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Unemployment is the condition of willing workers lacking jobs or "gainful employment". In economics, unemployment statistics measure the condition and extent of joblessness within an economy. A key measure is the unemployment rate, which is the number of unemployed workers divided by the total civilian labor force. The unemployment rate is also used in economic studies and economic indexes such as the Conference Board’s Index of Leading Indicators. Unemployment in an economic sense has proved a surprisingly difficult thing to define, let alone "cure". The terms unemployment and unemployed may sometimes be used to refer to inputs to production that are not being fully used (apart from labor) — for example, unemployed capital goods. In its most general, but uncommon usage, unemployment might also denote objects not put to productive use.

Employment is a contract between two parties, one being the employer and the other being the employee. An employee may be defined as: "A person in the service of another under any contract of hire, express or implied, oral or written, where the employer has the power or right to control and direct the employee in the material details of how the work is to be performed." Black's Law Dictionary page 471 (5th ed. 1979). In a commercial setting, the employer conceives of a productive activity, generally with the intention of creating profits, and the employee contributes labour to the enterprise, usually in return for payment of wages. Employment also exists in the public, non-profit and household sectors.

Underemployment can be used in Regional planning to describe localities where economic activity rates are unusually low. This can be induced by a lack of job opportunities, training opportunities, or services such as childcare and public transportation. Such difficulties may lead residents to accept economic inactivity rather than register as unemployed or actively seek jobs because their prospects for regular employment appear so bleak. (These people are often called discouraged workers and are not counted officially as being "unemployed.") The tendency to get by without work (to exit the labour force, living off of relatives, friends, personal savings, or non-recorded economic activities) can be aggravated if it is made difficult to obtain unemployment benefits. Relatedly, in macroeconomics, "underemployment" simply refers to excess unemployment, i.e., high unemployment relative to full employment or the natural rate of unemployment, also called the NAIRU. Thus, in Keynesian economics, reference is made to underemployment equilibrium. Economists calculate the cyclically-adjusted full employment unemployment rate, e.g. 4% or 6% unemployment, which in a given context is regarded as "normal" and acceptable. Sometimes, this rate is equated with the NAIRU. The difference between the observed unemployment rate and cyclically adjusted full employment unemployment rate is one measure of the societal level of underemployment. By Okun's Law, it is correlated with the gap between potential output and the actual real GDP. This "GDP gap" and the degree of underemployment of labor would be larger if they incorporated the roles of underemployed labor, involuntary part-time labor, and discouraged workers.

Given by: Joahnna Christine D. Cabral

Ha Ji-won as Lee Soo jung (Erika Lee) So Ji-sub as Kang In wook (Ryan Kang) Jo Insung as Jung Jae min (Paolo Jung) Jo In Sung (born July 28, 1981) is a South Korean actor. He attended school in Seoul, then went to college first at Chunnam Science College and later at Dongguk University, where he majored in performing arts. He started his acting career in a drama entitled Piano in a minor role under SBS, costarring Ko Soo (playing as his step-brother). However, he began to gain fame with his main role in the series named 'to Shoot the Star' or in Korean name 'Byul eul so ta'. He was acclaimed for his portrayal of an illiterate actor. After that he starred in the hit Korean movie of all time 'The Classic', in which he plays Sang Min, a man who is unable to show his love to Ji Hae (Son Ye Jin). In 2004, he was back in TV dramas again in 'What happened in Bali', with the character Ha Ji Won. This TV drama also achieved high ratings in 2004. He also received the prizes for best kiss and best tears from SBS Awards. In 2005, he played 'Uen Sob' in A Spring Day opposite Ji Jin Hee (a famous actor from Dae Jang Geum). Uen Sob is a doctor who has an unpleasant past with his mother and his step-father. Uen Sob is also in love with a girl who loves the character's brother (Ji Jin Hee). Ha Ji-won (born 28 June 1979 as Jeon Hae-rim), is a Korean actress and singer. She was born in Seoul, South Korea. Ha Ji-won started her career playing supporting roles in TV productions, recognizable for her feminine height and her then chubby cheeks. In 2002, Ha Ji-won had her breakthrough as the lead in the horror film Phone, a film thematically and stylistically similar to a whole spate of horror films coming out of East Asia at the time. Her performance was good enough to win her a best actress nomination at the Blue Dragon Film Awards. This success secured her many more film offers as well as "big star" status. Since then she has gone on to make films like the American Pie-clone Sex Is Zero and more recently, Reversal of Fortune. She also began an attempt at a recording career in 2002. Ha Ji-Won has recently starred in the series Something Happened in Bali in early 2004, costarring Jo Insung and So Jisub. At the said project, she played the hard-put tour guide Lee Soojung, who consequently attracted two guys to her own discomfort. Her performance in that

2004 drama won her a Baek-Sang Best Actress Award. Height: 168cm Weight: 48kg So Ji Sub started out his career as a model. Before taking up acting, he was also an accomplished swimmer, having won medals in the national level. In the late 90s, he first played small parts such as in "Model". In 2002, his first large role was in Glass Slippers, where he played a gangster who falls in love with the main female character. In 2005, he starred in the immensely popular drama, "I'm Sorry, I Love You", which garnered him many awards and drew attention all over Asia. Unfortunately, his career was interrupted by service in the Korean military, which he completed in 27 April 2007. He returns to his acting by currently being in the drama "Cain and Abel". Facts Name: So Ji Sub Date of birth: November 4, 1977 Place of birth: Seoul, South Korea Schools: Kwangsung middle school, Kwangsung high school, Korea National Sport University, ChungWoon University majored Acting Horoscope: Scorpio Height: 182cm Weight: 70 kg Blood type: O Interest: All kinds of sports Specialty: swimming (Medalist on National athletic meet)

they will either build their own house, or, less likely, inhabit a house left by their parents or someone who died childless. When the couple is settled in their new domicile, it is the mothers duty to care for the child while the father must go out and hunt for food for the family. This leads to another interesting topic: Ifugao hunting practices. The Ifugao males hunt deer and wild pigs with the help of hunting dogs. The dogs are not raised for food, as in some nearby cultures; the Ifugao people respect dogs and they are treated admirably. They also kill and eat bats and birds. References: Impressions of Ifugao Health and Social Activities, by George M. Guthrie; Copyright 1964, Dept. of Psychology, Penn. State

Ifugao Law, by R. F. Barton; Copyright 1969, University of California Press http://www.geocities.com/Tokyo/Harbor/9776/tribes2 .html By Andrew Froiland

Joseph is a young doctor who returned to his hometown in the Mountain Province to bury his father, an Ifugao chieftain, who was killed during a tribal dispute. While there, he discovers his rich heritage and acquires pride in his being Ifugao. Though the lure of a career in America remains strong, he is unable to resist the urge to help his barrio, which has resisted modern medicine and is now in the midst of a pneumonia epidemic and a civil war. Format VCD Langua Tagalog ge Antonio Jose Director Perez Multiangle Categor Drama, K-O ies Releas 12/01/1995 e Date Movie Unknown Time Albert Martinez, Joel Starrin Torre, Rachel g Alejandro, Raymart Santiago Society-IFUGAO The Ifugao (Ifugaw, Ipugao, Yfugao) occupy an area of from 750 (LeBar 1975: 78) to 970 square miles, roughly equivalent to the province of Ifugao, as well as small regions of neighboring provinces in the central Cordillera of northern Luzon in the Philippine Islands. The area is located at approximately long. 120 degrees 75 min. to 121 degrees 50 E and lat. 16 degrees 50 min. to 17 degrees N. The Ifugao are part of a group of indigenous mountain peoples of northern Luzon, which also includes the Bontok and Kalinga (Chaffee et al. 1969: 47). The most common subgroup designations for the Ifugao, usually taken from population centers or geographic locations, include: Bunhian (Bungian) and Mayoyao (Mayoyo, Mayaoyao, Mayawyaw) in the northeast; Halipan (Salipnan, Silipan) in the southeast; Kiangan (Quiangan) in the southwest; and Banaue (Banawi, Benauwe) and Hapao (Sapao, Japao, Hapaw) in the northwest. Kiangan is the name most frequently used by neighboring groups to refer to the Ifugao in general. Today the people who inhabit Ifugao Province refer to themselves as Ifugao, but the area contains a number of non-Ifugao speakers, and there are also people who are culturally and linguistically Ifugao but who call themselves something else because of contemporary political boundaries.

The Ifugao language is Malayo-Polynesian. Conklin classifies it within his northern group of Philippine languages, while Dyen includes it within a North Cordilleran Cluster of his Cordilleran Hesion. Ifugao is closely related to Bontok and Kankanai, with a probable separation of the linguistic groups somewhere around 900 A.D. (LeBar 1975: 78). Population estimates on the Ifugao in the twentieth century have varied from 60,000 to over 100,000, with a 1960 census figure of 76,888 (Conklin 1967/1968: iii). Population density in some areas approaches 400 per square mile. Ifugao subsistence is derived principally from agriculture (84 percent), with an additional ten percent derived from the raising of aquatic fauna, such as minnows and snails, in flooded rice fields. The remaining six percent of subsistence activities involve fishing (fish, eels, frogs, snails, and water clams [ginga]; hunting (deer, wild buffalo and pigs, civet cat, wild cat, python, iguana, cobra, and fruitbat); and the gathering of insects (locust, crickets, and ants) as well as a large variety of wild plants. The primary source of animal food in the diet comes from fishing, further supplemented by hunting and the collecting of insects. Wild plants do not form a significant part of the diet. Monkeys, although hunted, are not eaten. Rice (in flooded fields) and sweet potatoes (on swiddens) are the principal crops, supplemented by maize, taro, yams, cowpeas, lima beans, okra, greengrams and other legumes, sugarcane, and tobacco. Coffee is the main export, and other tree crops include jackfruit, grapefruit, rattan, citrus, areca, coconut, banana, guava, and cacao. Terracing, often extending more than 1,000 feet up a mountainside, is extensively used. Irrigation is controlled by elaborate systems of dikes and sluices. Fields are worked with wooden spades and digging sticks. Ritual accompanies all stages of rice cultivation. Rice is the prestige crop, and a man's status is determined by his rice fields. Sweet potatoes, on the other hand, while an important staple food crop, enjoy low prestige value. Conklin's (1967/1968) intensive survey of a 40square-mile portion of northcentral Ifugao revealed a division of the region into some 25 discrete, agriculturally-defined "districts" (himpuntona'an), which were traditionally geographic units with ritual functions. The focal center of each agricultural "district" was a named ritual plot, the first to be planted and harvested each year. In the Ifugao economy, barter has been replaced by rice and money for exchange. The Ifugao import livestock, cotton, brass wire, cloth, beads, crude steel, and Chinese jars and gongs (status symbols). Families own rice and forest lands and heirlooms, which are passed on to the children, but may be sold in emergencies. Personal property consists of houses, valuable trees, and sweet potato crops. Unowned land belongs to anyone who clears and plants it.

The general pattern of settlement is that of small, named hamlets, consisting of from 8 to 12 houses (with 30 or more persons), located on hillocks or on spurs along the sides of mountain valleys, invariably near the rice fields. Settlement clusters are not found among the Mayoyao, however; each dwelling is situated as near as possible to the owner's fields. Houses are well made of timber and thatch, raised on four posts, and are characterized by their pyramidal roof construction. Less permanent structures, such as the house for the unmarried (agamang), are frequently built directly on the ground. Government institutions are poorly developed among the Ifugao, and chiefs, councils, and politically defined districts or other units are lacking in the traditional culture. "The functions of government are (or were) accomplished by the operation of collective kinship obligations, including the threat of blood feud, together with common understanding of the adat or custom law given the people by ancestor heroes, in particular the inviolability of personal and property rights." Informal arbitrators (monbaga), who are "respected men of wealth skilled in knowledge of genealogy and adat," and whose decisions can be backed up by a large and powerful kin group, serve as gobetweens who "negotiate and witness property dealings, marriage transactions and the like, and who are paid for their services" (LeBar 1975: 81). A very loose type of community leadership has traditionally been achieved, however, through the role of the "rice chief," one of the leading priests of the area, to whom members of the community give voluntary obeisance. The principal function of the "rice chief" was merely to determine on which days certain religious customs of common interest to all should be observed. The "rice chief" (manu'ngaw) had very little real authority for he could not enforce the decisions he had made, nor could he in any way change the laws dictated by the adat. The bonds of kinship served to unite the people of a particular valley or watershed area, but feelings of solidarity rarely extended much beyond the local area. Beyond this so-called "homeregion" were zones of increasingly less friendly contacts, culminating in an outer "war zone," the locale of headhunting raids. Social stratification was traditionally based on the accumulation of wealth in terms of rice, water buffalo, and slaves. The ranks or statuses (they are not really classes) are: the kadangyan, the wealthy aristocrats; the natumok, who are families with relatively little land and as a result are greatly dependent on the kandangyan for their existence; the nawatwat, or very poor, with no land at all (including servants and tenants on the lands of the wealthy); and, finally, the slaves. The political power of the kandangyan is in terms of prestige and influence rather than institutionalized authority, but is still often considerable. There was a tendency toward

endogamy among the kandangyan. Slaves were only rarely kept, most often being sold to lowlanders. There was no hereditary slave class. Monogamy was the normal form of marriage, although polygyny was practiced occasionally by the wealthy. In cases of polygyny, the first wife has higher authority and status than her co-wives. Marriages are alliances between kindreds. First cousin marriages are forbidden in both theory and practice, but marriages to more distant cousins can take place, with suitable payment of fines in livestock. Brideprice is present. Residence is left to the personal choice of the married couple and usually results in settlement near the largest rice field holding of either partner. First children tend to inherit irrigated farmland, but otherwise inheritances are divided among all legitimate children. Each sibling group is the center of an exogamous, bilateral kindred, which is reckoned vertically to great-great-grandparents and laterally to third cousins. Each kindred is collectively responsible for the actions and welfare of its members. Eggan (1967) mentions a regional descent group or "cognatic stock," which includes those persons in a particular region who claim descent from a common deified culture hero. The "clan district" mentioned by Beyer and Barton (1911) seems to be the same as Conklin's "agricultural district." Conklin's districts, however, cannot be defined as localized kin groups. Ifugao kinship terminology is generational with a Hawaiiantype cousin terminology. Igugao religion is pantheistic in nature and has a well-developed cosmology. Adult males traditionally functioned as priests within their kindreds and invoked the spirits of departed ancestors within their own and closely related kin groups. This is a part-time occupation, and payment is made in meat and drink. Most rites involve invocation, prayer, and spirit possession on the part of the priest and inevitably require some type of offering. Illness is believed to be caused by deities acting with the consent of the ancestors and is treated by a priest through the medium of divination and curing rites. If the deities refuse to return the soul of the person they have made sick, despite the best efforts of the priest to effect a cure, then the person dies. Illness and death can also be caused by sorcery and the evil eye. The tulud is a witchcraft ceremony in which characters of a recited myth are made to perform the desire of the priest. For an easily accessible and concise summary of Ifugao culture, see LeBar (1975: 78-82). Culture summary by Martin J. Malone Beyer, H. Otley. An Ifugao burial ceremony.

By H. Otley Beyer and Roy Franklin Barton. Philippine Journal of Science, 6, D (1911): 227-252. Chaffee, Frederic H. Area handbook for the Philippines. By Frederic H. Chaffee, et al. Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969. Conklin, Harold C. Some aspects of ethnographic research in Ifugao. New York Academy of Sciences, Transactions, ser. 2, 30 (1967-1968): 99-121. Eggan, Fred. Some aspects of bilateral social systems in the northern Philippines. In Mario D. Zamora, ed. Studies in Philippine Anthropology in Honor of H. Otley Beyer. Quezon City, Alemar-Phoenix, 1967: 186-202. LeBar, Frank M., ed. and comp. Ethnic groups of Insular Southeast Asia, Vol. 2. New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1975. 7848 Ifugao Ifugao originates from the word “I-pugaw,” which loosely translates into “inhabitants of the earth.” They inhabit the northern mountainous region of the present-day Philippine archipelago. The Ifugao were likely inhabitants of the nearby fertile plains that remain such a sharp contrast to their current mountain dwellings. Anthropologists theorize that the Ifugao people were driven by Malaysian immigrants, who had superior leadership and weapons, into the mountains where they currently reside. As far as appearance, the Ifugao people resemble Asians, but with a darker, more coppery skin tone. The Ifugao were likely of a caucasoid strain that was modified by a passage through the southern portion of Asia where they mingled with the Chinese. Ifugao dress simply due to the temperate climate, but also decorate themselves ornately. The men wear clouts and the women wear loin cloths resembling short skirts that extend from their waist to their knees. The Ifugao men carry spears with them at all times. Both the men and women decorate themselves with various jewelry, such as pieces made of gold, brass, beads, agates, and mother of pearl, among other things. The Ifugao people exhibit admirable ability in their architectural pursuits. Ifugao houses are small, but they are substantially built, constructed of relatively durable materials that endure through many generations. But as far as architectural achievements go, the houses are nothing compared to the massive complexes of rice patties that extend from half way up the mountain side all the way down to the bottom of the valley. Water is gathered from forests high in the mountains, sent

through irrigation channels into the uppermost terraces and allowed to flow back and forth across each terrace until it finally finds the stream bed and flows to the sea. There are two crops each year. Each crop takes from three to four months from planting to harvesting. Family structure is fairly interesting. The adults and small children live in one house and the teenage children live in a second house. When the teenagers get to the age where they become interested in the opposite sex, the male teenagers leave their house during the day to meet females in other houses, while the females stay at home to welcome other male guests. They initially just have a friendly atmosphere, telling jokes, stories, etc., but soon couples will form. When a girl becomes pregnant, they couple will soon after become married. Then