine routes and cognac? Well it’s true and here’s why.

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Richard Hennessy, Cognac Hennessy One major example of a world brand is that created and nurtured by Richard Hennessy, an aristocrat who was born in County Cork in 1724. The Hennessy family are said to have suffered under the Cromwellian and Williamite regimes. When Richard was about twenty, he left for the west of France following family members who had already moved there. He spent some time serving in the French army. In 1765 he set up a brandy business from the Chateau de Bangle, in the town of Cognac, exporting the Hennessy brand to England and Ireland. In 1794, the first order came in from the U.S. Following Richard’s death in 1800, his son James Hennessy who married into the Martell family took over. Orders were flooding in from King George IV of England, Russia in 1818, China in 1859 and Japan in 1868. In 1856, the Hennessy coat of arms became the official brand for Hennessy Cognac. In 1865, Maurice Hennessy created a classification system for cognac worldwide. Since Richard’s creation, some eight generations have nurtured and expanded the Hennessy tradition and in 2001, Hennessy broke the record for having sold 35 million bottles worldwide. Hennessy is famous for its marketing of eaux de vie (“water of life”), how wonderful that an uisce beatha travelled so far!

Michel Lynch, Bordeaux Wines In Ireland, a traditional trading route emerged in the 17th century between the port of Galway and the port of Bordeaux. John Lynch fought with James II at the Battle of the Boyne and in 1691 fled Ireland to Bordeaux following the Treaty of Limerick. He went on to establish the Château Lynch-Bages winery which was retained by the Lynch family for three quarters of a century. During this time in the 18th century, Count Jean-Baptiste Lynch, who was also mayor of Bordeaux, inherited the estate and handed over management of it to his brother Michel Lynch. Interestingly, Michel was also mayor of Pauillac during the French Revolution. Michel Lynch was a knowledgeable winegrower and in the 18th century was one of the main forces in the progress made in the wine sector through conducting first trials of de-stemming (separating the stalk and the berries) before fermentation, a method

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that was to become widespread during the 19th century in the Médoc region. The linx on the Michel Lynch label can also be found on the Irish Lynch family coat of arms. Over the centuries, developing on from the natural trading routes and the Flight of the ‘Winegeese’, the Bordeaux region has become synonymous with Irish names in viticulture and politics claiming fourteen chateaux, 10 streets, 2 wine communes and 1 public monument to an Irish/French President of France, Patrice MacMahon. By the middle of the eighteenth century in Bordeaux, the Irish Merchant Community had become the most powerful of the expatriate minorities. Abraham Lawton from Cork had become the most important winebroker of the time. Thomas Barton from Fermanagh soon became the leading wine shipper in Bordeaux and Nathaniel Johnston from Armagh had cellars that held the equivalent of six million bottles. From winemakers to befriending Kings and Emperors, on the battlefields and in the arenas of politics and aristocratic diplomacy, the Irish were certainly talented. Patrick Sarsfield, Earl of Lucan and signatory to the Treaty of Limerick was one of the most famous of the Wild Geese and excelled militarily and diplomatically. Born in Lucan in 1650 of mixed Old English and Gaelic Irish descent, he was educated at a French military academy. He then went onto serve in the army of Catholic James II in England. In 1689, he was made Member of Parliament for County Dublin in Westminister and in the same year guarded Athlone from attack from the Orangites. During the first siege of Limerick, he forced William of Orange’s withdrawal following a daring raid on Williams artillery in 1690. William of Orange was not to be defeated however and when it became obvious for Sarsfield that defeat was inevitable during the second siege, he led the peace negotiations. He negotiated permission for his army of 11,000 to go into exile in France. He marched his army of 11,000 to Cork and they sailed onto France on 22 December 1691. Upon his arrival in France, Sarsfield was given a senior position in

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the French army. Less than two years later however, he was seriously wounded at the Battle of Landen in July 1693 in Flanders, Belgium and died a few days later from his wounds. Patrick Sarsfield is buried at Huy in Belgium. Another famous Irish-French family in the Burgundy region is that of John Baptiste MacMahon and his grand-son Patrice McMahon who excelled on the battlefields and politically. As a child, John Baptiste MacMahon and his family emigrated from Toorodile County Limerick as the penal laws severely curtailed their chances of making successful careers in Ireland. He became a doctor and married into French aristocracy. He was appointed Marquis d’Eguilly by King Louis XV. Patrice MacMahon, a grandson of John Baptiste was number 16 of 17 children born in 1808. He took up a military career, leading the Foreign Legion from 1843 and serving in Algeria and the Crimean and Franco-Prussian wars. He stayed in Algeria from 1834 - 1854. Following his stint in Algeria, he secured a crucial victory for France and Sardinia against the Austrians at Magenta in 1854 in the Second Italian War of Independence following which Emperor Napolean III created him Duc de Magenta. He was appointed to the French Senate in 1856 and went on to become the third President of France from 1873 to 1879. He died fourteen years later in 1893. His descendants continue to live in the family home, the Chateau de Sully in Burgundy. He is also commemorated in Bordeaux by a public memorial amongst the Irish stronghold of ‘winegeese’ such was their influence on vitaculture. Richard Wall (Ricardo Wall) was born into an Irish Jacobite refugee family originally from County Limerick in France and went on to become Spanish Foreign Minister. He joined the Spanish navy in or around 1716 and transferred to the Spanish navy. He was asked to go on diplomatic mission to Russia in 1727 and travelled widely in Europe. In 1747, The Spanish King appointed Wall Spanish Ambassador to London in 1747 following an injury from battle. He was recalled back to Spain to become Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1754. He died in 1777.

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A friend of the Russian Tsars, Peter Lacy, born in 1678 in Killeady near Limerick was born into an Irish noble family of Norman origin, De Lacy. At the age of 13 he fought to defend Limerick with the Jacobites. Following the Irish defeat, he and his family travelled as part of the Flight of the Wild Geese from Limerick to France where he, his father and his brother joined the Irish Brigade. His family lost their lives fighting for Louis XIV in Italy. Peter moved to work with the Austrian Army and then onto Tsar Peter I Russian Army following his former Austrian Commander at the age of 22. The Tsar recruited experienced soldiers from Western Europe to improve his armies and to increase their chances against enemies such as the Swedes. Lacy was rapidly promoted and found favour with Peter’s successors, including Catherine the Great. In the mid 1730s Lacy fought in Russia’s war against the Turks. When the Russo-Swedish war broke out in 1741, Lacy was appointed Commander in Chief of the Russian Army where he successfully ended Finnish and Swedish hostilities. In 1743 he retired to his estates in Livonia, on the eastern coast of the Baltic, now North Latvia and South Estonia where he died in 1751. His doctor recalled that the citizens of Riga, now Latvia mourned his death so much that they tolled their bells for eight days. He is remembered in Russian history as one of the most successful Russian imperial commanders and his son Franz Motitz von Lacy became one of the most successful imperial commanders of the 18th century. From one empire and emperor to the next, Laval Nugent, born in County Westmeath in 1777 served in the Austrian Army. Five members of his family also served in the armies of the Hapsburgs. He was rapidly promoted within the Austrian army and became a major general at the age of 25 and Chief of Staff of the Army corps of Archduke Johann of Austria at the age of 32. In 1813, he captured Trieste from the French and drove them out of Italy. In 1816 he received a title from the Pope and in 1817 he entered the service of Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies. In 1848, at the age of 71, Nugent campaigned in the war between Austria and Savoy and was promoted to Field Marshal by Emperor Franz Joseph. His full title was Count Nugent of Westmeath. Like other Austrian-Irish soldiers who were given titles, Nugent was proud of his Irish connections and kept them alive in his title. Laval Nugent died in 1862.

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We have seen some Irishmen’s contribution to wars in Austria, Italy, Russia, Spain and France. One point that is less well known in Irish history is the major Irish contribution to the Battle of Waterloo, 18th June 1815 both with and against Napoleon.

Battle of Waterloo Irishmen frequently fought on opposing sides on the European continent. They joined armies as individuals or in whole units, and special sections of continental armies were established. One clear example is that of the Battle of Waterloo, just south of Brussels. Irish soldiers fought as the Legion Irlandaise in Napoleon’s Army and as the Royal Irish Brigade in the Anglo-German allied forces under the command of the Irish born Allied Commander in Chief, the Duke of Wellington. Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington was born in Ireland in either Dublin or Meath in 1769. He was a Member of Parliament representing Trim in the Irish House of Commons and was Commander in Chief of the English-German-Dutch army allied with the Prussians who defeated Napoleon. It is documented in an extremely valuable resource that the 27th Inniskilling Fusiliers/Royal Irish Brigade, in the course of Ney’s cavalry attacks was bombarded by a French horse battery. By the end of the battle the battalion had suffered 478 casualties from a pre-battle strength of 750. An officer from a nearby battalion, Captain Kincaid, commented that the 27th seemed to be lying dead in its square. Kincaid, a veteran of the Peninsular War, said “I had never thought there would be a battle where everyone was killed. This seemed to be it.” During my research, I found this poignant letter in the New York Times, January 4, 1904. In it, Major Rudolph Fitzpatrick claims that of the 32,000 English troops who fought under Wellington, over 20,000 were Irish. He goes on to quote the distinguished French General-wounded at Waterloo-Maxamillan, Sebastian Foy whose oration captured the valor and courage of the English and Irishmen, who fought to their death “Wounded, vehicles, reserve ammunition trained auxiliary troops were hurrying in confusion toward Brussels. The Angel of Death was ever before their eyes and busy in their ranks. Disgrace was behind them. In these terrible circumstances neither the bullets of the Imperial Guard fired at point blank range

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nor the victorious French cavalry, could break the immovable British infantry.” The Duke of Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, the champion at the Battle of Waterloo went on to become Prime Minister of England a decade later in 1828-1830 and caretaker Prime Minister 1834-35. The Irish would even become involved in European national wars such as Italian unification and the Spanish Civil War. For example, 1,000 Irish volunteers organised and funded by the Catholic Church in Ireland to fight in defence of the Papal States unsuccessfully. Not only were the Irish involved in the continent’s military battles in pre-world war times, but we were right in the thick of it during the World Wars also. When two bullets were fired assassinating Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife on 28 June, 1914, Sarajevo, in an attempt by Southern Slavs to release themselves from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, a chain of events commenced which would directly affect Irish people in every part of Ireland and some of those living in Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States. During World War One approximately 210,000 Irishmen served in the English Army many of them on the battlefields of Flanders and in Northwest France in the Somme. It is estimated that 140,000 joined during the war as volunteers having enlisted for various reasons such as for the cause, and for the freedom of fellow small nations such as Belgium, in anticipation of Home Rule. During the Battle of the Somme alone, the number of casualties exceeded one million including the deaths of some 3,500 Irishmen. Nationalists and Unionists sometimes fought side by side, an example being the 16th (Irish) and 36th (Ulster) Divisions fighting together at Messines Ridge, 1917, south of Ypres in Belgium. Tom Kettle, a lawyer and Irish nationalist MP, was killed in battle at the Somme in September 1916. In January 1915, Kettle wrote of the war: “Used with the wisdom which is sown in tears and blood, this tragedy of Europe may be and must be the prologue to the two reconciliations of which all statesmen have dreamed, the reconciliation

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of Protestant Ulster with Ireland, and the reconciliation of Ireland with Great Britain.” In between World Wars, the Irish were drawn into the Spanish War in 1936 voluntarily and on both sides. This war was perceived to be a worldwide struggle between capitalism and communism. Many fought on the side of General Franco in his military revolt against the Centre Left Government spurned on by Irish bishops, by the majority of Irish press and political parties and particularly by Eoin O’Duffy’s Blueshirts. Irishmen fought on the socialist side also. For example, The last surviving Irish volunteer, Bob Doyle, who passed away in January 2009 fought with the International Brigade against fascism on the socialist side. As the Spanish Civil war was nearing its end, Hitler was galvanising his troops to the east. By January 1942, records show that 23,549 Irish-born soldiers and 28,287 Northern Ireland soldiers fought with the English Army in World War II with figures increasing in later years to 27,840 from the Republic.

Conclusion It was De Gaulle who suggested that Ireland is an island behind an island on the periphery of Europe. On the contrary, De Gaulle had underestimated the spirit of the Irish notwithstanding our geographical position to become a world identity and brand. Commencing with the Celts, moving forward to the dissemination of Christianity via Irish missionaries and the impact on the European continent since the Flight of the Earls, Ireland has had a massive impact on Europe culturally, politically and spiritually. Many of our Irish aristocracy and military champions looked naturally to the Continent for formal alliances and military support. During many waves of forced emigration, we left the island as refugees and as ‘outsiders’ to the European continent. The Irish spirit within us however brought us to Europe with a vibrancy and ambition to become ‘insiders’.

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As we have seen, we were accepted as ‘insiders’ and joined ranks with the continent’s royalty, papacy, empires, presidents and army generals and achieved prominence as diplomats, merchants, academics, religious and military men. The Irish tradition of military action in Europe continued from the 16th century right through to the latter part of 20th century. The inhabitants of an island on the periphery of Europe have always been enmeshed at the core of the European Continental tapestry of wars, politics, business, religion and diplomatic alliances without forgetting the land they had left behind. The clear link between Ireland with the European continent was formally and legally established in 1973. The European Union supplied Ireland with a counterweight to completely dilute our economic dependence on Britain. Prior to our independence, Ireland’s spirit had been suppressed by England for far too long, even as emigrants abroad, Protestant England controlled the hiring and firing of Irish Catholics for example on the east coast of America. Post 1922, we were tied to Britain economically and were closed as a market economy. Ireland needed formally to come out from behind the shadow of Britain historically and to take its place as a World nation. Membership of the European Economic and Steel Community would provide Ireland with this opportunity to continue our talent of becoming ‘insiders’ of a very influential club. Through Ireland’s joining of the European Union, we have not only safeguarded centuries of our connection to Europe but in addition we have successfully nurtured our connection to America. Our membership of this prestigious organisation provides our American friends with a natural and very effective Gateway to Europe. Of course it is not all one-sided. Without Ireland, Europe and the EU is missing out on one of Europe’s X factors one which has enriched the Continent historically, spiritually, artistically, politically and economically.

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As to our exiled forefathers across the Continent and the world, let us not forget them or their influence, but let us remember them and celebrate them and continue the noble tradition of leadership as they have left us.

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Chapter Eight THE LISBON TREATY: FACT NOT FICTION

Introduction On June 2008, 53.6% voted against the Lisbon Treaty with 46.4% voting in favour. 48% of Irish people abstained from the vote and 46% of these non-voters explained that they chose not to vote because they did not understand the Lisbon Treaty. We have to take responsibility for the lack of understanding. We have to take responsibility for the void in communicating Europe. Together, we have enabled the lies and misrepresentations of the No campaigns since the 1960s to fester and take root. Almost all other Member States have ratified the Lisbon Treaty. The Czech Republic and Polish parliaments have declared an emphatic democratic Yes to the Treaty. Their Presidents are playing antics and chose to await the Irish vote. In real terms however, the only obstacle between the EU becoming a more democratic, transparent and efficient body is the vote in Ireland on October 2nd. The eyes of Europe and the world are upon us again. They were on us during the Nice II referendum and we did ‘wise-up’ to the fact that we were the only obstacle blocking the European family’s reunification following its artificial separation by war. We need to ‘wise-up’ again to the strategic choice that we have for Ireland’s future. As the Taoiseach has rightly pointed out in the Foreword: “The world will hear either that Ireland says yes to Europe, or that Ireland says no. Few will pause to enquire why.” What is particularly baffling for Europeans and the watching world is to digest a possible No vote when Ireland cannot point to any specific national problem. If we did, our European family would reach out, as they have done in the last months with legal and political guarantees and compromise on a 27-Member Commission. An Irish No this time round will no doubt place Ireland on the periphery. A third No in a decade is a serious signal within any family.

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And, the No campaigners are not coming clean on their agenda. The lies of the past continue to haunt us! These scaremongering, emotional and sometimes even terrorising and abusive misrepresentation, mistruths and downright lies have effectively disabled the voters through the creation of strategic confusion and reasonable doubt. One misrepresentation of the truth has proven last time around to encourage a non-vote and a No vote. Where are the No campaigners then when the pieces have to be picked up in Brussels and glued back together? In the last chapter we discussed The Reasons Why a new Treaty postNice was required - the need to provide a bridge to facilitate you the citizens to come closer to the EU institutions and to provide two-way traffic to bring Brussels closer to you. Secondly, the Lisbon Treaty provides us with an efficient tool-box which enables the Governments and Members of European Parliaments together with the scrutiny of the National Parliaments to effectively address global 21st century challenges which we cannot address alone. Let’s take a look at the fiction that has been placed before us leading up to the Lisbon I and II campaigns and I can give you the facts. After that, it is up to you to decide.

THE LISBON TREATY: THE FACTS & THE REAL TRUTHS Background The Irish Government were the central negotiators of the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty and those that control the agenda control the direction. This point is a simple one but a crucial one. Do you remember in my earlier chapter when I described how our former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, while in the Irish Presidency hot seat during the 2004 Irish Presidency June Summit pulled agreement on the Constitutional Treaty out of the bag? The Irish Treaty team

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from the start had what is termed red-line issues - non-negotiation points that cannot be touched, for example tax and neutrality. As negotiations directors, the Irish team ensured that all of our ‘red line’ issues were not crossed. From the embryonic stage of the Constitutional Treaty negotiations during the Convention, Ireland was well represented by former Taoiseach John Bruton who was chosen as one of the Presidents of the Convention’s top advisors or drivers. During the crucial final six months of the negotiations Ireland was in the Presidency seat. Your team Ireland were there at technical civil servant level, at Ambassador level, at Foreign Minister level ably held by our current Taoiseach Brian Cowen and finally at Prime Ministerial level by Bertie Ahern. We could not have had amore strategic position from the get-go!

What Are The Red-lines? The red lines for Ireland over the decades have been consistently clear. We will not accept any change to our sovereign decision to control our direct tax-rates. By the way, many of the other Member States feel exactly the same. Within the sphere of criminal justice and civil law cooperation, Ireland has always been sensitive to adopting a harmonisation of laws in this area due to our different common law system so we chose to opt-in and opt-out as we please and this has been accepted. The Irish team introduced the concept of an emergency brake provision for national parliaments discussed in the previous chapter which was accepted. A number of countries with us negotiated the continuing of the veto in our common commercial policy dealing with health, education and social services. On the issue of enhanced cooperation vis-à-vis common foreign and security policy in troubled hot spots, Ireland and the other neutral countries can mutually recognise an EU peace-force while these countries recognise our neutrality wishes. We can go into more detail on these issues as these are the issues where much purposefully placed confusion arises.

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Tax Throughout the decades of Treaty negotiations, Ireland and the other Member States have only relinquished their sovereignty on tax issues in the area of what is termed indirect tax. Indirect tax includes tax on customs, excise and VAT and rules can only be harmonised if the Commission can demonstrate that this is necessary to ensure the good functioning of the internal market and it is necessary to avoid distortion of competition. Again, legislation is governed by unanimity and Ireland retains its veto. Direct tax which includes for example our income tax, our corporate tax rate, capital gains tax and foreign investment tax - in simple terms individual tax - in EU law is a matter for each nation. This does not change under the Lisbon Treaty. In Ireland this is a matter for our Minister of Finance. The Lisbon Treaty copper-fastens Ireland’s position on tax and the EU will never have the power to dictate to Ireland how our direct taxes are run. The No campaign has very cleverly ‘picked and mixed’ concepts and text from the Treaty, and presented them persuasively to give us the impression that tax harmonisation could come in the back door. They are playing on our emotions and our fears. We need to turn the lights on. To suggest that the European Court of Justice could apply internal market rules on competition to matters of corporation tax or any other tax for that matter is simply unsupportable. All previous ECJ judgments have found that the words “tax provisions” in the Treaty cover all areas and aspects of taxation. This means that all aspects of taxation must be provided for under a unanimous legal base. In other words they remain within the competence of the Member States. During the Lisbon Treaty I campaign another tax issue - a potential Commission proposal on a Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) - was raised. If the Commission ever presented such a proposal, it would require unanimous support to become law and Ireland and other Member States are against any such proposal.

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Finally, The Irish Government has secured a political and legal guarantee reiterating that the Lisbon Treaty does not make “any change of any kind for any member state to the extent or operation of the EU in relation to taxation” which confirms that Ireland remains in control of its own tax rates.

Neutrality Neutrality also is a worry particularly for young adults, mothers and grandmothers. Those who objected to us joining the EEC even in the 1960s warned us that we would lose our neutrality then. I wonder where this invisible army is all these decades later? Another very clever ploy to effectively play on emotions! And then, just to ensure more confusion, the conscription card was played and was most effective. Ireland is and always has been a neutral nation and this is protected under Bunreacht na hÉireann. The Lisbon Treaty does not affect this in any shape or form. In fact, if Ireland is to take part in a peace-keeping mission we have to satisfy three tests called the “triplelock mechanism”. Our peacekeepers can only be deployed abroad if the mandate is endorsed by the UN, the Dáil and the Government. The Lisbon Treaty in no way erodes Irish neutrality. The neutrality of Ireland, Sweden, Austria and Finland is actually reinforced. Furthermore, the legal guarantee on neutrality secured by the Irish Government on neutrality and defence states that the Lisbon Treaty “does not provide for the creation of a European army or conscription”; and the scope of CFSP is clearly outlined: “The Union’s common security and defence policy is an integral part of the common foreign and security policy and provides the Union with an operational capacity to undertake missions outside the Union for peace-keeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter.” Ireland can decide in a spirit of solidarity to participate or even lead a peace-keeping force like it has so proudly done in Chad. Peacekeeping does not prejudice our neutrality. Any decision to move to a common defence will require a unanimous decision of the European Council. This will be a matter for each of the Member States, including Ireland, to decide whilst obviously respecting the Constitution.

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Under this Treaty foreign affairs matters continue to be dealt with in the Council alone which means that they are subject to the unanimous rule, meaning each country has a veto right. Furthermore, let us not forget that the Irish have proudly taken part in peacekeeping missions in Bosnia and commanded a major EU peacekeeping operation in Chad. Not only are we involved in peace-keeping in missions under the UN Charter but we are also involved in helping new democracies with judicial reform, the creation of modern police forces and actions to combat corruption. In fact, Ban-Ki-Moon has requested in a recent visit to Dublin that the EU grow into being a full partner to the UN in peacekeeping missions.

Abortion / Euthanasia Like neutrality, ethical issues such as abortion and euthanasia are raised over and over again in Irish referenda debates over the decades. The simple fact is, abortion and euthanasia are issues of ethics and national sovereignty and the EU has no competence to legislate on these matters and they cannot come in through the backdoor if there is no competence in the first place. The European Court of Justice only has competence to deal with matters which are subject to EU competence and can only interpret EU legislation. The ECJ is a judicial body and not a legislative body so can only interpret the law that is there. As ethical maters are only subject to national competence, the ECJ has no such jurisdiction. Furthermore, the Irish government has secured a legal guarantee: “Nothing in the Treaty of Lisbon attributing legal status to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU or in the provisions of that Treaty in the area of Freedom Security and Justice in any way affects the scope and applicability of the protection of the right to life in Article 40.3.1. 40.3.2. and 40.3.3, the protection of the family in Article 41 and the protection of the rights in respect of education in Articles 42 and 44.2.4 and 44.2.5 provided by the Constitution of Ireland.” The guarantee on the right to life, family and education says the Treaty does not affect the Irish constitution’s provisions on these issues.

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Let me also clear up some confusion on the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. There has been some confusion emanating from rulings in the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. This Court is connected to the Council of Europe in Strasbourg. It is not connected to the European Union. Therefore it has no jurisdiction over European Union states and matters outside of the Treaty cannot be prescribed by this Court.

Workers Rights Workers Rights has become an even more controversial subject during the current Lisbon II debate. The issue of minimum wage is a red-herring. The proposers - Cóir - then have the gall to state that they are not suggesting that the minimum wage would be €1.84 under Lisbon despite spending thousands of euro on posters to put this in writing. If we are to be truthful, the Lisbon Treaty essentially balances the previously economic-focused Treaties towards a more Social Europe. The Treaty exclusively aims to promote high employment and social progress; improves living and working conditions and proper social protection for citizens; promotes dialogue between management and labour, combats social exclusion and discrimination and promotes social justice and equality between men and women. 1 Under the Lisbon Treaty, The Charter of Fundamental Rights becomes law and there are 11 specific extra rights given to workers. In response to those who suggest that the cases such as the Laval case demonstrates the ECJ’s direction of encouraging a race to the bottom, this argument does not include the space that the ECJ will be obliged to take into account the new Articles 9 & 10 which are clearly promoting social policy. It’s probably safe to say that had we not been part of the EU, the implementation of employment and social policy at the level that we have in Ireland would have been at best a slower process and at worst never implemented. Soon after Ireland’s entry into the EEC, Patrick Hillery as Social Affairs Commissioner, introduced and later implemented EU Equal Pay and Equal Treatment legislation ensuring employment equality for women and the ban of discrimination. For example in Ireland, one of the effects of equality legislation

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was the declaration of the Civil Service (Employment of Married Women) Act, 1973 banning women from employment post-marriage, unconstitutional. Since our membership, workers have benefited from further equalitybased legislation and socially based legislation such as maternity and paternity leave, redundancy, protection of young persons at work, rights for agency workers, safety, health and welfare rights at work, rights for part-time workers and fixed-term workers entitlements. As previously discussed, for the most part social policy is a competence for the Member States. However national Governments have benefited from the European Commission’s research and guidelines, an example was the impetus of Ireland to take up the suggestion from ‘best practice’ guidelines of the setting of the minimum wage. A key founding benchmark of the European Community and Union was always to maximise employment and social standards so that standards of living for everyone would be higher. During the convention, the social group featured strongly to ensure balance between an economic and social vision of Europe. Furthermore, the Irish Presidency when negotiating the Constitution in the case of commercial policy successfully inserted a safeguard clause in respect of trade in social, education and health services. All the protective legislation in Europe is not worth the paper it’s written on without employment in the first place. We cannot thus underestimate the benefit of the increased supply of employment opportunities as a result of our membership of the EU and the hundreds of thousands of extra jobs and competitive marketplace. A protocol attached to The original Lisbon Treaty “recognises the essential role and wide discretion of national, regional and local authorities providing, commissioning and organising services of general economic interest as closely as possible to the needs of the users.” In addition, the Government has secured a solemn declaration on Workers’ Rights and Social Policy prior to the next referendum. Therein, the European Council confirms the high importance which

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the Union attaches to social progress and the protection of workers’ rights; public services and the essential role of national regional and local authorities in providing commissioning and organising services of general economic interest.

Justice and Home Affairs Ireland secured an “opt-in/opt-out position” on the articles of the Lisbon Treaty referring the framing of common policy on asylum, immigration and external border control; measures to assist in coordinating and cooperation between police and judicial authorities as well as recognition of judgements in criminal and civil matters. The Lisbon Treaty continues to ensure the direction role of the Council and Governments as the leading institution in setting down the aims and direction of the measures. Again, national parliaments have an increased role of scrutiny here and can avail of an emergency brake procedure inserted in the Treaty by the Irish negotiating team. Consequentially, if there is a policy initiative is developing in the Council and if a Member State has a national sensitivity to it, it can stall the proceedings. New procedures to assist the EU with terrorism in this section facilitates the Parliament and the Council’s ability to define a framework to freeze funds belonging to an individual or group where it is deemed necessary to prevent and combat terrorism. Let’s move to the claims that in voting for the Lisbon Treaty that we are throwing away the freedom which was so hard fought for during the 1916 rising.

Sovereignty, National Law and EU Law Bunreacht na hÉireann remains the fundamental law of the State and in many areas it is the supreme law. However our Constitution does recognise the primacy of EU law and has done so since we joined in 1973. Just to demonstrate, if there was no national recognition of EU law as primary law in areas such as environment regulations

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and equal pay directives, they would have no binding effect. The ECJ role has the highest legal authority in the interpretation of EU legislation. ECJ rulings have always enjoyed primacy over national judgements in areas which concern EU law but let me emphasise that the competence of the ECJ is only that of EU legislation. Any national matters where the EU has no competence remain outside its competence and this will not change. As to our loss of freedom, Seán LeMass who fought in 1916 was the very man who took the initial steps to release ourselves from our economic dependence on the United Kingdom by applying for EEC membership! In fact Former President Hillery and John Bruton claim that this was the second act of independence - economic independence - from Britain. Do we really want to go back into this shadow? Why would we even consider it?

Charter of Fundamental Rights - Human Rights There are other claims that the Charter of Fundamental Rights could be used to reverse national positions on key issues such as abortion. We need to get very clear on this. The Charter of Fundamental Rights is conferred legal status through the Lisbon Treaty. Currently, the Charter is a political declaration. The Treaty makes it clear that the Charter applies to the Union’s institutions and to Member States only in their implementation of EU law. The Charter consolidates fundamental rights for example dignity, freedom, equality, justice and solidarity. The Charter does not replace the Constitutions of the Member States in any way as it applies only to the EU institutions and to the Member States when they are implementing Union law. Abortion and euthanasia are not matters for EU law thus are not under the jurisdiction of the ECJ.

The Claim That This Treaty Can Be Amended Without a Referendum More lies spread effectively by the No campaigners is that if we ratify the Lisbon Treaty we are allowing faceless bureaucrats or politicians

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to amend the scope of the Treaty without asking you the people. If the No campaigners chose to read you the full script, you would discover that Article 48 clearly states that “the amendment shall enter into force after being ratified by all the Member States in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements”. If a Government would like to increase or decrease the competence of the EU, they can propose to start a process in the form of a Convention as was done for the Constitution. Following the Convention result, this would have to be put to an Irish referendum. If EU internal policies are to be amended with no competence issue, the Council has to agree to amendments unanimously thus each country has a veto right. Moving policy areas from unanimous voting to QMV requires unanimity and ratification in each Member State is required. Military and defence decisions can only be changed via a Convention and through an Irish referendum.

Conclusion Let us wake up to the humbug and in some cases downright misrepresentation, mistruths and lies spread by the No campaign. In the hours directly following our No to Lisbon I, it was Sinn Féin coupled with the Tories along with Cathy Sinnott and the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) who were doing the celebrating. What a motley crew and as Avril Doyle reminded us in the Strasbourg European Parliament Plenary Chamber that evening “and a jailbird thrown in for good measure!” Brian Crowley as President of the UEN Group patriotically reminded us and the journalists at large about the Irish Times photograph that painted a thousand words; The UKIP team in Kitty O Shea’s Irish pub in Brussels with pints on our Irish flag. Solidarity indeed! The same people in the Press and in the Chamber screaming at the EU to respect the Irish No! Let’s not let them use us for their political gain in their domestic politics! Initially in the campaign The No Campaign did appear as if they were generating genuine debate. This is always welcome. Instead they played on our fears and our emotions. May this be the end of

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such future fear-preying now that you have the facts on how the EU is run. Do we really believe that our Government and twenty six other Governments would honestly sign up to giving away our sovereignty on sensitive, national self-governing legalisation such as the legalisation of prostitution and drugs, abortion, euthanasia whilst privatising our health and education, renege on our sovereign right to set tax rates, conscript your children into an invisible EU army and chip our children. Those responsible for the 3 monkey campaign asked what our motivation is from keeping you ignorant. I would like to ask them what is their motivation in keeping you constantly fearful, mistrustful and consistently corrupting our trust? Over the decades we have built up major clout politically and economically at the central table in Brussels. A third No in a decade from Ireland to the EU without a specific national reasoning could erase our reputation in a matter of hours for many years to come! We will have gone from a Nation that makes things happen in Europe to a Nation watching things happen with little or no influence. We will be sitting on the bench. We are sailing very close to the wind at this defining moment for our country; economically, politically and internationally. Will anyone come out and rescue us from the rocks? Let’s get back to the facts and leave the fantasists in their fog of false misrepresentation. We have to make an informed choice which is why I wrote this book; to give you the right factual and truthful information.