Indigenous Religions Of Korea

INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF KOREA A comparative analysis

I. FOREWORD The Merriam Webster Dictionary defines religion as `the service of worship of God and the supernatural'. While there are a variety of reasons why individuals or even whole collectives resort to religious activity, the essential motives remain as fundamental today as when the human race first perceived the supposed existence of the supernatural: answer to the questions of life on earth, of the world beyond death, and spiritual or divine support in the face of difficulties one encounters in daily living. The definition I have listed above happens to be the first one attached to the section of religion, and represents a very broad definition, inclusive of every worship activity that can be construed as religious faith. However, the concept of religion of concern to this treatise is much more specific, and refers to that collective with an institutionalized system of beliefs, attitudes, and practices, in addition to possession of organization, system of canons; in accordance with the popular perception associated with the word `religion'. And as a consequence, this treatise chooses to disregard the broad definition of religious faith, such as shamanism or other forms of worship of the supernatural, for the sake of maintaining clarity of argument. However, there is a common denominator that binds primitive animism and organized religion into the same category: the presence of supernatural entities, and a set of practices devoted to their worship. Within the ranks of organized religion, such an entity generally takes the form of an anthropomorphized deity imbued with human personality. Whatever the attributes of omnipotence, omnipresence, and omniscience ascribed to deities ranging from Yahweh, Allah, Brahma, Amitabha, Ahura Mazda, all the way to the Shinto Amaterasu, no deity of any organized religion is denied sentience and personality. As supernatural and all-powerful they maybe, all deities are described as thinking and acting much like the human beings that inhabit the world. Yet despite the similarity of general attributes retained by these entities, their specific personalities remain extremely divergent, and hence reflected in the particularities of the theology, cosmology, and the practices of the respective orders. Taken in the reverse, it is indication that beliefs, and theology and practices associated with their beliefs, are determined in large part by their different perceptions of the supernatural

divinity. All things said and done, religious orders are collectives centered around a system of worship specified to fit their interpretation of a particular divinity. On the other hand, it is not the uniqueness of the divinities that draws most believers into its membership, for the attraction of all organized religion lies not in its particularities but instead its universality. The supernatural divinities who are the objects of worship are not bound by limitations of time and space, and again, and possess similarities that neutralize the seeming contrariness of the respective religious theories. Universal values such as love (mercy/benevolence), justice, fairness are melded with more ancient preoccupation with cures for illnesses, magical powers, and dispensation of good fortune remain common to all established religious orders. The fact that Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and other major religions of the world command a following that transcend national borders and ethnic boundaries, among a number of peoples with diverse historical and cultural traditions, provides more than sufficient proof. Yet, the emphasis on notions of religious universality should not lead one to deny their ethnic or regional origins. Christianity was no more than a regional faith based on an interpretation of Judaic theology, and its rise to religious preeminence would have been impossible without contact with Greek philosophy that compelled a more fundamental reinterpretation; followed by the establishment of the Trinity as its most basic precept at the Nicean council, and a stamp of approval by the Roman emperor, allowing it to take advantage of Roman political power in its expansion across Europe. The spread of Islam was a natural extension of the Muslim conquest of Middle East and North Africa, while Buddhism was forced out of India by Hinduism but was able to make use of its ability to adapt to native traditions in achieving prominence across the Asian continent. In contrast to more universal religions listed above, most other indigenous religions were not as successful in transcending their national or regional origins, because too much emphasis was given to its indigenous character, or simply because they did not have the good fortune of sponsorship from the political leadership in other countries. Though their divinities were also imbued with the same omnipotence and universality as others, the particular features of their pantheon was not. Case in point, a non-Greek ethnic group wishing to appropriate Greek mythology as a religion must acknowledge that the supreme deity of that pantheon (i.e. Zeus) resides on top of Mt. Olympus, along with the special status of Greece inherent within those preconditions, which might translate into subjugation, cultural or otherwise.

The Judaic belief in themselves as God's special elect and a sharp demarcation with the gentiles failed to win Judaism a following outside the immediate vicinity of Israel, as was the case of Hinduism outside India. No indigenous deity can command a following outside of its borders unless reinterpretation and transformed into a universal divinity, a divinity who presides over the entire universe, and not just the population that believes in it. But the same handicaps and liabilities that inhibit their entry into other regions are the ones that have ensured their longevity. Their indigenous character might prevent them from developing a large following in other region, but being the product of unique historical experiences and environment of a particular human collective, their continued survival is guaranteed as long as that ethnic group or a nation continues to perpetuate itself. For example, the system of beliefs that constitute Hinduism has persisted for nearly 3500 years since the Aryan conquest of India, and so had Japanese Shinto survived in its myriad forms and maintains its firm grip on the Japanese psyche. An ethnic community with a long history of settlement within a given area are bound to develop a culture with its own unique and characteristic features, and development of a world view that places itself at the center naturally follows (i.e. sinocentrism). All indigenous religions happen to be products of a fusion of just such a world view and worship of a divinity or a pantheon, and Korea is no exception to this rule of thumb. While traditional notions concerning Korea's indigenous religions tended to center around their syncretism, given the historical nature of indigenous religions explained above, it makes no sense to assume that there was no indigenous system of beliefs in Korea, or was at best another variant of primitive shamanism. II. INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS OF KOREA Taken as a group, Korea's indigenous religions can be divided into two categories. The first is composed of a group of religions with doctrines and tenets founded upon traditional Korean thought,

and

distinguished

from

the

second

group

consisting

of

Korean

adaptation/interpretation of existing faiths. Included in the former category. Counted among the first group are three of Korea's main indigenous religions, namely Taejonggyo, Chondogyo (Tonghak), and Jeungsan-gyo; Won Buddhism and the Unification Church are standouts in the latter. The boundaries of the first group could also be expanded to include shamanism in its ranks, even though its practices may not conform to notions of what most people recognize as formal religion. But the focus of this treatise being on indigenous systems of thought that have given rise to the native religious orders necessitates a

concentration of my analysis on the main three, and other religions mentioned here will be discussed at a later time. While the religious orders I mention here are rooted in ancient forms of thought that can be traced back for a few millennia, they were given the institutional shape of a formal religion only very recently. For example, Taejonggyo came into being in 1909, but its founder Na Chul denied he was creating a new religion, claiming he was merely resurrecting the traditional worship of the hanulnim that had been lost after the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century, and thus the event came to be known in Taejonggyo as the Second Illumination. The establishment of Chondogyo, or better-known as Tonghak in its early days, in North Kyongsang by Choe Su-un antedated Taejonggyo by about four decades. The name `Tonghak', or Eastern Learning being an expedient in reaction to the incursion of Catholicism, and was renamed the Chondogyo (The Order of the Heavenly Way)' in 1905. Jeunsangyo theology centers around the worship of an actual historical figure, namely its founder Kang Il-soon (1871-1909), better known by the name Jeungsan, regarded as the omnipotent Great Heavenly Lord (Sangjenim) who presides over the human world and the universe. The most common misperception associated in discussion of the religions mentioned above is their sycretism, and although it may be inevitable given their relatively short histories as religious orders with a formal structure, these misperceptions can be literally misleading. I do not deny the influence of foreign religion and the role sycretism played in the formation of their doctrines, but what I do intend to emphasize is that the role of syncretism has been overblown and the native factors that have exerted the greatest influence has been downplayed to the point of being completely ignored. And the exact remedy for such misperception is, of course, identification of those Korean traditions in the shaping of all three native religions. The three religions have different names, in addition to differences in the specifics of their tenets and practices, but I would like to stress that similarities abound when the three are scrutinized to its fundamentals, that they were borne of a single tradition and historical background, centering on the worship of the exact same deity, albeit referred to by a variety of names. Of course, one may still continue to argue for sycretism on the basis of similarities that exist between their organizations and worship procedures with existing religions, but such is not proof of sycretism in and of themselves. Simply because an indigenous religion chooses to hold their weekly worship sessions on Sundays (ike the

Christian church) or have their clerics named after those in other religions (I.e. Buddhism) has no bearing whatsoever upon their fundamental doctrines. They may have borrowed ideas for their organizational structure based on existing religions because they could not be created out of thin air, but their doctrines remain quite traditional, and must be differentiated from Won Buddhism and the Unification Church, where the doctrine itself is based on preexisting precepts on other religions. The question that naturally arises at this juncture is, of course, `what were those indigenous systems of thought?'. To answer that burning question, a review of historical records concerning the issue might be in order, and the historical account consulted the most frequently concerning the topic is none other than the Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms, and more specifically, the Accounts of Choe Chiwon, the famous scholar of the North-South Dynasties (Unified Shilla) period. Writing the inscriptions for a monument in memory of a certain Hwarang, Choe describes the nature of this Korean thought quite succinctly: There is a divine and profound way in the country, by the name of pung-ryu. Its activities are detailed in the Sonsa (History of the Hwarang), and it includes all precepts of the three teachings (Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism), to directly contact and transform all mortals. Its doctrine to be filial to one's parents and loyal to the country is alike the teachings of the Minister of Lu (Confucius), to do without doing and teach without acting is the same as the decrees of the Recordskeeper of Zhou (Laozi), and to serve all that is good and to shun all that is wicked is the same manner of words as the Crown Prince of India (Buddha).

I would like to begin by offering interpretation of the passage, `it includes all precepts of the three teachings', which is usually taken to mean that `pungryu' is itself nothing more than a syncretic system of thought as a result of combination of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism. However, careful reading will reveal that the passage should be taken at its face value, that the three religions are merely INCLUDED WITHIN the pungryu-do, that they are do not form the basic structure of pungryu-do, and that the pungryu-do contains the three teachings but extend beyond them. There are no concrete definitions as to the exact nature of pungryu-do, other than abstract claims of its links with the traditional Korean Sondo, or `Korean shamanism', as the scholar Yoo Seung-guk has pointed out. But defining pungryudo as an ancient form of shamanism carries the inherent danger of its identification with shamanism in its present-day forms, namely rituals of exorcism accompanied by loud music, and a system of divination for good fortune. To preclude such misperception requires an

illumination of the differences between the doctrines stressed in the pungryu-do and shamanism. The most outstanding feature that distinguishes the two is the presence of such values as piety, loyalty, virtue, and a definition of good and evil; in short, higher values usually associated with complex systems of thought, itself impossible without reciprocal social, philosophical, and cultural developments within that given community. It is now up to the sceptics who still maintain that pungryu-do is syncretic to explain why a scholar as erudite and well-read as Choe Chiwon, who obviously had contact with precepts all three religions in Tang China, did not state that pungryu-do was a composite system of thought comprising of the three, but instead wrote that the precepts of the three were INCLUDED within pungryu-do. They also have the burden of proving why Choe did not state that pungryu-do was SIMILAR to the three. Until the sceptics can come up with a plausible explanation to the above question, my hypothesis basically stands, that pungryu-do was something that included the teaching of the three religions, but offered something more. Now we come to the origins of the pungryu-do itself, which must be traced to the Tangun mythology as it appears in Ilyon's Lost History of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk Yusa). The myth features Hanin (桓因) and Hanung (桓雄), personal deities who are not satisfied remaining in their celestial realm, and later decide to intervene in terrestrial events and create a paradise on earth with Hanung descending to the earth and transforming into a mortal being (reminiscent of Christian theology). The descent from heaven basically signifies the union between heaven and earth, as is the marriage between the human Hanung and the bear-woman (which should be corrected to mean earth-woman, or the Korean counterpart to the Greek Gaea). The ancestors of present-day Koreans gave due recognition to this role of heaven in the establishment of their nation with worship of the heaven and its deity from antiquity. In addition, the very term 'Hanin' is a transliteration of the old Korean hanulnim, or the ruler of heaven, who took his place as the main object of worship at these historical rites to the celestial. There are, of course, detractors to this argument as well, claiming that the term Hwan-in originated in the Samguk Yusa as the transliteration of the Indian Thunder God, Sakradevanam Indra (釋迦堤桓因陀羅), which is nothing more than a fallacy considering that Hanin was not a term invented by the monk Ilyon, that Ilyon simply chose to describe the supreme deity with Buddhist terminology familiar to him, which in Sanskrit happened to be Indra, and no serious thought should be given to that argument. Celestial worship in Korea

apparently survived the introduction of Buddhism, and secured its place in a number of temples as the Chesok. Thanks to the protean nature of Buddhist doctrine, Korea's native deities succeeded in penetrating their way into the Buddhist pantheon, if Myochung's attempt during the Koryo to explain them as manifestations of the various Bodhisattva's are any indication, and their existence was fully appreciated with the Palkwanhoe ritual during the Koryo. However, the Mongol invasion and the subsequent introduction of Lamaism forced the traditional worship of the heavens underground, and were virtually stamped out of existence as they lost their ideological crutch called Buddhism, when it was met with systematic oppression during the Neo-Confucian Choson III. THE THREE INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS Their foundation in the traditional worship of the heavens notwithstanding, it was the extremely dire circumstances Korea was placed under at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century that stimulated their rise to the surface and formal organization. Imperialist expansion coupled with haphazard and half-hearted attempts at reform fully exposed Korea's vulnerability to foreign encroachment, and Korea soon became a cockpit of colonial powers bent on expansion. But Neo-Confucianism, by this time a fossilized, intractable, and inflexible ideological vanguard of the old monarchical order, seemed unable to respond to both material and spiritual challenges forced upon Koran by western expansionism. The spiritual challenges posed by western thought systems, and in particular Christianity, necessitated corresponding ideological reciprocation to meet them, and the celestial worship that had long remained underground was presented with an opportunity for revival. However, they also needed reinterpretation to develop the spiritual appeal necessary for their diffusion, the result being the establishment of Taejonggyo, Chondogyo, and Jeungsan-gyo. A. TAEJONGGYO Though perhaps the most nationalistic in origin and its doctrines, Taejong-gyo is also the least know of the three indigenous faiths. With some exaggeration, the majority of the Korean population either does not know that it exists or simply regard it as a sect of Tangun worshippers. To consider Taejonggyo as a faith devoted to the worship Tangun's is a misunderstanding, and a serious mistake when one takes the time to review its doctrines. Contrary to common perceptions, Tangun the historical personality is not worshipped as a divinity, but is instead revered as the original founder who laid the ideological foundations of

the faith, thus making its resurrection possible in 1909. Tangun the personality must be separated from the actual object of worship, the Hannim, a heavenly deity with the functions that represent the Korean version of the trinity. A comparison might be made to the relationship between Mohammed and Allah of the Islamic faith, whereby Mohammed is revered as the Great Prophet and founder, but Allah is the supreme deity. Taejongyo arguably possesses the most systematic and philosophical doctrine of the three faiths discussed in this treatise, based on the three canons known as the Celestial Marker (Chonbukyong), the Divine Scripture of the Trinity (Samil Shingo), and the Canon for General Instruction (Chamjon Kyegyong), respectively, that supposedly have existed before the foundation. Unlike the other two religions where the founders provided most of the words that fill their scriptures, Taejonggyo was able to develop a systematic doctrine thanks to the existence of the three texts. Chonbukyong is a cryptic and mysterious text that is supposed to represent the laws of the universe, and therefore a cosmology, while the Samil Shingo delineates the Taejonggyo concept of God and is therefore considered theology, and last but not least, the Chamjon Kyegyong is a list of moral and ethical precepts for proper functioning of secular society. But all things said and done, it is the concept of trinity that forms the crux of Taejonggyo's religious doctrine. One may draw some analogies from the simultaneity of many and the one One is many, many is one) as stated by the Shilla monk Uisang, with one representing the great ultimate and the whole, and many being the parts, the various phenomena that comprise the whole. The simultaneity of the whole and the parts is an anomaly to western thought, based upon a duality and a dichotomy that highlights discrimination between the whole and its parts. In a nutshell, the rationalism that dominated western thought for three centuries, is basically linear logic that follows sequential cause and effect. Such rationalist logic will be hard-pressed to explain the essence of Taejonggyo trinity, where the three composite functions of the whole does not merely ACT as one, but they are one. The `three' in the samil (the three-one) should be comparable to the concept of `many' in Uisang's logic. However, the three-one concept should be distinguished from other forms of religious reasoning for its lack of sequential logic. Simply put, there is no such thing as a cause and effect relationship between the one and the three, and the three merely symbolize the FUNCTIONS of the whole (one), and are not `parts' or `elements' in any sense of the word. Conversely, the `one' is not a composite whole of the three, but exists `as is'.

The relationship between the one and the three being what they are, the most explicit feature that separate the samil concept from all the rest is complementarity and circular logic. Aristotle's rule of the excluded middle does not apply, and the one and the three will both cease to be without the other, and this is very well-represented in the symbol known as the Samtaeguk (Ch. Santaiji), with the whole divided into three colors that represent its functions. But as I have mentioned earlier, there is no sequential logic at work between the three, for one begins where the other ends, and the process continues ad infinitum, without beginning and end, all three being the alpha and the omega simultaneously. The samil concept extends and reaches into Taejonggyo theology itself, in the form of a trinity-deity reminiscent of Anastasius, known as samshinnon (The three-deity hypothesis). The English translation can be misleading, as the samshin are not individual divinities but, in accordance with the samil logic, three functions of the hannim at work in the cosmos, and in relation to the human world: the creator (chohwashin), the teacher/instructor (kyohwashin), and the ruler (chihwashin). The samshin creates, teaches, and then rules over the world, but again, they are all FUNCTIONS and not individual divinities with distinct personalities. Therefore the hannim presides over the world with his omnipotent powers, but is at the same time also has control of rules and laws that govern it (as instructor), which seems to be in line with deist logic. There is no direct intervention like those of Christian Jehovah, and he chooses to govern the world with rules and laws (not in a legal sense), but being the law itself at the same time, he exercises his rule over every phenomena. In essence, he rules without ruling. Another resident feature of Taejonggyo is the complete absence of millenarianism and apocalyptic ideology, as is any reference to magic and divination. It does not sow fear into its congregation with notions of God's omnipotence and the end of human history (to be replaced by a divine one), and comparisons of divine holiness and human corruption that lend it justice. What all this boils down to is that there is NO DOOMSDAY SCENARIO in Taejonggyo. In addition, the hannim is not a divinity receptive to prayers relating to luck and good fortune. Taejonggyo's explanation of the relationship between the hannim focuses on discipline and meditation, as expressed in a line from the second chapter of the Samil Shingo: discover your nature within your own character, for it (the essence) has descended into your brain. While Taejonggyo does not deny the existence of a supernatural deity, the only way to approach the realm of the divine is through discipline and meditation. All in all, Taejonggyo is the manifestation of all that is philosophical and logical within the pungryu-

do, with its divination and magical elements being taken up by shamanism. The lack of great concern for the world beyond in combination with life on earth meant emphasis was placed on human reality, which precipitated its active participation in worldy affairs, namely the independence movement. B. CHONDOGYO Chondogyo is without a doubt the most-oft mentioned among the three, for it has historical significance as the prime force behind the Tonghak Movement of the late nineteenth century. But despite its historical notoriety, all that is usually known about the religion is the original name (Tonghak), the name of its founder (Choe Che-u), and its concept of `man is heaven (Innaechon)', without amy notice given to its religious side or its doctrines. Without further adieu, it would suffice to say the same divinity that manifests and hannim in Taejonggyo appears in Chondogyo theology as well. However, worship of the same divinity (hanulnim) does not necessarily mean that they will exhibit similar practices. The one defining feature that separates Chondogyo from Taejonggyo (with doctrine based on much tighter philosophical logic), is its heavier emphasis on magic and divination. Fantastic tales such as Su-un's acquisition of the Celestial Text from an itinerant monk or Su-un surviving three attempts at beheading abound in its history. The enrapture at the moment of his encounter with God is strangely reminiscent of shaman rituals, which goes to show Chondogyo's orientation towards miracle and magic. But its religious doctrine of course, centers around the worship of hanulnim and the concept of `man is heaven', which I believe has been misinterpreted up to this date. The concept is usually taken to be the ultimate form of humanism, of placing the human being on a level equal to heaven. Contrary to common belief, however, the concept did not fully materialize in anything Choe Che-u wrote or said, as Su-un chose to focus on the worship of a personal deity he referred to as the `hanulnim', similar in that respect to the Christian Deus. Choe Che-u believed that the people had lost their connection with the divine with far too much of emphasis on principles, and identifying heaven as the source of those principles, which the Neoconfucians identified as li (理). Thus heaven became something impersonal, a nebulous entity that had no direct relationship with individual human being and the world in general. This is the spiritual situation Su-un sought to remedy with the revival of human connection with a personal deity, emphasizing worship in the deity with a faith that must necessarily surpass the Confucian sincerity (성) and reverence (경), in both strength and scope, and that

such offered the only hope for the world in turmoil. Though the concept of the traditional hanulnim still existed to some extent in the collective Korean psyche at the time of Chondokyo's founding, Su-un believed that abstract recognition was simply not enough, and sought to revive the hanulnim's personal and omnipotent aspects. Its ideology being based on this traditional divinity, the natural result was the sect's identification with nationalism and as a force of reaction to counter western influences, which was spearheaded by Christianity. In spite of Chondogyo's emphasis on the worship of the personal God, elements of deism associated with ancient divinities still survive in Chondogyo theology, as it associates God with nature. According to Chondoist beliefs, there is nothing on the world that is not permeated with divine nature of the hanulnim, which bears strong resemblance to Buddhist emphasis on the ubiquity and omnipresence of the Buddha nature (皆有佛性). Choe Shiyong illustrated the notion most succinctly when he declared that, `the heaven and earth is positive and negative, and one gigantic spirit', and therefore, human beings are no exception. Haewol's statements basically sets right what commonly misunderstood as the concept of `man is heaven', for it does not seek to ascribe a `status' to human beings that is equal to heaven. It merely states that human have been granted the same celestial nature inherent in other beings. Since all things that are imbued with celestial nature carry the same value as heaven itself, so due humans, and such is the reasoning that serves as the foundation for the innaechon principle. However, attachment of such `value' would have important social consequences, as it points to basic equality between all living beings, including between individual humans, and such would blossom into full-blown egalitarianism that would inflame popular passions, and the rest, is of course, history. C. JEUNGSAN-GYO To those who might consider the Taejonggyo hannim and the Chondogyo hanulnim to be very abstract and nebulous will not find such ambiguity concerning the object of worship in Jeungsan-gyo, for the Jeungsangyo deity happens to be a historical personality who has actually existed, in the person of Kang Il-soon (1871-1909), better known by his alias, Jeungsan. To his followers, Jeungsan was the human manifestation of the Kuchon Sangje (Lord of the Nine Heavens), the ruler of heaven, on earth. For some strange reason, the Sangjenim of the Jeungsangyo faith provides a better image of the celestial deity as described in Taejonggyo's Samil Shingo. The Divine Scripture of the Trinity speaks of a divinity that is

personal and omnipotent, who is both principle and personality simultaneously, presides over the spiritual realm, and exercises personal power over the world. The Jeungsangyo doctrine ascribes the same henotheistic qualities to Jeungsan, in his omnipotent power over the world as the Sangje, exercising direct power over the world with Divine Operations (天地 公事), governing a celestial region filled with sages and spirits subordinate to himself, but at the same time descending to the world in a direct effort at its transformation (接化群生), etc. He is the embodiment of concept of both je (帝: 治化神), denoting imperium, and chon (天: 敎 化神), with its traditional association with principles simultaneously, and indication that Taejonggyo and Jeungsan-gyo may have originated from the same traditions. On the other hand, because of the weight given to the personal aspect of its divinity, though it may have been inevitable due to the existence of an actual personality, Jeungsan became estranged from the divinity of the Samil Shingo, and took on characteristics marked by absolute imperium of the Christian Jehovah. A personal divinity whose imperium is given particular articulation naturally leads to absolutism, and the notion of divine punishment for those who stray from that absolute imperium, which then leads to millenarianism and apocalyptic ideology resulting from that human divergence from the absolute, as found in doctrines of Christianity. But of course, apocalypse does not mean end of the world but merely presages a new era, and a figure who guides them through the apocalypse and rule the world thereafter. In short, the messiah, and Jeungsangyo found a convenient model in Korean tradition in the Chonggam-rok, a popular text of prophecy, and the worship of the Maitreya Buddha, long-established as Korea's own version of messianic theory. It was the masses, more familiar with messianic theory, rather than the elite who found the most appeal in Jeungsan's messages, which necessitated performance of miracles and resort to magic and divination, no doubt playing an important in attracting a following. The level of Jeungsangyo's reliance on miracles and divination may have been a reflection of the early organization's proselytization of the masses. That Jeungsan himself did not like music in general but was fond of traditional harvest music is also indication of the popular orientation of Jeungsangyo in its early days. The precepts central to Jeungsangyo doctrine can be summarized as emphasis on Jeungsan's imperium, on kaebyuk (apocalypse), and humanism as expressed in its statements that it is the humans who hold the key to success of all things (謀事在天 成事在人). But although its precepts are universal, and concern the east and the west, and the entire world, in the end,

its doctrines are made to serve nationalism. Case in point, it claims that the epidemic that wipes out humanity will begin in Kunsan, and states that the fifth immortal who takes the baduk board back after the four are done with their game represents Korea in relation to the four major powers surrounding it. In the end, it will be the southern regions of Korea that will bring the chaos of the apocalypse to a close (萬國活計南朝鮮). Jeungsan-gyo also warns against unmitigated adherence to things foreign, as it constitutes switching one's ancestors for another and a direct betrayal of tradition, which will be answered by death (`all those switch fathers and change grandfathers will die'). Jeungsan also held a symbolic rite expelling Confucius, Buddha, and Lao Zi from the world, deeming that what they have preached is no longer applicable in the future. But all things said and done, the fact that it declares Koreans as masters of a new world to come is alone sufficient to label its doctrines as nationalistic. IV. CONCLUSION The turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century was a turbulent era for Koreans, and everything they had held as familiar was being brought into question, especially on the ideological front, and a revival of some sorts was desperately necessary lest the whole society and the Korean mind fall to foreign encroachment. The three religions of Taejonggyo, Chondogyo, and Jeungsangyo rose to the challenge, and succeeded in captivating an entire generation of Koreans, setting them on a path to enlightenment, and occasions, to revolution. Of course, nothing that the Korean government or the elites did for the country at that point would have saved the country from an imperialist country as tenacious and determined as Japan. However, the tradition of celestial worship that formed the base of Korean religiosity were resurrected by the needs of the era, the need to counter the ideological challenge of the west, and rooted in tradition, they were successful in doing so. Although the three religions may not have saved Korea from political domination, it kept the Korean spirit alive, for they were the embodiments of what the Koreans believed in for a long time, and even to this day, as vague as it may be. I would like to end by quoting a passage from our national anthem: may hanunim's providence be with us, long live our nation.