Ma Lo Of

Cultural Competence and Identity in Cross-cultural Adaptation: The Role of a Vietnamese Heritage Language School Valerie Miller Maloof Gwinnett County Public Schools, Lawrenceville, GA, USA Donald L. Rubin and Ann Neville Miller University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA The present study examines the role of a Vietnamese heritage language school in cross-cultural adaptation, as operationalised by the confluence of two independent variables, language competence and integrated cultural identity. To characterise the students’ language competencies and degree of integrated cultural identities, interview questionnaires of virtually a complete census of students in the school were analysed via descriptive statistics. Correlation and regression analyses were conducted to determine relations between each independent variable and demographic factors (such as age at arrival in the USA and family milieu) and to determine relations between each independent variable and school factors (such as pattern of attendance and class participation). The findings suggest the heritage school experience was related to components of Vietnamese language competency but had little impact on integrated cultural identity. Age at arrival in the USA and family milieu played a more significant role in the cross-cultural adaptation process.

Keywords: bicultural competence, cross-cultural adaptation, language school, cultural identity, Vietnamese immigrants

heritage

Since the communist takeover of South Vietnam in 1975, nearly a million Vietnamese have fled their homes and settled in the USA (Barnes & Bennett, 2002). Like members of other ethnic groups, when these refugees and immigrants arrive, they immediately experience pressure to discard their native language and culture. US society
the media, schools and peers
demands assimilation to North American ways, especially in the area of language. In the main, the Vietnamese population has willingly acceded to this demand, learning English and adopting whatever behaviours are necessary to become competent communicators within their new environment. The academic achievements of numerous Vietnamese
American students and the growing number of businesses run by Vietnamese
Americans attest to their general adaptive success (Bankston & Zhou, 1995; Rutledge, 1992; Zhou & Bankston, 2000). However, acculturation of this type by any ethnic community is not without its price. Increased knowledge of English is typically accompanied by rapid loss of the ethnic language
usually in fewer than three generations (Veltman, 1983). The heritage culture itself is also vulnerable, for language is central to the enactment and celebration of all 1367-0050/06/02 255-19 $20.00/0 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism

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ethnic activity (Fishman, 1989). To gain competence in US communication practices may mean losing competence in those of Vietnam. Loss of heritage culture may precipitate a variety of relational and psychological stresses in Vietnamese
American youth, leaving them bereft of a strong sense of cultural identity. As they assimilate into US youth subcultures, academic performance of Vietnamese students tends to decline (Zhou & Bankston, 2000), and some resort to negative behaviour at school or even turn to delinquent or gang-related activity in the quest for a new identity (Long, 1996; Zhou, 1996). Lack of proficiency in the heritage language also contributes to intergenerational conflict as children become frustrated when they are unable to communicate effectively with their relatives or with peers in the old country. As family relationships weaken, parental authority correspondingly weakens, the older generation is hampered in its efforts to transmit ethnic values, and family unity often diminishes (Hinton, 1999; WongFillmore, 1991). To combat these trends, many Vietnamese across the USA
like members of other immigrant and refugee groups
have meticulously created communities both to provide a variety of types of aid for their members and to retain their own culture and language. Their adaptation is a delicate balance between conscientiously absorbing the aspects of US culture and language they need to survive, and yearning deeply to hold onto their ethnic roots. A key development in this balancing act, as in many other immigrant communities, has been the proliferation of heritage language schools. Because language policy issues have often reflected an antipathy toward heritage languages and cultures (Lippi-Greene, 1997; Tatalovich, 1995), historically it has been necessary for ethnic groups themselves to develop and operate these schools outside the US educational system. Fishman (2001) counted over 6500 such schools in the early 1980s. However, little research has been conducted to uncover the extent to which these schools actually do fulfil their goals of maintaining students’ cultural and linguistic heritage, as well as aiding them in successful integration with the host culture. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to examine the impact of a specific Vietnamese language school on two aspects of the acculturation of its students: (1) the development of communicative
particularly sociolinguistic
competence in both heritage and host cultures, what this study terms language competence or additive bilingualism ; and (2) the strengthening of cultural identity with respect to both cultures, what we term an integrated cultural identity. In so doing it considers implications for the relationship of heritage language schools to cultural adaptation.

The Relationship of Heritage Language Schools to Cultural Competence and Identity Fishman (1989) suggested heritage language schools are guided by the following assumptions: (1) that there is a consequential link between language and ethnicity, (2) that there is a possibility, feasibility and necessity of biculturalism and bilingualism, and (3) that the promotion of bilingualism and biculturalism occurs through planning and organisation. Because

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language has been seen as closely linked to the maintenance or development of ethnic identity, language instruction becomes the focus for these schools, although classes may be offered in a variety of other culturally relevant topics including religion, drawing, dancing, martial arts and even maths. Sports and exercise programmes may be available for parents, and schools may organise holiday celebrations (Fishman & Nahirny, 1966). Except in cases of programmes funded by religious organisations, financial support generally comes from tuition and fund raising. Teachers and administrators are mostly parent volunteers who donate their time and skills to running the schools (Brandanus, 1988; Brecht & Ingold, 2002; Lu, 2001).

Language competence and additive bilingualism The notion of the possibility and necessity of bicultural competence embodied in these schools is situated (1) in the concepts of additive versus subtractive bilingualism (Lambert, 1975), (2) in the psychological model of second-culture acquisition (LaFromboise et al ., 1993), and (3) in the counterbalance model of family, school and socioinstitutional milieus (Landry & Allard, 1991a, 1991b, 1992; Landry et al ., 1991). Each perspective articulates specific criteria for what it means to become competent in more than one language and culture. Additive bilingualism has been stipulated by Landry and Allard (1991a, 1991b, 1992) as meeting three criteria: the individual must (a) demonstrate a high level of proficiency in communicative as well as cognitive-academic domains of both languages, (b) maintain a strong ethnolinguistic identity and positive attitudes toward both languages and cultures, and (c) have the opportunity to use the first language in more than isolated situations or social roles. These criteria closely parallel a more distinctly psychological model of second-language acquisition proffered by LaFromboise et al . (1993), which in turn articulates six skills needed for bicultural competence: (1) knowledge of cultural beliefs and values, (2) positive attitude toward both groups, (3) bicultural efficacy, (4) communication competency, (5) role repertoire and (6) groundedness. Both models explicitly claim that individuals are capable of identifying with, and being competent in, two cultures simultaneously. The degree to which learning a second language is additive or subtractive to first-language maintenance is contingent on several factors. One key is societal context (Lambert, 1975; Lawson & Sachdev, 2004; Yagbur et al ., 1999). For majority language groups, bilingual education is usually additive, because the first language is not in danger of being replaced by the second. However, for linguistic minority groups, bilingual education often becomes subtractive, because their first language use is curtailed. The counterbalance model (Landry & Allard, 1991a, 1991b, 1992; Landry et al ., 1991) further suggests that family milieu, school milieu and socioinstitutional milieu can be expected to influence language development. For low-vitality language groups (Giles et al ., 1977), a high degree of ethnic language use in the family milieu and school milieu can compensate for the overwhelming use of the host language in the society. For high-vitality language groups, a high degree of second

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language in the school milieu compensates for the predominant use of the native language in the family milieu and socioinstitutional milieu. Concepts of bicultural competence and additive bilingualism based on these models challenge assimilative ideologies that depict an uncompromisingly subtractive adaptation process and oppose views of the ethnic community as a negative force opposing adaptation. Models which posit only a subtractive outcome assume that the more an individual affiliates with, participates in and depends on the ethnic community, the less likely it is that the s/he will adapt to the host culture. An example of this perspective may be found in Kim’s (1988, 2001) widely cited communication model of crosscultural adaptation, which offers a comprehensive representation of the interplay of individual disposition, host environment, competence in host communication and the individual’s resultant intercultural transformation. Among these components, host communication competence is presented as the ‘engine’ that triggers the adaptation process. It includes three elements: (a) host mass and interpersonal communication, (b) ethnic mass and interpersonal communication, and (c) personal communication. Opportunities for host mass and interpersonal communication are presumed to promote host communication competence, but opportunities for ethnic mass and interpersonal communication are negatively associated with competence in the host culture. Although she allows that in initial stages engaging in ethnic communication facilitates the process of adaptation by providing social support, Kim believes that long-term ethnic communication ‘delays or interferes with the acquisition of host communication competence and active participation in host communication channels’ (Kim, 1988: 127). The ethnic community becomes a crutch for the individual, and diverts the individual from engaging the host environment. Some empirical studies have provided at least partial support for this subtractive position. For example, persons with little ethnic community support tend to have more favourable attitudes toward the host culture than do those who are deeply integrated in ethnic organisations (Inglis & Gudykunst, 1982), and high solidarity ethnic communities have indeed been shown in some cases to deter their members from adopting host languages (Milroy, 1980). Ethnic language use and preference have been similarly associated with low assimilation (Berry et al ., 1989). In contrast, pluralistic perspectives assert the possibility that an individual may choose components of both cultures through additive acculturation (Rumbaut, 1991). For example, strong ethnic communities have been found to promote academic (Bankston, 1996; Gibson, 1988) and occupational success (Min & Kim, 1999). Moreover, proficiency in a heritage language provides the cognitive benefit of transferring language skills and serves as a source of social capital (Bankston & Zhou, 1995). For immigrants who are immersed in American society throughout the week, heritage language schools are ‘an environment for cultural adjustment, identity confirmation, and social acceptance, which is essential to their psychological well-being and quality of life’ (Lu, 2001: 203), and therefore contribute positively to adjustment.

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Integrated cultural identity Language proficiency among young immigrants and children of immigrants is integrally tied to the perception of their own cultural identity (Gudykunst & Schmidt, 1988; Phinney, 1990). As Norton (1997) observed, language, speakers and relationships are inseparable. Ethnic identity is understood to refer not only to nominal self-identification as a member of an ethnic group, but also to belongingness (how much the individual feels a part of the group), centrality (how important the group is for personal identity), evaluation (positive or negative feelings about the group) and tradition (how much one practises ethnic behaviours and values) (Ward, 2001). Membership in a group provides an individual with a sense of worth, and thus triggers positive feelings and attitudes toward self and others, creating a positive identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). According to ethnolinguistic vitality theory (Giles et al ., 1977; Johnson et al ., 1983), likelihood of a positive ethnic identity is influenced by the vitality, boundaries and status of a group as well as the comparisons made between the ethnic group and other significant groups. Identification with the ethnic group is more likely to be positive if the individual is more affiliated with the ethnic group than any other group and perceives the group as stable and vital in its societal context. It is the recognition of this connection of language vitality at both individual and community levels to factors in the ethnic identity of their youth that prompts communities to institute heritage language schools. In intercultural literature three dominant models are available for explaining changes in cultural identity during the adaptation process (Ward, 2001). The first parallels the assimilative models of host cultural competence already described. In this view immigrants are seen as involved in a linear transition from identification with the home culture toward identification with the host culture. This shift in orientation takes place as they gradually adopt behaviours, values and norms of their new environment. Obviously such a unidirectional view of ethnic identity places a low value on the heritage culture. A second model views identification with home and host cultures as counterbalancing one another in the adaptation process. Successful acculturation is defined as a mid-point between assimilation and separation. Ward (2001) suggests there are conceptual difficulties with this position, as instruments tied to it fail to distinguish persons who weakly identify with both cultures from those who identify strongly with each. Nevertheless it appears to be the most popular of the three in psychological literature. The third model conceptualises home and host culture identities as independent domains. Identity is seen as situational (Collier & Thomas, 1988; Hecht et al ., 1993), so that persons can have multiple identities that they negotiate according to the communication context. It is possible for individuals to: (1) guide their identity enactments according to the value system of more than one culture; (2) value their identities as members of more than one culture; and (3) feel a sense of belonging in more then one culture simultaneously. In Ward’s (2001) analysis, this approach has attracted the most attention in arenas of international and cross-cultural studies.

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A well known model of this additive type is Berry’s (1990) integration of home and host culture orientations into a two by two matrix with the resulting four cells representing four acculturation strategies that immigrants may manifest in managing the demands of the two cultural systems competing for their allegiance. The four strategies are: (1) assimilation, i.e. willingness to be absorbed into the host culture and to neglect one’s ethnic/home culture; (2) integration, i.e. valuing both heritage and host culture; (3) separation, i.e. privileging the home culture; and (4) marginalisation, i.e. rejecting both cultures. There is evidence that integration is the strategy favoured by newcomers to multicultural societies (Berry et al ., 1989) and even perhaps in culturally homogenous societies (Sam, 1995). Although Berry framed the orientations as adaptation strategies, they can be seen as representative of four distinct identities (Bosher, 1995). The present study, therefore, has labelled the type of identity associated with an integrative acculturation strategy as an integrated cultural identity, and assumes that this type of identity is the most effective means of resolving identity tensions experienced by immigrants and refugees. Research questions The overall purpose of the present study is to examine how a heritage language school contributes to the cross-cultural adaptation process of its students, both in terms of development of bicultural competence and creation of an integrated cultural identity. Although we recognise that culturally competent communication involves both nonverbal and verbal elements, this study specifically investigates additive bilingualism as representative of overall bicultural competence. It investigates the following research questions with respect to students’ bilingualism: (1a) how can students’ bilingualism be characterised? (1b) How do demographic factors relate to development of students’ bilingualism? (1c) Most centrally, how do students’ heritage language school experiences relate to development of students’ bilingualism? With respect to students’ integrated cultural identities the study examines the following questions: (2a) how can students’ integrated cultural identities be characterised? (2b) How do demographic factors relate to the development of the students’ integrated cultural identities? (2c) How do students’ heritage language school experiences relate to the development of their integrated cultural identities?

Method This investigation is a case study of one heritage language school at one point in time. To determine the role of this Vietnamese heritage language school, both qualitative and quantitative data were collected and the study was organised into two phases: (1) uncovering the school goals and (2) identifying the contribution of the school in the development of students’ additive bilingualism and integrated cultural identities. This report presents results of phase 2 only. (See Maloof, 1998 for the full study from which the portion reported here is drawn.)

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Site and sample The heritage language school was housed in a Vietnamese Outreach Center located within a multiethnic residential neighbourhood in metropolitan Atlanta. The outreach centre provided numerous social, educational and counselling services to the Vietnamese community and was also instrumental in promoting cultural events. At the time of the study, the Outreach Center had been in existence five years. During the first two years, the facilities consisted of a one-bedroom apartment and an outdoor classroom. The school met only on Saturday mornings. Within five years, the enrolment had grown from fewer than 10 students to over 50. The school was selected for study specifically because of its goals, which were (1) to foster maintenance of Vietnamese culture and language and (2) to promote biculturalism. This is precisely the set of goals that, if achieved, could be expected to counteract subtractive bilingualism (Lambert, 1975; Landry & Allard, 1992), reduce separation and marginalisation (Berry, 1990), and lend support for the appropriateness of a pluralistic model of adaptation. All 50 registered students in the outreach centre were approached with a request for participation. Thirty-three returned their consent forms with parent signatures. This 65% participation rate represents strong cooperation in light of the cultural sanctions against signing official forms and disclosing information to outsiders. Participants ranged in age from 9 to 18. All but two had lived in the USA for over two years, with the largest number having been in the country between two and five years. Thirteen were US born, and over half had first arrived in the USA between the ages of four and nine. Over half of the sample had attended the school for less than one year, and the majority attended class once a week. Instruments A student questionnaire was developed to measure bicultural competencies and integrated cultural identity in addition to obtaining demographic information and data related to class participation, length of attendance and pattern of attendance. The questionnaire was written entirely in English; translators were used as needed.

Additive bilingualism Following Landry and Allard (1991a, 1991b, 1992), additive bilingualism was defined as: (a) demonstrating a high level of proficiency in both communicative and cognitive-academic domains of both ethnic and host languages, (b) maintaining positive attitudes towards both languages, and (c) having the opportunity to use the first language in more than isolated situations or social roles. Collectively, these three criteria constitute a more stringent standard for bilingualism than is common among some conceptualisations that focus only on basic interpersonal communication skills in the second culture (Cummins, 2003). Rather, these criteria are consistent with a notion of cognitive-academic language proficiency associated with success in the host culture public schools. The questionnaire included items that pertained to each of the three criteria.

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Language proficiency was examined in two domains: (1) communicative and (2) cultural content. The communicative domain was determined by selfreported proficiency ratings for (1a) understanding, (1b) speaking, (1c) reading and (1d) writing both languages, and also (1e) self-reported ratings of the ability to communicate in the languages in a variety of situations ranging in difficulty (e.g. ‘You are asking someone for a phone number in Vietnamese’ and ‘You are explaining the rules of a game to someone in English’). The cultural content domain was determined by inquiring about such cultural artefacts as proverbs and ethnic holidays (e.g. ‘Name a Vietnamese game’ and ‘Tell me an American proverb and its meaning’). Items in this section were adapted from previous instruments (Bankston & Zhou, 1995; Landry & Allard, 1991a, 1991b, 1992). With the exception of the cultural content questions, students self-assessed their proficiency with nine-interval Likert scales (1 / not at all; 9 /very well). The Vietnamese cognitive competence scale included a third domain in which outreach centre teachers reported each student’s proficiency in (3a) understanding, (3b) speaking, (3c) reading and (3d) writing in Vietnamese. After three items were removed from the cultural content scale, the reliability levels (Cronbach’s alpha for these and all subsequent reliability estimates; the desirable value for statistic is a
/0.80) for English and Vietnamese cognitive competence scales were 0.94 and 0.90 respectively. Language attitudes were measured by assessing how important the language was to the student (e.g. ‘How important is it to you to speak English’ and ‘How important is it to you to read/write in Vietnamese’). Nineinterval Likert scales (1 /not at all important; 9 /of great importance) were used. The reliability levels for English and Vietnamese affective competence scales were 0.76 and 0.79, respectively. Opportunity to use the ethnic language was measured by asking students to determine their frequency of language use in 11 situations (e.g. ‘With your father, you speak Vietnamese . . .’ and ‘When you watch videos or go to movies, they are presented in English . . .’). Nine-interval Likert scales (1 / never; 9 /always) were used. The situations were taken directly from Landry and Allard’s (1991a, 1991b, 1992) questionnaire. The reliability level for both English and Vietnamese behavioural competence scales was 0.90.

Integrated cultural identity Adapted from social psychological literature on identity (e.g. Landry & Allard, 1992; Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992; Tajfel & Turner, 1986), integrated cultural identity was defined as follows: (a) the individual’s behaviour is guided by the value system of more than one culture; (b) the individual holds positive attitudes towards more than one culture; and (c) the individual feels a sense of belonging in more than one culture. The values component of integrated cultural identity was composed of statements representing 20 values, 10 specific to each Asian and Western cultures, which were adopted from Bosher (1995) (e.g. ‘Young adults should live with their parents until they get married’ and ‘It is not necessary to respect the elderly’). Using nine-interval Likert scales (1 /strongly disagree; 9 / strongly agree), students rated the extent to which they agreed with each

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statement. The reliability levels for English and Vietnamese value scales were 0.73 and 0.77 respectively. Students responded to the attitude component of integrated cultural identity through nine-interval Likert scales (1 /strongly disagree; 9 /strongly agree), on which they rated the extent to which they agreed with statements regarding the value of the culture, pride in the culture and the importance of participating in the culture (e.g. ‘I feel proud to be Vietnamese’ and ‘It is important to take part in American culture’). Statements were modified from Bosher’s (1995) study. The reliability level for both English and Vietnamese attitude identity scales was 0.78. The belongingness component used nine-interval Likert scales (1 /strongly disagree; 9/strongly agree) to assess student affiliation with each culture (e.g. ‘When I think of my values, I consider myself Vietnamese . . .’ and ‘I think I will marry someone who is American’). The statements in this section were adopted from Landry and Allard’s (1991a, 1991b, 1992) questionnaire on beliefs as an element in ethnolinguistic vitality. The reliability levels for English and Vietnamese belongingness identity scales were 0.74 and 0.64, respectively.

Additional variables An additional scale based on the counterbalance model developed by Landry and Allard (1991a, 1991b, 1992) addressed family milieu . Based on nineinterval Likert scales (1 /never; 9 /always), students rated the extent to which Vietnamese language and culture were cultivated in their homes by four mechanisms: (a) ethnic newspaper, (b) dinner conversation, (c) proverbs and folk tales, and (d) other language use in the home. Statements were primarily adapted from Sridhar’s (1985) measure. Reliability for this scale was 0.57, which is poor. Outreach centre instructors assessed the classroom participation of students based on the Student Participation Questionnaire (Finn et al ., 1991). This was deemed an important variable, as it might reflect the intensity of students’ heritage language school experiences. Prior to administration, student participation questionnaire items were discussed with the instructors and adapted to the specific participation expectations of the school. A total of 10 statements were adapted (e.g. ‘This student participates in class discussions’ and ‘This student raises hand to volunteer information or answer questions’). Reliability for this scale was 0.69, which is weak. Teachers also provided information on the students’ length of attendance (the initial date of registration) and attendance patterns (how many Saturdays a month the student attended). Teachers also rated students’ Vietnamese and English proficiency levels based on a single-item nine-interval scale. Because instructors were reluctant to rate the English proficiency level of the students, only their ratings of the students’ Vietnamese proficiency were used in the data analysis.

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Results Results are presented in two sections: the contribution of the heritage language school to (1) students’ additive bilingualism and (2) students’ integrated cultural identities. Students’ additive bilingualism To identify an overall composite of additive bilingualism, scores on the proficiency, attitude and frequency of use were averaged. A frequency distribution was then used to place each student in one of nine cells of a 3 /3 matrix. Students were divided into tritiles for both English and Vietnamese languages. One student scored in the low group for competence in both languages and no student scored in the high group in both languages. Thus although low competency in both languages was rare, full additive bilingualism, as defined in this study, was not observed. A total of 12 students scored low in one language and high in the other, indicating for them a monolingual pattern and a possible subtractive bilingual environment (Lambert, 1975; Landry & Allard, 1991a, 1991b, 1992). Fifteen students were in the middle tritile for at least one language, and these moderate scores were combined with low (n /5), moderate (n /4) and high (n /6) scores for the other language. It might be said that at least this latter group of six individuals was approaching additive bilingualism.

Demographic factors in additive bilingualism Bivariate correlations of interest appear in Table 1. As seen in the table, age at arrival in the USA was negatively correlated with English language variables and positively correlated with Vietnamese language proficiency and frequency of use, although no significant relationship emerged with attitude toward Vietnamese. Ethnic family milieu also negatively correlated with frequency of English use and correlated positively with Vietnamese proficiency and frequency of use. As noted in Table 2, multiple regression analysis indicated that the combination of the four demographic predictors (age at arrival, family milieu, number of household members and age at the time of study) jointly explained over 30% of the total variance in every variable for bilingualism except attitude toward English and Vietnamese.

School factors in bilingualism Few of the bivariate correlations between the heritage school variables and either English or Vietnamese language competence were statistically significant. There was a moderate, negative relationship between class participation and frequency of use of English, and a positive correlation between pattern of attendance and frequency of use of Vietnamese. As shown in Table 2, multiple regression analysis revealed that the three school variables (length of attendance, regularity of attendance and class participation) jointly explained 23% of the variance in Vietnamese language proficiency and 25% of the variance in frequency of Vietnamese language use. In general, then, students manifested more monocultural than bicultural competencies in that they generally reported a moderate to high level of competence in one language in conjunction with a low to moderate level of

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Table 1 Correlations between school and demographic variables, and cultural competence and identity Age at arrival

Family milieu

English proficiency

/0.65**

/0.06

Attitude toward Eng.

/0.35*

English freq. of use Vietnamese proficiency

Length of attend.

Class participation

Pattern of attendance

0.07

/0.31

/0.27

/0.01

0.08

/0.25

/0.23

/0.82**

/0.41*

0.22

/0.40*

/0.12

0.62**

0.38*

0.20

0.15

0.04

Bilingual competence

Attitude toward Vietnamese Viet. freq. of use

/0.08 0.74**

0.49**

/0.06

0.50** /0.18 0.39*

/0.07 0.23 0.34

Cultural identity 0.15

/0.08

US belonging

/0.28

/0.08

US values

/0.26

Viet. attitudes

/0.04

US attitudes

0.11

/0.05

/0.05

/0.40*

/0.02

0.04

0.00

/0.10

/0.22

0.04

0.30

/0.05

/0.18

0.07

Viet. belonging

0.37*

0.30

0.15

0.18

0.07

Viet. values

0.06

0.35*

0.16

/0.08

/0.02

*p B/0.05; **p B/0.01

competence in the other. Moreover, more intense participation in the heritage language school predicted lower levels of English language use.

School contribution to student integrated cultural identities As with language competencies, frequency distributions of student selfreport ratings for the three components of cultural identity
values, attitudes and belongingness
were used to construct a 3/3 matrix and divide students into tritiles. Students were distributed rather evenly across the low, moderate and high domains of each culture. Four students scored high in both cultures, suggesting that they had well integrated cultural identities as defined in this study. Five students had low scores for both cultures, implying possible marginalisation. Only six of the students were identified as low in one culture and high in the other, which would be evidence of a distinctly separatist identity. Eighteen students had a moderate score for at least one culture, in

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Table 2 Regression of cultural competence and identity on demographic and school variables Variables

Demographic predictors1 R2 adj.

English

Vietnamese

US cultural identity

R2 adj.

F

Proficiency

0.47

7.96**

0.13

2.66

Attitude toward

0.10

1.89

0.06

1.69

Frequency of use

0.67

15.19**

0.16

2.80

Proficiency

0.32

4.68*

0.23

4.08*

Attitude toward

0.09

1.80

Frequency of use

0.63

12.78**

Attitudes

0.03

1.21

/0.08

0.20

Belongingness

0.04

1.37

0.10

2.13

/0.04

0.72

/0.04

0.62

Attitudes

0.04

1.36

/0.06

0.39

Belongingness

0.07

1.63

/0.04

0.63

Values

0.08

1.66

/0.06

0.35

Values Vietnamese cultural identity

F

School predictors2

/0.02 0.25

0.79 4.14*

1 Joint influence of (a) age at arrival, (b) family milieu, (c) number of household members and (d) age at time of study. 2 Joint influence of (a) length of attendance, (b) regularity of attendance and (c) amount of class participation. *p B/0.05; **p B/0.01

combination with low (n /7), moderate (n /3) and high (n /8) scores for the other culture.

Demographic factors in integrated cultural identity As reported in Table 1, no relation between the demographic variables and US cultural identity was statistically significant. However, a positive correlation emerged between age at arrival and Vietnamese belongingness, and between family milieu and Vietnamese values. As indicated in Table 2, the combination of the four demographic predictor variables failed to explain substantial variance in any of the components of either US or Vietnamese or integrated cultural identity.

School factors in bicultural identity As shown in Table 2, with the exception of an inverse correlation between length of attendance and sense of belongingness to US culture, the correlations between US cultural identity and the heritage school variables failed to attain statistical significance. No correlations between Vietnamese identity and the

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school variables attained statistical significance. These findings suggest that the heritage school did not contribute to, or detract from, the development of either US or Vietnamese cultural identity, or ultimately, to the development of an integrated cultural identity. In sum, students manifested more inclination toward integrated cultural identities than they did toward additive bilingualism. However, neither the demographic variables measured in this study nor exposure to heritage language school helped to explain much of that integration. Post hoc analysis of relation between bilingual competence and integrated identity Bilingual competence and integrated cultural identity are both postulated to contribute to an additive acculturation. Yet the present data reveal among students at this Vietnamese heritage language school evidence of integrated cultural identity, but mainly monolingual language competence. To more directly explore this unexpected relationship between language competencies and cultural identity, a post hoc correlation analysis was run (see Table 3). Not surprisingly, proficiency in, and frequency of use of, Vietnamese language were both positively correlated with Vietnamese cultural beliefs. Strength of Vietnamese cultural attitudes was likewise positively correlated with attitudes toward using the Vietnamese language. Less predictably, there were also significant positive relations between attitude toward using English and proficiency in English and two Vietnamese culture variables
affinity toward Table 3 Correlations among bilingual competence and integrated cultural identity dimensions Bilingual competence components

Integrated identity components US attitudes

US beliefs

US values

Vietn. attitudes

Vietn. beliefs

Vietn. values 0.38*

English proficiency

/0.03

0.20

0.07

0.37*

/0.02

Attitude toward Eng.

0.14

0.09

/0.14

0.37*

0.20

English freq. of use

0.19

0.25

0.10

0.28

Vietn. proficiency

/0.06

/0.19

/0.19

0.02

0.36*

0.10

0.00

/0.20

/0.07

0.58*

0.33

0.33

/0.22

/0.22

/0.10

0.15

0.51*

0.19

Attitude toward Vietn. Vietn. freq. of use *p B/0.05; **p B/0.01

/0.07

0.68** 0.11

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Vietnamese culture and strength of Vietnamese values. The latter correlation was particularly strong, accounting for 46% of the variance in each variable. No statistically significant correlations emerged between US identity variables and either English or Vietnamese cultural competency variables.

Discussion From the perspective of theory, the most interesting conclusion warranted by this study is that the relationship between ethnic language maintenance and cultural identity among these students was a complex one (Eastman, 1984; Edwards, 1985). A strong ethnic identity was positively correlated not only to competence in the ethnic language, but
unexpectedly
to competence in the English language as well. Furthermore, the bivariate distribution matrices revealed generally monolingual language competencies for this group of students, yet accompanied by more integrated bicultural identities. Although proponents of heritage language schools assert that language is central to transmitting culture (Fishman, 1966, 1989), the discrepancy between the students’ language competencies and integrated cultural identities in this study suggests it is possible that several of the students identified strongly with the Vietnamese community despite their lack of functional Vietnamese language competencies. Results of this study at least offer the possibility that an integrative cultural identity, with its appreciation for values of both cultures and dual sense of belonging, is a feasible outcome of acculturation, even when additive bilingualism is not present. Proponents of pluralistic approaches to multicultural education ought to take particular inspiration from the finding in this study regarding the salubrious impact of attitudes toward the ethnic culture. Students who held particularly positive attitudes toward Vietnamese culture also tended to hold especially positive attitudes toward English language use, and reported especially frequent use of English. Apparently positive esteem toward their home cultures enabled students to embrace the host culture language enthusiastically. On the other hand, the fact that 12 of the 33 students were identified as low in one language competence and high in the other
none were high in both
indicates a lack of additive bilingualism, if indeed it is not evidence for subtractive bilingualism. Further support for this assessment is provided by the finding that the younger the student’s age at arrival in the USA, or the longer the length of residence in the dominant host culture, the more likely the ethnic language was to be disposed of in favour of the host language. When students arrive in the USA, young students are bombarded with English as the language of instruction in the public schools and as the language in society. With limited opportunities to use their ethnic languages anywhere but in their own households, their competence in their ethnic language erodes. Students born in the USA may never become culturally competent in their heritage language. The impact of the family context in the present study corroborates Landry and Allard’s counterbalance model (1991a, 1991b), which asserts that for lowvitality groups in high-vitality contexts
such as the Vietnamese community

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in the USA
institutional and family support provide the opportunities for heritage language use that are crucial in counteracting the predominant host language. Most disturbing is lack of compelling evidence for a role of the language school itself in the development of additive bilingualism. In fact, this finding is not inconsistent with patterns found among many afternoon Jewish religious schools, which generally achieve appalling results in imparting Hebrew language proficiency, yet manage to inculcate or maintain a keen sense of ethnic cultural identification (Schoen, 1989). It is unclear whether the positive relation found in the present study between regularity of attendance and frequency of Vietnamese language use indicates that the language school actually increased this element of ethnic competence. Instead, it may be that attending the heritage language school provided more opportunities to interact with and communicate with other Vietnamese children in Vietnamese. That is, frequency of use of the ethnic language may simply be an alias for the amount of time spent in the ethnic school. However, it is also possible that students who already used Vietnamese frequently may have been more interested in attending the heritage language school, or may have been more encouraged by parents to attend. Conversely, the negative relationship between length of attendance at the school and sense of American belongingness could lend support to the perspective that extensive heritage culture involvement is counterproductive to the adaptation process, much as envisioned by Kim’s (2001) communicative theory of adaptation. Why this is so is not clear, although it is possible that by fully participating at the heritage language school, a student may have less time to or be less motivated to engage in host culture youth activities. Alternatively, those who have a strong sense of affinity to US culture may simply have other, more American-associated, activities in which they choose to engage, rather than attending language school. In other words, investing afternoons and Saturdays attending the ethnic heritage school affects the economy of discretionary time available to young people for engaging in host culture events. Though the results related to additive bilingualism are less than optimal, the findings must be viewed in light of stringent criteria imposed by the term we used
bicultural competence. The negative assessment we draw from the impact of the language school on bicultural competence should be tempered by the criteria that included academic proficiency (Cummins, 2003)
a rather high standard for a Saturday programme to meet. However, we deliberately chose this construct because to do otherwise would predestine the heritage language training to less than full literacy. The efforts invested by students and parents to attend the ethnic heritage school ought to yield the desired dividends related to cross-cultural adaptation. Furthermore, the results in this study pertaining to language proficiency were mainly based on self-report measures. Although a few production items were included (recite a proverb in Vietnamese), and teacher impressions of proficiency were also solicited, these findings should be regarded as reflecting for the most part students’ own perceptions of their language use and competence. As no systematic observations of use were conducted, nor any direct tests of proficiency, the accuracy of

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the self-reports cannot be assessed. On the other hand, in considering avowed social identity, self-perceptions are of paramount importance (Collier, 1994). Another caveat that must be taken into account in interpreting these results is the small sample size
only a single research site was studied. No doubt caution is in order in extrapolating from these results to any other setting. On the other hand, the 33 students who comprised the sample in this study did constitute two-thirds of all students at the site. In the Vietnamese community, as in other refugee committees, parents can sometimes be reluctant to sign forms granting permission for data collection. In any event, care was taken to conform to the rule of thumb that the number of participants should be at least five times the number of variables in correlational analyses (Gorsuch, 1983: 332). Another methodological shortcoming that must be acknowledged in the present study pertains to the reliabilities (internal consistency) of some of the composite scales. The measures of family milieu, Vietnamese belongingness and amount of participation in the heritage school all exhibited lower reliabilities than is desirable. Despite low internal consistency reliability, however, the construct of family milieu yielded meaningful results. What, then, are heritage language schools accomplishing? The school under investigation showed little impact on the acculturation processes of its students. Instead, the most powerful predictive factors for additive bilingualism and integrated cultural identity were family factors and demographic variables (such as length of time in the USA and age at arrival). Although it is risky to generalise from a sample this small and this localised, these results should at least give pause to heritage language school personnel and the larger ethnic communities. Being mindful of the low-vitality context of heritage languages in the USA, these communities must pursue goals that counteract the loss of their languages. They may need to consider a stronger emphasis on classroom instruction in terms of longer time on task for language learning, more engaging materials or a better conceived curriculum
especially for students who arrived in the USA at a very young age and have had little opportunity to use their heritage language. In light of current debates over bilingual education, the English-only movement and the predominant assimilative paradigm in the USA, the rapid loss of ethnic languages can be overcome only by the support of families maintaining rich ethnic heritages and ethnic communities providing institutions to supplement the public schools. The subtractive bilingual environment and low-vitality context of ethnic languages in the USA demand the active support of families and communities, as asserted by Fishman over 30 years ago (1966). References Bankston, C. (1996) Education and ethnicity in an urban Vietnamese Village: The role of ethnic community involvement in academic achievement. In M. Seller and L. Weis (eds) Beyond Black and White: New Faces and Voices in U.S. Schools (pp. 207
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