Istros Xii - Rezumate

ISTROS XII, 2005

Colegiul de redacţie: VICTOR SPINEI – preşedinte de onoare IONEL CÂNDEA - redactor responsabil VALERIU SÎRBU - secretar de redacţie STĂNICĂ PANDREA – membru CRISTIAN LUCA - membru

SUMAR

I. STUDII CORNELIU BELDIMAN, Upper Paleolithic of Romania from the Perspective of Bone and Antler Industry: Projectile Points .................. DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU, Despre periferia sudică a Grupului Ferigile. Cu specială privire asupra necropolei de la Teiu (judeţul Argeş) ........……………………………………………………………… … AUREL RUSTOIU, Repere arheologice şi istorice privind începutul colonizării celtice a spaţiului intra-carpatic .......................................... VALERIU SÎRBU, VITALIE BÂRCĂ, Reprezentări figurative pe falerele dintre munţii Urali, Caucaz şi Balcani (sec. II-I a. Chr.) .......... ALEXANDRA NAUM, Imperiu şi sacerdoţiu în Bizanţ (partea a IIa)… CLAUDIU NEAGOE, Boierimea în Ţara Românească (secolele XV-XVI). Consideraţii generale ......................................................... AUREL IACOB, Ştefan Tomşa al II-lea înainte de domnie ............ IONEL CÂNDEA, Vechile planuri ale oraşului Brăila (I. Johann von Vermatti, 1790) ...........................................................................… ….

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33 45 65 135 153 163 189

II. ARTICOLE STĂNICĂ PANDREA, COSTIN CROITORU, Piese arheologice descoperite în aşezarea de la Brăiliţa, aflate în colecţia Muzeului de Istorie Galaţi ......................................................................................... MIRELA VERNESCU, Piese litice din perioada de tranziţie şi epoca bronzului aflate în colecţiile Muzeului Brăilei ....................................… VIOREL STOIAN, Un capac de vas hallstattian de la Sihleanu, jud. Brăila ..………………………………………………………………… …. ION PĂTRAŞCU, Askoi elenistici descoperiţi la Zimnicea (judeţul Teleorman) ...................................................................................… … IOSIF VASILE FERENCZ, MARIUS MIHAI CIUTĂ, Consideraţii pe marginea unor materiale descoperite la Şeuşa (com. Ciugud, jud. Alba)....…………………………………………………………………….. LAURENŢIU URSACHI, CRISTIAN ONEL, FLAVIUS BÂGU, 2

203 211 223 233

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Mormânt dublu tumular descoperit pe “Dealul Ţuguieta”, Bârlad, judeţul Vaslui, aparţinând nomazilor turanici ...................................... SILVIU OŢA, KATIUŞA PÂRVAN, O matriţă pentru producerea de lumânări descoperită la Oraşul de Floci (com. Giurgeni, jud. Ialomiţa) DOINA AFTENE, Parale otomane descoperite la Măxineni ................ III. CONSERVARE-RESTAURARE MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR, Consideraţii privind restaurarea prin analogie a unei cahle descoperită la Brăila ......................................… MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR, Conservarea şi restaurarea unui vas medieval din ceramică descoperit la Brăila .................................… ….

255 259 267

283 301

IV. PREZENTĂRI, RECENZII COSTIN CROITORU, Fortificaţii liniare romane în stânga Dunării de Jos (secolele I-IV p. Chr.) (I), Editura Istros a Muzeului Brăilei, Galaţi, 2004, 207 pp.+19 planşe, glosar, indici (Dragoş Măndescu) ...........…

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DE LA PÉRIPHÉRIE SUD DU GROUPE FERIGILE. AVEC UNE ATTENTION PARTICULIÈRE PORTÉE SUR LA NÉCROPOLE DE TEIU (DÈPARTEMENT D’ARGEŞ) DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU (Résumé) L’article valorise une série d’informations et matériels inédits concernant la nécropole sud su groupe Ferigile – la nécropole de Teiu (département d’Argeş). Sont décrits les trois tombeaux découverts dans un sondage de vérification effectué en 1967. Tous les tombeaux étaient d’incinération, avec les os calcinés déposés dans des fosses sur lesquelles a été aménagé un petit tertre. Le tombeau 1 contenait trois vases, le tombeau 2 n’avait pas d’inventaire et dans le tombeau 3 ont été découvertes deux pointes de flèches en fer et un mors. Les matériels archéologiques se sont perdus. Ultérieurement, ont été trouvés à la surface du sol, dans le périmètre de la nécropole, aussi d’autres objets provenant de tombeaux détruits par les travaux agricoles, dont on garde dans le Musée Départemental d’Argeş deux anneaux à extrémités libres et une épingle à tête en forme de calotte, tous en bronze. La nécropole de Teiu appartient à l’horizon Ferigile Nord. Si l’extrémité est de la limite du groupe Ferigile est marquée par deux découvertes (Budureasca et Năeni) qui présentent caractéristiques propres à l’horizon final, Ferigile III, la limite sud était assurément atteinte dés l’étape correspondant à l’horizon Ferigile Nord (la nécropole de Teiu), horizon auquel appartient aussi la majorité des éléments culturels Ferigile présents à la limite ouest du groupe (Brebu et Ieşelniţa, probablement aussi Remetea Pogănici). En même temps, d’autres découvertes faites à la limite sud (Odobeşti, Leşile, Mozacu) attestent le prolongement des éléments culturels Ferigile dans une étape tardive, où font sentir leur présence les influences venues de la parte de la culture gète ancienne, sans pouvoir totalement exclure la possibilité d’un certaine symbiose entre les deux blocs culturels.

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL DATA REGARDING THE BEGINNING OF CELTIC COLONIZATION OF THE INNER CARPATHIAN AREA AUREL RUSTOIU (Abstract) The chronology of the Celtic discoveries from Transylvania was a matter of debate for a long period. Some discussions referred to the dating of the earliest La Tène artefacts. The systematic analysis and publication of the cemetery at Pişcolt (Dep. Satu Mare) offered a basis for new assessments regarding the phases of the Celtic settlements from the Tisa Basin and from Transylvania. Four chronological phases have been identified for the abovementioned graveyard (fig. 1): Phase I – LT B1/B2 (Krämer) – LT B1b-1c (Waldhauser). Phase II – LT B2 (Krämer) – LT B2a (Waldhauser). Phase III – LT B2/C1 – LT B2b (Waldhauser). Phase IV – LT C1a (Waldhauser) - LT C1 (Polenz). According to I. Németi, the cemetery at Pişcolt began soon after the middle of the 4th century BC (350/330 BC), while its end date was in the first quarter of the 2nd century BC. The graves from the first phase are characterised by the presence of some older artefacts, which belong to the end of the First Iron Age (LT A), associated with others that are specific to the end of the sub-phase LT B1 and the beginning of LT B2. These include brooches of type early Dux, bracelets with Steckverschluss locking, simple rectangular buckles made from an iron sheet, big knifes of Hallstattian tradition, etc. The Celtic pottery that characterise the Central European area is often associated with vessels that are specific to Sanislău – Nir group of Szentes – Vekerzug culture. Pieces that are almost similar to those from the early phase of the cemetery at Piscolt, or which are contemporary, were found isolated or in Celtic graves in Transylvania and Crisana. These are different types of rings (fig. 2/17, 3/1-6, 4/6-7) and brooches (fig. 4/1-4). All these jewellery and garment accessories are dated to the end of LT B1 and the beginning of LT B2, and form a distinct phase within La Tène period from the inner Carpathian area. Although the number of finds is small, they prove mainly trough their funerary characteristic, the arrival of the first Celtic groups in the region to the east of Middle Danube (fig. 5). These pieces were found in the northern Great 5

Hungarian Plain (between the curve of the Danube and Tisa), in the area of Carei, southern Crişana (mainly along the Mures, near Arad), in the south-west and central Transylvania and around Bistriţa, in north-west. Without the written sources, the moment and conditions of this first colonization are difficult to identify. However, the analysis of some information from ancient authors may offer a hypothesis. In 335 BC was the expedition of Alexander the Great to the Danube against the Tribali, with the area of conflict somewhere near the mouth of Serbian Morava. In this context, Arrianos (I, 4, 68) and Strabo (VII, 3, 8 – C 301), using information provided by Ptolemaios son of Lagos, which participated in the expedition, are mentioning the presence in the Macedonian camp of an embassy ‘of the Celts who live in the Ionic Gulf’. This fact may suggest that in 335 AD the Celts from the Adriatic Sea ‘explored’ new territories to the east for colonisation. In this case they might have been interested by the military intentions of the Macedonian king in the nearby area. Since only Celts near the Adriatic Sea were the Senoni from around Ancona, we may presume that some of them participated to the eastern expedition. It is not a coincidence that a bronze helmet of Celtic-Italic type was found in southwestern Transylvania, near Hateg. This type of helmet is well known from Italy, near Ancona, found in the cemeteries of Senoni (fig. 6). Other artefacts (fig. 4/8-9) illustrate for the same period connections with the Alpine region or with the Trans-Danubian one (fig. 7). Therefore, following the written sources, the first Celtic groups arrived in Tisa Plain and then in Transylvania around 335 BC. The dating of the earliest Celtic artefacts from Crişana and around Carei, as well as from Transylvania, indicate that transition from LT B1 to LT B2 in inner Carpathian area was during the last third of the 4 th century BC. At this first colonisation of the eastern area of the Carpathian Basin participated Celts from Italy, most probably Senoni, but also groups from Trans-Danubian region, as it is proved by the distribution of the early Celtic artefacts. It is also possible participation of other groups from the Alpine region. The arrival of the Celts in Tisa Plain and in Transylvania was done against the local communities from the area. Thus the Celts replaced the authority of the leaders of Szentes-Vekerzug culture in the Tisa Plain. In Transylvania was the same phenomenon. However, some vessels of local tradition, of the end of the First Iron Age were found in some Celtic graves (fig. 8). The arrival of the Celts did not affected the whole inner Carpathian region. The newcomers did not occupy many depressions and this is the case of Maramureş. Archaeological research identified there some Dacian fortifications of the 4th and 3rd century BC, like those at Solotvino and Bila Ţerkva, alongside Tisa in Trans-Carpathian Ukraine (fig. 5). Up to the end of the 4th century BC, Celtic groups already occupied the Tisa Plain and the inner Carpathian region. These were then one of the recruiting bases for the great expeditions across the Balkans from the beginning of the 3rd century BC.

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FIGURATIVE REPRESENTATIONS ON THE PHALERAE FOUND BETWEEN THE URAL, THE CAUCAUSUS AND THE BALKAN MOUNTAINS (2nd – 1st CENTURIES B.C.) VALERIU SÎRBU, VITALIE BÂRCĂ (Abstract) The decoration on the phalerae consists of geometric, phytomorphic, zoomorphic or anthropomorphic motives. Some of them render deities or mythological scenes. Lastly, it is worth mentioning that, besides their functional role, the phalerae are also very artistic due to their figurative representations. In the world of the nomads in the Eurasian steppes, the phalerae were generally used as harness appliqués, although they were mostly clothes accessories in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds – but had other uses as well. As one can notice, the discoveries including Hellenistic phalerae are concentrated in the area between the Volga and the Danube rivers (Fig. 1, 1a). Of these, those discovered in the immense area between the Prut River and Western Siberia belonged to the Sarmatians. What is for sure is that, in general, the representations on the phalerae, close to the themes and production techniques of the ancient art, also show signs of the barbarian naivety and primitivism. We would like to make clear from the beginning that we will also include in the discussion the items called “fibulae with anthropomorphic marks” since this took place only in the Geto-Dacian pace: fibulae were attached to the round phalerae (Herăstrău), and some types of fibulae have anthropomorphic representations similar to those on the phalerae (Bălăneşti, Coada Malului, "Transylvania"). We believe that this symbiosis between two types of items that are different but have the same use is due to the ideological identity, which led to iconographic identity. Based on the type of items, the way they are attached, and on the iconography, we think that the items from the Geto-Dacian world north of the Danube are not very likely to have been used as harness items. One should emphasize that the iconographic representations also appear on ceramic medallions (e.g. Cârlomăneşti) which suggests similar beliefs that require similar manners of representations, regardless of the support or type of items. Diffusion region. In the area between Western Siberia, the Caucasus Mountains and the Balkans, there are 37 findings (Fig. 1), which amount to 184 items. Of these, 34, containing of 177 items, are from the region between the 7

Ural Mountains, Caucasus and the Balkans. All these complexes with phalerae are usually close to flowing bodies of water that reach the Caspian Sea or the Black Sea. A particularly high concentration of items is located northeast of the Black Sea, on the eastern coast of the Sea of Azov, where there are 10 findings. Of these, 28, with a total of 168 items, also include phalerae with figurative anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations (Fig. 2). They number 81 items in these discoveries, and 76 of these are part of the complexes in the area currently under research (Fig. 2). Archaeological contexts: 14 findings, with 71 items, are from tombs; another 20, with 111 items, were in treasures, 8 items are from 2 isolated findings, and the origin of 4 phalerae is not known. The phalerae with figurative representations are as follows: in 10 cases, from tombs, in 16 from hoards, and in 2 cases from isolated findings (Tab. 1). One also notices the absence of items from settlements, fortresses and sanctuaries; all the items in the Geto-Dacian group are from isolated hoards. Materials: 169 silver phalerae, 115 of which were gilded, are from 34 findings and only 11 items are made of gold (Seversk, Vasjurina Gora, Peter the First’s Siberian collection). The number of bronze items is also very low, with only 14 items from 3 discoveries (Bubueci, Vasjurina Gora, Velikoploskoe): the 7 bronze phalerae from the tomb in Vasjurina Gora are gold-plated. One can notice that there are fewer golden items, that most items are made of silver, gilded for the most part, and that there are not many bronze items either. The color and shining of the gold, similar to the sun, and its durability impressed the ancient people, who endowed it with miraculous characteristics, not to mention it was also a sign of the wealth and high status for those who possessed it. Cultural environment: a) 30 findings, with 154 items, were found in Sarmatian tombs and treasures, b) the origin of a discovery with 4 items is unknown, but they are from the Sarmatian world for sure (the Siberian Collection of Peter the First), c) 5 findings, with 27 items, are from Geto-Dacian treasures (Galiče, Jakimovo, Bucharest-Herăstrău, Lupu and Surcea), d) in one case, they were found in the southern-Thracian area (Stara Zagora – 3 items). We included the findings from Galice and Jakimovo in the Geto-Dacian area because the archaeological discoveries from the 2nd –1st centuries B.C. in this region are similar to those north of the Danube, and the iconography of these is integrated in what we could call the “Geto-Dacian group” with features unlike those of the phalerae in the other cultural environments. It is also possible that some phalerae of the Sarmatian region, mainly those made in the Pontic area or in Asia Minor, could have arrived here as “diplomatic gifts” offered to the Sarmatian rulers by Mithridates, when he wanted to make them his allies. Chronology. All the items that we analyzed fall in the category of 2nd – st 1 centuries B.C., but there are noticeable differences between certain chronological steps. Thus, only some part of the discoveries are from the 2 nd century BC, while most of them, including those from the Geto-Dacian period are from the period between the end of the 2nd century and the first half of 1st century BC. (Tab. 1) So far, no discovery can be dated back to the Christian era. We will only refer to those from the 2nd-1st centuries BC because, on the one hand, those from the Geto-Dacian group date back to this period and, on 8

the other hand, they are present only in two cultural environments – the Sarmatians and the Geto-Dacians, who had tight relations. Techniques. Since most of the items are made of thin silver sheets, they were produced by stamping and finished with the scraper and punctuator. Casting made two of the silver phalerae of Žutovo, as well as those in bronze of Bubueci (Fig.10/2-3) and Velikoploskoe. The phalerae were attached either with rivets, or with ears made of silver, bronze, iron or, in one case, gold – Seversk (Fig. 9/2-3) The exception consists of the items from Bucharest-Herăstrău (Fig. 11/3; 15/3), where fibulae were attached to them. Shapes and sizes. Although there are big differences between the diameters of the smallest items, such as three items from Seversk, which range from 3.7cm (Fig. 9/2-3), and of the largest one, such as the phalerae in Fedulov (Fig. 5/3) – 31.2cm, most of them have diameters between 7 and 17 cm. Nevertheless, there is a small group of phalerae with diameters over 20 cm, such as those from Ahtanizovskaja, Išim, Prohorovka, Volodarka (Fig. 4/4-5) and the Siberian collection of Peter the First (Fig. 10/1). Almost all the items are circular, only very few are oval, such as those in Ahtanizovskaja (Fig. 3/2), Surcea (Fig. 11/1; 15/1), Verhnij (Fig. 8/2) and Vasjurina Gora. However, when it comes to the profile, although there is a great deal of variety, they fall into three categories: a) phalerae that are almost flat, b) concave/skyphate phalerae, with a curved profile and c) conic/semi-sphere, of the umbo type. Inventory associations. Since in 14 of the cases, with 71 items, the phalerae are from tombs, it is obvious that they were associated with a very varied funerary inventory. Since they are tumuli tombs with a rather rich inventory, sometimes including military equipment items, defensive or offensive, one could say that, given the use of phalerae, they belonged to rideraristocrats. The associations in the 20 treasures are also relevant, since the following items show up: 1) silver conic and semi-spherical items , 2) situlae, 3) bronze vessels, in one piece or fragmentary, 4) bronze cauldrons, 5) helmets , 6) spear heads , 7) frontal appliqués, 8) horse bits , 9) harness appliqués, 10) clothing appliqués, 11) fibulae 12) bracelets. Obviously, these categories of items are not together in all the complexes of the analyzed area. The origin of the phalerae can be approached in two ways: a) when did these items started being used, in general or in the Thracian environment, b) what were, stricto sensu, the models of those used during the period in question. In the Greek-Roman world, the phalerae started being used somewhat later: we do not have phalerae representations from the classic Greek period, but they aren’t any from the Roman world of that time either. However, one should mention that several golden medallions with figurative renderings, anthropomorphic feminine ones in particular, called “Thessalian”, based on the probable origin of the production workshops, circulated in the Greek world of 4 th2nd centuries BC. At the northern Black Sea, the phalerae were practically unknown here in the early Scythian age. As for the golden age of the Thracian-Getic art, it is 9

worth mentioning the items in the treasures of Panagjurište and Letnica or the one in the tomb of Chirnogi. Ornamentation types. The geometric decoration is present on all the phalerae from Sarmatian, Geto-Dacian and Thracian environment of 2nd-1st centuries BC, whereas the vegetal one is encountered only on items from 23 findings. However, these motifs and arrangements are not included in the scope of our topic and will not be analyzed. Zoomorphic figurative representations appear on 19 of the discoveries in the Ural Mountains, Caucasus and Balkans, whereas the anthropomorphic ones are present in 20 cases (Tab.1). The phalerae in the Sarmatian complexes of Sidorovska and Išim in Western Siberia, as well as those from the Siberian Collection of Peter the First, also include zoomorphic and anthropomorphic representations, but since they are outside our area of interest, they will not be analyzed at this point. All the 5 findings from the Dacian-Getic area include anthropomorphic representations, whereas the zoomorphic ones appear in only 3 cases. Surely, in most cases, the figurative representations are associated with geometric or phytomorphical ones. Possible interpretations. Interpreting the iconography on the phalerae must take into account all the discovery data (context, association with other type of items, motifs and decorative combinations etc.) and the whole of the figurative renderings in a certain cultural environment, for missing some facts and over-stressing others leads to unrealistic conclusions. In addition, the analysis must consider all the representations in a finding, since they used to form a whole. All in all, the figurative bestiary is not very varied, although it includes both domesticated (bull, horse, he-goat, dog) and wild (lion, panther, tiger, deer, wild boar, elephant, vulture/hawk, other birds, porcupine, snake) real animals. Lions, panthers and vultures/hawks are represented most often. The fictional animals consist of gryphons (9 findings) and a sphinx (one case). However, an anthropomorphic character can sometimes have animal attributes suggested by just a symbol (e.g. feathers). Also, the animals are rendered either in their entirety, or by means of just one part: bull head and neck – Uspenskaja (Fig. 8/4), bull head in Stara Zagora, horse heads and necks in Fedulov (Fig. 5/4) and Taganrog (Fig. 10/7), based on the pars pro toto principle. Sometimes, we can find composite animals, made up of real species (chimera = lion + he-goat + snake in Volodarka) (Fig. 4/4-5). The range of real species in the Geto-Dacian group is small and almost always accompanied by human features (horse, dog, feline, snake, hawk). There is a gryphon at Surcea, but the horse does not appear alone on any item. The zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurative representations require an analysis based on the cultural environment in which they were discovered since their ideological background is more relevant than the items’ formal aspects. The discoveries from the Sarmatian environment have some common features that we will try to list in short below. 10

As expected, the discoveries made between the Sea of Azov, the Caucasus and the Ural Mountains have many similarities with the Oriental art and the Greek-Oriental style. On the other hand, the manner of rendering the animals is characteristic to the style of the nomad peoples, influenced by the civilizations of Asia Minor, Persia and Greece. The art of the steppes refuses to cage the image and instead goes for fluidity, trying to open the shape to the vastness surrounding it – and this shows on the objects found at Novouzensk (Fig. 8/5), Sidorovka and Zutovo (Fig.5/1) - instead of protecting it, as the sedentary peoples try to do. The bestiary is characteristic to the Asian areas, due both to the real (elephant, lion, panther etc.) and imaginary animals (various gryphons, sphinxes), given the influences from the civilizations of Asia Minor and Persia. For instance, the phalerae of Novouzensk and Sidorovka, showing intertwined gryphons, are not characteristic of the Hellenistic art, whereas such scenes are encountered in China. There are no doubts as to the Greek-Indian origin of the phalerae with the battle elephants, from the Siberian Collection of Peter the First, since the analogies for these motifs are quite numerous in the Hellenistic world. One should also mention that a battle elephant also appears on one of the phalerae in the Sark treasure, which included Celtic coins, dating back no further than 58-52 BC, but also a Roman republican coin, from 82 BC. Another interesting thing are the confrontations between various strong animals (dog, felines, wild boar, deer and gryphon), as rendered on the phalerae in Starobel’sk (Fig. 9/1a-d) and Tvardica (Fig. 6/3). One can find certain oriental elements on the gryphon phalera of Surcea (Fig.11/2), in the representation of the Pegasus wings on the Volodarka phalerae (Fig. 4/4-5) or even in the representation of the Jancokrak goddess (Fig. 6/4), where the methods are identical with those of the Achemenid items. We consider as being oriental elements the multi spiral necklaces at the characters necks of the Jancokrak (Fig.6/4), Galice (Fig. 13/1) and Surcea phalerae (Fig. 11/1). The influence of the Hellenistic world is noticeable not only in the actual way of rendering certain animals (Pegassus, horses heads with Helios etc.) but also in the themes taken over from the Greek mythology, which points to its profound influence on the elite of the Sarmatian world, not only in their daily lives, but also in terms of sacred mentalities. Although most of the Sarmatian phalerae are from hoards (84 items), there are quite a few that are from tombs (68 items). In terms of function, the data suggest that most of the items were attached to horse harnesses. As for the shape, most of them are conic, and the artistic style is quite similar to the Oriental art or and the Greek-Oriental or North-Pontic style. The manner of rendering the animals is characteristic to the animal representations of the nomad peoples, with visible influences from the civilizations of Asia Minor and Persia. The bestiary includes species from that region (lions, panthers) or fictional creatures meant to inspire fear or suggest domination (various types of gryphons, sphinxes). Two phalerae of Volodorka, made “in the mirror”, depict the hero Bellerophon, riding Pegassus, killing Chimaera (composite animal: lion + hegoat + snake) (Fig. 4/4-5), and a phalera in Seversk shows victory goddess 11

Athens riding a lion, and the victory of Dionysus over the giants (Fig. 9/3). Three phalerae of Ahtanizovskaja show the heads of the Gorgons (Fig. 3), while another, from Taganrog, show Dionysus accompanied by a panther (Fig. 10/5). Some phalerae of Fedulov are very interesting. One of them shows Helios, flanked by two horse heads (Fig. 5/4), another depicts the fight between goddess Athens and giant Alcyoneus (Fig. 5/5), while on another two items we see the head of human-lion with a spear in mouth (Fig. 5/3), and a rider appears on four phalerae (Fig. 5/2). Another interesting item is a phalera in Jančokrak that shows a winged female character, with a phiala in her right hand and, probably, a hawk in the left one (Fig. 6/4). Identifying the representations from the Sarmatian environment has a high degree of probability, since most of it respects the iconography from the Hellenistic world, which suggests that most of them were made in centers situated in that region. Things are not the same when it comes to the phalerae findings in the Geto-Dacian world. As far as our data on the Geto-Dacians go, we can say the following: a) the written sources do not say if and in what manner they rendered their deities, b) no figurative representation has the name of a local deity underneath it, c) no statues, bas-reliefs or figurative offerings were found buried in sanctuaries, d) we have no sure proof that would allow us to talk of animal worshipping. All the phalerae are from hoards, but none from sanctuaries and tombs. Some phalerae had fibulae attached to them (Bucharest-Herăstrău), and some fibulae bore representations similar to the phalerae (Bălăneşti, Coada Malului, „Transylvania”). Probably most of these items were made in the Geto-Dacian environment, an assumption supported in particular by their technical and stylistic features. Only the phalera of Jakimovo rendering a man seems to be of Hellenistic origin. In the end, the essential thing is not so much the ethnic origin of the one that made it but the cultural side, namely whether the message it sends and the concrete way it was made reflect the mentalities of the bearer. The iconography of the phalerae in the Geto-Dacian group expresses a particular cultural background and style of rendering, obviously different from the Sarmatian, Hellenistic or West-European. The fact that such representations also appear on ceramic medallions (e.g. Cârlomăneşti) or that they are attached to the fibulae point to the depth and diffusion of this iconographic motif in the Geto-Dacian mentality. It seems obvious that these representations were created from an internal need, that they reveal specific mentalities and that they served a purpose of their own. It is no accident that most of these hoards date from the first half and the middle of the 1st century BC, when the Geto-Dacian society experiences a period of development and expansion under the rule of king Burebista. This explosion of force and political-military force was bound to find a characteristic outlet in the sacred domain as well. The fact that such items were not found neither in sanctuaries or around them, not even buried as offerings, nor in tombs is an archaeological fact. 12

Since under no image is the name of a deity, and the similarities with the Hellenistic-Roman iconography are irrelevant, it is difficult to interpret them in a way or another. On the other hand, the fact that these treasures were buried, and sometimes the items were destroyed (e.g. Lupu) stands proof beyond any doubt that they were sacred, for it would be difficult to accept that one gave up on such valuable things without a deep cultural reason. There are no longer serious reasons to back up the explanation that they were hidden because of tough times. The rider motif is widespread in the Geto-Dacian world as, from the 4th century to the 1st century AD, it is present on the phalerae in Surcea, Lupu and Galice as well. Since no image shows human confrontation, battle scenes, and the riders do not seem bellicose, one should reflect on the extent to which they could be representing a war deity. The Surcea rider, accompanied by dog and hawk (Fig. 11/1; 15/1), seems to be rendering a hunting scene, as in an initiating trial, as well as one of the preferred pastimes of the aristocracy. The attitudes of the riders in Lupu (Fig. 12/3-4; 14/5,7) and Galice (Fig. 13/2; 16/2) suggest solemn moments and high ranks, so they might be deities, but other variants cannot be ruled out. Given the type and iconography of the phalerae in the Geto-Dacian environment, as well as the composition of some findings, among which those of Lupu and Galice are the most revealing, we agree with the scholars who assume that the inventory in such treasures consists of sets worn by high ranking religious figures of basilei on solemn occasions. The fibulae with anthropomorphic shield or the phalerae with attached fibulae were obviously used in association with clothing items. The number, shape and decoration of the items in the Galice hoard suggest it may have made up the ornamentation on horse harnesses. It has been discovered by chance in 1918, and only 14 phalerae from it were preserved, two of which displaying figurative decoration. As for the Jakimovo hoard, the two phalerae may have been previously attached to the bottom of conic cups, as shown by a cup rendering a rider, from the same treasure. The stylistic features and representations on the phalerae in Stara Zagora (Fig. 13/5-6) can hardly be considered a product of Thracian mentality, but are rather associated with Oriental iconography and the items found in Western Europe. One of the phalerae from Stara Zagora shows Hercules killing a lion, surrounded by gryphons and felines, meant to inspire fear (Fig. 13/5). The lion fight scene also appears on a phalera in Panagjursite, from the second half of the 4th century BC. Another phalera in Stara Zagora renders in its central medallion a feline attaching a he-goat, and the scene is surrounded by gryphons, felines and a bull head (Fig. 13/6). Two phalerae in the Medal Cabinet of the National Library in Paris, similar in style with those found in Stara Zagora, could also be from the GreekOriental region. 13

The discovery of 15 items in Western Europe (13 in Sark, an island in north-western France), and one in Oberaden and Helden (Germany) starts to sketch a new group of phalerae, displaying many stylistic and iconographic similarities with the Greek-Oriental ones and those from Asia Minor and Persia Not only are we dealing with a bestiary of real (elephants, lions, panthers) and fiction animals (gryphons or composite animals) from Asia Minor and Persia, but the rendering method is oriental as well. Only one phalera from Helden shows a human character, namely Hercules killing the lion. In Western Europe, the phalerae or the artisan that made them were probably in contact with the Sarmatians and the Germanic groups (protoGerman, to be more precise), or as a result of the politics of Mithridates Eupator. The method for attaching/fastening the phalerae to the horse harnesses or clothing items can be seen in some ancient representations, sometimes even on the phalerae. For example, for Asia Minor and Persia, the manner of attaching the phalerae to the horse harness can be observed on the representations in Dura Europos or Halčajan (Fig. 17/3) In the Geto-Dacian world, the manner of attaching the phalerae can probably be observed on the barrel-shaped vessel rendering a rider (Fig. 16/5) and on the ceramic pattern from Răcătău. As for clothes, it is visible on a phalera in Jakimovo, on a man’s right shoulder (Fig. 13/4; 16/4). Finally, the phalerae with this kind of decoration are also present on one of the riders’ horses rendered on the relief from the late Hellenistic period in the Halčajan palace (Fig.17/3). It is worth recalling that the motif suggesting a moving wheel or the solar disc with curved beams is considered in the Parthian art as a sure Achemenid influence. The analysis of the discoveries shows that, besides some common features, the differences between the phalerae with figurative representations from the Sarmatian and the Geto-Dacian cultural areas are much more relevant. Certainly, the features more related to the iconography are much more expressive, but those concerning the actual data of the discoveries and the items are obvious as well. Thus, whereas the phalerae from the Sarmatian environment are equally from hoards and tombs, date back to the entire 2nd-1st centuries BC (some even from the end of 3rd century BC), and were mainly used for horse harnesses, the Geto-Dacian items are from hoards alone, date back to the first half and middle of 1st century BC and were used mainly for clothes. As for the representations, namely the imaginary, there are fundamental differences. Namely, in the Sarmatian phalerae (Fig. 3-10), one can recognize not just the themes from the Greek-Oriental, but also the style of rendering the characters. The nomad influences are particularly visible in the manner of rendering the animals – the preference for dynamism and fluidity. The profound influence of the Hellenistic world shows mostly in the rendering of the heads of Gorgons, perhaps in hope of petrifying the enemies, the presence of goddesses Athens and Nike, of gods Helios and Dionysus, of hero Bellerophon killing the 14

Chimera etc. The oriental world is particularly present in the real animals in this region (lions, panthers, elephants) or in those from the imaginary of these peoples (gryphons, sphinxes). However, when it comes to the Geto-Dacians (Fig. 11-15), the characteristics of the locals, both in terms of ideology and of rendering the iconographic themes comes through much stronger, a result of the traditions of Thracian toreutics. The themes of the rider in solemn positions (Lupu, Galice), of the hunt as a trial for achieving high status (Surcea), of the confrontation between the hawk and the snake (Lupu), of the winged characters as “masters of animals” (Lupu, Jakimovo), of bust rendering (Herăstrău, Galice, Jakimovo) are often seen in the Thracian toreutics of the 5th-3rd centuries BC. All these are solid evidence for assuming that most of the phalerae were made in the GetoDacian region. Thus, the differences between Sarmatian and Geto-Dacian mentalities, rooted in the history, traditions and occupations of each people, are highly visible in this category of items as well. LA NOBILTÀ DELLA VALACCHIA (SECC. XV-XVI). CONSIDERAZIONI GENERALI CLAUDIU NEAGOE (Riassunto) L’autore analizza, traendola da vari documenti, cronache e memorie dell’epoca, la terminologia che nella Valacchia del Quattro–Cinquecento indicava in modo specifico la nobiltà. Si tratta solo di una premessa ad una ricerca più ampia incentrata sull’evoluzione attraverso i secoli dello status sociale della nobiltà valacca e dei suoi rapporti con l’autorità centrale. Le relazioni tra il principe e i boiardi, instauratesi per le iniziative di natura politica o fiscale che l’autorità centrale promuoveva, hanno contraddistinto con i loro alti e bassi, fra tensione e concordia, la storia politico-sociale dei Principati Romeni per l’intero periodo della storia medioevale e premoderna. L’articolo traccia un breve quadro di questi rapporti, caratterizzati dal divario tra la nobiltà rurale e quella al servizio del principe che, sempre più, svolge un ruolo determinante a causa delle cariche di cui usufruisce nella pubblica amministrazione. L’appartenenza all’entourage del principe e la presenza a corte diviene progressivamente per i boiardi una causa di promozione sociale. Questo stato di cose incrementa nettamente il distacco tra la nobiltà che assume impegni nell’amministrazione centrale, o quella che esercita cariche nell’amministrazione locale, e la nobiltà comune, sempre più caratterizzata da un lento declino e dall’impoverimento, dovuto, soprattutto, alla politica fiscale promossa dai principi, per riempire le casse dello Stato e per far fronte alle richieste dell’Impero Ottomano, di cui erano vassalli.

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STEFANO TOMŞA II PRIMA DELL’AVVENTO AL PRINCIPATO DI MOLDAVIA AUREL IACOB (Riassunto) L’articolo segue puntualmente la vita e la carriera di Stefano Tomşa II, principe di Moldavia (1611-1616, 1621-1623), prima della designazione al trono, all’epoca in cui il principato danubiano era vassallo dell’Impero Ottomano. Nato all’incirca fra il 1554 e 1555 a Oteşti, una piccola località nella provincia di Putna, Stefano Tomşa II fu uno dei figli di Stefano Tomşa I, l’effimero principe di Moldavia che guidò la rivolta di gran parte della nobiltà moldava contro il principe regnante Jacobo Eraclid Despota (1561-1563). Stefano Tomşa II fu probabilmente educato nella scuola della parrocchia di Rădăşeni, un piccolo villaggio della Moldavia Settentrionale, nella regione di Suceava, quindi, ancora molto giovane, si dedicò alla carriera militare entrando nell’esercito di Stefano Báthory, re di Polonia (1575-1586) e principe di Transilvania. In seguito passò come mercenario nelle truppe del re di Francia, Enrico IV, impegnato nella Guerra dei Pirenei contro il vicino Regno di Spagna. In circostanze ancora oscure, Stefano Tomşa II giunse a Costantinopoli dove, probabilmente, in virtù dell’esperienza militare acquisita in Occidente, fu assunto come ufficiale sul fronte iraniano, dove, ormai da anni, imperversava una cruente guerra fra gli Ottomani e Persiani. Grazie al suo impegno militare al servizio della Porta, Stefano Tomşa II ebbe la possibilità di riaffermare con successo i suoi diritti sul principato di Moldavia. Così, approfittando della decisione delle autorità ottomane di rimuovere dal principato Costantino Movilă, ritenuto troppo incline a servire gli interessi politici e strategici della Polonia, Stefano si fece designare principe di Moldavia nel 1611, come colui che era la persona più adatta ad instaurare l’ordine all’interno del principato e a contrastare con fermezza le velleità egemoniche della vicina Polonia.

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THE ANCIENT PLANS OF BRAILA CITY (I) IONEL CÂNDEA (Summary) The ancient plans of Braila City, together with the archaeological sources and the documentation of a narrative or iconographic nature could convey a lot of information. The study tackling all of them, during the period 1790-1898 must start with the plan made by Johann von Vermatti for the 1787-1791 war fought among the Turks, Russians and Austrians (1790). The 1790 plan, as well as other two sketches of the Citadel-zone (probably from 1810), ultimately reveal the importance of Braila’s fortification although they were made in an estimative way and consequently have to be examined with much caution. ASKOI OF HELLENISTIC PROVENANCE DISCOVERED AT ZIMNICEA (TELEORMAN COUNTY) ION PÎTRAŞCU (Abstract) This paper present eight askoi of Hellenistic provenance discovered at Zimnicea (Teleorman county). This pieces are dated in the middle and the second half of the 3rd century B.C. DES CONSIDERATIONS À TRAVERS DES MATERIAUX DECOUVERTS À ŞEUŞA ( CIUGUD DEP.D’ALBA) IOSIF VASILE FERENCZ, MARIUS MIHAI CIUTĂ (Résumé) I. Les Preliminaires Le dėbut de La Tène dans le sud-ouest de la Transylvanie est situé dans la deux-ème moitiė du IVe siecle a.Chr. Ce moment est marqué par l’arriveė des celtes et il est argumentė par les vestiges archėolgiques2. Ils ont conhabitės avec les autochtones pour environ deux siecles et leur prėsence est 17

documentėe par toute une sėrie les necropoles. Les habitats de cet horizon chronologique sont caracterises par l’association de la ceramique celtique3. Un tel site a été decouvert à Şeuşa dep.d’Alba, au point “La Cărarea Morii” (Pl.I, II,1)4. En 1998, dans la section appellėe generiquement S3 ont ete decouverts quelques fragments ceramiques provenants d’un vase ceramique au main ﴾Pl. V﴿. La forme et les particularites techniques du vase sont differement par rapport à la ceramique celtique ou à la ceramique autochtone. Les analogies se trouvent à l‘est des Carpates dans le milieu bastarne. Meme une telle piece est representėe par une soupiere decouvertee dans la tombe 36 du Boroseşti6. Dans la meme section SIII a ete trouvė un fragment ceramique provenant de l`ecuelle ceramique au main avec l`analogues dans le milieu bastarnique10. II. Des considerations chronologiques La presence de la ceramique bastarnique dans un site situė dans la vallee du Mures n`est pas un cas singulier. Une telle situation presque identique est à Moresti15. Les decouvertes de ces artefacts permettent une interpretation des aspects chronologiques de la fin de La Tene C dans l`Europe centrale et de la transition dans l’etape suivante. III. Des considerations geomorfologiques Le relief de la Transylvanie a favorise les domiciles des populations des toutes les époques historiques et aussi leur circulation vers et a l`exterieur de cet areal. IV. Des considerations historiques La presence de la ceramique bastarnique decouvertée a Moreşti a été expliquée par un essai des bastarnes de penetrer dans la Dacie intracarpatique53. La decouverte des pieces du Şeuşa donne une autre hypothese. La situation de cet habitat dans la vallée du Mureş loin des zones ou ont habitué des bastarnes permette l`interrogation s`il ne s`agit pas d`une situation historique consemnée dans les sources antiques. Ces decouvertes sont interpretées ou lieu avec des évenements qui ont suivi de la mission des annees 184-182 a. Chr. Envoye à bastarnes par le roi Filip de Ve. L`itineraire est jaloné par des materiaux specifiques decouvertes dans les deux habitats situés dans la vallée du Mureş. Probalement qu`ils ont eu la permission de l`aristocratie locale. Ulterieur peut-être le refus de cette permission a determiné les confrontations avec les daces dirigés par Oroles (après Trogus Pompeius)58. Ainsi nous devons remarquer la ceramique decouvertée dans les deux sites en conexion aux materiaux celtiques et daces. V. Conclusions La decouverte de la ceramique bastarne a Moresti et a Şeuşa represente un repère chronologique vis-a-vis de l`affirmation que les deux sites 18

ont été habités dans le premier quart de IIeme siecle a. Chr. Ainsi nous pouvons conclusioner que la disparition des celtes de l`interieur de l`Arc Carpatique a eu lieu a travers de IIeme quart de IIeme siecle av. Chr.63 Le moment marque en meme temps le debut de la souphase C2 et d`une transformations sociales et politiques. En meme temps nous devons remarquer la posibilite du deplacement des bastarnes vers la zone du Danube a travers la Transylvanie. Les arguments de cette hypothese sont representés par l`existence des routes qui lient l`est de Carpates et le zone du Danube a travers de Transylvanie. Nous devons remarquer la distance plus petite de cette variante de la route par rapport à la route à travers du Dobrogea (Pl.IV). MORMÂNT DUBLU TUMULAR DESCOPERIT PE “DEALUL ŢUGUIETA”, BÂRLAD, JUDEŢUL VASLUI, APARŢINÂND NOMAZILOR TURANICI. LAURENŢIU URSACHI, CRISTIAN ONEL, FLAVIUS BÂGU (Résumé) En septembre 2003 ans, à l’occasion des travails de terrassement dans la rue Vasile Voiculescu no. 13 située sur le „Colline Ţuguiata”, Bârlad (département de Vaslui) a été decouvert un tombeau double tumulaire qui appartenait aux petchéneques. Il contenait deux squelettes humains, des vestiges ostéologiques, une pointe de lance, un mors et un vas avec des signes alphabétiformes (Xe – XIe siècles).

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THE CONSIDERATION OF RESTAURATION USING THE ANALOGY OF A GLAZED STORE TILE DESCOVERED IN BRAILA MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR (Summary) This work presents the conservation and restauration of a glazed store tile using more fragments (store tile ones) which have the same constructive type (green an yellow), descovered it the same arheological place. With their analogy (of the fragmented ornamental motif – two-headed eagle), one could reconstruct a glazed store tile which covered all the conservation and restauration processes. In the end, there was obtained a piece of historical importance for the end of the 17th century, the beginning of the next one (also being a local pottery). Nowadays this piece is at the main exhibition in Braila Museum. THE CONSERVATION AND RESTAURATION OF A MEDIEVAL CERAMIC POT DISCOVERED IN BRAILA MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR (Summary) This work presents the conservation and restauration of a medieval pot-plate, 14th century, discovered in Braila. This pot-plate is scientifically restored with modern materials and methods. The specialist has found the most adequate conservation and restauration methods for stopping the degradadtion process and its reconstruction, thus recovering its historical and aristical value. The method involved the following technological process : the curative conservation – the washing of the fragments for desalinization; the cleaning and the removal of the earth, s marks; the pickling of the carbonates, deposition; the acid, s neutralization and the enamel, s consolidation. For all these operation have been used reversibile and compatible substances and adhesives. The operation of restauration involved in itself the following tehnological process : the assembling of pottery fragments; the moulding of the binder; the finishing of the binder; the reconstruction of the ornamental motif; the cromatic integration; the final conservation and the marking of the objects. All of these operation have been realised with adequate materials; gypsum, adhesives, able from pellicles materials, water colours (tempera), all of them being reversible and compatible. The working stages the materials, the adhesives, the substanmces used, the working techniques and the object , s history are widely exposed. 20

In the end, these fragments have got an outline and a shape, materializing themselves in a pot-plate which has become an essential exhibit in our museum.

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