Somalia--p.docx

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY: The study is both descriptive and analytical in nature. It is a blend of primary data and secondary data.The primary data has been collected personally by approaching the online share traders who are engaged in share market. The data are collected with a carefully prepared questionnaire. The secondary data has been collected from the books, journals and websites which deal with online share trading. Source of data

Primary Sources: The primary data was collected through structured unbiased questionnaire and personal interviews of investors. For this purpose questionnaire included were both open ended & close ended & multiple-choice questions.

Secondary method: The secondary data collection method includes: 

Websites

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Journals

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Text books

Method Used For Analysis of Study The methodology used for this purpose is Survey and Questionnaire Method. It is a time consuming and expensive method and requires more administrative planning and supervision. It is also subjective to interviewer bias or distortion.

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REVIEW OF LITERATURE 

A number of more recent studies seek to redress the absence of youth voices through qualitative research (Pruitt, 2013; Uvin, 2007; MacKenzie, 2009; Denov & Maclure, 2006). These provide examples of the amplification of youth voice by seeking to engage those young people who have been afforded little attention. So for example, in MacKenzie’s study of young female ex‐combatants in Sierra Leone (2009), she includes the perspectives both of women who took part in DDR initiatives and those who did not. As Becker highlights (2012:7), consulting and including the voices of young people is the first step in inclusive programming, but programmes that aim to promote youth empowerment and agency must go beyond participation to share responsibility and power.

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Stewart (2011) indicates that “disenfranchised youth may begin to see themselves as the ‘other’ and (un)consciously assume a deviant counter‐identity” (Stewart, 2011:305), hence including the perspectives and participation of youth in programmes that aim to support peacebuilding, post‐conflict reconstruction or reintegration is key to ensuring their engagement. Likewise, McEvoy‐Levy (2001) underscores the importance of engaging youth in politics by highlighting that “when mainstream or establishment politics are barred, children will still engage in political activity, often violent and structured by confrontation and brinkmanship rather than dialogue and cooperation” (McEvoy‐Levy, 2001: 24).

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However, it is also very important that certain (violent) voices are not disproportionately amplified, as it should not be seen that active participation in violent conflict is ‘rewarded’ with an increased stake in decision‐making to the detriment of peaceful youth (UN‐IANYD, 2014:2). Key to the inclusion of youth perspectives is the recognition that these perspectives may be contradictory – that youth inhabit vastly different positions within their societies and that the issues that affect different groups vary significantly. Prioritising one voice over another, or one set of issues over another, does not therefore further the engagement of youth as artisans of peace in their communities. Nevertheless, from a social justice perspective, there may be a need for affirmative

action, which explicitly targets youth

constituencies who are and have been historically marginalised and lack social, economic or political power.

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Shvedova (2005) identifies three main obstacles to women participation in politics. These obstacles are political, socio-economic, ideological, and psychological (Shvedova 2005). Political barriers derives from the implementation lag of the right to vote and the right to stand for election that are embedded in the laws and national policies of most countries nowadays. The right to stand for election guarantees women candidacy, which is the first step in increasing women representation. Increasing women candidacy enables women to exercise their right to vote because in reality women are more likely to vote for women. Therefore, a restriction of women right to stand for election vote prolongs the status quo of high men representation in politics and creates barriers to women political representation.

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Legislation at the national level consists of the Somali Media Law, approved by the Transitional Federal Parliament of the Somali Republic in 2007 and guarantees “freedom of expression and ideas” and states that media cannot be subject to censorship. However, it presents a regulatory framework largely controlled by the government, with a National Media Council as the main regulatory body, consisting of 10 members from the private media and 5 members of the public media nominated by the Ministry of Information. The law has been criticized by journalists and others, particularly for the important role given to the government-appointed National Media Council (NMC), and the legal obligation for media stations to promote Islam. ...

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Legislation in Somaliland abides [by] Article 32 of the Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland and protects the freedom of expression and of the press and other media and it also prohibits the subjugation of the media. The media landscape in Somaliland is governed by the Press Law (No: 27/2004), but some journalists lobbied for the provision of an independent regulatory body. Some reservations were also expressed regarding the 2007 Somaliland Press and Publications Bill, which was intended to replace the Press Law 2004. The bill was not passed and is currently not an issue of debate. In early 2011, various stake-holders including Somaliland parliamentarians, journalists associations and government officials joined in a consultative process supported by INGO Free Press Unlimited (formerly Press Now) to draft under the auspices of the Somaliland parliament's sub-committee on social affairs, religion and national guidance: A Law on Media & Access to Information (which would establish a National Media Board to license and regulate media outlets and introduce provisions to promote government transparency and public access to information); and a

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Broadcasting Law (which would establish a regulatory framework for TV and Radio stations in Somaliland). Both draft laws currently remain with the parliamentary subcommittee on social affairs and have not yet been sent to the full parliament for consideration

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SUGGESTION Somali lawmakers elected Mohamed Mursal Abdirahman speaker of parliament's lower house Monday after two rounds of voting in Mogadishu's heavily protected parliament building.

Abdirahman resigned as defense minister just last week to run for the speakership, securing 147 votes out of 265. He defeated Ibrahim Isak Yarow, former deputy minister of telecommunications, who received 118 votes.

Ten candidates competed for the post, which became vacant April 12 following the resignation of Mohamed Osman Jawari, a seasoned and longtime politician. He stepped down after a bitter dispute with the legislative branch of the government.

Jawari was accused of aligning himself with opposition lawmakers who were allegedly planning a no-confidence motion against the government of Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire; however, MPs who support the prime minister brought a no-confidence motion against Jawari, which eventually forced him to step down after nearly a month of political turmoil.

Abdirahman, 61, is a former Somali ambassador to Turkey who is believed to have a close working relationship with Prime Minister Khaire. He will lead a parliament divided by the recent dispute.

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