Human Development

Knowledge Area Module 2: Principles of Human Development

Student: Timothy Beushausen [email protected] Student ID# A00128233 Program: PhD in Applied Management and Decision Sciences Specialization: Leadership & Organization Development

KAM Assessor: Dr. Steven Tippins [email protected] Faculty Mentor: Same

Walden University May 24, 2009

ABSTRACT Breadth The purpose of this research is to trace the development of Positive Thinking, as taught in leadership seminars commonly conducted throughout the corporate world, back to its ideological, philosophical, religious, and social origins in American life. The philosophy of pragmatism, as explicated by William James, the sociology of knowledge founded by Karl Mannheim, and the Puritan work ethic traced by Max Weber into the spirit of capitalism, when taken together throw a sharp illumination on how this concept of mind functions in today’s world. I hope to apply this to a team concept of leadership, and to determine how it can be applied in a more general context than the accumulation of capital.

ABSTRACT Depth The purpose of the following analysis is to examine the scope and impact of the work of James, Weber, and Mannheim within the context of the social thought of their times, and their impact on social thinking today. William James was a seminal thinker in founding a science of psychology. Weber rationalized social thought within the realm of capitalism. Mannheim critiqued the Marxian concept of ideology, and founded the sociology of knowledge. The ideas of each of these scientist/philosophers reached further into the possibilities for human development than any of their epigones would find possible. Their work still stimulates research and discussion at the beginning of the 21st Century, and will continue to provide humus for robust new research into the foreseeable future.

ABSTRACT Application From the standpoint of the worker, the Puritan work ethic has turned ugly in today’s market, driving all who are caught marketing our skills on a commodity level into a frenzied rat race to the bottom of what Mao Zedong designated as “Third World” conditions of life and labor. Positive thinking came out of the Puritan work ethic as the form of thought for the capitalist in pursuing his vocation as an entrepreneur within the marketplace. For this, goal setting, critical thought, and a positive mental attitude are still needed. The first goal is to create a basis of financial independence for oneself. Then one can find ways to help others, even in transcending the limits of capitalism.

TABLE of CONTENTS BREADTH .......................................................................................................................................1 Individual and Society ...............................................................................................................1 Karl Mannheim’s Sociology of Knowledge ........................................................................2 William James’ pragmatism and Mannheim ......................................................................9 Max Weber and the Puritan Work ethic ...........................................................................15 Mannheim, James, Weber and Marx’s Humanism ............................................................21 The Puritan Work ethic and the Concept of Grace………………………………… ........24 The Steel Cage ..................................................................................................................37 DEPTH ...........................................................................................................................................43 Annotated Bibliography .........................................................................................................433 Literature Review Essay ..........................................................................................................71 Kant…………….. ..............................................................................................................71 Peirce……………..............................................................................................................71 James…………….. ............................................................................................................73 Dewey…………….. ..........................................................................................................91 Behaviorism .......................................................................................................................95 Vulgar Materialism and Modern Researh…………….. ....................................................97 Truth as an Epistemic Ideal……………..........................................................................104 Weber’s Historical Causation …………….. ...................................................................109 Mathematical Model of Weber’s Historical Causation…………….. .............................113 Class, Status, Party...........................................................................................................114 Empirical Relevance of Class and Status.........................................................................119 Occupational Status and Perceived Limitations. .............................................................121 Democracy, Knowledge and the Division of Labor.. ......................................................124 The Iron Cage…………….. ............................................................................................127 Weber’s Verstehen ...........................................................................................................140 Weber, the Elect, and the Poor…………….....................................................................144 The Role of Ideas in History.. ..........................................................................................145 Ideology and Utopia…………….....................................................................................150 Mannheim’s Critics: Left .................................................................................................162 Shils Leads with his Right ...............................................................................................164 Ideology and Sociology ...................................................................................................169 Utopia ……………..........................................................................................................172 What happens after the Revolution?……………. ...........................................................174 Hegel…………….. ..........................................................................................................176 Rationalism…………….. ................................................................................................180 Proletarian Philosophy .....................................................................................................184 Civics as Applied Sociology…………….. ......................................................................190 Conclusionl……………. .................................................................................................199 ii

APPLICATION ...........................................................................................................................201 Professional Practice, Human Development, and Agency in Financial Security ...................................................................................201 Discussion ..............................................................................................................................216 Bonfires of the Vanities …………….. ............................................................................216 Adam Smith…………….. ...............................................................................................220 Spencer and Sumner ........................................................................................................223 Critical Possibility Thinking ............................................................................................226 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................23231

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BREADTH SBSF8210: PRINCIPLES OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT My purpose is to show that the founders of social science, who were generalists envisioning broad perspectives on human concerns, including philosophy, psychology, and religion, attempted to lay the groundwork for sociology as a discipline relevant for ethical and moral evaluation of social phenomena. Karl Mannheim, Max Weber, William James, and Karl Marx, each with varying philosophical, theoretical and practical perspectives, taken together created the basis for a transformative vision of society that can help in changing the way we define our fundamental rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Rather than pitting individuals against each other in a zero sum game for control over resources (economic man), reducing human relationships to abstract social transactions as the fundamental unit of study, or juxtaposing the individual against society, as though for the one to thrive the other must suffer, social science must develop a humanist perspective that views and supports the highest development of the individual as the social entity. Individual and Society In the study of human society, a variety of perspectives are needed to focus research on relevant, critical problems that we must resolve to provide our posterity with a chance at creating a more peaceful, humane world we can all live in and with. The challenge of human survival makes social science the most hopeful and important intellectual endeavor we have ever undertaken. Yet, the reification of social knowledge into material force, along with all of the other products of our labor (art, culture, literature, science), has transformed mainstream sociology into a tool for controlling deviant behavior, rather than an informed approach toward human liberation. Positivism, with its view of social transactions as objects, to be treated exactly

2 as objective reality, reduces the scope of social science from that of helping to liberate humanity from our fears, delusions, and superstitions, to that of controlling deviant behavior, adjusting it to the mechanisms of a social machine that defines reality and transcends critique (Sayer, 1992). By imposing an outdated, mechanistic empiricism (no longer appropriate even for physical science) on social philosophy, the Positivism of Comte (1851/1988) has been adopted as the methodology of social science by mainstream researchers throughout most of the 20th Century. Comte (1875/1968) limited critique to prediction and control of abnormal data points. If social facts are to be treated as irreducible raw data, seen through the eyes of a value-neutral observer, rather than as perceptions visible through the world outlook of a social actor, each observation is completely unrelated to all other data categories except through correlations, which must then be explained in terms of intervening variables. Social phenomena acquire the status of natural facts, rather than revealing their true nature as social constructs, and we become the products of our environmental or genetic precursors, rather than the creators of ideas who can change history through social action. Karl Mannheim’s Sociology of Knowledge Mannheim (1929/1954) argued that human cognition of social reality is grounded in and defined by the fundamental interests of social groups, which range over a spectrum in their respective attitudes toward social change. This means that no matter how objective the social observer, or scientist, tries to become, one is always working from a set of premises that define the research problem as well as the social reality in which it exists. Mannheim compared the problem of the social observer to that of perspective in art: any two-dimensional representation of a three-dimensional reality has to choose a point of view (in perspective, actually a single

3 point in front of the picture (Arguelles, 1975)) that completely determines the shapes, sizes, and positions of the objects in the picture, rather like a shutter on a camera. Objects will appear in different aspects and relationships to each other depending on the characteristics and position of the lens, as well as their position and orientation toward the camera. Mannheim (1954) established the basis for the sociology of knowledge that attempts to synthesize these various perspectives into an objective view of social reality. He saw social reality as largely in the eye of the beholder, viewed through the lens of ideology. Different social universes emerge from the world outlook of different social observers, just as different pictures emerge from the cameras of different artists viewing the same scene, depending on focus, emphasis, and fundamental values. In dealing with descriptions of social reality, or social problems, the question of objectivity cannot be adequately addressed without first examining the fundamental assumptions of the observer in terms of social position, unconscious group identifications, perceived roles in social action, and specific perceptions arising from and within the individual’s social context. There can be no universal consensus on what constitutes positive social change because different groups will see things differently. The problem which a social scientist chooses to define or work on will depend entirely on one’s perception of social reality. To follow Mannheim’s argument, varying sets of assumptions, arising from the consensus of various groups, create a spectrum of varying and conflicting world outlooks, depending on the relative stance of the social observer’s unconscious group identification toward social change. For the working professional who wishes to effect social change, examination of the values, goals, and presumptions one brings to the definition of the social problem is the beginning of objectivity in social science.

4 Mannheim (1954) was the first social scientist actually to examine the ideas of the various groups that constitute modern society, from the most reactionary to the most revolutionary. He saw them all as working in different directions to maintain the equilibrium of society, even as it experiences revolutionary social change. In today’s world, the exponential increase in the rate of technological development drives the rate of social change, which is inevitable (Frenzel & Frenzel, 2004). Even the most conservative groups must deal with the fact that technology will change society, often in ways that are entirely unpredictable. For instance, Fanon (1959/1984) pointed out the psychic change that occurred in Africa when transistor radios became available in every village, most of which were just emerging from the Iron Age. Being caught in the settler/native social dynamic, and having their ears tuned to the entire world, drove these traditional cultures into an epoch of nationalist revolutions. Mannheim (1954) defined ideology as emerging from the most extremely conservative position, which sees absolutely nothing wrong with things as they are and brooks no serious proposal for social change. During the capitalist revolution, utopian thinking emerged from rationalized Protestant asceticism (Weber, 1905/2002), and the spirit of capitalism was born to unleash new social forces. Now that capitalism is entrenched world-wide, in Weber’s phrase, it provides an “iron cage” of ideology, within which we must each follow our calling as defined through the continuous rationalization of labor on a global basis as information technology introduces automation into higher levels of intellectual work (Frenzel, & Frenzel, 2004). Mannheim saw that yesterday’s utopia is today’s ideology. Under the universal domination of capital, whether the state-owned capital of the Five Year Plan (Dunayevskaya, 1942), or the privately owned capital of the “free market” (Dunayevskaya, 1957/2000), today’s utopian

5 thinking emerges from the classes that are enslaved to the machine, which now includes intellectual workers as well as traditional blue-collar employees. In an industrial setting defined by speed-up of the production line, concessions driven by the cost of slave labor and high rates of unemployment created by automation, working people and allied intellectuals may perceive that change is needed to realize more humane ideals. They may in fact demand immediate, “chiliastic” (Weber, 2002) change in the effort to control the terms and conditions of their own labor, whether working in so-called “ socialist” utopias such as the former Communist Bloc of Eastern Europe, or in the belly of the nominally “capitalist” beast nominally defined as “ the Free World.” Barbara Kopple (Kopple & Caplan, 1990) documents the efforts of meatpackers in dealing with dehumanizing and dangerous conditions brought on by automation, and management driven by blind ambition for continuously increasing profits. The workers brought into question the entire social reality created through competition with slave labor under NAFTA and the WTO. The defeat of the ideals raised in 1986 at Solidarity City (the Meatpacker’s Local P-9 union encampment in Austin, MN) has exacerbated conditions of life and labor among meatpackers, as Schlosser (2001) documented, engendering unsafe practices that drive high injury rates, threaten the environment, and menace public health. Meatpackers originally entered the 20th Century with horrifying conditions detailed by Upton Sinclair (1906/2003), who took the viewpoint of immigrant workers in Chicago’s stockyards. They formed one of the most powerful and militant unions in the country, the meatpackers Union, which conducted strikes that led to major reforms, culminating in the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 (many other unions, under the auspices of the AFL-

6 CIO, the Teamsters, and the United Mine Workers, also led in these struggles). By 1986, the Meatpackers Union had been subjected to a hostile take-over by the United Food and Commercial Workers, which first sanctioned, then led the effort to defeat the Local P-9 strike in Austin, Minnesota (Rachleff, 1990). Under the retrogressive leadership of the UFCW, AFL-CIO International Unions have modified the Kroger (Yellow Dog) contract and imposed it throughout the labor movement, transforming unions that once spoke for working people into whip- hand s for management. Here, social change has buckled from progress into retrogression, although the national union bosses of the UFCW and their lackeys in the American Communist Party (CPUSA) call it progress. As the members of Local P-9 asked (Kopple & Caplan, 1990), “which side (of the picket line) are you on?” This retrogression did not start, but rather culminated in the strike of Meatpacker’s LocalP-9, and consolidated itself in the defeat of the workers. The fast food industry was founded by marketing mavericks in the 1950’s in Southern California (where grocery stores first started operating on a 24/7 basis), as Schlosser (2001) pointed out, and certainly represents a trend toward social change. Because it has now entered the international arena, penetrating even Russia and China, one might suspect that the fast food business represents positive social change. This is surely true from the point of view of franchise owners, who can expect one million dollars in yearly income for a one million dollar investment in a single franchise store. Simply put, this “progress” may be viewed differently by the people who work for sub-minimum wages, and whose lives are endangered by Third World conditions of life and labor now being introduced in America through competition with slave labor, whether as children working in these fast-food stores under a loophole in the child labor laws, or as peasants working for less

7 than $10 per day in the Malquiladora meat packing industry of Northern Mexico (Schlosser, 2001). Globalization under the WTO and NAFTA (Boudousquie, Maniam, & Leavell, 2007) represents nothing new, other than the latest development of capitalism under the impact of information technology. This trend is characterized by the most intensive automation and production line speed-up humanly possible, with competition from a huge army of unemployed to ensure the maximum reduction of labor costs. Marx defined the “rosy dawn of capitalism” in precisely these terms (1929/1954, p. 667): "The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief moments of primitive accumulation". Despite those who tout the “New Economics,” globalization in fact has a long history dating back to the discovery of America in 1492, although it may well be experiencing a new “rosy dawn” as the global reach of multinational corporations now stretches beyond exploitation of natural resources (not forgetting the never fully eradicated slave labor system) into industrial exploitation of nominally “free” labor. Many who work under these new conditions may consider the impact of the social changes introduced by this trend to be negative. It all depends on which side of the picket line you are on. Mannheim’s (1954) most penetrating insight was that the entire range of world outlooks created by various groups in social competition maintains the equilibrium of the system through social change. Conservative ideology sees no gap between the ideal and the real. Liberals see a gap, but believe it can be closed through evolutionary change. Radical anarchism equates private

8 property with violence and seeks to implement the ideal immediately, along the lines of chiliastic millennialism. These views represent a range of varying perspectives on the same system that actually maintain the social /political equilibrium, even through shifting power alignments between the contending groups. In identifying this systemic balance, Mannheim may be considered one of the early founders of Systems theory (Taylor, 1911/2008). Mannheim (1954) saw the intellectual as fundamentally non-aligned, joining and speaking for various groups to rationalize their world outlook (Weltanschauung), depending on the balance of power. However, he also pointed out a possible independent role for the intellectual, which is to synthesize the varying perspectives into the sociology of knowledge that systematically catalogues all views, with specific reference to the assumptions and purposes of the observer within each contending group. This approach summarizes the contributions of each group, preserving the insights revealed by the specific focus of each while pointing out respective blind spots. From this synthesis, Mannheim created a new form of objectivity, which he called the sociology of knowledge, forged from the experiences of each group, thus providing a multi-dimensional view of the entire social system. Mannheim correctly attributed the major contribution to the statement of the problem of ideology to Marx, and pointed out that his acolytes were never able to apply the critical thrust of the concept of ideology to their own thinking. Mannheim (1954) clearly distinguished between this social definition of objectivity, appropriate for the science of society, and the definition of objectivity bequeathed by scientific methodology as exemplified in the natural sciences. In the century after Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) laid the foundations for physical science in the critical method of Socrates, Enlightenment

9 philosophers such as John Locke (1664/1990), David Hume (1740) and later John Stuart Mill (1863) developed the epistemological tenets of empiricism, in opposition to rationalism. The crux of the matter lies in Plato‘s allegory of the cave, in which the mind knows a realm of pure forms through the exercise of reason, from which all true propositions can be deduced. Plato argued that sense experience is an unreliable guide to reality, equivalent to viewing shadows on the wall of the cave, cast by the true forms in Reality as they appear between the fire and the wall. Empiricism argued that all knowledge is derived from sense experience, and that anything that cannot be verified through the senses cannot be known. William James’ pragmatism and Mannheim Philosophers since John Locke (1990) have endlessly discussed Empiricism, many postulating that the mind is a ‘white tablet’ (Tabula Rasa: see Ibn Sina’s epistemology (Inati, 1984); Aristotle’s On the Soul, (350 BCE); Summa Theologica, (Aquinas, 1274/1947, 1. 79. 2)), on which sense impressions leave their mark. A common theme deriving from these pillars of Western philosophy is the implication of total separation between subject and object, whether in the Rationalism of Plato and Aquinas, or the Empiricism of George Berkeley (1710), David Hume (1740), John Stuart Mill (1863), Gilles Deleuze (1953/1991), and Pierre-Félix Guattari (Deleuze & Guattari, 1996). As Mannheim pointed out (1954), the new empiricist approach to knowledge founded during the Enlightenment put the emphasis on the subject, rather than the object of experience. A modern approach to empiricism can be found in pragmatism, the typically American contribution to this discussion (James, 1908/1911). Charles Peirce originally defined the principle of pragmatism (cited in James, 1911, p. 46):

10 “To develop a thought’s meaning, we need only determine what conduct it is fitted to produce: that conduct is for us its sole significance, and the tangible fact at the root of all our thought distinctions, however subtle, is that there is no one of them so fine as to consist in anything but a possible difference of practice. To attain perfect clearness in our thoughts of an object, then, we need only consider what conceivable effects of a practical kind the object may involve—what sensations we are to expect from it, and what reactions we must prepare. Our conception of these effects, whether immediate or remote, is then for us the whole of our conception of the object, so far as that conception has positive significance at all.” In this popular lecture series, James argues that pragmatism takes an empirical approach to philosophy, rather than viewing the world in terms of a closed system, embracing open systems, concrete facts, action, and possibilities, leaving no room for absolute truth, the ideal forms of Plato. Pragmatism advocates no specific results, but represents only scientific, experiential, and investigative methodology. According to James, metaphysics must learn from scientific method. The goal of rationalist metaphysics is to gain power through learning the magic word that names the universal principle. Pragmatism inspects the practical value of the word, and “set(s) it at work within the stream of your experience.” Pragmatism is not a program for identifying the ideal with the real, as in Mannheim’s definition of ideology, but rather a program for changing reality, therefore a product of what Mannheim described as utopian thought. Theories are an instrumental means for predicting new observations, which can then be used to test the theoretical framework. Pragmatism puts theory to work, perhaps in remaking our concept of nature (James, 1911). With nominalism, pragmatism always appeals to particulars. With utilitarianism, it emphasizes the practical. With positivism, it dislikes empty abstractions. With empiricism, it stands against all forms of rationalism. Pragmatism stands for no particular result, no dogma, and no doctrine, other than

11 following scientific method. All pragmatic truth is provisional, experiential, and scientific. To the extent that it helps order, summarize, and account for our experiences, aligning and relating them to each other, an idea is useful, and therefore true. If it simplifies, explains, and helps to understand experiences, observations, or correlations that would otherwise be disconnected, it is instrumental to understanding. The question, put simply, is within what parameters, or domain, does the idea (intervening variable, theory) work? James (1911) argued further that the criterion of truth is whether or not an idea corresponds with reality. The main arguments (between various philosophers of empiricism) are over the nature of reality, and what it means to correspond, agree with, or reflect reality. The pragmatic question is, “What difference does it make?” How will our experiences differ if the idea is true or false? True ideas can be corroborated, validated, or verified in experience. True thoughts are instrumental to action, leading to practical results. If an idea has no practical value, it may be true, but irrelevant to our current purposes. The truth of an idea starts the process of verification. Its utility is how it works in experience. “The true, to put it very briefly, is only the expedient in the way of our thinking, just as the right is only the expedient in the way of our behaving." (James, 1911, p. vii) Although problematic in itself, the philosophy of empiricism is to be distinguished from the concept of empirical methodology, or scientific method, as used by practicing scientists, in both the social and natural sciences, and which pragmatism embraces (James, 1911). The fundamental methodology shared by all scientists is

12 inductive: all evidence must be based on sense observations (whether perceptual or sensory) that are in fact reproducible, and therefore verifiable. Hamlet’s sighting of his father’s ghost would not qualify as a scientific observation. The scientific investigator frames working hypotheses as intervening variables, then deduces correlations that can be tested through observation and experiment (Kuhn, 1962/1996). Axioms, well-established correlations, and prior experimental results may be used to build models and test theories. Only those observations that can provide insights and guidance in research are useful. The Heisenberg Uncertainty Principle (Cassidy, 2008) has destroyed the absolute separation of the observer from the “thing in itself” under observation in physical science, precisely because sense impressions are created by quantum particle/waves that are changed by, and must they change the quantum object, thereby imparting either a determinate mass or velocity to an indeterminate cloud of probability functions. Harris (1983) argued that a philosophical empiricism stripped of the contradictions of prior philosophies can be established by starting with the evidence of 20th Century empirical investigations, and building an epistemology from evidence implied by actual research. Although such a program may shake the ghost out of the machine of Continental Rationalism (Descartes, 1986) in a way his empiricist critics never quite managed to accomplish, it can come as no surprise to Karl Mannheim, who had already anticipated such a situation in the social sciences. In his opening statement, Mannheim (1954) defined the problem of objectivity in social science in the following terms: “The principal thesis of the sociology of knowledge is that there are modes of thought which cannot be adequately understood as long as their social origins are obscured.” Not only does the individual find situational, but also ideological and moral

13 determinants of social perception. Organized groups provide competitive as well as cooperative bases for thinking and doing, theory and practice. The social position and privileges of the group will determine whether it sees the need to change the world, or to maintain the status quo. The problems group action deals with provide its direction, and the ideas by which it defines and confronts those problems. The need for group action determines one’s world outlook. Reason, as defined in the Platonic ideal, separates thought from action, knowledge from experience. Mannheim’s sociology of knowledge derives objectivity through the synthesis of the experiences of conflicting groups. Mannheim is the only early sociologist who actually catalogued the various viewpoints of actual interest groups in society, and showed how each views the total social system in which they all are involved. Mannheim’s concept of social action (1954) provides the basis for defining social reality, selecting those experiences that define the elements of thought. Volition provides the principle by which social problems are conceived, and thereby concrete reality to the problems that are conceived. The group will is inextricably linked to the definition of social problems. The social object provides the criterion for truth, but values, the collective unconscious as described by Jung and group volition provide the intellectual interest embedded in social action that defines research problems, hypotheses, and models by which social theory orders experience. Unconscious motivations, presumptions, and evaluations of the social observer must be brought to critical awareness to understand a new form of objectivity, not by excluding value judgments but “through the critical awareness and control of them.” (p5). The degree to which the social observer makes unconscious value judgments is largely ignored in mainstream sociology, which focuses as a science on prediction and control of deviant

14 behavior, rather than fostering social change. We view mass murderers with horror, building more prisons, rather than questioning the quality of the social conditions that produce such deviants. Durkheim (1897/1997) was the first to prove that social statistics vary with social conditions, but for social observers interested only in social control, to protect and preserve social norms is the primary goal of social science, precluding even the most cursory glance at the social order that produces a surfeit of sociopathic personalities. The militarization of American life that proceeds as a garrison state is erected in Washington D. C. Through such legislation as the USA Patriot Act, the Homeland Security Act, and the Immigration and Naturalization Act, is not perceived as a factor in the generalized devaluation of human life that transforms American reality into Israeli and Spartan fascism. Because it identifies social facts as natural phenomena rather than as social constructs, mainstream social science cannot critique the society it perceives, but can only accept normative values on their face (Sayer, 1992). Such an attitude toward objectivity prioritizes prediction and control of that which deviates from the norm, rather than attempting to understand how social pathology may arise from the deceptions, lies, illusions and delusions that society perpetrates as normal. Following Mannheim’s (1954) argument, group membership socializes the meaning of experience, providing us with a world outlook. The way the group experiences the world provides concrete meaning to the way we conceptualize reality. Thought guides conduct, providing us with values by which to make decisions between right and wrong. The life of the mind is socially conditioned, providing us with the means by which we judge our decisions to act as agents of social change, and the ideals that motivate our actions. Whether we raid the gun shops to arm ourselves to drive racist, murderous police out of our community—as did the

15 returned Black Viet Nam veterans during the Watts rebellion (Thomas, 1965); or we organize free breakfast programs, health clinics, clothing drives, and rent strikes, advocate for community control of the schools and the police, and campaign to stop police brutality, drug dealing and reduce crime rates—as did Fred Hampton, Mark Clark, and the other Black Panthers Cook County State’s Attorney Hanrahan murdered in 1969 under cover of law (Acoli, 2003)—this will depend on the shared values, mores, and cognition of the group to which we belong, or with which we have identified ourselves as intellectuals. Mannheim described such a revolutionary situation as America approached during the Watts Rebellion and the subsequent rise of the Black Panther Party in terms of a “transvaluation of values” (1954, p. 24) rooted in the common perceptions, thinking, and conversations of an entire social group, each member of which takes part in collective action to overthrow a hated social reality deemed oppressive by all, and highly resented. All recognized the legitimacy of the 63 day 1944 Warsaw uprising against the Nazi occupation of Poland. The individual finds new ways to interact with others, and the social action of each contributes to the upheaval, with new motivations arising from the group. Max Weber and the Puritan Work ethic Such a movement was Christianity, in its early days of persecution by Roman authorities and conflict with Jewish leaders. Once it had attained power (brokered by Constantine at the Council of Nicea in 323 CE), the Christian movement became the guardian of the status quo, adumbrating objective salvation through institutional authority for over a thousand years, eventually promulgating an ideology for the maintenance of the status quo known as Scholasticism, a rationalist philosophy. Today, the Roman Catholic (universal) church owns more real property than any other organization in the world (Yallop, 2007), and espouses the

16 most reactionary views with the highest authority, through the 20th Century designation of the Pope as the infallible Vicar of Christ (many Catholics believe that Pope John Paul, the only contemporary Pope who threatened to use church wealth to help ameliorate world poverty, was murdered by reactionary elements who still control Church finances (Yallop, 2007)). To say the least, the primary institutions of Christianity in the world today can no longer be viewed as utopian under Mannheim’s categorization, but are more in tune with reactionary, or ideological social strata. What the philosophers of the Enlightenment wrestled over in terms of Empiricism vs. Rationalism, the 16th Century Reformation in Europe had first transformed into religious conflict. As Erasmus (cited in Smith, 1920) (c. 1466–1536) pointed out, there is nothing in Luther’s 95 theses that is revolutionary in terms of church doctrine, other than “freedom of conscience for good Christians, “which denies the authority of Rome to administer sacraments ( Luther, 1517/1915). The utopia of 1st Century Jewish heresies and revolutions had been transformed into the ideology of Scholasticism, and the arguments between Luther and Calvin were basically arguments among Schoolmen. Their unforgivable sin was to align themselves with the absolute rulers of Europe, who wrested the power to define the boundary between secular and religious authority away from the church, thereby establishing the separation between church and state (Sibley, 1970). Max Weber’s goal was to interpret and explain social behavior in terms of “its causes, its course, and its effects” (Weber, 1962, p. 29). Social action must have subjective meaning to the subject and involve others. Weber defines the meaning of social action in terms of “ideal types” subject to rational proof if everything within its context can be clearly grasped by the intellect.

17 An ideal type is approached when the subject uses appropriate means to reach a goal, and “logically executes a course of action in accordance with accepted ways of thought” (p30). Understanding that departs from this ideal may be empathetic, in terms of sympathetic selfanalysis and emotional involvement, if logical explanation cannot otherwise prevail. Weber defined this as verstehen. However, intellectual understanding must substitute for empathy to the extent that the goals and values of the actor are radically different from our own. If we cannot understand them at all, we may understand them simply as given data, albeit non-interpretable to the extent that we have no comprehension or susceptibility to them. Although the emotional context of behavior may be beyond our experience, we may still understand the behavior in terms of its impact, direction, and means used. If we can first understand behavior logically, we may then account for emotionally based deviations. Until the ideal type is understood, we cannot account for irrational elements. These ideal types arise from experience, and are not to be seen as Platonic ideals. They are comparable to the gedankenexperiment of Einstein in physics. Although no purely Galilean coordinate system has ever been observed, the fundamental equivalence of all such systems must be presumed to banish “ether,” and its concomitant “action at a distance” explanation of gravity (which begs the question of supernatural explanation), from ontological existence. The “thought experiment,” or “ideal type” is a methodological device that leads to fertile fields of empirical observation, rather than an intellectual reality postulating the realm of pure forms. Weber (2002) discussed the Reformation in Europe in terms of his formulation of an ideal type he called “the Protestant Ethic,” which he identified as the spirit of capitalism. After examining the social stratification of religious beliefs in Europe at the time of industrialization,

18 he suggested that asceticism oriented toward a Christian ideal may be a characteristic of those who most successfully accumulated capital in the early days of the Industrial Revolution. Pietism grew in commercial circles as a reaction to the horrors depicted by Marx in his description of the rosy dawn of capitalism. On the other hand, the large number of capitalist entrepreneurs from clerical families may have been in rebellion against an ascetic childhood. However, Weber made the point that many Protestant churches, especially those influenced by Calvinism, produced brilliant businessmen who were extremely pious. Quaker and Mennonite churchmen were well known for their piety as well as their wealth, the former in America and the latter in Germany. The Pietist sects also produced strong accumulators of wealth. Weber suggested that perhaps the English, who enjoyed free political institutions as well as commercial success, may have derived some benefits from the strictly religious character of their beliefs. Why were the Calvinists such strong capitalists, whereas Lutheranism had little correlation to capitalist development? Weber found the difference not in theological disputes over Aristotle’s logic (transubstantiation vs. consubstantiation, form vs. substance, etc.), but rather in specific similarities and differences between their world outlooks. To distill the essence of what he meant by capitalism’s spirit, Weber turned to Benjamin Franklin, who attended the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention of 1787, signed both the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States of America, and is still widely considered to be the wisest American. In quotations directly from Franklin’s Collected Works (cited in Weber, 2002, p. 9): “Remember, that time is money…credit is money…money is of the prolific, generating nature… the good paymaster is lord of another man’s purse… the most trifling actions that affect a man’s credit are to be regarded... He that idly loses five shillings' worth of time loses five shillings… (and) all the advantage

19 that might be made by turning it in dealing, which …will amount to a considerable sum of money.”

What Weber singled out from this pragmatic philosophy of avarice are: the ideal of an honest tradesman, of impeccable credit; the idea that the accumulation of capital is a moral duty; and the ethos of pecuniary gain as an end in itself. Franklin’s writings display the early roots of pragmatism in American colonial thought, which provided fertile soil for the later works of Charles Peirce, William James, and John Dewey. The idea of having such a “calling” in life, or a profession, which is a task set by God one has a moral duty to perform, clearly has religious origins. Perhaps less apparent is the origin of the word “profession,” as in “sales professional,” “professional occupation,” or “professor.” The first professionals, other than practitioners of “the world’s oldest profession,” were professors of the faith, or preachers. The Old Testament story of Jonah, actually derived from the Epic of Gilgamesh, of Babylonian origin, tells the adventures of a man with a calling who deliberately attempted to shirk his duty (Sanders, 1960; Green, 2005). However, the word “calling,” referring to one’s divinely appointed task in life, or field of work, is of Protestant origin, as a Biblical mistranslation of Luther into “beruf,” who was influenced by German mysticism (Weber, 2002). Although of ancient origin, the idea that fulfillment of duty in worldly affairs is of the highest moral value is clearly of Reformation origin, deriving, however indirectly, from Luther’s mistake. In this, all Protestant denominations refuted the Catholic ideal of fulfilling a higher morality as an ascetic monk, who takes a vow of poverty, chastity, and obedience to God’s will as expressed through Church authority (Weber, 2002). Taking his lead from Thomas Aquinas,

20 Luther saw fulfilling one’s calling as related to the flesh, like eating and drinking, indispensable to living in God’s grace, but nevertheless morally neutral. In Luther’s view, the monastic life is actually quite selfish, whereas fulfilling one’s calling is a fruit of the Spirit, showing brotherly love. Luther was faced with chiliastic peasant rebellions, such as those led by Thomas Münzer. Because he allied his church with the secular authorities, Luther‘s task was to suppress such sentiments. Therefore, one must accept one’s place in society, and fulfill one’s worldly duties, whether those of a peasant or a noble, to live a life of faith in God’s will. Every calling legitimized by secular authority has the same value in the eyes of God. Thus, the idea has an ideological, rationalistic purpose, to preserve the status quo by convincing rebellious peasants to accept their status in feudal society, while accepting the excesses of the rich as perhaps concomitant to the presumption of their dwelling in God’s bountiful blessings and grace, as exhibited in the worldly manifestation of their wealth. Weber (2002) argued that Luther was still a long way from the “Philosophy of avarice” espoused by Franklin, although it is certainly possible to see at this point the lineaments of America’s singular contribution to philosophy (pragmatism) in the Reformation. The Old Testament idea was to tend to one’s own business, honor God, and let the wicked worship Mammon. Jesus repudiated worldly wealth, pointing out that it is for God to give and take away. Early Christians were so focused on the second coming of Christ they had little time for worldly values. One may as well continue one’s labors while waiting to be swept up into the sky, even if currently in slavery. Paul placed little value on position or occupation. He considered pursuit of gain beyond one’s needs as evidence of worldliness, and morally wrong because it can only be accomplished at the expense of others (see his New Testament epistles).

21 As he battled rebellious peasants and fanatics attempting the immediate implementation of God’s kingdom on Earth, Luther (1915) emphasized acceptance of one’s place in life as divinely ordained. One’s social station establishes the locus of worldly activity. Absolute obedience to God’s Will means accepting things as they are. Thereby, in Mannheim’s terms, Luther opposed an ideology that brooks no social change, accepting the equivalence between the real and the ideal, to the utopian chiliasm of Münzer, which demanded immediate realization of God’s Kingdom on Earth. He clearly stated the idea of having a calling as a moral obligation, but Luther did not carry this idea to its logical limits because he believed in sanctification through faith, and justification through grace, rather than works. His insistence on purity of doctrine as a pillar of faith prevented him from being an innovator in ethics (Weber, 2002). Because Luther’s conception of the calling adhered to tradition, it was of little significance to the “Spirit of Capitalism,” which was the driving force of the capitalist revolution. The relationship between material pursuits and religious motives can be more clearly seen in Calvinism, Puritanism, and the Protestant sects that derived from them. John Calvin cannot be said to have advocated the pursuit of wealth as an ethical imperative. He was primarily concerned with salvation, not ethical reform. The cultural revolution of capitalism has roots in the Reformation, but this was not the intention of the reformers themselves (Weber, 2002). Reformers only aim at incremental, positive change, rather than the qualitative transformations introduced by revolutions (Mannheim, 1954). Because Calvin’s followers were persecuted in Europe, many of them emigrated to America to found New Jerusalem on virgin soil (simply removing the native Americans as the Zionists simply removed the Arabs in founding modern Israel), and fully participate in kicking off the second major stage of the Industrial Revolution.

22 Mannhiem, James, Weber, and Marx’s Humanism Weber was interested primarily in the way ideas influence history. He believed religious ideals played an initial role in the development of capitalism, and opposed these ideas to Marxism, in which ideas are seen as merely ephemeral phenomena arising from the material base of social organization. From today’s perspective of Marxist-Humanism (Dunayevskaya, 2000), it is easy to see that Weber’s thesis was more effective against vulgar materialists, beginning with Engels, who truncated the humanism of Marx (1844/1964), which transcended both materialism and idealism. Because they officially transformed Marxism from a utopian ideal (Mannheim’s , not Marx’s usage) of “freely associated labor” into an ideology perpetuated by an absolute state, Weber clearly repudiated the Marxists of his day, of the Engels/Plekhanov strain, which we might follow Dunayevskaya (1984/1996) in designating as Post-Marx Marxists in a pejorative sense (PMMAP). Perhaps less apparent from Weber’s , but more easily seen from Mannheim’s viewpoint, and most clearly from Dunayevskaya’s , is the fact that Stalin built his absolute state on production line speed-up, lowering wages through piecework, automation, and the transformation of labor into material force, which are the hallmarks of capitalism, in Marx’s view (1867/1954). The philosophic views of Weber and Mannheim truncate the critical dialectic of Hegel at process, which is a materialistic viewpoint, as we shall see in our analysis of pragmatism, a reformist philosophy consistent with the views of both. Because materialist philosophical approaches lack the categories of transcendence and transformation into opposite, they are less able to grapple with revolutionary social changes, such as those introduced by capitalism, than idealist philosophies, such as that of Hegel (1837/1990). Post-Marx Marxists reverted to the

23 vulgar materialist viewpoint precisely because they were less interested in “transvaluation of values” than in simply becoming the new bosses. Mannheim clearly showed they were never able to apply the concept of ideology, which they used to critique capitalism, to themselves. Marx never argued that ideas are not important in changing history. In his thesis on Feuerbach (no. 11), he wrote, “the philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it” (from which Engels, unforgivably, dropped the word “however” in his translation (Marx & Engels1888/1969)). Weber (2002) elaborated his position in explaining that religious ideas played a greater role in spurring the early development of the capitalist revolution than they do today, among many other historical forces. Capitalist culture inherited certain features from the Reformation, but did not result from it on the “iron rails of historical necessity.” In an insight that seems to be a precursor of recent developments in complexity theory, he pointed out that the Reformation originated in “innumerable historical constellations, especially purely political processes, which not only do not fit into any ‘economic law,’ but fit into no economic scheme of any kind, (that) had to come together in order for the newly created Churches to continue to exist at all (p. 36).” Neither could the capitalist revolution be considered to be a necessary result of the development of the “spirit of capitalism.” However, when large groups of people began to act in terms of this ideal type, the capitalist revolution took off in “seven league boots.” Along the tracks left by this historic development, we can trace the transformation of a utopian ideal (in Mannheim’s, certainly not Marx’s sense) into an ideology, as the Spirit of Capitalism that originally expressed the freedom of a Christian’s conscience transformed itself into a “Steel Cage” of technologically driven rationalized labor. In Russia and China the

24 religious origins of this spirit of capitalism had been thoroughly repudiated at an early stage. The ideology that resulted was specifically anti-capitalist (although the economies were state capitalist), until recently, when the leaders realized that specific ideological assertions are not needed to maintain power. The assertion that the real is identical with the ideal is still used to suppose an “end to ideology” (Bell, 1960/2000) in the West, while at the same time crushing, or co-opting new utopian movements (Mannheim’s definition) in the East, such as the massacre at Tienamen Square, or Raisa Gorbachev’s thoroughly hypocritical embrace of Marxist Humanism on the other side of the now rusted Iron Curtain. In terms of Marx’s primary definition of capitalism as the absolute separation of theory from practice (Marx, 1964), all so-called “socialist” countries are thoroughly capitalist. The only real dispute with the “capitalist bloc” is conducted with respect to the quality and velocity of state planning, although this distinction has also begun to fade (Dunayevskaya, 2000). The Puritan Work ethic and the Concept of Grace Calvinism, Pietism, Methodism, and Baptist sects embraced the ascetic Protestantism that, at a certain juncture, influenced and provided the spirit by which capitalism developed (Mannheim, 1954). The distinction between these religious tendencies was never clear. For instance, Methodism was only intended by John Wesley as a new awakening of the ascetic spirit within the Established Church of England, not as the foundation of a new denomination (Wesley and Outler, 1980). In coming to America, it finally broke all ties with the Anglican Church. Pietism sprang from English Calvinism; later Spener led it into Lutheranism. Baptists originally opposed Calvinism, but later they embraced it (Hard Shell vs. Soft Shell Baptists). Puritanism attacked Anglicanism (as the Colonial mind attacked all things British), and then gradually the

25 two were reconciled, like feuding spouses. Complex dogmas were developed in terms of doctrine, causing splits that only the most fanatical could grasp intellectually. However, moral conduct can arise from similar maxims derived from various dogmas. Great similarities in dogma can exist under wide variations in conduct (Weber, 2002). Even though various dogmatisms died, they left their mark on the ascetic morality, and later the secular ethic that remained. Theories about the after-life frightened churchmen into moral behavior, providing psychological sanctions that directed and held the believer accountable in the conduct of life. Because the boundaries between religious ideas are fluid, they must be seen in terms of ideal types, for logical clarity if not historical exactness. Calvinism was the first great divide in Protestantism, with its dogma of predestination (Calvin, 1536/1960), the historical and cultural significance of which may be greater than its religious significance. King James I saw this dogma as the primary political threat of the Puritans, who elevated the dogma to the central purpose of the Westminster Confession of Faith (Westminster Assembly, 1646), and raised it as a banner to become the rallying standard for great awakenings. This document deserves careful reading because the doctrine of predestination as stated provides the fundamental belief system from which the spirit of capitalism arose. Grace is dispensed according to God’s will, and is in no way commensurate with the personal worth of the believer. Neither faith nor will have any influence over the gift of Grace. When Luther wrote “The Freedom of A Christian,” (1520/2005) this state of grace was his ultimate source of inspiration, although it never became a central dogma in the Augsburg Confession, under the influence of Melancthon. Lutherans subsequently believed that grace is revocable and can be won back through penitence, humility, trust in God’s word, and participation in the sacraments.

26 Calvin, on the other hand, moved the doctrine of predestined grace to the center of his dogma in the third edition of Institutes of the Christian Religion (1960). The Westminster Confession follows the logical necessity of the doctrine of Grace to the extreme dictate that only a few are chosen for Grace, all to God’s glory. God alone is subject to no law, but reveals Hi swill to mankind only at his pleasure. Our personal eternal destiny is a mystery he chooses not to reveal. Humankind deserves only eternal death at the hand of an angry God, unless He has decreed otherwise to glorify His own name. Our personal merit, guilt, penitence, repentance, confession, or any act whatsoever plays no part in salvation, which is predestined, and subject to no human influence. God is transcendent being, beyond human comprehension, who in His infinite wisdom has predestined human fate from eternity. The believer can do nothing whatsoever to alter his state of grace. Because God’s will is unknowable, there is no assurance of salvation. Neither priest, nor sacrament serves as a means to attain grace. Church membership includes the unwitting doomed, who can in no way be distinguished from the faithful. Christ died only for the elect, and was himself doomed to die from eternity. Church and sacrament were thus completely eliminated from salvation, in absolute opposition to Catholicism. Calvinism thereby banished magic from the world, as the Empiricists had previously banished magic from philosophy. They considered religious ceremony at the grave to be an expression of superstition. As humans, we are all inheritors of Adam’s fall from Grace. We have no means to attain grace, which is not subject to our choice, but only to God’s will. The flesh is corrupt; sensuous and emotional elements in culture and religion are idolatrous. Even in decline, the dogma of predestination influenced Christian conduct and attitudes toward pessimism and

27 despair. Trust no one is the credo: in God we trust, only. Even confession, for the sake of discharging guilt, was banished, leaving it pent up in the ethical attitude of Puritanism. Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress (Bunyan, 1678/2003) has Pilgrim flee the City of Destruction crying, “life, eternal life,” with no room whatsoever for any other thought, even for the lives of his wife and child. Because the organization of social life must be according to God’s commandments, Pilgrim must achieve success in pursuit of his calling to show obedience for God’s glory. Following a calling in service to others is an outward manifestation of brotherly love, but only for the glory of God. Natural law defines our daily tasks, in the interest of rationalization of labor. The universe is at man’s disposal, to serve our purposes. The social utility of labor therefore serves God’s glory. The Puritan Ethic never questioned the meaning of life. Weber explained that the certainty of salvation depends only on faith in Christ. No one can know another’s faith, by any means. The invisible Church is truly invisible as the body of Christ, which can only be known through personal faith. The question of developing infallible criteria by which Christians can recognize each other became of central importance within the church in determining such matters as the administration of the Eucharist, especially in Pietism. The individual’s state of grace must be known for admission to Communion, which determined the social standing of participants (Weber, 2002). Calvin’s Scholastic interpretation of communion provided the motivation for inviting Servetus to Geneva for a discussion of the subject, upon which Calvin promptly burned the heretic at the stake. In Geneva, a statue to Servetus still stands, although there is none to Calvin, the despotic dogmatist who once ruled Geneva with an iron fist (Smith, 1920). In his view, it is

28 the duty of the Christian to banish self-doubt, which is evidence of insufficient faith. Worldly activity is evidence of election, even if the daily prayer of the Christian is, “Lord, forgive me for my non-belief.” Lutheranism aims at the certainty of union with deity. Again following Weber’s argument (2002), to the Calvinist, the transcendence of God prevents this. Only in His acting through us can we be conscious of God. Action justifies and originates in faith through grace. This circular argument provided the only possibility of communion with God. As a tool of the divine will, I am inspired to ascetic action. Calvinism sets all feelings aside, and an effectual call to salvation can only be exhibited in one’s dedication to one’s calling, specifically demonstrated in worldly success, the evidence of God’s Grace. To the extent that our conduct as Christians serves the glory of God, it can be measured by our success in the world. Real good works provide the certainty of salvation. They are useless to attain salvation, but serve as the only certainty that one lives in grace. Only through the measure of my social utility, which manifests in the degree of success I exhibit in my calling, can I eliminate the fear of damnation. The fire and brimstone sermons of the Puritan clerics serve as a stimulus to my success in worldly endeavors. Self-control at all times separates the chosen from the damned. This is not a doctrine of salvation by works, but rather that we can only be sure of our salvation through the fruits of our labor. Following one’s calling is not merely an ethically neutral means of surviving in the world, as Luther would have it, but is the highest form of ethical behavior, the goal of one’s religious passion, and success in this endeavor is the only sure sign of salvation. An entire code of conduct in one’s profession rationalizes life, provides every action with meaning, and assures the Elect that we are living in a state of grace rather than any natural state. Rather than “I think, therefore I am, ” (Descartes, 1641/1986) the Puritan

29 substituted eternal vigilance and concentration of effort as the demonstration not of existence, but rather of living a life dedicated to the glory of God, therefore of living in God’s grace. This is the method (Wesley and Outler, 1980) by which the sinful state of nature is conquered. As the Catholic Benedictine and Jesuitical monks had already discovered in their monastic credos, systematic rational conduct and purpose can free the faithful from irrational impulses, and through self-control conform action to ethical dictates. Puritanism brought this ideal out of the monastery and into professional practice. Puritan asceticism shapes the entire personality, subjecting the passions to the governance of Reason, bringing order into the entire conduct of life. Thus, as professionals we are subject to a higher calling in the practice of our worldly occupations. Essentially, God's Elect has become a monk, not with respect to his specific assigned task but rather in how successfully he performs his calling (Weber, 2002). Rather than take formal vows, one proves one’s faith through the performance of one’s duties. Only a life of continuous success and productive activity can sustain the consciousness of being a saint. Since one can never be sure about the status of one’s neighbor, he may easily become an object of hatred and contempt, an enemy of God wearing the mark of Cain, as evidenced in his failure to be a productive member of society, or to perform well the duties of his calling. The belief in a just world results in scape-goating and blaming the victim, which are still major themes in capitalist culture. There is no excuse for poverty, is a sure sign of God’s displeasure, which could result from no other cause than failure of focus, lack of discipline, and laziness. We will see how these themes carry into the profession of selling. In the age of Puritanism, this attitudinal complex could result in witch burning, but most likely resulted in schisms. Servetus may have been the first schismatic who was burned as a witch. He was

30 certainly the first to suffer this fate as the result of being invited to a discussion of the meaning of the Eucharist. Although religious account books of sin and triumph over temptation, presumably existing from the foundations of a predestined world, are kept by angels to be opened and read at judgment day, Benjamin Franklin kept his own books on his (Pilgrim’s ) progress in attaining moral virtues, weighed solely in terms of their social utility (Weber, 2002). God’s actions can be seen in every detail, along with a full revelation of His purposes (contrary to doctrine), thereby providing the means to conduct life as a business enterprise, dedicated to God’s glory. The rationalization of ethical values, especially the work ethic, in the conduct of life was the primary influence of Calvinism in providing the spirit by which capitalism developed. Variously subjected to persecution, Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, and other schismatic’s upheld the Westminster Confession, and defended it as an article of faith, until the doctrine of predestination spread to the shores of the New World on the Mayflower. Pietism as well as Puritanism insists on constant vigilance in regulating moral behavior, repudiating pleasure and extolling the value of work in fostering ethical values such as discipline, self-control, and sacrifice. Proof of faith through conduct characterized Pietism within the Anglican Church, and in fact Methodism and Puritanism are often considered as forms of Pietism. However, the religious ecstasy of union with God found within Pietism was quite foreign to the strict discipline of temperance practiced by the Puritan, exposing the religiously rational person to influence from the passions, which Calvin deemed depraved, of the flesh. However, under the influence of Pietism, the ascetic conduct of life found its way into Lutheran denominations in Germany. Development of certainty in and perfection of one’s state of grace,

31 and the signs of God’s providence in the form of success in one’s calling, were the main contributions of Pietism to Lutheran doctrine (Weber, 2002). The bottom line is that God blesses his chosen few through success in their labors. In place of Calvinism’s lifelong struggle to attain assurance of salvation, Pietism substituted the need for communion and reconciliation with God in this life, thereby adapting the pure logic of the doctrine of predestination to irrational influences within Lutheranism. Working class persons, clerical workers, and officials were thereby provided with a confession suitable to their various callings, whereas Calvinism was more suitable to capitalist entrepreneurs. Continental Pietism (Methodism) repudiated elements of Calvinist dogma while embracing emotional, conversion religion, emphasizing methodical, systematic conduct to attain certainty of salvation. John Wesley (CE 1703—1791) intended his method as a reform effort within the Anglican Church. His (1980) emphasis on feeling, combined with a proselytizing mission to the masses, characterized Methodism in America. Repentance often led to ecstatic behavior at public meetings, providing immediate certainty of salvation and union with the Almighty through divine grace. The Holy Spirit provides immediate knowledge of forgiveness at the moment of conversion. According to Wesley, sanctification can then be attained through a separate, subsequent spiritual transformation, which may not occur until one is nearing the end of one’s mission, which provides serenity and absolute certainty of salvation. That is how one becomes saved (born again), and then sanctified, after a presumably long pilgrimage. The elect are made clearly visible to each other by the immediate fact that sin no longer has any power over them. Works for the purpose of glorifying God were only a means of knowing one’s own state of grace, as the Puritans insisted. The difference between Methodism

32 and Anglicanism is not doctrinal, but lies in religious practice, where the fruits of the Spirit in conduct provide clear evidence of spiritual rebirth. Once converted, the emotions are immediately directed toward the goal of sanctification, in place of the doctrine of predestination, through a rational, life-long struggle for perfection. Conduct provides the same guide to assurance of salvation as in Calvinism, as Wesley himself points out (cited in Weber, 2002), even though the pure doctrine of works is substituted for the doctrine of predestination. Methodism added nothing new to the idea of the calling. The Baptist movement, which included the Mennonites and the Quakers, grew directly out of Calvinism. They all began as communities of born-again Christians, or sects, consisting of baptized adults who have already gained salvation. Justification is by accepting the gift of salvation through faith, which baptism symbolizes. Only the Holy Spirit, working on the individual, can provide the conviction needed for the act of faith. The calling is to repentance, to be born again in the spirit of God. The lives of the Apostles provide the model of how to live in the world, meaning avoidance of intercourse with worldly matters to the early Baptists. Daily communion with the Holy Spirit is the only evidence of election. The Spirit testifies to the reason and conscience of each individual, as the Quaker’s developed in their familiar doctrine. This discarded the sole authority of the Bible, and eventually all authority of sacraments. Even the Bible could only be “rightly divided” through the inner revelation of the Spirit. Without this inner light, we remain creatures of the flesh. Once converted, it is nearly impossible to lose salvation. However, the attainment of this state of grace is subject to the development of perfection in the individual. Conduct that shows repudiation of worldly things and submission to God’s will is the only sure sign of true rebirth, therefore it is crucial to salvation. Grace cannot be

33 earned, but the man of conscience, who acts accordingly, is justified in thinking himself reborn. This doctrine of good works is the working equivalent to the Calvinist conception of success in the calling as proof of the performance of duty, and therefore the source of assurance of salvation (Weber, 2002). While waiting for the Spirit to descend and shed some light, we must clear our minds of every irrational impulse, passion, and inclination of the natural man. Only through deep repose can the soul hear the word of God. Some go into trance-like states for hours at a time to exhibit their receptivity to this inner voice. Hysteria, speaking in tongues, prophesying, chiliastic enthusiasm, and other irrational outbursts may interrupt this repose. To silence the flesh, a moral course of action according to conscience is advisable. The radical repudiation of all magic, sacraments, and idols left few alternatives to the practice of worldly asceticism. Although born in radicalism, the strict imitation of Christ was not necessary for all believers. Rich churchmen defended worldly virtues and private property; leading strict Baptist morality down the path of the Calvinist work ethic. In all of these sects, Weber detected a commonality existing in the idea of the state of grace, protecting the elect from the corruption of the flesh, and the influence of the world. Not sacraments, confession, or good works can provide assurance of salvation, but only a course of conduct exhibited in the application of the work ethic in the performance of the calling. As the Puritan idea of the calling entered the world of business, it infused the conduct of business with asceticism, as the elect planned his life under God’s will, which is to His glorification. The saints now lived not in monasteries, but rather within the world and its institutions, although not being of the world, but rather of the Kingdom of God. This work ethic is required of everyone who

34 wishes to attain certainty of salvation (Weber, 2002). It places action squarely in the world, but neither of nor for the world. During the period of the revolution of industrial capital, the clergy held sway through their connection with the after-life, which meant everything. The church influenced and shaped national character and conscience, although the religious framework has since been discarded. The accumulation of wealth was condemned not because it is wrong, but rather because it subjects the capitalist to the temptations of idleness and distracts from the pursuit of righteousness. Otherwise, there is no objection whatsoever to possession of riches by the saints. Only activity in one’s calling, not the enjoyment of the fruits of our labor, glorifies God within His will. Under the Puritan work ethic, the first deadly sin is to waste time, of which there is little for the assurance of election. Getting more sleep than necessary is morally wrong. As much conscious attention to work as possible must be manifest in the dedicated, moral pursuit of one’s calling. Inactivity is provided for by the observance of Sunday, on which even God rested. The performance of hard, continuous physical or mental labor for the remainder of the waking hours is the best defense against all temptations. Even sexual activity within marriage must be only for purposes of procreation rather than pleasure. Labor in itself is the end of life, as ordained by God in placing mankind under His curse for disobedience to His will. To be in a state of grace means being willing, able, and actually working, all to God’s glory. Work for its own sake has become a transcendent value. This is very different from the traditional concept of work, which lost value beyond the maintenance of the person, family, and community. Traditionally, the man of means, who can

35 live by virtue of his property in the alienated labor of others, is not expected to work. To the Puritan conscience, the possession of wealth does not exempt anyone from work. Even the wealthy man has a calling, which God has prepared, for his profession and for his labor, all to God’s divine glory. Rational labor in a calling is what God commands, not labor per se, as proof of conscientiousness, care and method. The opportunity to make a profit must be pursued diligently as a revelation from God. This is good stewardship, and riches may be accumulated to the glory of God, but not for self-aggrandizement. The accumulation of wealth in pursuit of one’s calling is a moral duty (Weber, 2002). The Puritan work ethic condemned dishonesty and greed. The sin of covetousness meant the pursuit of wealth for its own sake. This contrasts to the attainment of wealth as the fruit of labor in a calling as a sign of God’s blessing. The value of deliberate, unceasing, productive labor in a calling as the highest ethical value, as well as the best possible proof of salvation, provided powerful psychological motivations for the embodiment of this attitude toward work in what Weber designated as the spirit of capitalism. The positive sanction of acquisition provided the basis for the accumulation of capital. The limitation of consumption released even more wealth for productive activity. The Puritans, who hated the feudal way of life, did not permit their fortunes to be absorbed into the nobility, but rather plowed them back into further accumulation. The Puritan work ethic favored the development of rational economic life, and thereby provided for the development of modern economic man. As wealth accumulated through industry and frugality, religion was forgotten, and only the work ethic remained. Those Christians who accumulate riches should also give all they can, to accumulate other-worldly

36 wealth. The honest businessman fulfills his moral duty in pursuing profit, is blessed by God, and assured of grace. The same work ethic provides excellent and industrious workmen, who treat their work as a way of life ordained by God. Faithful labor at low wages by unskilled workmen is also pleasing to God (Weber, 2002). Rational conduct based on the calling is a fundamental element of the spirit of capitalism, born out of Christian asceticism. This work ethic built the world economic order in which we now live. Today, this order forces each of us to work in a calling. We no longer need the fear of God, but only the fear of poverty to drive us forward in our calling. With the Puritan work ethic, we can trace the development of the rationalist idea of the calling, originally embedded in a tradition-supporting ideology and philosophy (Scholasticism), into a reformist restatement by Luther, for the purpose of repudiating monasticism while at the same time protecting reform efforts from chiliastic utopian enthusiasms, as espoused by Thomas Münzer. Calvin originally meant to support the most extreme Protestant absolutism through his elevation of the doctrine of predestination to a central tenet in theology, and the subsequent working out of all of its logical ramifications. However, many Protestant schisms resulted from the idea that the whole of life should be rationalized, and magic abolished from religion. Many reformers adapted the idea of the calling to the establishment of new absolutisms, especially in the New World, to which they were banished. The Puritan arrived on American shores with the idea of conquering nature and, perhaps as remnants of the lost tribes of Israel, establishing New Jerusalem. They would conquer the natural, sinful side of human nature, as they would the wilderness, all to God’s glory, and God’s Will would be manifested in the Elect’s victorious overcoming of the world. The sects

37 themselves kept spinning off new schisms, and the demands of building new utopias dictated much of the work. Anyone with an industrious spirit could escape into the wilderness, to pursue the allure of God’s bounty in terms of seemingly unlimited land and resources, with an axe, a musket, a barrel of dry gunpowder and a sack of corn, and establish New Jerusalem, as did Joseph Smith, Brigham Young, and their original Mormon sect (even adopting a New Old Testament). The Puritan work ethic, elevated by the theology of predestination into the transcendent value of life, only received a revolutionary thrust when it adapted to the industrial revolution as the spirit of capitalism. The Steel Cage Empirical philosophy also rose out of the new emphasis on experience introduced by the Enlightenment, fueling the Industrial Revolution by providing a philosophical framework for the scientific method and reasoning needed to unleash the energy of fossil fuels. New discoveries provoked new ideas, and new ideas needed new paradigms, theoretical frameworks, and methods of investigation. Empiricism, which originally broke the bonds of rationalism as a utopian movement against the ideology of Scholasticism (Mannheim, 1954), has now allied itself with the new ideology of capitalism, the ‘steel cage’ alienating all human labor. The absolute rationalization of labor under the work ethic transformed the worker into an appendage of the machine, and conception was divorced from execution, theory from practice. As theoretical and practical developments of our understanding and utilization of matter and energy are expanding on an infinite frontier, science is forever divorced from philosophy by the limitations of empiricism and pragmatism, which ask only theoretical, rather than human questions. All facts are seen as discrete, atomized, sensual phenomena, which in principle bear

38 no relationship to any other sensation, and only have meaning in terms of their utility. Although science now serves as the basis for human life, it can serve only industry, thereby completing the alienation of labor through the rationalization of its social utility. Man’s relationship to nature, and therefore science, is through industry, the absolute alienation of labor (Marx, 1964). Empiricism aligned itself with capital’s rationalization of labor under the Puritan work ethic , stripped predestination and “beruf” (calling) of their religious garb, and became the new ideology, or perhaps, in Weber’s metaphor, “steel cage, ” (Stahlhartes Gehäuse; 2002, p. xxiv). Pragmatism, America’s original contribution to philosophy is as close as the philosophers can come to introducing experience into philosophy, abstractly. Truth has meaning only in terms of utility, which Marx showed to be an external relationship (1964). He reasoned that philosophy, religion, history, politics, art, and literature all confront us as objects in the marketplace, products of alienated labor, whose “cash value,” to use one of pragmatism ‘s favorite terms, is grounded in utility. Men like Dewey, Peirce, and James led the new reform (utopian in Mannheim’s sense) movement to unite theory and practice by incorporating within philosophy the experiences of industrial workers struggling for power over the terms and conditions of their own labor, rather than merely accepting maximized economic rationalization of labor power as their lot in life in fulfillment of their “calling.” Marx (1964) pointed out that although the will to unify theory and practice was there, philosophy was unable to accomplish such a feat precisely because the philosophers could only liberate humanity abstractly, rather than in life. Against all of the abstract materialists (idealists), whether calling themselves communists, Marxists, or utopians, Marx argued that “We should especially avoid establishing society as an abstraction opposed to the individual. The individual is the social entity” (cited in

39 Dunayevskaya, 1973/1989, p. 53). In his brilliant essay Science, Society, and Life, Marx threw down the gauntlet to empiricism, however cloaked or labeled, in a ringing challenge that was deliberately garbled in all English translations but one: “to have one basis for life and another for science is a priori a lie, ” (Marx, 1947, p. 23). It is not that every society up to ours has not had a separation of theory from practice, mental from manual labor, thought from execution. As the spirit of capitalism, the rationalization of labor, originally to God’s glory in the Protestant work ethic, becomes absolute, transforming the worker into an appendage to the machine. Although Weber’s intent was always anti-Marx, in fact Marx was no vulgar materialist, as were the communists and all of his epigones, starting with Engels. In Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, Marx (1964) outlined the birth of a New Humanism, transcending both idealism and materialism, what Dunayevskaya (2000) called a “new continent” of thought. It is no accident that the only translation of Science, Society, and Life that does not garble Marx’s astonishing conclusion is that of Grace Lee Boggs, who, with C. L. R. James and Raya Dunayevskaya, led the Johnson/Forest tendency within the Socialist Worker’s Party in America. Neither is it an accident that this was the first English translation of any of Marx’s Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. State capitalism in Russia has the same relationship to science, and to the worker, as does any other form of capitalism, whether Chinese, or in any other socalled socialist country. Because Marx’s New Humanism was such a total break with the bourgeois form, all of his epigones divorced his philosophy from their theories and transformed Marx’s dialectic of freedom into a triadic dialectic of process: thesis, anti- thesis, and synthesis — the hallmark of vulgar materialism, which Weber opposed to his last breath. Elsewhere in

40 these essays Marx (1964) almost envisioned yesterday’s Communists and today’s “New Thinkers” (Beyond War Foundation, 1988) when he completely hammered away the bourgeois form in arguing that the new society could never result from communism, or the transcendence of capital, but must transcend even that, and begin on a new, human basis (Marx, 1964). One of Mannheim’s clearest (1954) perceptions was that a ruling ideology can take any criticism that is hurled at it, and transform the meanings of words into their opposites, thereby using utopian arguments against the reformers to maintain the status quo. However, his sociology of knowledge was strictly an empirical endeavor, and was as divorced from philosophy, in Marx’s words, as is the remainder of bourgeois science, “to have one basis for life and another for science is a priori a lie” (Marx, 1844/1947). Like Marx, Mannheim saw society as a system governed by the interests of contending groups, who use ideas to advance their various material interests. However, Mannheim could not trace the transformation into opposite of utopian into ideological thought, any more than he could create a sociology of knowledge that is more than synthetic, transcending synthesis and qualitatively transforming society into something completely new, capitalism into its absolute opposite of freely associated labor, as could Marx. Mannheim was in full possession of the Trinitarian (truncated) dialectic of thesis /anti- thesis /synthesis, as were Marx’s vulgar materialist epigones, with no categories for transcendence and transformation into opposite. Marx showed all abstract materialists such as Mannheim to be idealists. In his revealing essay critiquing Hegel’s philosophy, Marx pointed out that this New Humanism is the truth uniting both idealism and materialism (Marx, 1947). As Dunayevskaya argued (Savio, Walker & Dunayevskaya, 1965), “There was nothing mechanical about Marx’s new materialist outlook. Social existence determines consciousness,

41 but it is not a confining wall that prevents one’s sensing and even seeing the elements of the new society.” Citing Hegel, she further argued that the spirit is the “indwelling spirit of the community…As Hegel put it in his early writings, ‘the absolute moral totality is nothing else than a people... (and) the people who receive such an element as a natural principle have the mission of applying it.’” Here we get a glimpse of what happens to the Spirit of Capitalism supplied by the Protestant work ethic when working people release themselves from the steel cage that constitutes the vast social universe of capitalism. The post-Marx Marxists truncated the dialectic, removing the categories of “transcendence” and “transformation into opposite” from their dialectic method. They thereby transformed historical Materialism into vulgar materialism, ending all thought with the Trinity of thesis /anti-thesis /synthesis, which is process, the highest level abstract materialism can reach. In this sense, Marx’s utopians converge with Mannheim’s: they all want to become the new boss, while exploiting labor exactly as before, changing nothing in production relationships. That is why, when the Hormel workers of Local P-9 in Austin, Minnesota struck against automation and their union bosses, they threw all of the communists and leftists out of their union meetings the moment these “supporters” tried to take over the strike. The workers raised such serious questions as “How shall a man work?” One striking P-9 worker pointed out to a leftist on the picket line that no one is going to support communism, because it doesn’t make any difference whether the state or a private entity owns the property, the owners will still demand speed-up, concessions, and exposure to the risk of man-killing automation from the workers. When asked how she would deal with competition from foreign workers working for slave wages, she said, “Pay everyone a union wage. That should solve the whole problem.”

42 The coal miners had struck against automation in1949-50 (Phillips & Dunayevskaya, 1984), raising the same safety questions, as well as questions regarding concessions and speedup that Meatpackers Local P-9 raised in 1986. Although they had struck against a new epoch of Automation, by1986 the workers were confronting the face of the counter-revolution in America, Reaganism, which introduced a new age of retrogression. Solidarity with the P-9 strike showed new passions and new forces for the creation of a new society that only Marx’s philosophy of revolution can embrace (Dunayevskaya, 1996). That is because a new, human world cannot be built by reformers, philosophers, or theorists, but rather only by human subjects, struggling for freedom, developing their own philosophy through praxis in the form of a New Humanism, which Marx himself derived from practice (praxis). In fact, this is precisely the movement from practice that Marx discovered in the essays of 1848-49 when he announced this philosophy. As such, philosophy is never finished, and must always be an open system helping to unleash human potential as every man, woman, and child joins the discussion (Dunayevskaya, 2000). For this purpose, the real meaning of philosophy, or love of wisdom, becomes an integral part of human knowledge. The battle of ideas in the marketplace of freedom is far from over. It has only begun.

DEPTH SBSF8220: CURRENT RESEARCH IN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT Annotated Bibliography Axtmann, R. (2006). The myth of 1648: Some musings of a skeptical Weberian. International Politics, 43(5), 519+. Retrieved from Proquest Research Library Database. Summary: This contribution sketches Max Weber’s model of historical causation and contrasts it to Robert Brenner’s property relations approach, as appropriated by Teschke. Axtmann considered theoretical and methodological differences between Teschke’s Marxian political analysis and Weber’s approach. Axtmann also offered a substantive argument concerning the role of religion in state formation. He suggested that Teschke’s focus on the ‘logic of exploitation’ leads to his marginalizing the role of religion and the importance of the collective action of ordinary people. Analysis: Axtmann outlined the Weberian model of historical causation, comparing it to Brenner’s property relations approach, as Teschke used it. Theoretical and methodological differences result from Weber’s use of ideal types and his concept of the structure of social action, on the one hand, and a materialist approach to history reflecting one stream of Marxian empiricism on the other. Axtmann critiques Teschke’s marginalization of the role of religion, thereby discarding the role of the masses in collective action. This would have horrified Marx, who always kept an ear to the ground for new ideas from the freedom struggles of his age, even when cloaked in religious garb.

44 Perspectives: Max Weber’s methodology created a ground between extremes of empiricism, whether idealist or materialist, and relativism that strongly resonates with the positions of James and Sayer. Weber’s main battles were with the vulgar materialism of Engels/Plekhanov Marxists, in which he succeeded in staking out a position more suited to the study of society, similar to James’ radical empiricism and Marx’s New Humanism, which were all attempts to escape from the narrow constraints of 19th century science, which Lenin identified as “the empiricism of a machine gun.”

Cavalcanti, T., Parente, S. & Zhao, R. (2007). Religion in macroeconomics: A quantitative analysis of Weber’s thesis. Economic Theory, 32, 105–123. doi10. 1007/s00199-0060181-8 Summary: The authors conducted an experimental study with a dynamic general equilibrium model of development and growth to test Weber’s hypothesis that Calvinistic asceticism contributed to the rise of capitalism. They introduce a counterfactual exercise against their model, assuming that England had remained Catholic at the onset of the Industrial Revolution, quantifying a parameter for differences in religious belief between Catholics and Protestants, and calculate that England may have had to wait 70 years for the revolution under their simplifying assumptions. They conclude that Weber’s model may have some plausibility in comparing Northern to Southern Europe, but none whatsoever in comparing Europe to Latin America.

45 Analysis: The authors attempted, using quantitative economic modeling and experimental techniques, to answer precisely the question of how much later would the Industrial Revolution have started in England if it had not undergone the Protestant Reformation and continued as an essentially Catholic nation. Grounded in today’s anti- theoretical distinction between land, labor, and capital, these authors assume that capitalism can be described by assuming that industrious people, of a Puritan mentality, worked hard to accumulate wealth in their young years, and then invested it when they got older. The entire history of the first industrial revolution is missing from their mathematical model, including the enclosure movement, the Opium War, and the mass starvation in Ireland. Even with their oversimplified assumptions, the authors still find that the industrial revolution was perhaps accelerated by 70 years because England turned Protestant. Perspectives: The authors assumed a utility theory of value, rather than the classical labor theory Smith proposed as an antidote to Mercantilism. The New Economics preached by today’s globalists is essentially a return to this older philosophy, and is subject to all of the criticism offered by Smith in Wealth of Nations (1776/2003), which today’s econometrists would do well to return to before attempting to construct economic models of capitalism. It is interesting that this study, even after making the most egregious oversimplifications in constructing a mathematical model for development, still find a Weberian role for ideas in historical causation, however minimal.

Chan, T., Goldthorpe, J. (2007). Class and status: the conceptual distinction and its empirical relevance. American Sociological Review, 72(4), 512--532. Retrieved from Proquest Database.

46 Summary: The authors considered Max Weber’s concepts of class and status as forms of social stratification. Economic security, cultural consumption, party affiliation, and ethico/political attitudes were taken as determinants of either one or the other of these categories. This study points beyond the one-dimensional Duncan Socio-Economic Index, citing empirical evidence for the continued existence of Weber’s distinctions between class and status in British society, this study examined the stratification of life outcomes based on Weber’s categories. Chan and Goldthorpe used the CASMIN class schema for an operational definition of class, and a multidimensional scaling analysis to explore the structure of status-groups based on friendship affiliations. Analysis: The main distinction between the scales used to measure class and status is that the class scale reflects employment relations, whereas the status scale reflects occupational social honor. The hierarchy of status that emerged empirically ranks symbolic workers near the top, placing those who work with materials lower. Managers who have to talk to blue-collar employees rank below white-collar staff employees. Occupational prestige does not enter into the acquisition of status, with a low correlation between status as determined by occupational structure and status as determined by socioeconomic factors. Although moderately correlated, class and status as here defined are quite distinct. Status is defined by loose social networks, whereas class, the major determinant of opportunities, is determined by relationships to the market for occupational skills and capital.

47 Perspectives: This study points to the differences in expectations and attitudes between mental and manual laborers. Blue-collar workers set no goals beyond planned leisure activities, and make no attempt to acquire the knowledge skills needed for higher status occupations for the very good reason that they are too scarce to admit more than a few anyway. One road to success is available in acquiring status, perhaps in cultural, civic, leisure, military or religious activities, which tend to overlook class differences. However, real class differences remain between those who consume haute culture and those who only consume popular culture. These differences can only be overcome by acquiring the knowledge skills needed for mental work, and actually acquiring one of these very scarce jobs. The bureaucratic division between mental and manual labor is maintained by solid walls under capitalism which would take nothing less than a thorough uprooting of the capitalist system to overcome.

Demirezen, I. (2006). Marx, Weber, Durkheim and Mannheim’s epistemological stand-points and their comparisons with each other. Paper presented at the 2006 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association in Montreal. Retrieved from socINDEX. Database. Summary: Marx, Weber and Durkheim concerned themselves with ideas in general and religious ideas in particular. This essay compares and contrasts what each of them had to say about ideas and religion. Demirezen compared Mannheim’s methodology to those of Marx and Weber in terms of how each approached ideas in general, and religion in particular. Weber certainly broke with Marx in taking sides with the status quo rather than revolutionary insurgents, but his antimaterialism was aimed more at the Engels/Plekhanov interpretation of Marxism, rather than

48 Marx’s own humanism, in which Marx argued for the unity of materialism and idealism, transcending both. Analysis: Marx was first and foremost a revolutionary journalist, interpreting and contributing to the ideas that arose from mass struggle. In action, his polemics against religion were completely reductionist, although he never espoused vulgar materialism. In the last analysis, humans really do create ideas, and can only be governed by them in so far as we permit them to govern us. Marx was more interested in creating revolutionary ideas than being governed by reactionary ideas. To this extent, his view of religion was reductionist. In Varieties of Religious Experience, James (1902/2008) took a different approach, attempting to find the validity of religion in experience. Weber argued against vulgar Marxist epigones, stressing the importance of ideas in history, but in fact was very Marxian in his approach to class. The main difference between Weber and Marx was that Weber stood clearly and resolutely on the opposite side of the class struggle. Perspectives: All three thinkers, James, Weber, and Marx, attempted to find a course between the extremes of radical materialism and absolute idealism in their various attempts to create methods appropriate to social rather than physical science. Each made important contributions to Sayer’s (1992) important methodological synthesis, which can provide a new humus for the creation of social science adequate to human needs, that does not separate science from life, which Marx (1947) branded as a priori a lie!

49 Geoghegan, V. (2004). Ideology and utopia. Journal of Political Ideologies, 9(2), 123--138. doi: 10. 1080/13569310410001691172 Summary: Mannheim and Bloch both believed that the concepts of ideology and utopia are closely related. Although Bloch accused Mannheim of plagiarizing his idea of utopia, they in fact analyzed the relationship in different ways. Mannheim viewed both concepts as they emerged historically through the conflict of group interests in defining modernity, enabling reactionary and revolutionary elements to transcend reality in pursuing their struggles for power. Bloch saw ideology as carrying a utopian surplus of unachieved human potential. This paper discusses the relationship of both thinkers to the ideas of Marx, in terms of their relevance to ‘post-secular’ political philosophy. Analysis: To Mannheim, utopias that do not eventually attain power are of little consequence. In his dialectical theory of history, both ideological and utopian elements emerge through the politics of conflicting social groups, which may end up sharing power in a dynamic, systemic synthesis. Today’s utopian vision of freedom may contain ideological resistance to those who later try to share in the original promise. Reactionaries may stigmatize all oppositional activity as utopian, while refusing to make any distinction between the impossible and that which is merely inconvenient to defenders of the status quo. Mannheim terms the illusions of such defenders of the existing social order ‘ideological, ’ archaic, and extinct, as opposed to the utopian, which preserves the ideals and hopes of humanity. The sociology of knowledge embodies the progressive mission of intellectuals within the context of modernity, exploring distorted

50 experience and generating a new sense of totality, the synthesis of the partial visions of the groups to which the intellectuals may have originally been attached. Perspectives: Mannheim provided the first full discussion of conservatism in Ideology and Utopia (1954), which continues to exist as an ideology because society never measure sup to the conservative vision, thereby actually providing it with a utopian thrust, contra-radicalism, for maintaining the status quo. He founded the sociology of knowledge, which is no small achievement considering the valuable histories of ideas that have been generated under this impulse. Bloch and Mannheim both provide illumination, although they define ideology and utopia differently. Although Mannheim was vague in his elucidation of the sociology of social knowledge production, applying his analysis in this direction is especially important in examining the stratification of social ignorance, which reflects strongly on the social organization of labor, the next phase in my research.

Henry, P. (2003). Occupational status and a gradient of perceived limitations, Journal of Sociology, 39(2), 165+. Retrieved from Questia database. Summary This study of Australian society developed a gradient of perceived psychological limitations that define occupational stereotypes, correlated to measures of occupational status that reflect commonly held evaluations of prestige. Education and income are strongly correlated to occupation, in terms of the competence, experience and education required for the job. Education and income provide honor and prestige to status-groups, thereby conferring value to

51 the community, reflecting a social ordering of competence, with scarcity of positions and competence increasing in order of increasing prestige. Analysis: The study found that the demographic variables of income and education are strongly correlated with occupational status and achievement motivation, whereas negative psychological factors, especially stress/challenge avoidance, were all negatively correlated to the occupational status scale, to an extremely high degree of significance. This negative factor, strongly reflecting lack of confidence in performing non-routine tasks and immobility when challenged, was as strong a predictor r of occupational status as all other factors combined, which confirms theoretical expectations that accepting and overcoming challenges is required for strong achievement. Clearly, occupational status reinforces stable psychological perceptions of occupational worth. Persons in unskilled occupations experience low self-esteem, which then limits their chances of self-realization. People in high status occupations maintain attitudes that help maintain their success. The willingness to accept challenges and set goals is reinforced by a sense of unlimited potential. Perspectives: Although no similar study has been conducted in the United States, a US study of attributional style among life insurance agents (Seligman and Schulman, cited in Henry, 2003) found that willingness to take personal responsibility for results, accept challenges, and set goals made a major difference in quantity, retention, and non-redundancy of insurance sold. This is extremely important for my demonstration, because it provides an empirical basis for the attitudinal training that is necessary for building a successful insurance agency. Not intuition and

52 natural talent, but rather planning, goal setting, and careful prioritization are needed for such an endeavor.

Kando, T. (2008). What is the mind? Don’t study brain cells to understand it. International Journal on World Peace, 25(2), p83-105. Retrieved from SocINDEX Database. Summary: This paper looks at the modern belief that the mind is the same thing as the brain, and therefore consists of genetic and chemical processes. Contrary to this notion is the more commonsense view that our minds are made up of experiences in the world and with others, and while the brain may be the material home of the mind, it is not the mind itself. Professor Kando began with a refutation of materialistic reductionism and positivism, and then built on the work of William James, George Herbert Mead, and Joel Charon to make the case that the mind is a product of learning and not the same thing as the brain. Analysis: To Kando, mind is an emergent phenomenon as mysterious as the process of life itself. The materialist positivism of Comte and the utilitarianism of Mill are presumed in the power structure of social science research funding, which pours $4G per year into reductionist research through the NSF and the NIMH. Ill-informed research that presumes morality and ethics are coded into genetic structures gets funded under supposedly value-neutral suppositions, thereby reinforcing the unexamined prejudices and presumptions of normative, positivistic social science. Thus, scientific journals continue to confuse the brain with the mind, in the same way that the material is confused with the spiritual.

53 Perspectives: Since Durkheim, sociologists have tended to reify society as some supra-individual entity that thinks and acts as an agent for the collective totality of individuals. Sociologists can then act as ventriloquists, speaking for society in punishing and correcting deviant behavior. Such separation between mental and manual labor is emblematic of the separation of science from life, a priori a lie (Marx, 1947). In developing a new model for critical possibility thinking, I must avoid such structural fabrications at all costs, and not set myself up as the ultimate interpreter of reality.

Kumar, K. (2006). Ideology and sociology: Reflections on Karl Mannheim’s Ideology and Utopia. Journal of Political Ideologies, 11(2), 169-181. doi: 10. 1080/13569310600687940 Summary: Much of what Mannheim called ‘ideology' is now ‘social constructionism’ and 'discourse analysis.’ Social scientists are now suspicious of utopias, whereas utopian scholars prefer literary sketches of perfect societies to revolutionary or messianic social movements. Today’s calls for the revival of utopian thought fail to specify what social and political conditions are likely to favor such a revival. Mannheim analyzed the social and political conditions under which utopian thought flourishes. For sociology, the study of ideology contributed to empirical sociology, stratification theory, and cultural sociology in attempting to analyze media bias in industrial strikes.

54 Analysis: Thatcherism and Reaganism, major working class defeats such as Reagan’s destruction of PATCO, and the impact of the Kroger contract on the Meatpacker’s Union all brought on nihilism in thought that renders the whole concept of ideology meaningless precisely because of its critical edge. If all truth is relative, science is religion. Any opposition between ideology and truth can only be a false dichotomy. Social constructionism is the current vogue, posing as the absolute truth of relativism (an oxymoron) while it is in fact an ideology no longer capable of demystifying or exposing truth, unable to recognize such a category as false consciousness. Foucault’s substitution of the term ‘discourse’ for ideology now imposes the dominant mindset in place of the radical world outlook provided by Marx’s identification, and Mannheim’s application of ideology. Perspectives: Mannheim, who was perhaps more in tune with Marx than the other Marxists referred to so far (excluding Marxist-Humanists), believed that truth is a perspective that can be reached by intellectuals, precisely to the extent that their thinking is not subject to the interests or ideology of a particular group (Kumar, 2006). To the extent that social constructionism is derived from the sociology of knowledge, Mannheim is one of its originators. If ideology can be divorced from truth, how is it possible to be critical in the sociology of fascism? Why not just talk about programs, doctrines, or philosophies, and forget about false consciousness, and whatever other Marxist baggage we have been carrying? This is where the social realism of Sayer (1992) is crucial. We must retain those man-made concepts that contribute to critical verstehen.

55 Lacbelier, P. (2006). Democracy, knowledge and the division of labor. Humanity and Society, 30 (2), 167--179. Retrieved from SocINDEX database. Summary: The article discusses social problems in the division of labor and the distribution of social knowledge. A major consequence of the division of labor under modern capitalism is that workers are not comfortable with reading. Having taught them how to read enough to fulfill minimal job functions, such as submitting an application for a position, their teachers never provided instruction that relates “book learning” to practical experience. This division of labor shapes a person’s life, self and leisure, aiming at productive efficiency by adapting abilities to production requirements, while at the same time the ideology of production adapts the minds of workers to becoming appendages to machines. Weber identified three classes of labor based on the relationship to and power over knowledge: knowledge professionals, knowledge consumers and the disempowered. Analysis: Drawing from his training in sociology applied to lived experience as a graduate student and political activist, the author observed that activist faculty and students become or remain satisfied with defining their public engagement primarily in terms of teaching and research, rather than actively working for social change. Most people take for granted an abysmal gulf between making history and every-day life, only participating in political life during elections or crises. The division of labor in society defines how people work, think, and live their lives, reflecting fundamental social problems in the absolute separation of mental from manual labor. Sociologists already know most of these things, but keep their knowledge locked up in ivory towers, where it is inaccessible to ordinary citizens, who look at books as objects rather than as

56 reading material. Using Weber’s categories of “knowledge power,” the author suggested means by which intellectuals, especially sociologists, may help address these social problems. Perspectives; Marx (1964) identified this gulf between mental and manual labor as the essence of capitalism, ultimately to be transcended not in the first negation of communist society, but in the second negation of “freely associated labor,” which asks us not to define what we are against, but to create an entirely new form of social organization based on what we are for. Lacbelier does not seem to recognize the implicit theory in freedom struggles, or how intellectuals can articulate new theory to help guide such practical struggles beyond elections and crises.

Leary, D. (2004). On the conceptual and linguistic activity of psychologists: the study of behavior from the 1890s to the 1990s and beyond. Behavior and Philosophy, 32, 13--35. Retrieved from Academic Search Premier Database. Summary: Early in the twentieth century psychology became the study of "behavior.” This article reviews developments within animal psychology, functional psychology, and American society and culture that help explain how a term rarely used in the first years of the century became not only an accepted scientific concept but even, for many, an all-encompassing label for the entire subject matter of the discipline. Leary then discussed the subsequent research of Watson, Dolman, Hull, and Skinner, as they attempted to explain ‘behavior’ throughout the course of the twentieth century. Finally, the article suggests the need for greater conceptual and linguistic diversity in psychology. In this last regard, reference is made to cognition and consciousness, to

57 James and Dewey, and to the fact that prediction and control of behavior, or behavior modification, might not be the most relevant aim of contemporary psychology. Analysis: This article examines what was going on in animal research, functional human psychology, and American society as a whole that led to Watson’s issuance of his behaviorist manifesto in1913, and the perceived limitations of behavioral research today. Beginning with Darwin’s work, which placed humans squarely within the animal kingdom; researchers began to investigate comparative animal intelligence, which eventually led to dropping speculations about animal minds, and consciousness, which cannot be observed, and substituting studies of their learning and behavior, the only things that scientists can observe in animals. However, James and Dewey were also influenced by Darwin, arguing that mind is expressed in natural selection of purposive action, adapting responses to environmental stimuli for the purpose of survival. Consciousness selects action appropriate in terms of consequences, thereby developing mind as a tool serving survival, evolving in the struggle for existence. Perspectives: Mind is therefore a function within the stream of consciousness, orchestrating life processes through learning from experience. The pragmatists thereby helped lay the critical ground for research that transcends the narrow goals of prediction and control of behavior. Concepts from systems and chaos theory, such as self-adaptive systems and emergence, have replaced Darwin’s Malthusian metaphors. Meaning can no longer be excluded from the study of social phenomena, as we deal with objects that are socially defined and study systems that include self-reflective processes such as our own efforts to understand human behavior.

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Nolt, J. (2008). Truth as an epistemic ideal. Journal of Philosophical Logic, 37(3), 203—237. doi: 10. 1007/s10992-007-9068-9 Summary: Peirce, James, Putnam and Wright have variously proposed truth as an epistemic ideal (TEI), meaning that fixed warranty by human observers under ideal conditions of knowledge is the necessary and sufficient condition of truth. Kripke’s semantics of intuitionist logic are here used to examine this notion. Nolt shows that standards of warrant, and one’s ideal standard for inquiry both determine truth as so defined. The problem of truth has not been resolved, merely pushed back by any such definition, which may in fact be circular. All requirements but one of formal logic are here met, but the difficulties involved in defining ‘warrant’ still leave us with the problem of truth, which was the starting point. Analysis: Weber, James, and Mannheim all wrestled with the problem of truth as presented under empiricism’s critique of idealism, which originates in the skepticism of Socrates. The problem is to find some middle ground between relativism and absolutism that will enable critique without dissolution into solipsism, the inevitable end of empiricism and rationalism. Peirce and James both supplied definitions of warrant that imply endless scientific inquiry, with perhaps the most reasonable interpretation of Peirce making it the regulative ideal of inquiry, perhaps the best for which we can hope. No useful notion of truth is infallible, but must be at least falsifiable by further experience, which is unknowable.

59 Perspectives: In Sayer’s (1992) terms of practical adequacy, to predict results which are useful subject to the purpose of inquiry, notions of truth must remain open to the possibility of failure even if they are contrary to previous experience. Unverified or unverifiable presumptions lacking practical adequacy are in fact useless. TEI summarizes a common thread in the efforts of many to create a critical methodology that remains anchored in truth while avoiding the extremes of relativism and absolutism. It runs through the methods of James, Mannheim, and Weber, and is preserved in Marx’s New Humanism (1962). Sayer’s (1992) realist method is the most comprehensive explication of this methodology, which is crucial for the future development of humanistic social science.

Ormerod, R. (2006). The history and ideas of pragmatism. The Journal of the Operational Research Society, 57(8), 892. doi: 10. 1057/palgrave. jors. 2602065 Summary: This paper examined the origins of philosophical pragmatism in the USA in the second half of the 19th-century and its development and use up to the Second World War. The story was told through the lives and ideas of some of the main originators: Holmes, Peirce, James, and Dewey. The core idea of pragmatism, that beliefs are guides to actions and should be judged against outcomes rather than abstract principles, dominated American thinking during the period of economic and political growth from which the USA emerged as a world power. The paper suggested that the practical, common sense, scientific approach embedded in pragmatism resonates with practical operations research, and that much of pragmatism could be attractive to practitioners and academics alike.

60 Analysis: Kant coined the term ‘pragmatic belief’ in his Critique of Pure Reason, (1781/2003), which exercised a heavy influence on Peirce. His primacy of will thereby originated in Schopenhauer’s elevation of will over intellect. Mill’s Utilitarianism provided the valuation of action in terms of results, the optimum result being the greatest good for the greatest number. Peirce’s original philosophy of pragmatism, which he redubbed ‘Pragmaticism’ to distinguish it from James’ popularization, identified meaning in terms of the practical link between an idea and the results expected in practice. Peirce used this as the criterion of truth for obtaining observable results through the application of scientific method, and for establishing standards of objectivity for inquiry. James defined experience not as that of scientific research communities, but rather as relative to the individual stream of consciousness. The practical meaning of ideas is here put to work in a personal rather than scientific context, according to the individual’s ability to use them to predict experience, controlling emotions and behavior through internal rather than external social sanctions. Perspectives: My efforts to build a thriving insurance agency will be strongly rooted in operations research methodology, with a strong emphasis on pragmatism in terms of the no nonsense, scientific approach suggested here. In sales training, much cognitive damage is inflicted on the trainees by the organization’s ideological demands, which is a situation I must avoid in developing critical possibility thinking.

61 Packard, N. (2008). Weber on status-groups and collegiality: Applying the analysis to a modern organization. Humanity and Society, 32(1), 2-23. Retrieved from SocINDEX database. Summary: The article explicated Weber’s derivation of the ideal type ‘status-group’ from his studies of the Chinese Literati, and then applied it to the Göring Institute of World War II Germany. Göring stole the Freud Institute (abandoned by Dr. Freud barely in time to save his own life) and provided it with a Nazi mandate for conversion into a modern, state-funded mental health industry practicing psychotherapy in the interests of the state. As occupational statusgroups, both the Literati and Nazi therapists generated and mediated social value conflicts, especially during times of political stress (although the Nazis did not achieve their projected thousand years of experience). The Reich generously funded short-term directive therapeutic practice to align deviant behavior with specific social norms through behavior modification, providing a medical rationale for compulsive, invasive physical treatment administered by medical doctors. Analysis: Weber’s 1903 thesis of the Iron Cage of capitalism provides a firm grasp, in human terms, of the rise of Nazi power in Germany, not forgetting Weber’s own contribution to racist theory noted elsewhere in this thesis. The Calvinist thesis of the natural depravity of man, and the grace of God’s omniscient selection of the elect from the damned contributed heavily to the development of modern capitalism under the Puritan work ethic. As a secular religious ethic, the spirit of capitalism had lost its spiritual aspect, becoming fully rationalized, secularized and institutionalized through the British and later the American industrial revolutions. By the 20th

62 Century, the Nazi medical propaganda machine exploited Luther‘s ideal of the calling, creating a secular religion by transforming the rationale for obedience to God’s will into obedience to the state. This ideal social norm supposedly returned Germans to their psychological religious roots, even to the point of obliterating self for the service of the state, all to the glory of God, in this case der Führer. Perspectives: The reason Hitler was so heavily admired by corporate elements in the United States prior to his pact with Stalin can be found in this analysis of the role of ideology, posing as absolute scientific truth, in the creation of a garrison state. The USA Patriot Act and the Homeland Security Act, along with the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (formerly the Simpson-Mazzoli Bill), draconian anti-poor laws posing as drug control laws, such as the mandatory minimum sentencing laws of 1986), the ongoing state level privatization of prisons since the Attica rebellion and massacre, and many other tendencies in American life point in the same direction. This is why the critical teeth were stripped out of social science methodology, with a happy smile now defining the meaning of verstehen. This is all being accomplished under the auspices of the secular religion of Puritanical capitalism, as defined by Weber, who would have found little fault in Hitler’s application of his ideas. To define the kind of people we want to become, we must clearly understand the kind of people we are.

Pooley, J. (2007). Edward Shils’ turn against Karl Mannheim: the Central European connection. American Sociology, 38, p364–382. doi10. 1007/s12108-007-9027-5 Summary:

63 While at the London School of Economics, Edward Shils was influenced by Karl Popper and Friedrich Hayek to criticize Karl Mannheim’s sociology of knowledge, which he had previously embraced enthusiastically, conducting a vituperative and merciless assault on Mannheim’s theoretical work. This sudden transformation cannot be understood outside of what Kennan (1961) described as the paranoia of embattled democracies in defending themselves during troubled times. Hayek and Popper took issue with all who advanced any form of state planning, as manifested in the Engels/Plekhanov strain of Marxism touted by the Stalinists, in the national socialism of Germany, or John Menard Keynes’ (1938, 2008) General Theory of Income and Employment, Interest, and Money touted at Cambridge. However, as a fellow Hungarian émigré and lecturing professor at the London School, Mannheim was by far their closest and best target. Analysis: According to Shils’, Hayek’s, and Popper’s criticism of Mannheim, his “totalizing” outlook represented the cynicism of idealistic intellectuals whom they thought had paved the way for fascism and communism. They held Mannheim to be an especially obnoxious and egregious example of the kind of pompous epigone they thoroughly despised. Mannheim saw a philosopher/king role for intellectuals in creation of a sociology of knowledge suitable for policy and planning. This involved far more than the abstract ‘economic man’ of Keynesianism, and had no relationship to Stalinist or Nazi state planning. However, such inconvenient facts weighed less in their estimation of Mannheim as a target for intellectual wrath than did the fact that he was so close at hand. Mannheim attempted to analyze and understand the various ideological positions available within Western political thought.

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Perspectives: Because they can disassociate themselves from their point of origin, Mannheim held that intellectuals may be especially suited to synthesize social knowledge to provide a holistic (not totalitarian) view from the partial insights of the various intellectual factions. Mannheim’s position built on Lukacs’ (1923/1971) (another Hungarian intellectual, as was Popper) History and Class Consciousness. Mannheim had little to say about the sociology of the class that produces social knowledge, and therefore lacked the capacity for self-criticism, a failing not at all uncommon even today. However, the criticism of his fellow Hungarian intellectuals must today be regarded as mean-spirited anti-communism, probably aimed at Mannheim’s roots in the ideas of Georgi Lukacs. Mannheim’s critique of ideology is especially appropriate today, with the death of ideology (Bell, 1960/2000) and its rebirth as Foucault’s nominalism.

Reiland, R. (2006). Fat cats, Calvin, and the poor. The Humanist, 66(6). Retrieved from Proquest Research Library Database. Summary: As an economist, Reiland recognized the influence of Weber’s thesis on the relationship between the development of capitalism and Calvinism, and related his experience of the Calvinist moral code at Muskingum College in Ohio, which retained a strict moral code left over from its origin in the church. As a Catholic, he was scape-goated at the school for Romanism, and failed to see the absolute justice of the Calvinist deity in foreordaining billions of humans to absolute poverty while blessing the super-rich with enervating over-abundance.

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Analysis: As an economics professor at Robert Morris University in Pittsburgh, Reiland recognized the implications of Weber’s thesis on the role of predestination in determining the Puritan work ethic as a driving force in the development of capitalism. Weber saw no injustice in the poverty of billions of people, but saw it as his job to create a social science that would prevent the degenerate and weak from overcoming the strong, especially under capitalist competition, where command over labor and capital markets by racial elites must be maintained and supported by the state. Reiland seemed to miss Weber’s point, that capitalist markets cannot be relied upon to protect the strong from the weak, and that scientifically guided government intervention may be needed to aid “survival of the fittest” under capitalist conditions. To Weber, this was no reason to overthrow capitalism or embrace a more humanistic value system, but provided the unexamined values that guided his “value-free” methodology, the purpose of which was to control deviant behavior in the service of the strong, or “the elect” of capitalism. Perspectives: This work shows the outlines of the Puritan work ethic in forming a secular religion in today’s society. Of special interest is the scape-goating of the poor, a remnant from the ancient religious practice of human sacrifice to appease angry deities, which functions today to maintain the belief in the prevalence of justice. Under God’s omniscient plan of predestination, justice can be seen in the destruction of the morally weak, or the moral weakness of whomever suffers as did the biblical Job. Job’s job was to suffer. In a perfect society (actually, not perfect so much as

66 unevaluated through lack of critical acumen), imperfection is literally in the eye of the beholder. By confessing our sins, we may always be forgiven, even before the torch is set to the kindling.

Skrupskelis, I. (2007). Evolution and pragmatism: An unpublished letter of William James. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society, 43(4), p745-752. Retrieved from Proquest Database. Summary: In this previously unpublished letter to William Erasmus Darwin (Charles Darwin’s son, named after his grandfather), William James explained the importance of evolutionary theory to the philosophy of pragmatism, both theoretically and morally, James always recognized the complexity of psychology as a higher biological function, both in terms of the need for a radical approach to empiricism in such a science and in understanding humans in terms of our existence as biological organisms. It is not some ineffable ‘soul’ that differentiates humans from other animals, but precisely the fact that we make it our business to know and to evaluate. Analysis: James’s most distinctive views, both theoretical and moral, were shaped by the new theory of Darwin, which clearly located humanity within the animal world. In the struggle of the human organism for existence, knowledge and values both serve biological functions in helping us to survive. James held standards of truth to be relative to the purpose of action, and the concrete difference they actually make, rather than to some presumed essential, ideal realm of reality. No absolute essence, whether objective or subjective, can define an absolute morality that is in fact missing from nature herself. Perspectives:

67 As opposed to both rationalism and empiricism, there is an empirical relationship between subject and object in experience. Moral knowledge cannot be progressive because there is no ideal target state for evolution. No evolutionary goal is possible involving any absolute typology of perfection, completely separated from the conditions of existence. The transformative, developmental perspective of biological evolution permits no such moral goal. However, contrary to the Jamsean formulation, I would hold that social evolution occurs within moral perspectives, and can be evaluated in terms perhaps not completely separated from the conditions of existence.

Weinstein, J. (2003). Civics as applied sociology. Social Justice, 30(4), p21+. Retrieved from Questia database.

Summary: A group becomes self-conscious, in Sorokin’s term ‘for itself,’ when it provides each functional member with the same degree of access to and influence on the decision-making process, reaching its full potential to achieve an emergent existence. Through the democratic process, the group can understand, explain, and act on its own interests. In practice, sociology applied to anything less than a democratically governed group is simply dealing with an object, indulging in reductionist psychologism. That is why the sociologist is always looking for representative, statistically significant samples, which enable reliable generalization to the universe. The statistically significant random sample is one in which each member of the population has an equal probability of being selected. The attributes of a democratic aggregate are most representative of the group.

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Analysis: Upton Sinclair’s League for Industrial Democracy (LID) articulated the principle that, for democracy to remain functional, it must operate within all institutional decision-making processes, such as education, industry, and civic organizations. Sinclair elucidated industrial democracy in Sinclairism, which the Japanese applied in implementing quality circles, as opposed to Taylorism, still the ruling paradigm for management control of production in the US. As the student auxiliary of LID, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) issued the Port Huron Statement, which focused applied sociology on the development of a fully democratized society, which must supply the underpinning of political democracy for it to work. The philosophical forerunners of sociological thought were the first to take the idea of popular rule seriously, and promote democracy. Perspectives Smith’s ‘invisible hand’ suggested that social causation may occur behind the backs of purposeful actors in the marketplace, reaping unintended results. Smith’s political orientation was that of laissez faire, which did not connote today’s meaning that elites should be left to plunder the public treasury in peace, but rather that society, conceived as a democratic marketplace, should be left alone by plutocrats, autocrats, kings, and aristocrats. Unrestricted capitalism, under these conditions, would not result in monopolistic advantage, but rather a fair and equitable division of labor. This was an ideal that could be easily associated with Jeffersonian democracy and the revolutionary spirit of America in 1776.

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Zimmerman, A. (2006). Decolonizing Weber. Postcolonial Studies, 9 (1), 53-79. doi: 10. 1080/13668250500488827 Summary: Here Weber is identified as a far-right ideologue, sometimes a lone spokesperson for imperialism in academic circles, and an original theorist of neo-racism for the neo-colonial era, denying the sole role of biological determinants in racial inferiority, while upholding, and thereby rationalizing the dominant culture of the colonizer over the native in what Fanon (1952/2008) identified as the Settler/Native dialectic. The “white man’s burden is thereby upheld, replicating the political and economic inequities of imperialism in the post-colonial era. Under new nationalist flags, the citizens of the former empire now immigrate to the metropolitan centers of the West for their education, where they learn the dominant values of settler culture, which they return home to implement as administrators over the deracialized, economic empire of neo-colonialism. Europe is no longer the conqueror, but merely the superior civilization to which all others must conform. Analysis: Modern globalization reflects a mobility of capital that demands stagnation and continued underdevelopment, thereby feigning a ‘cultural relativism’ that actually imposes cultural superiority under empire that supersedes racial superiority under colonialism. Through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, Western investors maintain conditions of slave labor and free exploitation of natural resources such as oil and precious metals, whether through the establishment of racist hierarchies or by way of more flexible cultural hierarchies (Rhodes,

70 1970). Globalization is the new by-word for empire, with forms of economic and political domination replacing the gunboat diplomacy of the British Empire, now under the one-world rubric of Pax-Americana. Before the old colonialism had died, Weber had already prepared the analytical framework for the new imperialism that commenced with the ascendency of America over the British Empire at the end of WWII (Greene, 1970). Weber simply precludes all perspectives that are nonwestern, or do not uphold the status quo. Perspectives: Today’s ‘cultural relativist’ Weberian epigones, whom Marx would have identified as ‘prize-fighters’ for capitalism, use Weber’s rationalization of capitalist economics as their springboard for apologetics for the status quo. Weber differed little from Marx’s explanation of class conflict, placing his adumbration of the new, empirical science of sociology squarely on the side of the ruling rather than insurgent classes. Today’s neo-racists appeal to Weber rather than Marx to denigrate all suggestions that political and economic inequities have any social origin as ‘dependency theory,’ which is patently false in the neo-racist world view.

71 Literature Review Essay Kant Jonathan Edwards systematized and justified the Puritan theme of predestination (cited in Ormerod, 2006) at the core of Weber’s (2002) identification of the instrumental role of the Puritan work ethic in the foundation of capitalism, which we will explore in relation to Jamesean psychology and Mannheim’s concept of ideology. To the Puritan, the ground of reality lies in the mind of God, who communicates his ideas to humanity through His Word. Unitarianism reacted to the Calvinistic postulate of the inherent depravity of humankind by developing a creed asserting the innate moral goodness of the individual. Seeking a philosophic alternative to the Unitarian religion, as well as to Locke’s empiricism, Emerson helped develop New England Transcendentalism as a stronghold against Calvinism and the Enlightenment, under the influence of Kant distinguishing between intuitive reason and analysis of sense experience. Emerson influenced Nietzsche, James, Dewey, and Holmes. Peirce: Kant (2003), who originally coined the term ‘pragmatic belief’ (from the Greek pragmatikos, meaning deed) in his Critique of Pure Reason, influenced Peirce’s thinking greatly. Peirce’s primacy of Will derived from Schopenhauer’s elevation of Will over intellect. His valuation of action in terms of results originated in the Utilitarianism of Mill, for which the optimum result is the greatest good for the greatest number. Peirce borrowed from all of these sources to state the original philosophy of pragmatism, identifying the meaning of an idea in the link between its application and the ensuing results. His primary concerns were with obtaining

72 observable results through the application of positivistic scientific method, and establishing objective standards. Peirce defined the scientific endeavor in terms of research communities devoted to disinterested inquiry (Ormerod, 2006). He distinguished between mathematics and positive science, the former drawing logically necessary conclusions from formal hypotheses, the latter deriving positive knowledge about reality from experience. Philosophy is concerned with common sense in its greatest generality, providing a general conception of reality that serves as a basis for the remainder of the positive sciences: Phenomenology, normative science (aesthetics and ethics), and metaphysics. Phenomenology brings order to experience by inquiring into the general characteristics of all phenomena, however derived. Peirce thought of predicates in terms of consistency with realism rather than nominalism, deriving semiotics as a theory of meaning. Today, semiotics is divided into semantics, the meaning of meaning; syntactics, the study of grammar and deep structure; and pragmatics, which Habermas developed as communications theory. Semiotics fathered the structuralism of Claude Levi-Strauss in the 1950s and 1960s and laid the foundation for today’s post-structuralism. Peirce’s epistemology derived from his experience as a laboratory scientist, which led him to believe that the universe is intelligible, and accessible to understanding (Ormerod, 2006). To Peirce, science is a cooperative endeavor, taking for granted propositions already established as certain. Scientific method presumes a reality independent of opinion, affecting the five senses according to natural laws, and enabling reasonable judgments about reality. Knowledge is fallible, induction providing the test of certainty, with progress measured by the self-correcting elimination of errors through experience. Peirce’s affinity with Darwinism arose not from

73 Darwin’s refutation of teleology, but rather from the process of natural selection, which is grounded in random mutations, or errors. All observations are made within defined limits of error, and natural laws change and adapt over time, becoming absolute only by the pragmatic decision of a scientific research community. We sharpen concepts and hypotheses by considering their practical effects (Ormerod, 2006). For instance, truth is the conclusion that anyone who investigates a matter long enough will eventually draw, emerging from the consensus of the research community as opinions converge. Peirce based quantitative induction on statistical sampling, by which the probability that an element within a population possesses a particular property can be established. His method of qualitative induction samples the consequences of a hypothesis. Cumulative inductive sampling eventually restricts the limits of error indefinitely as observation statistically approaches the correct probability value. Peirce’s central theme throughout voluminous writings on numerous scientific subjects was the question, “What does it mean to say that we know something in a world based on chance?” Uncertainty means that knowledge is fallible, and that mind therefore cannot mirror reality. Knowledge can only be determined socially through the scientific consensus of a research community. James William James’ Pragmatism: A New Name for Some Old Ways of Thinking (1907) replaced Peirce’s experience of scientific research communities with individual experience. Here James put Peirce’s concept of meaning to work in a personal rather than scientific context, deriving the usefulness of ideas in terms of the individual’s ability to use them in predicting experience, enhancing emotions, and controlling behavior internally rather than being controlled

74 externally through social sanctions. Jamesean radical empiricism viewed reality as constructed through pure experience. He defined pragmatism as oriented toward consequences and action rather than any closed ontology, a priori presumption, idée fixee, or absolute; focusing on facts, consequences, and adequacy: “…ideas (which themselves are but part of our experience) become true just in so far as they help us to get into satisfactory relation with other parts of our experience, to summarize them and get about among them by conceptual short-cuts instead of following the interminable succession of particular phenomena” (cited in Ormerod, 2006). Truth is the result of belief defined as that upon which we are prepared to take action, applied in a specific context. The Cambridge pragmatism of James and Peirce influenced Lewis, Goodman, Quine, Kuhn, and Putman. James explained Peirce’s philosophy clearly and concisely to the intelligent layman, providing a model for popularization of scientific ideas without bowdlerization. James began his laboratory scientific work in physiology in 1861, founding the first psychological laboratory at the Harvard School of Medicine two years after Darwin (1859/2006) announced the Darwin/Wallace theory of evolution, forcing publication of his own 20 years of research as The Origin of Species. Louis Agassiz, James’ mentor, opposed the theory, while Jeffries Wyman, another mentor, supported the new research, although the intellectual community generally received it as under-cutting the theistic account of creation. Organizing the new science of psychology, James created empirical methods for the study of psych, Aristotle’s soul stripped of religious connotations. His grounding in Darwinian biology inspired functionalism, the view of mental activities as rooted in the biological needs of living organisms; although James and Darwin both warned against considering function in isolation from structure,

75 an annoying habit of contemporary pseudo-intellectuals Gould (2002) identified as neoDarwinists. In his Principles of Psychology, James (1890/1950) clearly distinguished between the science he was explicating and its philosophical background, thereby establishing heuristic methods appropriate to the study as well as the hermeneutic validity of its concepts. Sharing American philosophical concerns, he clarified thinking about the new science. James later turned exclusively to philosophical writing, but his primary concerns in creating Radical Empiricism and contributing to pragmatism have clear roots in his views on psychology as a science, which he explored in Principles. Reaching deeply into the philosophical past of psychological thought, James laid a fresh and robust foundation for a new science that continues to generate research questions today, a century later. A self-described radical empiricist, James grounds Principles in the science of physiology while taking for granted the clearest introspective human experience, that individual minds are somehow (in a manner still mysterious, dimly perceived, as through a glass darkly) functionally grounded in the structure of the human brain. The mind is an evolutionary adaptation to environment far more flexible than any instinct, or genetically programmed behavior. Like Peirce and all realists, James assumed that physical reality exists independently of our minds. In Principles he defined psychology as “the science of mental life, both of its phenomena and of their conditions” (cited in Heidbreder, 1933, p156). The phenomenological aspect is borne in the stream of consciousness, whereas the conditions of mental life emerge from brain physiology.

76 As his first major scientific problem, James studied Kant’s theory of scientific method, the empiricism of Chauncey Wright, and the evolutionism of Herbert Spencer. Wright considered the empirical justification of cause and effect to be a universal postulate in scientific inquiry, following Hume and Mill in believing that inductive inferences must be empirically justified because no a priori principle can supply the necessary connection. The young James first accepted this postulate as a classical empiricist, later critiquing this principle, radically extending Peirce’s objections. In the last chapter of Principles, (1950) ‘Necessary Truths and the Effects of Experience,’ James summed up his preliminary methodological findings. From Spencer, James noted variability and fitness as two primary mechanisms of survival. However, Spencer popularized Lamarkian ideas about ‘use inheritance,’ which he used to rationalize his idea of society as a big, highly evolved animal. Rejecting such nonsense, James took Darwin’s concept of biological variation and selection, and combined it with falsification through testing of hypotheses in Pierce and Lotze to devise his theory of mental evolution, which he called ‘psychogenesis.’ To James, variability of ideas results in selection through adaptation to experience. That which is useful in realizing our ends is true, emphasizing an individual, as opposed to social (Peirce’s scientific consensus) criterion of truth. We choose based on the effects of experience. The action of will is choice, understood as selection, and viewed in terms of Darwin’s theory of natural selection. James clearly distinguished the limits of rationality, with Pearson finding the sole foundation of logic and mathematics in the innate capacity to compare, excluding experience. To Pearson, reality consisted of elementary qualities, sensations that constitute the a priori properties of subjectivity (cited in Woodward, 1993). These experiences, working directly,

77 impose order on inner relations, which in directly influence the mind. From the materials of experience, thought creates abstract systems and hypothetical laws, the very stuff of thought. Predication, classification, reasoning and mathematics are the bases of rationality. Rational thought cannot tell whether its contents, such as numbers and geometric forms, are real, but only that if they are, then certain formal relationships exist among them. James refused to follow Kant’s analytic/synthetic distinction. Quine (cited in Woodward, 1993) noted that he would expect such a distinction to fall in any theory of man-made truth. Truth may be found through introspection and analysis of a working hypothesis, narrowing error by approaching a limit in an evolutionary process. The truth of an idea is established through events, in relation to its practical consequences relative to particular thoughts through a process of inquiry. Truth is not related to any correspondence theory of mind and reality. Kant’s critiques of reason and morality suggest that truth is based on belief. Peirce’s hypothesis testing and Lotze’s Kantian view of scientific method lead to the same conclusion. James synthesized both the Kant/Peirce suggestion that truth is based on belief, and Darwin’s theory of evolution into his own theory of mental evolution, psychogenesis (Woodward, 1993), but did not accept the Kantian duality between phenomena and noumena, theoretical and practical knowledge. James argued that in no aspect of experience can ideas be seen as reflections, or copies of reality. Although he wished to ground scientific and moral truth in something more than learning from experience, he would not accept any logical theory that coherence within a deductive framework could guarantee truth. Seeking guidance from nature, James extended the Darwin/Wallace concept of natural selection to the realm of ideas. He clearly rejected the philosophic dualism of mind/body. Ideas are neither copies of reality, nor are they merely

78 rational or empirical. Wherever beliefs come from, their truth is established through a process of selection, in which those that are most adapted to practice survive. Woodward found this concept coherent with modern ideas about probability and chaos, especially Croce’s 1990 thesis (cited in Woodward, 1993), calling attention to James’ open, probabilistic ontology, and Siegfried’s 1978 thesis on chaos. Whether or not James provided final answers to questions of the philosophy of science, he clearly stated the problems, and refused to commit himself to any existing school of thought. It is interesting that, after he wrote the last chapter of Principles, his interests focused on philosophy from that point forward, and rather than rewrite his work using the radically empirical methodology he had derived from this study of the human mind, he went on to state the principles of Radical Empiricism and became a major influence in the philosophy of pragmatism, which inspired behaviorism in psychology and led to the science of social psychology. Consciousness lies in the action of the cerebral cortex, as it mediates between neural inputs and outputs. The immediate and personal character of experience provides the fundamental data of psychology. James evaluated all of the new kinds of psychological investigations, including the experimentalism of Wundt (whose mature developments in Gestalt theory he never lived to see), British Associationism, and French studies of psychopathic personalities, valuing knowledge won through all methods, while critiquing narrow views and research principles. Even in his psychical research, James clearly distinguished between speculation and observation. “He was fundamentally of a scientific turn of mind…. (although) he was so alive to human hopes and desires (especially religion, which he investigated in Varieties

79 of Religious Experience (2008)) that he could not help giving them a chance” (Heidbreder, 1933, p156) (parenthetical words mine). Grounding his phenomenology of consciousness in will, choice, and belief, James considered intellect to be only one of many human coping mechanisms. He observed that deterministic rationalism appeals only to intellect, constituting a kind of blindness to other human faculties. James’ sharp critique exposed the true appeal of determinism in terms of its practical result, which is to serve as a pillow to intellectual sloth in over-simplifying reality rather than grappling with its complexity. All thought originates in experience, which validates and verifies value as truth. The clearest and most immediate field of experience is selfconsciousness. Although James would eventually deal with challenges to the existence of consciousness in his philosophy, he considered such questions to be too metaphysical for the science of psychology. Consciousness of self is an empirical fact, and every thought is part of a personal consciousness, whether of a primary or secondary personality. With Heraclitus, James believed that we can never step twice into the same stream (of consciousness), that any idea reconsidered exists in an altered state, and that the object of thought must never be confused with the process of thinking about it. James rejected determinism as inadequate to moral experience, and evaluated varieties of religious experience (James, 2008) (experience = reality) as empirically verifiable. With Bergson, James rejected Hume’s “sensate” as the foundation of causation and necessity. We exercise freedom of will relative to a future open to possibility and effort. In dismissing Plato’s ideal realm of absolute truth as a myth, James dismissed both absolute idealism and naïve objectivism.

80 To James, the dualism between subject and object is an empirical, inescapable fact of psychology. Single, complete thoughts, inseparable from language, reference objects with all of the ‘fringe’ connotations that accompany transitive states of consciousness. This stream flows without break, form interacting with substance, thereby creating complexity in terms of unity and continuity. Perception is selective, leading to deliberation and choice in identifying the attributes of its object. Not all selection activities are volitional, some are even unconscious, but nevertheless selection narrows the possibilities in the stream of consciousness. The individual constructs self out of such material, thereby finding salvation and meeting her calling, which we will explore in Weber’s (2002) identification of the Protestant ethic. When behavior adapts to circumstances, arriving at the same goal through a variety of means, following James we can infer the existence of mind. In Principles, James postulated a stream of consciousness, with the entire brain constantly changing its state as human will directs thought, resulting in behavior. Taking partial semiotic cues from James, the Behaviorists reduced this concept of perception and thought embedded in experience to simple stimulus and response, and learning to simple and operant conditioning, both objectively observable, as constituting the entire field of psychology. Watson, Pavlov, and Skinner reduced Jamesean spontaneity, grounded in free will, to genetically preprogrammed behavior, or instinct, which can be shaped in the laboratory using variable rewards and punishments in a technique known as Behavior Modification. Presumably lacking the self-consciousness requisite to mental life, the founders of Behaviorism assumed no empirical distinction between mind and body, dismissed introspection as unscientific in favor of observing behavior, and inferred nothing unobservable, deeming consciousness an empty

81 abstraction. Denying consciousness as an unverifiable intervening variable, similar to the discarded physical concepts of ‘phlogisten’ and ‘ether,’ Behaviorism rejected Jamesean selfawareness, embracing only the functionalism derived from James’ evolutionary biology. James viewed self-consciousness from two perspectives. As awareness of self, ‘I’ thinks, whereas ‘Me’ is the objective self, projected in social life as observed by others, with a spiritual aspect. Personal identity is the remembered sequence of self in action. We exercise the will to believe through habit. James believed his personal clinical depression was brought on through over-indulgence in introspection, his primary scientific methodology, and overcame this medical problem through action and choice. James’ Varieties of Religious Experience (2008) presented this struggle as a moral choice, sustained through faith, which is the will to believe. He thought too highly of human aspirations, hopes, and dreams to crush faith under the enfilade of empiricism (the empiricism of a machine gun, in Lenin’s apt phrase). To quote C. L. R. James (1947, para. 7): “The bourgeois hypotheses are for the most part unconscious. They are the inevitability of bourgeois society, natural division of labor, more particularly of men into capitalists and workers, constantly expanding technical progress, constantly expanding production, constantly expanding democracy, and constantly rising culture. But during the last thirty years, these have crumbled to dust in their hands. They have no hypotheses they can believe in and that is why they cannot think. Historical facts, large and small, continuously deliver shattering blows at the foundation of their logical system. Nothing remains for them but the logic of the machine gun, and the crude empiricism of police violence.” William James’ interest in religion was detached and impersonal, and his assessment of belief empirical. James hoped to establish the validity of religion through mystical experience, and did not dismiss the possibility of Spiritualism (which Houdini the magician later thoroughly debunked). William Barrett (cited in Ormerod, 2006), the existentialist philosopher (Sartre was

82 influenced by James), suggested that perhaps James should have taken a more pragmatic approach to religion, elevating prayer to the status of praxis. Others see a Svedborgian religious influence through his father, Henry. James pointed out that established beliefs are held, in the face of contradictory facts, until some new idea enables a new synthesis of old and new experience. Kuhn (1996) picked up on this idea, defining normative research and its response to change. Barrett (cited in Ormerod, 2006) observed that Wittgenstein’s pragmatic analysis of language, and the 20th Century rise of Existentialism under the influence of Heidegger and Sartre have brought James’ ideas back into vogue: “(James) is a thinker of very great force.” Subsequent directions in psychology and epistemology derived from James’ attitude toward introspection. One extreme considers our awareness of our own states of consciousness to be the immediate, infallible, undistorted experience of reality, as distinct from the reconstructed form in which we know external objects. Comte (founder of naïve objectivist sociology), took the opposite extreme, according to which “the thinker cannot divide himself into two, of whom one reasons while the other observes him reason. The organ observed and the organ observing being, in this case, identical, how could observation take place?” (cited in Heidbreder, 1933). Comte is here presuming objectivity as possible only in the absolute separation of subject from object. Sayer (1992) identified Comte’s formula as Scientism, a bastardized mix of idealism and empiricism concocted by Comte in applying J. S. Mills’ recipe for a new social science, modeled on the mechanistic natural science married to technology and capitalism that emerged from and drove the industrial revolution. Today’s normative social science inherited Comte’s materialistic,

83 deterministic precepts. Although functional and behavioral psychological methodologists paid lip service to James, their reductionist interpretation of pragmatism fully embraced the British Empiricism James had so thoroughly criticized as woefully inadequate for any humanistic science. Although Hume’s empiricism was considered radical in its day, James established his own separate stream of Radical Empiricism. Philosophically, modern empiricists were children of Epicurus, Democritus, and Lucretius, whereas James derived insights about change (Heraclitan fire) from Stoicism. Zeno’s paradox was designed to show the impossibility of change under atomistic assumptions, which British Empiricists adopted while dismissing Zeno as a Sophist. Simply ignoring Zeno through misinterpretation rather than grappling with the implications of the paradox prevented modern naïve, objectivist materialists from understanding causation in terms of structural relationship between systemic elements, recognizing only contingent rather than causal relationships. To James, both causal and contingent relations are directly experienced in terms of relationships between structure and function. To James, contra Comte, introspection is verifiable using appropriate methods. His methodological approach to introspection resonates strongly with, and clearly foreshadows Sayer’s (1992) middle ground between idealism and relativism, which he labeled ‘realism,’ James focused more on experience, whereas Sayer focused on the role of experience in defining reality. Sayer’s criterion of truth is ‘practical adequacy,’ which is the extent to which knowledge in action generates expectations that are subsequently realized. James’ criterion of truth is utility, which is the extent to which an idea helps explain experience. “The true, to put it very briefly, is only the expedient in the way of

84 our thinking, just as the right is only the expedient in the way of our behaving" (cited in Crosby, & Viney, 1993). To James, reality is what we experience. Sayer’s stream of realism is the legitimate descendant of the exploratory methodology James first discovered in Principles, and subsequently clarified in his philosophic statement of Radical Empiricism. In James’ view, subject and object are empirically and irreducibly separated in terms of experience, rather than subject to any philosophical distinction. Continental Rationalism (Descartes’ ‘ghost in the machine’) absolutely separated subject from an unknowable object, known only through the reflection of sensations relative to a priori ideal prototypes. To somehow look behind experience for ‘true’ forms, known only to intuition, is pointless when the truth of an idea can only be defined in terms of its practical adequacy to experience. The world of thought and our thoughts about the world are both connected to experience. Cartesian doubt (actually reconstituted Scholasticism, stripped of any concept of divinity) and John Locke notwithstanding, form cannot be separated from substance. To Sayer (1992), neither theory nor observation can be value-neutral, in line with James’ critique of Comte’s definition of scientific objectivity, which rendered absurd the notion that human interests have nothing to do with scientific constructions. Science begins with a “craving to believe that the things of the world belong to kinds which are related by inward rationality together” (cited in Crosby & Viney, 1993). Science is selective, built on plastic human assumptions and demands. James denied the rationalistic “law of sufficient reason,” admitting order and chaos, causation and mystery. Methodology must be pluralistic, adapted to the subject matter at hand. James evaluated all experience (reality) in terms of memory, judgment, and

85 inquiry. The sensate, from which selective perception determines the way we construct reality, exists within the stream of consciousness. James would have been comfortable with Sayer’s socially constructed objects, which perhaps reflect Peirce’s criterion of truth as educated opinion upon which a research community must eventually agree. Although British Empiricism upheld the primacy of experience over theory, it contradicted this principle in adhering to the dogma of atomism, causation as grounded only in succession, the absolute separation of the five senses, and accepting a priori judgments and propositions as something other than as formal definitions or empirical hypotheses subject to experimental confirmation. James recognized the specific problems arising in both experimental and comparative methods, identifying two transcendent linguistic problems that result in confusion between thought and its object: Mental facts for which no words exist will be missed entirely, and words can identify facts for which there is no introspective evidence of existence. The persistent identity we attribute to ideas is a result of our confusion of thoughts with their objects, which he found to be the primary sin of empiricism, whether Continental or British. Furthermore, in observing a mental state, the psychologist must identify only what is, “undistorted by custom, learning, or the uncritical habits of common sense” (Heidbreder, p175). James grounded the science of psychology in a radical approach to empiricism’s roots, deriving his scientific methodology through his observations as a student of the psyche. In his careful critique of philosophy, even as it guided him in establishing psychology as an empirical science, James reformulated a clearly inadequate, atomistic, mechanistic logical empiricism on a radically new methodological basis. Quoting from Peirce, James explained, “My philosophy is what I call a radical empiricism, a pluralism, a ‘tychism,’ which represents order as being gradually won and always in the making…. It is essential

86 to the evolution of philosophic thought that someone should defend a pluralistic empiricism radically” (cited in James, 1977, p. xlii). James first developed his methodology heuristically, while exploring the human psyche. His distinctive approach, as opposed to British empiricism, derived directly from his empirical observations in Principles. His Radical Empiricism (James, 1977) primarily addresses psychological subjects, and in the course of his philosophic writings, James revisited Principles in its entirety. To James, the unity of experience is ‘concactenated’ (cited in Crosby & Viney, 1993), formed out of the chaotic material of experience by our selective, classificatory, constructive, theorizing attention. Although he accepted the mechanistic claims of 19th Century science, James did not accept ‘science’ as the ultimate ordering of experience, and conceived the study of psychology as broader than any such narrowly defined science. A science of the psyche cannot be value-neutral, but embraces human interests, needs, and assumptions. As Sayer (1992) would later point out, naïvely objective empiricism, today’s normative stream of social science research, cannot be accused of actually being value-neutral, or of making observations that are not theory-laden; but only of refusing to acknowledge these facts, and therefore of failing to grapple with its own prejudices and presumptions. In accepting experience, consciousness and self as we find them in introspection, James laid the psychological groundwork for a pragmatic methodology that remains open to further development, as exemplified by Sayer (1992). Experience is complex and dynamic, but not beyond systematic understanding. James constructed pragmatism as an open, unfinished system, a precursor to complexity and chaos theory. To James, any unitary, universal monism is a myth. His Radical Empiricism defined ‘pure experience’ as relative and fallible, as are all of our intellectual constructs, hypotheses or

87 facts, subject to future experience. Empty abstractions and generalizations are useless without reference to concrete experience. In Principles, James as philosopher and scientist tentatively but surely formulated a methodology adequate to the complexity of a new, fundamentally social science. The subject of the psyche, as encountered in experience and explored through the widest possible spectrum of approaches, demanded the radicalization (in the sense of getting to the root) of empirical investigation, in terms of method, constructs, and observation, which eventually became the basis of his clear statement of Radical Empiricism, and later his Pragmatic Method (James, 1977). In The Perception of Reality (cited in Crosby & Viney, 1993), James argued that concepts are real to the extent that they are rooted in sensation, are vivid and immediate, are coherent with other ideas, and have practical and emotional value to the self. In The Stream of Thought he argued that this reality is fluid, dynamic, and changing between persons and cultures. The dualism between subject and object, as relationship between knower and that which is known, is not of two opposed substantial realms of mind and body, but rather an experientially given, empirical fact that forms the subject matter of psychology. Rather than separate mental from physical substance, psychology is interested in how the mind, as a function of the brain, actually works, and how changes in the brain correspond to thoughts and emotions. Although concepts must refer to sensual experience, both must also be consistent with religious and moral needs. The social nature of man makes it impossible to doubt the existence of other minds, which is a matter beyond sensation that brings us to spiritual awareness. By refusing to preclude psychical and religious experience, Jamesean psychology paved the way for later philosophical development. The scope of Principles accepted empirical information from

88 all forms of investigation related to the stream of experience, all ways of studying the psyche, whether of the paranormal, the abnormal or religious belief. Furthermore, data from the five senses imply no absolute, atomistic monism. There is no such thing as an individual sensation, separated from the stream of consciousness and unrelated to all other sensations except by contingency. The stream consists of a teeming multiplicity, from which selective attention must discriminate structure and relationship to identify objects. Because relationships are inseparable from objects, neither science nor philosophy needs British Associationism as glue to patch together the atomized, disassociated world of Mill, Hume, and Hartley. This conception of reality clearly paved the way for Radical Empiricism. Sayer’s (1992) causal powers of objects are clearly rooted in Jamsean psychology and Realist in Pragmatic method. James may not have provided a final solution to the problem of knowledge in his concept of pure experience, in which subject and object are both part of a process of cognition, but he did seriously critique the reduction of science to materialism. James’ influence can be seen in Bernstein’s 1983 reformulation of the German hermeneutic tradition (cited in Woodward, 1993), also opposed to neo-Kantian analytic philosophy, which finds structure embedded in shared experience and nature. Edie’s 1987 critique viewed Rorty as returning to James through Dewey’s emphasis on function, thereby missing major points of epistemological realism. Rosenthal’s Speculative pragmatism provided ‘internal relationships of meaning’ to show that observation is theory-laden. “Necessary Truths and the Effects of Experience,” the final chapter of Principles of Psychology (1890/1950), highlights James’ rejection of Kant’s division between analytic and synthetic knowledge. The genetic epistemology presented here, and later developed by Piaget,

89 ranges over various kinds of knowledge and how they develop. James established the link to evolution through the surviving effects of action. This links James’ pragmatic approach to meaning to the German hermeneutic tradition through praxis, in terms of the verifiable content of evidence. To Siegfried (cited in Woodward, 1993), James’ combination of artistic with scientific vision relates a ‘concrete hermeneutics’ to evolution through a ‘transformation of some idealist presuppositions,’ neither mechanistic nor socio-biological. Woodward found the center of James’ vision is a ‘reconstructed realism,’ through which humans construct order, relative to Lotze, Peirce, and German hermeneutics. Woodward (1993) shows the common ground between psychologists’ interest in cognitive development and philosophical discussions of truth, belief and meaning, thereby establishing the role of James’ evolutionary epistemology in history and in theory. “True ideas are those that we can assimilate, validate, corroborate and verify. False ideas are those that we cannot.” Fallibilism discards scientific hypotheses that do not meet the test of logic, that (P→Q) ↔ (⌐Q→⌐P), Aristotle’s logical contrapositive. According to Popper’s (1959) The Logic of Scientific Discovery (cited in Woodward, 1993), one counter-example invalidates a scientific hypothesis, but no accumulated weight of empirical evidence can otherwise establish its truth. James, Wright, Peirce, Fries and Myers all contributed to Fallibilism, although strong links to Kant remain obscure. Woodward cites Myers in tracing the origin of James’ pragmatism to 1885, and goes on to show the true origin in James’ mid ‘60’s critique of Spencer. James derived the idea that we posit uncontradicted beliefs as absolute reality from Kant by way of Peirce and Lotze, according to Woodward.

90 James’ Radical Empiricism rejected all metaphysical dualism, subjective idealism, and the proposition that mind somehow ‘mirrors’ reality. The distinction between mind and body is relative to experience. The field of consciousness is always complex, consisting of feelings, sensations, thoughts, images, memories, and dreams. Intellectualism, devoid of sympathetic insight, or verstehen (Weber, 1962), and emotion is blind, cutting off value mediated by feeling and oblivious to the feelings of others. Feelings can be the best guide to truth. Here, James seems to anticipate the modern conception of emotional intelligence (Goleman, 1995). Throughout his Principles of Psychology, (1950), James made a careful study of all statements of scientific method, both by scientists, especially those investigating psychological phenomena, and philosophers, and explored their relationship to a methodology appropriate for the new science of psychology. “Necessary Truths and the Effects of Experience,” the final chapter of Principles, summarized his criticism of empiricism, rationalism, and Kant’s divorce between theory and practice, without fully synthesizing James’ own methodological discoveries, which are developed throughout Principles. It is interesting that, after he wrote the last chapter of Psychology, James’ interests focused on philosophy from that point forward, and rather than rewrite his work using the radically empirical methodology he derived from this study of the human mind, he went on to state the principles of Radical Empiricism and became a major influence in the philosophy of pragmatism, which inspired behaviorism in psychology and led to the science of social psychology. Self is social, with environmental contexts, as well as biological and physiological aspects. In1917, Dewey (cited in Crosby & Viney, 1993) acknowledged the contribution of James’ Principles to the foundations of social psychology, particularly James’ identification of

91 the social self and social instincts. Here, Dewey suggested attention be directed to human interactions and group behavior, investigating the relation between instincts and social habits. George Herbert Meade then picked up Dewey’s gauntlet and founded the science of social Psychology. Dewey Dewey championed pragmatism after Peirce and James. He systematically formulated metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, and aesthetics in pragmatic terms (Ormerod, 2006). He was strongly influenced by Burlington Transcendentalism, to which intuition meant introspection and analysis, during undergraduate studies at the University of Vermont, later turning to Hegel for a philosophy to provide guidance in living. During graduate studies at Hopkins, he was inspired by Wundt’s Gestalt psychology. He integrated this with evolutionary theory, dropped Hegel, and committed himself to experimental work. He championed the Progressive Movement, and established an experimental school for educational reform at the University of Chicago. Modern philosophers Putman, Habermas, and Rorty acknowledge his influence (cited in Ormerod, 2006). Dewey applied philosophy to social practice in relating education to political reform. His thought represented the Progressive Movement, which identified positive social change as the need to reform the socially destructive habits of working people, such as exemplified in the Pullman Strike. Knowledge is instrumental to action. Dewey’s Instrumentalism influenced colleagues at the University of Chicago: Mead in founding Social Psychology and Watson in founding Behaviorism, and was seminal for researchers at Columbia and several other universities in New York.

92 Dewey formulated a theory of inquiry that accounts for how thought functions in practical problem solving and in scientific inquiry (Ormerod, 2006). Scientific inquiry is selfcorrecting, to be reviewed in the light of social rather than scientific values. Intelligent inquiry solves problems, correcting itself through experimental testing and refinement of hypotheses formulated in the light of experience. Morals and politics yield to this approach, as do the natural sciences. For instance, legislation to change functions of government can be tested, with social context defining the problem and suggesting its solution, and results reflecting back on the process of inquiry. No rule is infallible, but progress results from intelligent personal habits within social structures that support continuous inquiry. Education is crucial to such progress. Children are active, willful, and impulsive, influenced by as well as acting on their environment. Flexible and intelligent habits can be cultivated in an environment that permits and evokes intelligent inquiry. Practical activities that suggest the direction of theory should be emphasized, which can then guide further action. These ideas provided the philosophical foundation of Dewey’s education laboratory at the University of Chicago, the Dewey School, in which he tested and developed the new Gestalt psychology, in the light of the psychology of James, who would surely have embraced the new synthesis with the latter findings of Gestalt had he lived to see them (Ormerod, 2006). Dewey never lost the idea of the unity of knowledge which he had first learned from Hegel. Growth is the goal in human development, both in powers and abilities, through an open capacity for and sensitivity to experience. Ends cannot be separated from means, knowing from doing, theory from practice. In Dewey’s laboratory, children learned through goal-directed group activities, conducted as workshops, addressing needs of family, business, and industry. Although

93 not a socialist himself, Dewey was sympathetic to American socialism, which grew in the wake of the labor movement. Dewey was an enemy of oligarchy and economic injustice. As a political naturalist, he held that a philosophical view of politics and society can learn from the natural sciences that humans are political animals, and that social interaction is an emergent phenomenon, a biological activity that creates, preserves, and propagates shared meanings, and that cannot be reduced to its biological components (Ormerod, 2006). Consciousness arises socially, emerging from complex relationships between systemic elements of open systems, creating both individuals and society. The unpredictable physical and highly organized social environments with which we interact justify the state and natural rights, rather than any appeal to reason (Ormerod, 2006). Dewey studied early and modern cultures and institutions. His method of philosophic criticism was genetic analysis, tracing the history of ideas and institutions, comparing action and its results in terms of original intention. Instrumentalism analyzes action in terms of means and ends. Concepts and theories can be made to serve even higher ends, such as social justice. Dewey proposed that justice can only be known by first categorizing, then comparing just to unjust actions. Justice arises from concrete living activity, and becomes a dead letter when embodied in an abstraction such as an ideal or principle, which leaves no room for alternative viewpoints in debates over political principles and projects. The quality of our participation in the political process can be evaluated through experience. Generational and technical change introduce social instability, which now has reached crisis proportions, requiring the best intellectual and moral resources of the entire community, which only democratic economic and social justice can call forth. Democracy

94 provides the widest universe of discourse for the human experiment, and the broadest possible framework for intelligent inquiry, which will determine the outcome of the battle of ideas. Dewey wrote in 1937 that practical problem solving is critical to inquiry: all “controlled inquiry and all institution of grounded assertion necessarily contain a practical factor, an activity of doing and making which reshapes antecedent intellectual material and sets the problem of inquiry” (cited in Ormerod, 2006). Political philosophy concerns method in clarifying, criticizing, and adjudicating means to ends. Impact of Pragmatism European philosophers have viewed pragmatism’s insistence on practical efficacy as quintessentially American, expressing crass materialism coupled to naïve democratizing, and well adapted to unlimited expansion s Natty Bumppo (Cooper, 1984) first explored, then Paul Bunyan conquered the Western Frontier. Pragmatism expressed the go-getter, maximum achiever attitude engendered in the Puritan work ethic, as identified by Max Weber (2002). Dewey pointed out that abstract principles cannot provide a basis for action precisely because ends cannot be separated from means. Empirical questions always arise from the examination of means. Ends must always be compared to outcomes. Inquiries into possible outcomes of social action can be conducted along empirical lines, through the scientific analysis of factual evidence, with each issue weighed against experience, history, and context. Preferring logical positivism, symbolic logic, and linguistic analysis as paradigmatic frameworks for normative social science, professional philosophers failed to notice their loss of a critical edge in adopting methods from physical science. Sartre, Marcuse, Freud, and others questioned whether the world really can be improved through human effort. A critical pragmatism is surely preferable as a guide to action to

95 such existential angst. Marx and Habermas both emphasized praxis in rapidly accelerating technical change at the center of their social vision. In founding the Frankfurt synthesis of Marxian class interest with Freudian alienation, Habermas focused on modern politics, in terms of Dewey’s theory of value, clarifying rational grounds for social criticism, and analyzing the role of ideology in public debate. Widespread public discussion of social concerns enables the adoption of reasonable policy. The role of ideology in creating technocratic consciousness must be carefully examined and rooted out. Out of the Frankfort School, Mannheim’s (1929/1954) Ideology and Utopia developed ideology as fundamentally conservative and reactionary and utopian thought as critical, radical, and potentially revolutionary. He examined the systemic relationships of all competing ideologies to class interests, and was the first to actually examine the various world outlooks that define competing interests. His sociology of knowledge provided an intellectual framework for the history of ideas, now being written in all fields of endeavor. Behaviorism Leary asked what was going on in animal research, functional human psychology, and American society as a whole that led to Watson’s issuance of his behaviorist manifesto in 1913 (cited in Leary, 2004), and what are the perceived limitations of behavioral research today? Beginning with Darwin’s work placing humans squarely within the animal kingdom, researchers began to investigate comparative animal intelligence, eventually dropping speculations about animal minds and consciousness, which cannot be observed directly, and focusing on direct observations of animal learning and behavior. With Angell’s 1913presentation to the APA (cited

96 in Leary, 2004), behavior became a category in psychology, and grew in preferential use as psychologists became dissatisfied with introspection as a method and consciousness as a subject of study. The ultimate outcome of mental processes was seen to lie in how an organism functions, which is defined as behavior. Under the inspiration of Darwin’s ideas about evolution, James and Dewey had argued that mind is expressed in natural selection of purposive action, which adapts responses to environmental stimuli for the purpose of survival. Selected by consciousness, action is appropriate in terms of its consequences. Mind is a tool serving survival, having evolved in the struggle for existence. As such, it is a function within the stream of consciousness, orchestrating life processes through learning from experience. Dewey (Leary, 2004) conceived of spiraling stimulus-response (S-R) circuits with feedback, rather than James’ S-R arcs. Watson studied at the University of Chicago under Dewey, but turned to Angell for the definition of functional psychology. Summarizing James and Dewey, consciousness is embedded in nature, functionally adapting behavior to environment. Under the leadership of Mead (founder of social psychology), the Chicago functionalists never forgot Angell’s point that for human beings the environment is social as well as physical. The experimental work of Tolman, the theorizing of Hull, and the success of Skinner in actually controlling behavior under some circumstances, outline the primary scope of behaviorism throughout the remainder of the 20th century. The rise and consolidation of the Progressive Movement during this same period, in which Dewey, Mead, and other pragmatists were leaders, provided the social backdrop in America for the course of behaviorism. The idea was that America’s otherwise perfect democracy was blemished by the dysfunctional behavior of

97 poor people, which must be predicted and controlled. In Beyond Freedom and Dignity, his opus to utopian reform in America, Skinner (1971) stepped completely outside of his laboratory results with pigeons, proposing operant conditioning as the model for all learning and the basis for social control. By this time, major criticisms had already arisen within the social sciences of the reductionism, logical positivism, philosophical materialism and scientism under which consciousness had been reduced to behavior. Although James, Dewey, and Mead laid the groundwork for the excessive claims of behaviorism, they also helped to lay the critical ground for research that transcends the narrow goals of prediction and control of behavior. Darwin’s simplistic metaphors (primarily inherited from economics, especially the Malthusian hypothesis) have been replaced by concepts from systems and chaos theory, such as self-adaptive systems and emergence. Meaning can no longer be excluded from the study of social phenomena, as we deal with objects that are socially defined and study systems that include self-reflective processes such as our own efforts to understand human behavior. As are the systems of thought and behavior found outside of Skinner’s boxes, the question “Whither Behaviorism?” to Leary is still open. Vulgar Materialism and Modern Research The popularization of vulgar Darwinism (Kando, 2008), originally defined by James and thoroughly critiqued by Gould (2002), holds that morality and ethics are coded into genetic structures. Kuhn’s paradigm might describe this as normative research, although extending Kuhn’s r-r-revolutionary analogy a bit further, we might also describe it as a scientific counterrevolution. With the government, under the auspices of the NIMH (National Institute of Mental Health (see Goring Institute below)) and military research, pouring $4 trillion per year more into

98 reductionist research into consciousness and self-awareness, the unexamined prejudices and presumptions of normative, positivistic social science continue to receive that much more reinforcement (with scientists behaving like pigeons in Skinner boxes), in the form of illinformed research published in scientific journals that continues to confuse the brain with the mind, in the same way that material is confused with spiritual. Kando described this in Marxian terms as reification, providing material form to abstract concepts, personifying ideas into something tangible, often in the interest of operationalizing measurement, but even more often in the interest of visualization, as when we attribute human characteristics to animals or organizations. This process can be most clearly seen in cartoon characters, such as Tony the Tiger, or Dino the dinosaur, who personified energy in your belly or your gas tank. Sociologists, following Durkheim, tend to reify society, as though there were some supra-individual entity that thinks and acts as an agent for the collective totality of individuals. Sociologists can then act as ventriloquists, speaking for society in punishing and correcting deviant behavior. When psychologists equate the mind and consciousness with the brain, they presume both to be material substances that can then be investigated using microscopes, chemicals, weights and measures, like any other physical object. This is not to say that conditions such as hunger, fear, motivation, etc. do not have physiological correlates, but only that a state of being, quality, or experience, cannot be reduced to such physiological measures. A lie detector cannot detect a lie, but only physiological changes that people usually, but not always, go through when they are lying, and often when they are not. The physiology, motivation, and feeling of hunger are neither located in the stomach, nor in any particular brain neuron. Hunger is a state, a

99 process, or a sensation, but not an object that can be quantified in terms of ‘insufficient food intake.’ Consciousness may require neuro-chemical processes to emerge, but it is not the sum of these processes. It may be the result of chemical processes in our nervous system, just like pain is the result of tissue damage. Different mental functions are performed by different parts of the brain, but mind is a function, a process emerging from experience, that requires language, and therefore society, for self-awareness. My computer can process this document, enabling me to create and store it. However, the computer will never produce this document. Turn the computer on, and this document springs back on to the monitor. Turn my brain off, and the remainder of this document will never be produced. No computer ever had a thought. The idea of a thought emerging from a computer is as unlikely (not inconceivable) as life originating in a laboratory. When humans try to breathe life into their conceptions, they only reify monsters, as did Mary Wollstonecraft-Shelly’s (1818/2004) Dr. Frankenstein. The good doctor meant well, as did his creation, an allegory for reductionist science, but like today’s research establishment, he was wedded to Comte’s Positivism, believing that life, rather than merely a semblance of life, can be derived from electricity interacting with matter. Dr. Galvani may have galvanized a frog leg back in 1737, but he was further from inspiring the breath of life than the discoverer of the lodestone was from inventing a warp drive for the starship Enterprise. Martindale (1960, p53) defined positivism for the social sciences as, “that tendency in thought which rigorously restricts all explanation of phenomena purely to phenomena themselves, preferring explanation strictly on the model of exact scientific procedure, and rejecting all tendencies, assumptions, and ideas which exceed the limits of

100 scientific technique.” The primary drawback of positivism is that it suffers from the same limitation Bruce Willis exhibited in The Sixth Sense (Shyamalan, 1999): positivism, along with Descartes, sees the machine only through the eyes of the ghost, but cannot see ghosts. By failing to examine their own presumptions, precepts, and values, positivists can point to Comte as the founder of social science, modeled on Galileo’s laboratory experiments, but cannot identify themselves as acolytes of Comte’s religion of Scientism. This is the ruling paradigm of today’s normative social science research (Kuhn, 1996), sturdily resisting all criticism, however trenchant. Even James and Mead worshipped at this materialistic altar, laying a trail that leads directly to Skinner and his boxes. Because James saw philosophy as the higher calling, he abandoned the science of psychology, of which he was a major architect, thereafter deriving from his studies of the mind and hammering out a radical methodology for an empirical science of psychology which neither he, nor anyone else has fully realized even today. He went on to become a major thinker in pragmatism, expanding it beyond the narrow fetters of the scientistic presumptions of men like Peirce. The underlying ontology of orthodox science is reductionist materialism, which James thoroughly critiqued. Karl Popper fashioned Lotze’s Kantian formulation of hypothesis testing into his own theory of falsification (Woodward, 1993), paying lip service to critical rationalism while covertly importing the atomism and natural law of Lucretius, Berkeley, Hume, Locke and Mill. James had methodically rooted these presuppositions out of radical empiricism. Today’s rationalists, on either side of the narrow ideological divide between Popperism and post-Marx Marxism, whether epigones of the London School of Economics or acolytes of

101 Stalin’s Five-Year Plan, all follow Descartes into Plato ‘s cave, separating subject from object and theory from practice. The ghost still lives in the machine, recreating the entire material universe with each observation, even in the extremely durable Copenhagen interpretation of quantum mechanics (today’s standard model of quantum electrodynamics), brilliantly hammered out by Bohr and Heisenberg. As Dr. Samuel Johnson said when he kicked the stone, “I refute it (Bishop Berkeley), thus.” (cited in McFadden, 2000, p. 195). Critiquing modern psychological functionalism’s behaviorist legacy, Lockwood (1989) identified behaviorism’s fundamental error as locating belief within a functional-causal context of external observation rather than as an expression of consciousness. The presumption that a specific material substrate, whether deducible a priori, or subject to empirical verification, must exist for any specific state of consciousness is simply incoherent in the light of ongoing research. An unknown bard provided this reply to Dr. Johnson: “Kick the rock, Sam Johnson, break your bones, but cloudy, cloudy is the stuff of stones.” (cited on p36). Rationalism, in its unrelenting materialism, functions as a bridge from Berkeley to Descartes, providing a thin baptismal chrism for solipsism. The closed universe presented by Popper’s Critical Rationalism presumes that all phenomenology of mind can be reduced to material substance, In this vision, self-consciousness cannot be seen as a category, therefore such science cannot admit that it is guided by any philosophical ontology or metaphysics, but rather prefers to interpret its own blindness as “valueneutrality.” All abstractions must be reducible to physical building blocks to earn the ascription of physical reality. On work-days, scientists drop the religious trappings of inductive empiricism, exchanging their ascension robes for the laboratory coats of deductive-nomological theory, having survived the firing squad of peer review. Although critical rationalists profess immediate

102 conversion when confronted by falsification, Kuhn (1996) suggested that they are more likely to die than change their minds. A major issue that still causes confusion is the difference between the Darwin/Wallace co-discovery of the fact of evolution, and the scientific metaphors (from the realm of economics) that Darwin used to state his theory of evolution (Skrupskelis, 2007). Darwin wrote thousands of pages of observations illustrating the fact that evolution has indeed occurred in biological systems, although it would be four decades before Mendel’s contemporaneous gene theory could provide a mechanism for mutation, and the process is still not well-understood (McFadden, 2000). From James’ synthesis of Peirce’s philosophy of pragmatism and the Darwin/Wallace theory of evolution by natural selection, functionalism developed an explanation of social and psychological phenomena with serious self-limitations through the exclusion of meaning. As James clearly argued, this is dangerously simplistic for understanding an evolving organism that possesses language and self-consciousness. Functionalism assumed that structure can be fully relegated to a black-box for a sub-process (Lockwood, 1989), explained with reference to relationships between elements and by establishing the conditions necessary for development. However, this does not explain origin (Sayer, 1992), and leaves untouched the emergence of new elements from relationships in open systems. The corpus of scientific thought since James and Darwin/Wallace shows clearly that evolution has also occurred in all aspects of creation other than biological. Many different strata of systems have emerged, dating back to the first few billionths of a second during the proto – event astronomer and astrophysicist Fred Hoyle (a steady-state theorist) disparagingly dubbed “The Big Bang.” Today, Father Georges LeMaitre’s solution to Einstein’s equations of General

103 Relativity is universally known as “the Standard Cosmological Model.” Although his appellation has been retained, few follow Dr. Hoyle in scoffing at the theory as the rehashed Catholic dogma of creation ex nihilo. Today, theories of evolution are themselves an open system, undergoing development on many fronts. The only epistemological, metaphysical, and ontological framework available to men like James and Darwin was that which is most appropriate for closed systems: foundationalism, atomism, reductionism, naïve objectivism, logicism, deductivism, and scientism (Sayer, 1992). That is perhaps why James’ thought evolved from science to philosophy, considering the latter to be the higher calling. Darwin and James discovered the fundamental realities of transformation and change. James rejected many aspects of the science of his time, including foundationalism, the theory of absolute knowledge. In laying the foundations for the science of psychology, James first identified all aspects of his new scientific method, Radical Empiricism, although this methodology remains yet to be fully realized in the study of the psyche. Separately, he was an original thinker in the philosophy of pragmatism, which he conceived and that still exists as an open-ended system of thought in continuous development. Nevertheless, from today’s perspective Darwin, Wallace and James were conducting initial explorations of the most complex of open systems, and could not be expected to have fully escaped from the closed ontology they had inherited as the orthodox view of science. In fact, with all of the new developments in chaos and complexity theory, quantum evolution and adaptive, open systems, we still have not fully escaped from many of these limitations from the past, especially in the development of a fully humanistic social science.

104 Surprisingly, although perhaps not so for James, who never liked to arrive at any absolute, even the absolute dismissal of a view he is arguing against, James ended a recently discovered discussion of relativism with respect to the evolution of morals by viewing the question as open (Skrupskelis, 2007). If survival of the fittest, the ultimate value of evolution, is relative only to the continued existence of a life instinct, its replacement by the development of a death instinct in all living things, resulting in the ultimate extinction of all life, would leave no means to evaluate whether or not the universe had failed. If there is some absolute ground for preferring life to death, then the passion or instinct for survival could be said to be objectively right by serving this higher good. A key aspect of James’ legacy is his emphasis on the role of habit formation in the ‘nurture’ or ‘education’ of individual character, leading to an elevation of the importance of learning as a topic of psychological study. It was not a major subject of empirical study before William James, but it has been ever since. Similarly, a concern for the practical, for what really matters regarding human welfare, was firmly entrenched by those who took their cue from James. Truth as an Epistemic Ideal According to Peirce, “Truth is that concordance of an abstract statement with the ideal limit towards which endless investigation would tend to bring scientific belief…” In James’ formulation, “Absolute truth…. Means an ideal set of formulations toward which all opinions in the long run of experience can be expected to converge (cited in Nolt, 2008). Nolt identifies these definitions as expressing the notion of truth as an epistemic ideal, meaning that all observers would warrant the truth value of a statement under ideal epistemic conditions. For both philosophers, these conditions would mean endless scientific inquiry. One interpretation of

105 Peirce’s statement takes it to be a regulative ideal of inquiry, which we must either assume or hope for. Both philosophers, in turning toward useful rather than ideal definitions of truth, would not hold any notion of truth to be infallible, but rather subject to further experience, which is unknowable. For instance, I must presume that there is no unicorn in my garden. This truth may be unshakeable, at least until I actually encounter the unicorn in the garden. The fact that my knowledge is in principle fallible, that is, subject to empirical verification or at least falsification, is no reason for me to expect it to fail. In fact, I know from my own experience that it will not. When the unicorn appears, I will know that I have finally lost it. The practical adequacy of the notion of the fallibility of all propositions lies in being able to accept failure to predict useful results, even contrary to previous experience. Such failure is a new experience to which I must somehow adjust my previous expectations, even revising my theoretical framework, or at least re-establishing its boundary, if necessary, perhaps including unicorn sightings as real events. Whether any particular assumption is in fact unverified, or is in principle unverifiable, makes very little difference if it lacks practical adequacy. Either way, it is useless. However, Nolt (2008) held that under any definition of truth as an epistemic ideal (TEI), including the practical adequacy of Sayer, a proposition must first be fixedly warranted by human inquirers under certain ideal epistemic conditions, and vice versa. ‘Warranted’ means only justified, verified, or proved. Peirce and James established ongoing scientific inquiry as the ideal epistemic condition, although other interpretations exist, such as Putnam’s ready availability of all relevant evidence, Wright’s arbitrarily close scrutiny of pedigree, and the

106 possibility of extensive improvements in information. Peirce hedged his bets by saying that ultimately, disciplined consensus is the best we can hope for, while yet holding even our most cherished truth as subject to falsification. Any empiricist, if confronted with a truth that has purported to reach this ideal, would consider it to be rationalistic dogma. At best, an ideal can only be approached from an empirical stand point, but never transcendentally realized. Pragmatism established this criterion of truth to counter any argument that truths may exist that cannot be warranted intellectually. Inquiry, discipline, confirmation, and pair-wise convergence of the inquiry space are all critical to any such concept of truth. Nevertheless, such a criterion of truth faces the problem of universal quantification and of negation, whether as unconfirmable or as refuted. TEI also fails to reach any absolute, therefore leaving any such definition open to relativism, which pragmatism was trying to avoid in the first place. An idea cannot be both warranted and unwarranted for the same observer in the same state, if by warranted we mean at least indicated by a preponderance of the evidence. The discipline of communal inquiry by a research community may involve evidentiary pathways that cross, converge, or diverge. Two different inquirers in the same evidentiary state may disagree as to warrant, with either one or both being mistaken, subject to a uniform standard of warrant within a given universe of discourse. This is the definition of discipline. Without such discipline, the door is left open to relativism, and realism founders. TEI can hold rigorously only if discipline is perfect, which is never the case. Under the presumption that progress in science must yield increasing numbers of warranted propositions, most of these must remain fixed, in not being contradicted by further

107 experience. Fixed warrant means confirmation. Because a confirmed proposition must in fact be considered fallible, it can never be established as absolute. In formal logic, a proposition is either true or false. Such reasoning is inadequate here, because a proposition may either be confirmed, unconfirmed, or unconfirmable. A proposition is false if and only if its truth value is unconfirmable. Here, truth value is relative to the state of evidence. Relating truth of a proposition to confirmation in the future does not help, because two different disciplines, using different evidence, could disagree permanently over whether the proposition or its negation is confirmed. With limited human investigative resources, the majority of propositions will never be investigated. All evidence actually available to humans, were it available to any one of us, and would confirm propositions that have not yet been investigated. However, the only way to preserve equivalence between truth and confirmation is to link truth to the ideal confirmability of the proposition. In this spirit, the inquiry space, which includes all possible paths of inquiry, can be expanded to include all possible evidentiary states attainable over an endless stretch of time. Peirce, in fact, does this (Nolt, 2008), identifying possible confirmation in at least one of infinitely many paths of disciplined inquiry as truth. However, more in line with Peirce’s actual intent, the practical adequacy of a proposition can be maintained until its negation is confirmed. Kuhn’s dominant paradigm of normative research will continue to function, even though it has made a prediction that has been proven wrong, until some accommodation can be made to the disconcerting empirical evidence, or a more powerful paradigm that can explain all of the facts is adopted by a new generation of researchers. Few scientists are as quick to abandon a false

108 premise as Popper suggests they ought when confronted by a new evidentiary state that demonstrates the fallibility of a proposition (Kuhn, 1996). An inquiry space, that is, all paths of inquiry within a discipline, Is pair-wise convergent (Nolt, 2008) when paths have combinatorial closure, which simply means that confirmatory evidence states from two different lines of inquiry can be combined into a new evidence state wherein the proposition remains confirmed. This releases truth from relativity to either observer or evidence states, guaranteed by discipline. It also establishes the truth values for propositions paired under ‘not,’ ‘and,’ and non-exclusive ‘or’ operators in traditional Aristotelian logic. Peircian truth is consistent with universal quantification, in which inconsistencies arise when the inquiry space is infinite, because it sets global convergence as an ideal limit of inquiry, considered as a maximum state in which any proposition confirmed by any set of inquiry paths is confirmed. Pair-wise convergence remains adequate for finite spaces. Although Peircian truth meets all the requirements of prepositional and predicate logic, it still suffers from a problem with negation. If, realistically, some value of a proposition must be true, but is unconfirmable, any assigned value must be unconfirmed. By Sayer’s definition of truth as practical adequacy, this is not a problem, since no truth can be determined from inadequate evidence. The problem arises because any particular value is unconfirmable, meaning that the negation of all values is confirmed. This logical confirmation must be subject to the absence of any warrant to reject it. Therefore, all unreasonable values are confirmed, and reasonable values of the negation of an unconfirmable hypothesis must be considered as neither true nor false, thereby negating the law of contradiction. Enough has been said to show that the pragmatic criterion of truth can be

109 adapted to a realist position, as in Sayer’s concept of practical adequacy, without losing more than one postulate from the demonstrations of formal logic. Weber’s Historical Causation Axtmann (2006) outlines the Weberian model of historical causation, comparing it to Teschke’s interpretation of Brenner’s property relations approach. Teschke studied the role of property relations in the formulation of international relations from 1000 CE through 1748 CE, when the Peace of Westphalia marked the end of the Thirty Years’ War, which consolidated the secular claims of the absolutist state in Europe. From that point on the separation between church and state would be determined by secular, rather than religious authority (Sibley, 1970). The advent of capitalist parliamentary polity in England in 1688 CE brought international relations into an era of geopolitics, in which the British Empire exported modernization, transforming absolutist states into parliamentary democracies under the global influence of capitalism. Brenner’s property relationship is “the inherently conflictive relations of property— always [sic!] guaranteed directly or indirectly, in the last analysis, by force—by which an unpaid-for part of the product is extracted from the direct producers by a class of non-producers” (Cited in Axtmann, 2006). Teschke used this model to assert his claim that international relations are governed by the structure of social property relations. Feudalism is thus understood in terms of compulsion through political modes of appropriating social surplus. Prior to capitalism, violent exploitation characterized class relations. Conflicts within the ruling class were over relative share in the means of coercion. War and peace were governed by internal class relations, with international relations resulting from the outcome of class conflicts.

110 Teschke pointed out, as did Weber himself, that Weber’s ideal types, such as his typology of ‘legitimate domination,’ do not account for historical change (Cited in Axtmann, 2006). Historical change, in Weber’s model, results from the structure of social action in various institutional forms of association. The question is whether there is any relationship between such structures that reinforces or restrains them. Although most groups are economically determined, structural change must account for how social action affects existing constraints, using resources and opportunities to further group self-interest. Political structural change, such as the formulation of the modern state, results from dynamic relations between institutional structures of social action, with no single realm, such as the economic, determining the entire process. This explanatory model is the basis of Weber’s analysis of the role of the Protestant Ethic in the development of capitalism. In the mainstream of Weberian interpretation, Axtmann (2006) identified four sources of social power as ideology, the military, politics, and the economy, each resulting in its own form of organization (none of which is primary), that provide social structure. In social change, complexity in the relations between various organizational forms introduces unpredictability into the process. Teschke accuses Weber’s model as being eclectic, denying necessary relations between social spheres, and failing to account for dialectical contradictions. Weber’s (1978) research strategy of identifying relations of structural adequacy is certainly more than a presumption of multiple causation. A century of debate over historical necessity and contradictions has not resolved the latter issues, except in perhaps underlining the futility of comparing theories grounded in fundamentally different visions of reality, theories of knowledge, and methods. Weber would never, as do Post-Marx Marxists, deny functional

111 autonomy to organized political power, seeing politics as integral to the logic of exploitation. Neither would he posit war as arising out of property relations through economic necessity. Collins (cited in Axtmann, 2006) argued that, to Weber, legitimacy derived from the ability to overpower external threats is important to political power structures in maintaining internal order: “the state with high prestige vis-à-vis other states assures itself of a higher degree of legitimacy for its demands for internal obedience." Loss of international standing can result in increased internal tyranny, internal coups, or revolutions. Weber analyzed the economic origins of imperialism, as well as class forces that motivate external politics. His attention to religion exhibits the same kind of focus James took in distancing himself from positivism. The pragmatic focus on action is found in Weber’s category of social action. Such action has a structure, from which causal relations can be derived. Although empirical in approach, Weber maintains ideal types similar to TEI of pragmatism. Weber seems to be locating a middle ground between idealism and relativism, as did James and Sayer. Marx himself founded a New Humanism in1848, uniting the truth of both materialism and idealism. Engels, from whom Post-Marx Marxism (of the Engels/Plekhanov strain) took its cue, transformed the empiricism of Marx into vulgar materialism. This is the vein in which Teschke worked, although disregarding other Marxian criticism as well as Marx. Certainly, during the period of nation state formation, religion played a major role in international relations, whether in terms of Christianity vs. Islam, Pope vs. Emperor, Reformation vs. Counter Reformation, or England vs. Spain. Royalty was stripped of its sacral trappings, and vernacularization of holy writ enabled the proliferation of confessions, as everyone gained direct access to interpretation of God’s Word. A society of heretics cannot abide

112 theocratic politics, which inevitably gives the ruling denomination power to suppress all others. The rational state that resulted from this process no longer attempted to impose a moral order on its subjects, preferring to inculcate national solidarity in terms of a secular religion of bigotry and fanaticism, especially against religious minorities. In his approach to property relations as the material base of society, Teschke marginalized religion, even though religious agitation mobilized the European masses into political struggle, forcing rulers to either suppress or accommodate religious enthusiasm. His logic of exploitation ignores not just religious struggle, but all popular resistance in establishing nation states and international relations. Weberians studied such struggles empirically, rather than abstractly. Teschke, the political Marxist, perhaps inherited more from the Rationalism of Descartes than from the Humanism of Marx. Weber’s use of ideal types, with his concept of the structure of social action, compared to a materialist approach to history reflecting one stream of Marxian empiricism, reveals theoretical and methodological differences that perhaps reflect less of a “Great Divide” than differing investigative and explanatory purposes. Max Weber’s theoretical perspective provides a ground between extremes of empiricism, whether idealist or materialist, and relativism that strongly resonates with the positions of James and Sayer. In marginalizing the role of religion, Teschke also discarded the role of the masses in collective action, which would have horrified Marx, who always kept an ear to the ground for new ideas from the freedom struggles of his age. Perhaps, had post-Marx Marxists paid more attention to the sociology of religion, as did Weber’s classic (1922/1993), they could not have been stabbed in the back by Stalin while permitting themselves to be overrun by fascism, the secular religion created by socialists to fully rationalize labor under the Protestant Ethic.

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A Mathematical model of Weber’s Historical Causation Cavalcanti, Parente & Zhao, (2007) use a mathematical growth model of capitalism to determine the effect of belief on England’s Industrial Revolution. Although it might be argued that the inadequacies of the mathematical model subtract out of the derivation, leaving only the distilled differences in ‘belief utility,’ this procedure may best be answered by Weber himself, in responding to one of his first critics: “…suggesting a derivation (Ableitung) of economic forms from religious motives, which is something I never maintained. Wherever possible, I will try to make even clearer that what I sought to ‘derive’ from asceticism in its Protestant recasting was the spirit of ‘methodical’ conduct of life, and that this spirit stands only in a relation of ‘adequacy’ (Adäquanz) to economic forms–yet a relation I believe to be of the greatest importance for our cultural history” (Weber, 2001, p35). Weber went further to suggest that the inanity of such criticism would best be corrected through familiarity with the source material. The enclosure movement, the pauperization of the peasantry and the guildsmen, the enslavement of Africans, and all of the concomitant phenomena Marx identified as “the rosy dawn of capitalism” are missing from a model based on youthful work effort resulting in capitalized pension plans. Smith designed his idealized market to reflect logical tendencies of capitalism, if restrained by democratic conditions, especially focusing on the rationalization of labor. The authors of this study quoted Weber in defining the purpose of their experiment: “... however, we have no intention whatever of maintaining such a foolish and doctrinaire thesis that the spirit of capitalism could only have arisen as the result of certain effects of the Reformation, or even that capitalism as an economic system is a creation of the Reformation.... On the contrary, we only wish to

114 ascertain whether and to what extent religious forces have taken part in the qualitative formation and the quantitative expansion of that spirit over the world” (cited in Cavalcanti, Parente, & Zhao, 2007). Although they may have set out to do exactly what Weber here suggested, their failure to accomplish the stated objective results from the qualitative validity of their approach, which is seriously flawed. Had such a model any serious validity, the Industrial Revolution in England would have been delayed by70 years, no doubt. It is interesting that the researchers conceded that Weber’s thesis may explain differences between industrialization in Northern and Southern Europe, but cannot explain underdevelopment in such places as Latin America. Weber framed his research question about the role of ideas and economic interests in history in terms that would not contradict any of the new research in growth economics. Haber (1997) wrote what is today considered the standard work on the subject, which would meet Weber’s approval in arbitrarily dismissing ‘dependency theories’ (Zimmerman, 2006). Class, Status, Party Weber (1978) began his analysis of stratification with the legal order, which requires a staff to enforce rules, obtaining conformity through the use of force to inflict sanctions. The structure of the legal order influences the distribution of power, defined as the opportunity to impose will on communal action in the face of resistance. Power is not strictly economic, but may also be valued for the prestige it confers, although prestige may also confer social or economic power. The legal order may uphold power and honor, but it cannot guarantee either. Social order is the distribution of honor between groups within a community. Economic order involves the distribution and use of products and services. Class, status, and parties result from the distribution of communal power among various groups in society.

115 Classes are not communities, but can become the bases for communal action. A group constitutes a class when the members share common economic interests originating in commodity or labor markets that determine their opportunities for obtaining commodities and income. Specifically, what constitutes a class situation is determined by the power to exchange goods and services for income. The fundamental fact of economic life is the creation of specific opportunities from the power people have over the distribution of property in a competitive market for exchange. Those who own no goods or services that can be valued as commodities cannot acquire any. Those not forced to exchange their property can monopolize opportunities to profit, thereby gaining a decisive advantage in price wars with those compelled to sell for subsistence, Property ownership provides entrepreneurial opportunities through the control and transfer of capital based on market conditions that are unavailable to those who have only the direct product of their own labor to bring to the market, even when no individual buyer or seller controls market prices. The kind of property and services offered further differentiate class situations. For instance, Engels was a rentier, as opposed to an entrepreneur. Marx, whose research Engels supported, was a dependent of a rentier. This relationship of dependency was ultimately responsible for the consolidation of Engelsian Marxism in the historic period immediately following Marx’s death, and the subsequent loss of Marx’s New Humanism, until its rediscovery in the Eastern European revolutions. To put it simply, the boss had the last word. However differentiation in the class situations of capitalists and laborers breaks down, the market chances provided by class are decisive to an individual’s fate, providing a strong incentive to the development of class consciousness and forms of communal action for those similarly situated.

116 As a property form to be bought and sold on the market, slaves do not constitute a class, but rather a status-group. Because Marx had his ear to the ground, he could hear the thunderous roar of the emergence of chattel property on the historic stage of freedom struggles, as compared to Engel’s denigration of women in a theoretical ‘world historic defeat,’ and Weber’s dismissal of all forms of struggle except workers’, and their affect on the labor market. Weber (1978) saw communal action as derived from the feeling of the actors that they belong together. Social action is group action serving rational interests. The intellectual transparency of class situation in terms of its causes and effects is crucial to the development of class action, in which the decision-making process must be fully democratic to represent the human subjects involved, thereby reflecting the socially derived will of the group. Only when people recognize that their real life opportunities result from the distribution of property and the structure of the economic order can they conceive of the idea of taking collective action to control the terms and conditions of their own labor. The modern labor union was born in such class-consciousness. Price wars on the labor market constitute the most common form of modern class struggle. A status-group is usually a community, organized on a principle of the social estimation of honor rather class interest. Class distinctions can be variously linked to status, with property ownership usually a prerequisite to status honor, although property can actually be a burden to the parvenu who wishes to attain status. People with and without property can socialize within a status-group. Generally, a member of a status-group is expected to live according to a specific lifestyle (the ability to do so may be economically determined), and observe certain restrictions in social intercourse. Selection of marriage partners may be constrained to those within the

117 status-group. Strict conformity to the dominant fashion is expected, determining whether one will be accepted as a gentleman. Recognition may determine employment, marriage, and socializing opportunities. Genealogy, residence, or any number of exclusive factors may usurp status honor, even conferring legal privileges in the distribution of economic power. The extreme evolution of status, grounded in ethnicity, may result in caste, which is upheld by ritual as well as convention and law. Social subordination accompanies ethnic exclusivity, with honor attached only to the upper caste. Even physical contact with a member of a lower caste may require religious expiation. Dignity, beauty, and grace are conferred by birth into the dominant caste. Lower caste members may find succor only in the hope of an after-life. A caste will have its own cults and gods. In this analysis of power, which is found in Weber’s (1978) chapter titled ‘Political Communities,’ he should not be seen as presenting a full theory of social stratification, but perhaps as laying stress upon the establishment of sociology as a scientific discipline with its own, clear purview, as opposed to the legal and political order. The period in which he wrote had witnessed the consolidation of Engelsian Marxism in Russia, and all academic efforts to establish a science of society had to carefully delineate the distinction between ‘sociologists’ and ‘socialists,’ or be dismissed by academics as ‘rabble rousers.’ This is why Weber was so adamant in showing the role of ideas in history, whereas the Marxian rationalists emphasized ‘property relationships.’ Weber’s "Ideal Types," which were comparable to Einstein’s gedankenexperiments, and his concept of "verstehen," that attempts to enter into the world outlook of the social actor while yet remaining critical of it, are what relate his work to current

118 efforts in establishing truth as an epistemic ideal (Nolt, 2008), and the work of realists such as Sayer (1992) in laying the methodological foundations for a more humanistic social science. Weber’s work on the Puritan work ethic should be read in its original 1904 version (Weber, 2002), then compared to Alcott Parsons’1922 rewriting (Weber, 1992). Weber’s mind was always encyclopedic, but never over-processed. Parsons seemed to transform into dogma what was clearly meant to be tentative, exploratory, and an aid to verstehen. Weber’s Puritan is alive and breathing. One almost wants to meet the man who started a newspaper because Philadelphia did not have one (Benjamin Franklin). In his translation, which might better be considered as an interpretive paraphrase, Parsons seemed to transform Weber’s sociology into a new Westminster confession, like a system builder offering sociology as a closed ontology rather than exploring it as an open system. Parsons’ own writings, such as The Structure of Social Action (1937/1968), are cut and dried, difficult to digest. Like his interpretation of Weber, Parsons’ writings on Marshall, Pareto, and Durkheim (1968) are best read with the original, if only to clarify his treatment of the original works. After writing The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber went on to write The Sociology of Religion (1993), a breath taking survey that belongs with James’ Varieties of Religious Experience (2008) as a classic, one the original sociological treatment and the other the first truly psychological view of the subject. In the reprint of Weber’s original Protestant Ethic (2002), the translators explained their translation of Weber’s designation of the Luther /Calvin ideology of the calling as ‘The Steel Cage,’ rather than retaining Parsons’ usage, ‘The Iron Cage.’ I have kept the latter designation only because of the association with Goring’s Institute and Nazi psychotherapy, to which I will turn after examining the empirical relevance of class and status.

119 Empirical Relevance of Class and Status Contemporary research trends have collapsed Weber’s highly differentiated distinctions between class and status to a one-dimensional metric, the Duncan Socio-Economic Index (cited in Chan & Goldthorpe, 2007). Having established the continued existence of distinct British class and status orders in a previous study, here they showed that the stratification of life outcomes can occur in terms of either class or status. Operationally, Chan & Goldthorpe used the CASMIN class schema to define class, with its seven categories: 1. Higher managers and professionals; 2. Lower managers and professionals; 3. Intermediate employees; 4. Small employers and own-account workers; 5. Lower supervisors and technicians; 6. Semi-routine workers; 7. Routine workers. The status scale used is based on the occupational structure of close friendship developed out of national survey data for Great Britain, using a multidimensional scaling analysis based on inputs of dissimilarity indexes between occupational groups of the occupational structure of friendship for each group. Although both scales are based on occupation, the definition of class reflects the employment relations involved, whereas the definition of status reflects the social honor ascribed to occupation. The resulting status hierarchy of occupations ranks those that work with symbols and people near the top, with lower status for those that work with material things. Blue-collarmanagers rank below white-collar staff employees. Status as here defined does not reflect occupational prestige, which involves judgments of job rewards and requirements and in fact is highly correlated with socio-economic status. The correlation between status established by the occupational structure of friendship and socio-economic status as established by education and income is low. Although moderately correlated, class and status as here defined are quite

120 distinct. Status is defined by loose social networks, relations among equals who socialize intimately, and pursue similar lifestyles through consumption habits. Class position is here empirically found as a determinant of major life chances, as would be expected if the Weberian ideal type is valid. The risk of unemployment and variability of earnings are highest for blue-collar and self-employed workers, and nearly nonexistent for salaried employees. Long-term earnings are better for those in the upper class, who have better employment contracts. Income of salaried workers generally tends to rise throughout the working years, whereas working class salaries level out early in their careers. Including status in either earnings by age or unemployment has very little effect. Because both of these measures are good indicators of security and prospects, class clearly predominates over status in determining life chances. Cultural consumption as a concomitant of life-style should be stratified along status lines, if the Weberian category of status-group is to be upheld. Lifestyles establish cues that mark the exclusivity of the status-group. Cultural taste confers distinction, distinguishing another hierarchy separate from that of crass economic advantage. The main distinction is between those who appreciate high culture, as opposed to those who only consume popular culture. In the higher levels of the status order, libertarians as opposed to authoritarian views predominate, along lines of ideal interests. Party membership is distributed along class lines of material interests, with the lower classes flocking to the Labor Party.

121

Occupational Status and Perceived Limitations In a study of Australian society, Henry (2003) developed a gradient of perceived limitations. Measuring occupational status by the ANU3_2 scale, Henry developed a scale of perceived psychological limitations and correlated it to the measure of occupational status. Occupational stereotypes reflect commonly held valuations of prestige, such as white/blue-collar differences in perceived lifestyle and background. Because occupation is a strong indicator of education and income, it also has implications for social designations of status and honor. Those who possess valued skills are considered to have high competence, forming the basis for popular perceptions of occupational desirability, both in terms of income and worth to the community. The status of an occupation reflects a social ordering of competence, with jobs and those qualified to fill them increasing in scarcity in order of increasing prestige. A scale to measure competence perceptions should measure personally evaluated potential, or self-worth. Social perceptions of the worth of one’s occupation are a strong measure of ability and worth, creating a social hierarchy of competency evaluations that, as Sennett and Cobb (cited in Henry, 2003) have shown, also affects feelings of self-worth. Australians believe that competence and effort result in upward mobility, to a level concomitant with personal talent. Serious limitations in the availability of high-status jobs restrict many from actually achieving such goals. Realities do not meet expectations, resulting, according to Nickel (cited in Henry, 2003) in feelings of inferiority and incompetence. The class situation of market position creates a sense of lack of agency in social relationships experienced as negative emotions of inferiority.

122 Boride (cited in Henry, 2003) considers such low evaluations of self-worth as unavoidable results of social consciousness. Feelings of powerlessness and personal limits result in self-fulfilling prophecies of failure. Outstanding success requires goal setting, a positive outlook, careful planning, and self-direction. In two separate studies, Giddiness, and Ready, et al. (cited in Henry, 2003), psychological and economic constraints pervade daily life for low status workers, making free choice illusory. Lachlan and Weaver (cited in Henry, 2003) found a negative correlation between perceived constraints and socio economic status. Such attitudes result in helplessness in dealing with stress, rather than problem solving behaviors. A strong desire for security, rather than outstanding success, results in mediocrity and failure to set goals. The measure of occupational status as shown on the ANU3_2 should show a negative correlation between high status and negative attitudes regarding self-worth, confidence, potential, and freedom of choice if the scale is actually grounded in group perceptions of social status. Henry (2003) constructed a7-point Liker scale of 21 statements from a previous qualitative pilot study of 40 subjects from manual and professional occupations. Analysis of the pilot study indicated that professionals set high achievement goals, whereas manual laborers seek security, avoid challenges, and have low aspirations. Four factors were identified: Factor 1 reflects high achievement motivation, opportunity seeking and desire for change; factor 2 reflects belief that the future holds little opportunity for positive change; Factor 3 reflects desire to maintain the status quo, with any change viewed as having negative consequences; and Factor 4 reflects low self-esteem, avoidance of challenge in the belief that it will only result in failure. The last three factors were highly correlated, indicating that they play a major role in a coherent

123 cognitive field that reflects a strong sense of personal limits, pessimism about the future, and inaction. Factor1 is negatively correlated with the other three. The demographic variables of income and education were strongly correlated with ANU3_2, as well as psychological Factor1, achievement motivation. The negative factors were all negatively correlated to the occupational status scale, to an extremely high degree of significance. Further regression analysis revealed that Factor 4, stress/challenge avoidance, which strongly reflects lack of confidence in performing non-routine tasks, leading to immobility in the face of challenge, was as strong a predictor of ANU3_2 score as all other factors, including demographic, combined. This makes sense if accepting and overcoming challenges is seen as required for strong achievement. The only alternative is to attribute success to luck, which has been shown to be highly unlikely in the light of this research. Democratic attitudes in the United States are similar to those in Australia, in that Americans also share a widespread perception that the economy constitutes a meritocracy, with talent rising to its appropriate status. Because high status job opportunities in the US are also extremely limited, as they are in Australia, the adjustment of attitudes to the persistence of failure must follow a similar trajectory, creating a strong likelihood that similar research in the US would yield similar results. A US study of attributional style, which is willingness to take personal responsibility for results, conducted by Seligman and Schulman (cited in Henry, 2003) predicted quantity, retention, and non-redundancy of insurance sold. Taking personal responsibility for success is grounded in goal setting behavior, and willingness to accept challenges. Occupational status clearly reinforces psychological characteristics that are stable throughout life experiences that include perceptions of occupational worth. The low self worth of

124 persons in unskilled occupations limits their chances of improvement in a self-fulfilling way. The psychological attitudes of people in high status occupations provide valuable resources that help maintain their success. A sense of unlimited potential helps in accepting challenges and setting higher goals. Democracy, Knowledge and the Division of Labor Citing Weber’s concept of the division of labor along bureaucratic lines, Lacbelier (2006) defined ‘knowledge power’ not in class terms of ruling bureaucrats and laborers, but in statusgroup terms of the producers of social knowledge, those who consume social knowledge, and those who look at rather than read books, having no interaction with social knowledge whatsoever. Lacbelier argued that the bureaucratic division of labor, which Marx (1964) found to be the essence of modern capitalist society, defines the structure of work, leisure, and the very way we live and think. The vast gulf that separates thinkers from doers defines the whole of existence in terms of one’s job, taking this separation to result from differences in natural intellectual capacities rather than as a specific historical form of society. Thus, the rationalization of labor under the Puritan work ethic not only maximizes economic efficiency (profits), but also creates the best of all possible worlds, in which stupid people do stupid work and intellectuals define themselves as the sole possessors of intelligence. Although sociologists know this is not true, it is the dominant society’s primary myth, marketed to the majority through mass media to entertain, sell products, and deflect potential critical discontent. Boride, Foucault, Leotard, DiMaggio & Mohr, (cited in Lacbelier, 2006) and many others showed that knowledge power helps to determine the distribution of other forms of power, including political. Weber (cited in Lacbelier, 2006) originally noted that the bureaucratic

125 professionalization of administrative power placed the requisite knowledge “in the hands of a specially trained, credentialed, and specialized few” Political power concentrates in the hands of those organizations that actually conduct the business of life. In Weber’s words, “the decisive aspect here... is the leveling of the governed in face of the governing and Bureaucratically articulated group, which in its turn may occupy a quite autocratic position, both in fact and in form.” Knowledge power is the source of the status group’s authority, which then becomes a determinant of class. From Weber’s perspective, the producers of social knowledge actually define and disseminate knowledge of the society in which we live, thereby creating and reinforcing its class structure. The consumers of official knowledge constitute the second most powerful status group, deriving their authority from their specialized occupational knowledge while engaging in critical discussion of social knowledge. Because of their high status, these are not likely to engage in serious social criticism, except to the extent that they perceive their status as threatened by the ever expanding routinization of intellectual labor. The ‘blue-collar’ workers are altogether disconnected from knowledge power, lacking requisite skills and experience to wield it, and therefore increasingly powerless to control the terms and conditions of their own lives even though they are, formally, the much touted ‘participating democrats’ in the socially defined political democracy. Knowledge professionals, whose incomes may actually be smaller than those of some blue-collar workers, nevertheless constitute a ruling status group, perhaps best designated by Lukacs (1981) as ’prize-fighters for capitalism.’ Lacbelier (2006) suggested they rule by virtue of the power that knowledge confers in all social institutions, as science and technology

126 increasingly dominate society. In her book, Diminished Democracy, Theda Skocpol (cited in Lacbelier, 2006) documented the replacement of membership power in civic associations by the power of professionals, thereby introducing the division of labor between thinkers and doers into the very process of democratic involvement itself, From the American Association of Retired Persons and the Democratic Party, to the AFL-CIO, members seldom meet, have no control whatsoever over policy, and suffer the limitation of their participation to the payment of dues. Lacbelier pointed out that Skocpol’s knowledge itself is limited to the status-groups who produce and consume social knowledge, thereby making her an actual participant in the professionalization of criticism of democratic institutions while professing otherwise. The vast, unwashed American masses have never heard of her, or what she has to say. To Lacbelier, Skocpol represents the political limits of sociological critique: even when it is effective in showing the sources of America’s myriad social problems, it remains ensconced in ivory towers, and at best is consumed only by those status-groups who consume intellectual culture. Sociological research fails to empower citizens to participate in the use of the knowledge so attained, and will continue to fail to democratize society (which is, in fact, the fundamental mission of sociology) until such time as sociologists themselves redefine their own relationship to workers, the disenfranchised, and the vast majority of the people whose problems they make their profession of studying. Intellectuals must become political activists in helping to disseminate social knowledge to ordinary citizens, those who currently spend their entire lives working, without ever picking up a book for more than entertainment. In the book Making history, Richard Flacks (Cited in Lacbelier, 2006) redefined democracy as

127 "a social arrangement in which the gap between history and everyday life is permanently closed because society’s members achieve the ability to make history (i.e., to influence and decide the terms and conditions of their lives) in and through their everyday lives.” This definition casts a stark light on the ersatz nature of American democracy, in which engagement in decision-making is only exercised by less than half of the potential electorate, and only in so far as they choose between professionally determined (by the Democratic or Republican Party), yet virtually indistinguishable candidates, who then make promises they cannot keep while continuing to serve the interests of the status quo. Flacks identified American society as dominated by elites precisely to the extent that they, rather than ordinary people, make the decisions that determine the terms and conditions of the rest of our lives. To the extent that the fundamental purpose of society, under the domination of the Puritan work ethic, is to produce more wealth efficiently for its current owners, this is, speaking from the world outlook that Mannheim defined as ideological, the best of all possible worlds. If the purpose of society (Marx, 1964) is the fullest possible human development of each individual, the rationalization of labor may be seen, in Weberian terms, as an ‘Iron Cage,’ that at best currently produces accelerated social retrogression, and at worst produces fascism. The Iron Cage Packard (2008) first applied Weber’s ideal type of status-group to the Chinese Literate, which lasted for two millennia, then to the Göring Institute of World War II Germany, finding many similarities between both organizations and Weber’s concept. The Göring Institute had a Nazi mandate to convert the Freud Institute into a modern, state-funded mental health industry practicing psychotherapy in the interests of the state. Packard’s application of Weber’s concept

128 of ‘status-group’ to a modern group reveals that status societies generate and mediate social value conflicts, especially in societies under political stress. The Nazis partially mitigated Germany’s economic depression by stealing assets from wealthy Germans, who were then dispatched to ovens as part of the health program to purify the master race. To save socially dysfunctional but genetically pure Germans, the Reich generously funded psychotherapy, which is short-term directive therapeutic practice for the purpose of bringing deviant behavior under social control by aligning it with specific social norms. Very consistent with functionalism and behaviorism, such practice provides a medical rationale for compulsive, invasive physical treatment administered by medical doctors. Cox observed in The Professionalization of Psychotherapy in Germany, 1928--1949 (cited in Packard, 2008), that to understand the historic circumstances under which the Third Reich rose to power, including the social and psychological conditions in the context of Western cultural traditions, and to understand this in human terms, one must take into account Weber’s 1903 thesis of ‘The Iron Cage’ of capitalism. This cage is the intellectual trap of Calvinism, predestination, the natural depravity of man, God’s omniscience, and the Puritan work ethic. The Spirit of Capitalism had lost its spiritual aspect, becoming fully rationalized, secularized and institutionalized through the British and later the American industrial revolutions. By the 20th Century, the Nazi medical propaganda machine exploited Luther‘s ideal of the calling, creating a secular religion by transforming the rationale for obedience to God’s will into obedience to the state. This ideal social norm supposedly returned Germans to their psychological religious roots, even to the point of obliterating self for the service of the state, all to the glory of God, in this case der Fuehrer.

129 Fascism is an ideological descendant of the esthetic attitude of Benjamin Franklin, deliberately twisted into its ultimate logic by cynical men for Machiavellian purposes, all academically justified by materialism, determinism, and Nietzsche’s nihilism. The social and intellectual vacuum at the center of this whirlwind had brewed a witch’s cauldron of counterrevolution and murder out of many decades of brutal suppression of all liberal democratic ideals workers’ organizations, and civic associations, and the liquidation of all freedom fighters as ‘communist’ since the counter-revolution of 1848, and the total collapse of the Second International on the eve of the Great War. Its aftermath was not the origin of runaway repression (as is commonly believed), but rather the key to unleashing the whirlwind lies in the inception of the war. Dunayevskaya (1981/1991) identifies the transformation of revolution into counterrevolution in the collapse of the Second International when the most revolutionary congress of working people ever assembled was subjected to a leadership coup, voting to supply war credits to the Kaiser and thereby providing the green light for World War I. This is the event that drove Lenin to re-examine Hegel, identifying the dialectical category of transformation into opposite that Post-Marx Marxists had truncated from dialectics. By the armistice of November 11, 1918, the combatants merely suspended the Great War because they had all expended their youth, laying out untenable markers for the fighting of future wars by a new generation to be bred perhaps eugenically (the National Socialists in Germany actually implemented this then commonly accepted notion), rather than implement the Marshall Plan, which had to wait until the final cessation of hostilities at the variously dated end of World War II. German working people had once been the leaders of the European Revolutions of 1848, the high point of which Marx (1844) identified as when the Silesian weavers burned the titles to

130 the machines to which they were appended (cited in Messinger, 2007). Citing the Collected Works of Marx & Engels, Messinger further wrote, “Hence Marx proudly called the German proletariat ‘the theoretician of the European proletariat.... A philosophical people can find its corresponding practice (praxis) only in socialism, hence it is only in the proletariat that it can find the dynamic element of its emancipation.’” After dying as cannon fodder in the Great War, and having their organizer murdered and their organizations and forms of action destroyed by capitalists or co-opted by Stalinists, who inevitably sold them back into the hands of the capitalists, by the post-war era German workers had diminished their expectations to the lowest common denominator of security. Their sense of personal efficacy and agency were thoroughly demoralized to the point of actually being willing to accept an iron cage of capitalist ideology as their God-given vocation, or calling ( Luther ‘s Beruf), in exchange for an illusion of security (Fromm, 1969). Weber’s sociology contributes greatly to the analysis of the Third Reich and its therapeutic practice of mental health. Weber’s occupational status-group sheds light on the actual practices and functions of the Göring Institute, an exemplary example of how such a group thrives in turbulent political conditions, as Weber observed; and how, and as Cox (cited in Packard, 2008) added, the medical mental health profession can adapt easily to authoritarian (even totalitarian) regimes. Weber (1978) distinguished a status-group as enjoying a certain lifestyle, as consumers of the dominant high culture. The status-group occupational lifestyle that Weber described includes formal and scientific education, rational instruction and behavior, and prestige ascribed to race and profession. The ability to define culture is one of the privileges of status. Chivalric gentility is pragmatically defined as belonging to a pure racial type. Being a

131 middle manager in industry or government, advising governments, and classifying information are all Weberian status-group functions. Such a group may practice eugenics, monopolize privilege and political power, abhor work (even capitalist accumulation), and recognize charisma by descent. Their purpose is to maintain respect and honor for possessing special knowledge and inside access to government. Such honor cannot be obtained merely by making money or working hard. Rather than being grounded in the means of getting income, which reflects class, statusgroups are based on cultural consumption and privileged lifestyles, with specific incentives, language, and honor. Resenting government regulation and capitalist competition, a status group may manipulate the market, but will submit to strong government. Abjuring hard bargaining and hard work, a status-group will fight to maintain the loyalty of its membership. Economic depression coupled with a laissez faire regulatory climate provide ideal opportunities for an occupational status-group to monopolize the production of scientific knowledge, employment, lobbying, funding, publishing opportunities, and professional credibility. Because professional positions are always scarce, officials are self-serving and protective of their jobs. Weber analyzed an ancient status-group, the Chinese Literati, in The religion of China (cited in Packard, 2008), demonstrating the empirical validity of his concept of status-group. Highly trained scholars (a prerequisite for literacy in the language of ancient China), as civil servants they spent their lives passing exams, perfecting their morals, and competing for prestigious positions as scribes and advisors to the power elite. The group was responsible for ‘rational administration’ and ‘all intelligence’ (state secrets), From good family backgrounds, members of the group were called ‘living libraries’ (ancient policy woks). The aim of Confucian

132 education was spiritual rebirth into an esthetic life of self-control and awe toward authority, as embodied in elders. Professional examinations and certifications were difficult, designed to screen a surplus of candidates for scarce funding and positions, offering status honor rather than financial incentives. Examinations tested for mastery of appropriate Confucian ‘ways of thought,’ in Weber’s words, a “systematic and pragmatic correction of facts from the point of view of ‘propriety’” (cited in Packard, 2008). Thus, the official function of the Literati was to resolve value conflicts in Chinese society, applying Confucian ideals of propriety to changing circumstances over a period of millennia. By appeasing the leadership and maintaining the balance of Heaven, they thereby set a public example of how to incorporate new social values into the ancient social regimen. As gentlemen of culture, the Chinese Literati concerned themselves with the ethics of duty in public office, mastering the elements of compulsion in the bureaucratic organization of the state. They naturally opposed feudalism which, in today’s parlance, involves nepotism over qualification by civil service examination. The Literati maintained loyalty and cohesion in its membership, demanding respect for their status. Mao Zedong sought to root Confucianism out of Chinese society through the Cultural Revolution, by which he rationalized youth rebellion, drawing totalitarian lines only when the youth criticized Mao Zedong rather than Confucian thought. In this respect, Maoism failed to defeat the Chinese civil service, which eventually removed his heirs, ‘the Gang of Four,’ from the reins of power. From the Weberian analysis of the Chinese Literati emerges the ideal type of a status-group monopolizing social power to dictate social norms and values. No other group earned the privilege of a long life in ancient China, with increased opportunities for reproduction,

133 conditioned on continued success in meeting the strenuous requirements of civil service examinations. Absolute respect for elders and senior officials maintained rather than challenged the status quo, creating a climate antithetical to social change or revolution. Nazi psychotherapy, adapting such status-group functions, was a clear impediment to Weber’s concept of teaching science as a vocation of social change, in which students are introduced to new facts, without value judgments, and encouraged to take their own position in making sense of contradictory values and norms. The status-group follows a strategy of usurping privilege and honor, conforming to the authority of strong government, and silencing the rebellious voice of youth. The basic distinction of honor was between gentlemen of status and plebeians, including the military, landed gentry, novae riche, and capitalist parvenus. The Literati fought and died to retain their monopoly of social honor. Like the prophets of Judaism, the Literati pronounced doom on society when the ruler abandons the Way of Heaven, resulting in turning society upside down, or revolution. Only by acceding to prescribed rituals and ceremonies could the ruler maintain Literati support, which was otherwise unflagging. Through discipline and class struggle, which includes monopolization of privileged control over markets, the Weberian status-group maintains its lifestyle based on cultural consumption and control over value systems. As a status-group, the Literati acceded to authoritarian power so long as the ruler accessed their special knowledge and services. After elucidating Weber’s empirical demonstration of his construct of the status-group in his analysis of the Literati of China, Packard turned to Cox’s analysis of the Göring Institute (cited in Packard, 2008), whose mission was to implement the Nazi program of social control through the medical model of psychotherapy. They specifically modeled their practice on

134 Stalin’s institutionalization of political dissenters in psychiatric or work-camp facilities, depending on whether or not they were considered redeemable. Posing as a tool of social adjustment, in the hands of the Nazi Literati psychotherapeutic practice involved behavior modification strikingly similar to Mao Zedong’s political re-education camps. Rather than destroy Freudian psychoanalysis, Göring ostensibly purged the discipline of its ‘exploitative, capitalistic character,’ developing it into a modern tool for brainwashing social deviants into becoming model citizens of the Third Reich. Göring used political power to usurp monopolistic control over the profession, and traditional inquisitorial tactics to literally burn the German Freudians as witches while taking over their methods. Göring considered Freudian psychoanalysis to be too pessimistic and frivolous, catering to individuality rather than subordinating individuals to the group. Opting for behavioral rather than psychic controls, Nazi psychotherapy provided the correction needed for short-term, coercive behavioral modification. Göring’s ideology of mental and social hygiene integrated the individual into society by simply abolishing individuality, rejecting the personal subconscious mind as unscientific, while acknowledging a collective unconsciousness. The word ‘Nazi’ stands for National Socialism, the ideological cover under which brown shirted thugs acquired the functional role of a status- group such as the Literati, endowing themselves with the responsibility of interpreting and determining the values of society, while covertly practicing the rapacious plunder of the German ruling elites they purportedly served. They touted traditional Romantic values such as patriarchy, "just war" (pre-emptively undertaken, as in Germany’s "defensive" invasion of Poland, or Bush’s nonexistent weapons of mass destruction used to justify the US/Iraq War), purity, physical and spiritual health, and Aryan supremacy, a new heresy grafting 19th Century American Jim Crow

135 legislation and ‘race theory’ (rationalization of slavery) into German jurisprudence while feigning deep roots in the German collective unconscious. The Nazis considered Freudian psychoanalysis to be unscientific precisely because it aids the individual in struggling against society, rather than demanding total surrender to the diktats of the party. Charting his theoretical path between narrow determinism and absolute idealism: “Freud had been a leading advocate among those who feared that medical monopolization of the treatment of medical disorders would lead to a functional and technical narrowing of the field from a means of humane insight to that of mechanical ‘cure’” (Cox, cited in Packard, 2008). The historic dispute was over whether ‘mental illness’ is biologically based and curable by medication, electro-shock therapy, behavior modification, and other technical means that can be administered by medical experts. Regardless of technique, only1in 6 psychotherapists are effective: those who can establish a relationship of trust with the patient, and are willing to enter the patient’s cognitive world, taking into account meaning and exercising ‘verstehen’ to help with the process of self-healing (Rogers, 1989). Psychotherapy has never been a ‘hard’ science precisely because it requires conflict resolution, compromise, and democratic discussion, as determined by professional consensus within the medical helping professions. After driving Freud out of Germany and burning his books, Göring put his own name on the German Institute for Psychological Research and Psychotherapy in Berlin. Evidently the Nazis were not satisfied with Freud’s capitulation to their power, asking only that his ideas be presented correctly. They did, however, utilize Freudian methods

136 when they worked. For eugenic reasons, sexually dysfunctional Nazis such as homosexuals needed to be cured, whereas those from inferior racial stock were simply prosecuted as criminals, and then murdered. The Göring Literati renamed Freudian Psychotherapy ‘Germanic,’ modifying rather than destroying the practice. The social disorder introduced by the Nazis, the pragmatic utility of administered adjustment techniques to national socialist ideology, Göring’s personal interest, and professional expectations for growth and expanded practice all conspired to keep a modified Freudian medical practice alive in Germany. These conditions meet Weber’s criteria for an occupational status-group. The existence of experts in a specialized body of knowledge, Göring’s provision of an official monopoly in the ‘care and control’ of the German people, and the anarchy of social competition for der Führer’s favor enabled the consolidation of the new status-group, which had previously been marginalized in German medicine. The new, improved Psychotherapy used coercive techniques to induce conformity to political demand s. The Göring Institute monopolized the expertise to identify and cultivate proper German character, care for and control the German soul, ensure party loyalty, and imposed an iron work ethic on the masses, in return for the security of ascribed social honor as a racial legacy, with no need for personal accomplishment beyond blind service to the Führer. Cox (cited in Packard, 2008) concluded that professional Psychotherapy functioned well as an occupational status-group in Germany, in service to authoritarian power, under antidemocratic auspices. As a practicing neurologist and psychotherapist, Göring protected his Institute from being usurped by others in possession of the requisite political and professional power. As a badge of their fall from status, psychiatrists were responsible for implementing Nazi

137 euthanasia and ethnic cleansing policies, universally considered to be a dirty job, except by men such as Dr. Mengele. The Nazis enforced the destruction of higher education, while fighting with each other for control over the government and deprofessionalizing psychiatry. Nazi Psychotherapists originally had a hard time getting licensed, gaining teaching posts, and securing an income. As a status-group, they were uniquely situated to take advantage of the chaotic political fragmentation of the Nazi regime because they possessed resources insulated from government and private enterprise, and thereby from the ravages of war. Their claim to social honor was grounded in formal education, scientific training, hereditary leadership, privileged marriage, friendship, and “possibly monopolistic appropriation of privileged modes of acquisition or the abhorrence of certain kinds of acquisition, status, and conventions (traditions) of other kinds” (Weber, cited in Packard, 2008). Weber’s entire description of an occupational status-group is especially appropriate in describing German Psychotherapy under Göring. Cox (cited in Packard, 2008) showed how the Göring Institute appropriated privileged modes of acquisition, such as funding by the Labor Front and the Reich Research Council for short-term therapies for military and youth programs, while disdaining psychotherapy for profit. To Weber a status-group as “a plurality of persons who, within a larger group, successfully claim a special social esteem, and possibly also status monopolies” (cited in Packard, 2008). Like the Chinese Literati goal of fostering a new soul in their members, the Göring Institution mandate was to provide a new soul for Germans, manifested in correct thinking and submergence of individuality to the need s of the community, the state (Führer), and homeland (Vaterland). The Göring Institute was the qualified keeper of the hearts and minds of the Volk, guiding them in thought, behavior, and lifestyle. The Institute’s mission was to maintain the Romantic German

138 ideology of soul, rendering the spirit and body of Germany, especially her youth, suitable to the service of the state (Führer). Like the Chinese Literati, they maintained a monopoly on their specific role as interpreters and arbiters of values and norms, providers of mental therapeutic services, and even keepers of official secrets about the German people developed by Hitler’s farflung paranoid intelligence network, retained intact by the Allied occupation government to spy on the Russians. Along with Nazi rocket scientists (such as SS Sturmbannfüehrer Werner von Braun), General George S. Patton, commander of the US Third Army and military governor of most of the American occupation zone in Germany, provided protection and relocation for many SS intelligence officials, as well as the continuation of their spy network. Perhaps this helps explain similarities to the American FBI’s branding of Dr. Martin Luther King as a communist under J. Edgar Hoover, and Nixon’s military Cointelpro (counter intelligence and propaganda) service, which kept illegal intelligence files on American peace activists, also branding them. Along with the entire Black American domestic semi-colony, as communists. As the SS and its clones have proven, such intelligence is very useful for purposes of blackmail, as were the files alleging sexual liaisons Hoover kept on King. Like the Chinese Literate, Göring Institute incomes derived from bureaucratic office. The ancient Literati had the official privilege of a long life, whereas Göring Institute personnel were exempt from military service and death camps. Renegades were subject to ostracism or death. Whereas the Literati had an over-supply of qualified applicants from which to screen members using the ancient equivalent of civil service exams, the attending psychologist program of the Göring institute had a surplus of women applying for the position. With a general shortage of

139 men resulting from their utility as cannon fodder, officials were forced to deflect women into teaching and nursing programs. The Göring Institute exhibited many, if not all of the attributes Weber identified as belonging to an occupational status-group. They usurped the status and techniques of Freudian psychoanalysts using Nazi political influence. The pretenders adopted the lifestyle of the older group by controlling and distributing their educational credentials and techniques, moving into their social circles, eschewing dirty occupations such as capitalist or worker, and even deriving honor from the severity of Germany’s wartime budget limitations. The new, modernized, intellectually impoverished practitioners monopolized power over the ‘care and control’ of Germany’s soul, subjugating the individual to Nazi-defined communal necessities. They jealously defended their territory from encroachments by Party officials and university psychiatrists. Cox’s findings (cited in Packard, 2008) were that Freudian theory and practice were not destroyed under the Nazis, merely truncated to narrow materialism, cynically manipulating cultural symbols supplied by German Romanticism in the name of behavior modification. Cox warned that such an occupational status-group cannot only be expected to merely survive, but may indeed thrive under non-democratic conditions, as Weber predicted in his analysis of the autonomy of the Chinese Literati from stressed political and economic circumstances. They pursued lifestyle and consumption patterns easily extorted through liquidation of a wealthy ruling elite. They inculcated willingness to serve up youth as cannon fodder for the militarized total warfare state, thereby making themselves useful to the social machinery of Nazi rule. They

140 demonstrated Weber’s assessment that occupational status-groups can thrive under chaotic political conditions, and that they can survive through servility to authoritarian regimes. The Göring Institute maintained professional continuity throughout the Third Reich, expanded its practice, and attained status to a degree unique in German history. The excellent fit of Weber’s ideal type of occupational status-group, derived from his studies of ancient religion in China, to a modern institution such as the Göring group shows how Weber’s ideal type ‘status-group’ may be applied to other modern organizations. Packard (2008) concludes that such analysis provides insights into social dynamics under conditions that jeopardize human life and values. Putting this knowledge to humanistic use may be problematic under ‘value-free’ scientific presumptions, which we have shown elsewhere are not objective at all, but simply blind to consciousness of self. Weber’s Verstehen Zimmerman (2006) identified Weber as a far-right ideologue, sometimes a lone spokesperson for imperialism in academic circles, and an original theorist of neo-racism, which Etienne Balibar (cited in Zimmerman, 2006) defined as a form of scientific racism for the neocolonial era that denies biological determinants of race, while upholding the culture of the colonizer, thereby rationalizing the continued dominance of settler (western) culture over that of the native, and thus upholding the political and economic inequities of imperialism in the postcolonial era. Under new nationalist flags, the citizens of the former colonial empire now emigrate to the metropolitan centers of the West for their education, where they learn the dominant values of the ‘white man’s burden,’ which they return home to implement as administrators over the

141 deracialized, economic empire of neo-colonialism. Europe is no longer the conqueror, but merely the superior civilization to which all others must conform. Under empire, cultural superiority supersedes racial superiority. The mobility of capital demands stagnation and continued underdevelopment. In imposing the plans of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund on the Third World under the careful planning of University of Chicago ‘supply side’ economists, the Western investors must maintain conditions bordering on, and actually reproducing slave labor, while also maintaining free access to exploit natural resources such as oil and precious metals, whether through the establishment of racist hierarchies or by way of more flexible cultural hierarchies. Prior to the Great War, Weber’s ideas met the needs of German and American imperialism for imported labor. Although actually dating back to 1492, Globalization is the new by-word for empire, with new forms of economic and political domination replacing the gunboat diplomacy of the British Empire, now under the oneworld rubric of Pax-Americana. Today’s ‘cultural relativist’ epigones appeal to Weber’s cultural rationalization of capitalist economics as a mainspring for apologetics for the status quo, which Weberian sociology represents par-excellence. The primary use of Weber by today’s neo-racists is to denigrate all suggestions that political and economic inequities, especially as between the two billion people who live on less than $2 per day, and the developed world, have any social origin other than ‘dependency theory, ‘ which is patently false in the neo-racist view. Such ideas imply that had America, for instance, encouraged democracy in places such as Iran, rather than financing by proxy and through any means necessary the crushing of democratic movements throughout the world since the 19th Century rise of American Imperialism, perhaps we would

142 have democratic friends rather than dictatorial enemies in the same places where we now face the ‘blowback’ (Johnson, 2001) from our own terrorism. Although the idea of verstehen, as interpreted by Parsons, is not specific to Weber, this dominant idea in Weber invokes the role of values in rationalizing the racism and cultural imperialism now practiced under the ethos of capitalism. Weber specifically disagreed with Ploetz (cited in Zimmerman, 2006), who argued that Christian love and sympathetic social welfare programs for the poor had weakened the superior white races of Europe through dysgenics, permitting the survival of the unfit. Weber, who with Lincoln, conceded that racial inferiority may play a major role in society, knew full well that the Calvinist form of the Puritan work ethic had increased social contempt for the poor, and argued that social welfare programs had permitted strong, although indigent, persons to survive, rather than propagating the weak. Having visited America, as did Ploetz, Weber argued that no such ‘racial instinct’ as Ploetz had identified (actually getting the idea from the Scientific Racism that had arisen in America to defend the slave-labor system against the abolition movement) was responsible for the fury of white racial hatred in America, but rather the old, European feudal contempt for labor, embraced by the Southern planter class who had no personal use whatsoever for any Puritan work ethic. Along with other theorists we have discussed in these pages, Weber’s verstehen of racism in America did not extend to self-critical analysis of his own treatment of Polish minorities. Weber openly admired many of the Black intellectuals he had met in America, all of whom had white ancestors, and despised poor Southern whites as well as ‘half-ape’ plantation cotton belt negroes. Weber recognized race, culture, and class as determinants of superiority, providing a rationale for the more subtle racism that has replaced Ploetz’s crude Social Darwinism, adapted

143 from the Scientific Racism born in America for later use by the Nazis. In fostering the spread of Nazism throughout the world since the end of World War II (Israeli and South African Apartheid were both born in the aftermath of that war), America has found the neo-racism of Weber far more useful than the crude racism of Ploetz and Hitler. Weber’s imperialism and racism, first developed in his work for the Prussian government on Polish immigrants (in removing them from the land and replacing them with German farmers, who would then provide a social bulwark against the socialist ideas of free labor), provided the values for his scientific methodology. Weber saw the free capitalist labor market, rather than any social principle of Christian love, as providing the dysgenic means by which inferior Polish races prevailed over their German superiors. Most Social Darwinists feared the threat posed by inferior races over-running their more human superiors, usually along nationalist lines. Thus was racism born in the heart of Europe, even though the American slaveocracy articulated its first pseudoscientific rationale. Weber explained his racist political work, “the politician must recognize a fundamental fact: the irresolvable and eternal struggle of man against man on the earth…” (cited in Zimmerman, 2006, p63). Weber exemplified radical nationalism and racism both in politics and in science. His racist apologetics rationalized irrational economic policies, as against the rationalization of labor under capitalism, in nationalist appeals to preserve the German race from inferior Poles, Slavs, and other sub-human species. Weber viewed such value judgments as taken for granted, forming the backdrop for scientific theory in so far as they embody true human values in preserving the ‘permanent power-political interests of the nation.” In the context of all of his other work, the lip-service he paid to value neutrality in science in his 1918 lecture

144 “Science as a Vocation” (cited in Zimmerman, 2006, p64) can only be understood as the origin of the uncritical acceptance of the unexamined values that has become a tradition in Weberian and mainstream social science we have examined elsewhere. As opposed to Sayer’s (1992) use of verstehen, which provided for the critical evaluation of other cultures in the light of a selfcritical statement of underlying values, Weber’s verstehen can only be seen as value neutral if white racism is fully accepted on its own terms, as the culmination of the human endeavor. Weber, the Elect, and the Poor Reiland (2006) presented his experience of Calvinist religio-political secular religion at Muskingum College in Ohio, founded by Calvinists, and retaining a strict moral code derived from the era of church governance. As an economics professor at Robert Morris University in Pittsburgh, Reiland recognized the implications of Weber’s thesis on the role of predestination in determining the Puritan work ethic as a driving force in the development of capitalism. Reiland pointed out that Weber considered capitalist society, as defined under this ethic, to be the culmination of human endeavor. In secular-religious terms, the billions of absolutely impoverished people on earth, who have no command over labor or capital markets, through the grace of God, and for no fault of their own, are simply predestined to remain among the nonelect. Although this is the religious doctrine, the secularized doctrine actually finds fault with the poor, scape-goating and blaming the victim in an effort to retain a belief in a just world order. Although Calvin would scoff at such foolishness, pointing out that we are not to attempt to probe the divine mind, or assess its justice, the purity of the doctrine was never practiced, even by Calvin himself, who burned Servetus at the stake after inviting him to Geneva to discuss issues regarding the Eucharist. The Salem witch trials and the McCarthyism of the ‘50s, down to

145 the current Homeland Security and USA Patriot Acts, are manifestations of this same impulse, generated from the insecurity of the elect in their continuous struggle to avoid being swallowed into poverty. Reiland (2006) may have over-stated the case a bit in remarking that Weber saw capitalism as the perfect society. If that were indeed the case, Weberian sociology could never have carved out a secular calling for the sociologist. In fact, as we learned from Zimmerman (2006), contrary to the Social Darwinists in the far right clubs to which he belonged, Weber showed that the capitalist market functions to maintain persons of inferior caste, and that only governmental intervention can ensure ‘survival of the fittest’ in society. Weber saw the Prussian state which he served loyally as naturally generating eugenic and ‘ethnic cleansing’ programs to deal with such problems, especially with respect to internal Polish and other Eastern European immigrants, but he constantly worried that the state did not go far enough in protecting the ‘elect’ from the damned, and he devised a scientific methodology for helping the state achieve its goal in protecting the master race in the continuing human struggle for existence. Like Marx, he viewed history as the struggle between group interests, but contra-Marx Weber sided with the dominant culture in its supreme efforts to control deviant behavior. The Role of Ideas in History Demirezen (2006) compares Marx directly to Weber and Mannheim. Marx’s basic concept of social structure identified base and superstructure. The base concerns how human beings create their material conditions of existence, which he called the mode of production. Changes in the economic base of society cause changes to occur throughout the superstructure, which includes culture, ideas, political ideology, and all social institutions other than economic.

146 This view transcends the limits of vulgar materialism, in which no idea can function as the material cause of anything, and idealism, that denies reality altogether to the material world of experience, the ground of empiricism. Marx wrote that “ the materialistic doctrine that men are products of circumstances and upbringing, and that, therefore, changed men are products of other circumstances and changed upbringing, forgets that it is men who change circumstances” (cited in Demirezen, 2006). Any social or psychological method that considers cognition must also account for human sensuous activity. History can only be understood in terms of material production as the basis for the various forms of social intercourse, such as morality, religion, and philosophy, and how they arise from that base. Ideas, even the best ideas, such as ‘freely associated labor,’ cannot be realized in history before the material conditions for their expression exist. Outmoded ideas may in fact impede progress in material conditions. Western modes of production evolved from slave, to feudal, to capitalist class relations, which mediate between base and superstructure. When changes occur in society, it is because new productive forces render obsolete old relations of production, creating contradictions between old and new classes expressed in social realms of discourse and action. The relationship of a class to the mode of production from which it arises determines its class interests, which are expressed in ideology. Ruling ideas are simply the ideas of the ruling class, expressing dominant material relations. Alienation arises when the product of labor no longer expresses the personality of the worker in communal effort, but rather becomes a commodity on the marketplace. This alienation is from self as well as from humanity because work is objectified, with no reward for its expenditure beyond compensation for the socially necessary labor time in

147 its production. Labor itself becomes a commodity, bought and sold at its exchange value, whose utility in use is only the capacity to produce surplus value, which the capitalist appropriates. To Marx, religion provides the structure for alienation, primarily functioning as an ‘opiate’ to still class struggle (cited in Demirezen, 2006). The religious struggles by which the peasants and workers of Europe entered history were expressions of and protests against economic distress. Religion has a contradictory secular basis related directly to social structure. Starving masses will only settle for ‘pie in the sky when you die’ up to a point, beyond which they will conduct food riots, agrarian rebellions, strikes, and other forms of mass resistance. Religion must be revolutionized in practice by removing the contradiction wherein it demands universal belief, while yet supplying support for non-producing classes whose only function is to appropriate surplus value within an ideological means of domination. Marx’s interest in religion did not extend beyond its function as ideology, in support of ruling ideas. He saw religious writings, meanings, and beliefs at best as rationalizations supporting the status quo, at worst as lies to deflect class struggle. At no point did he explore religious content. In Marx’s context, the subjective meaning of religious experience had no value. Weber actually took interest in the concrete meaning of action for a specific actor, as well as the subjective meaning of social action. However, motives may better be explained from ascribed rather than expressed intentions (Demirezen, 2006). Interpretation can be direct, or indirect. Verstehen, which is the suspension of disbelief to create empathy with the actor in a concrete situation, is the indirect means by which motivation can be ascribed. Examining the social actor’s writings and explanations, the observer makes an attempt to understand the meaning of an action from the stand point of the actor. Interpretive understanding provides

148 causal explanations of social action, which always has a subjective meaning oriented toward its effect on the behavior of others. Weber’s thesis about the relationship of the Protestant work ethic to the rise of modern capitalism provides an understanding of the role of ideas in history, and critiques any vulgar materialist interpretation of Marx’s concept of the primacy of base over superstructure (Demirezen, 2006). Although religious ideas are important factors in their influence over action, they are affected by economic forces and cannot be seen as independent variables in history. Weber went on to study the psychology of world religions, concluding that material and ideal interests govern conduct. However, ideas create world outlooks, which can determine the course of action motivated by material interests. The Calvinist, whether capitalist or employee, believed that success in one’s occupation is the only available assurance of salvation. Failure is simply unacceptable, as a sure indication of continued absence of God’s grace. Such beliefs generated asceticism in the accumulation of wealth, providing a strong impetus to re-investing it rather than spending it on self-indulgence. Demystified, this ethic became the rationalized spirit of capitalism. To Weber, ideas are closely connected to structure through ‘elective affinity,’ which emphasizes the contingent connection between beliefs and their consequences in social action. Mannheim, under the influence of Lukacs, critiqued Marx’s world outlook by showing that it, too, can become an ideological reflection of class interest (Demirezen, 2006). This would be absurd to Marx, who saw the revolutionary subjectivity of masses in motion as the only real basis for objectivity. When class society is abolished through freely associated labor, ideology as the rationalization of class interest ceases to exist. However, when radical criticism of society becomes co-opted into the system, the rationalizations of all contending classes are expressed as

149 ideology, with nothing more revolutionary on the horizon than elitist rule in the name of the working class, as happened in Russia. To this situation, as well as the total situation throughout the West, where co-optation of revolutionary movements became the mode of systemic survival, Mannheim’s total conception of ideology is extremely appropriate. This total conception calls into question all contending opponents’ conceptual frameworks, in terms of how the battle of ideas arises from the experience of each interested group, understanding each world outlook as a mode of thought arising from the situation of the individual. Functional analysis does not seek motives, but rather describes the structural elements involved in totally different settings. If every view can be considered ideological, relativism is one possible solution to the theory of knowledge, which validates any proposition. Mannheim proposed relationalism as an alternative, which is yet another approach to TEI (truth as an epistemic ideal). This is the sociology of knowledge. Rather than seek absolute truth, the relationist recognizes the effects of history and class (Demirezen, 2006). Mannheim proposes free-floating intellectuals as best qualified by education to reduce the level of bias, transcending narrow class viewpoints in their mastery of the tools of knowledge. Although intellectuals may be detached from the Weltanschauung of their point of origin, Mannheim found positive elements in ideology: each class point of view contributing knowledge of society as a complex whole that would otherwise be missed. The intellectuals can fuse such partial viewpoints into a new knowledge of society that transcends class and ideology, both of which play a positive role in providing parts of the overall picture, as light from a prism provides the various spectral colors that constitute the original ray. Intellectuals have written many histories of ideas in a wide variety of areas to enlighten social inquiry along the lines Mannheim proposed for the sociology

150 of knowledge. Whereas James and Weber ventured into the realm of religion from phenomenological and sociological viewpoints, Mannheim was the first to actually study each highly politicized world outlook from within, exercising a form of verstehen in elucidating liberal, conservative, and radical ideologies. Marx’s original concept of ideology was polemic, used to question and criticize the entire world outlook of the ruling class, which tends to be stated as the objective view of the entire society. Mannheim proposed that Marxism could itself be criticized in the same way. Not only infrastructure, but history and social viewpoints also determine ideology, which may even reveal as much as it obscures. Weber also acknowledged that special interests have a strong influence on ideas. Mannheim proposed the total concept of ideology in framing a durable sociology of knowledge. Ideology and Utopia

Goldman (1994) located Mannheim within the context of the sociology of knowledge, Mannheim’s own creation, taking up the conditions and modalities under which Mannheim produced social knowledge. The rapid development of a sociology of science since Mannheim’s proposal of this new field has not focused on the producers of social knowledge. As Mannheim himself pointed out, his concept of ‘total ideology’ is not only a tool for unmasking the economic interests underlying consciousness, separating truth from the claims of power. The sociology of knowledge analyzes meanings of beliefs and ideas relative to the experience of social groups, in terms of the viewpoints and perspectives available to the average member. How do we approach knowledge producers and their products objectively and with sensitivity to the social dynamics of their work?

151 Scholars have only recently begun to recognize the relevance for today of Mannheim’s intellectual reach. Before Grams defined hegemony, Mannheim wrote that knowledge “is clearly rooted in and carried by the desire for power and recognition of particular social groups who want to make their interpretation of the world the universal one” (Cited in Goldman, 1994). Intellectuals elucidate the ‘world outlook’ of the group to which they attach themselves. In the democratic marketplace of ideas, each particularistic viewpoint struggles to become universal. The analysis of ideological positions reveals the social forces and impulses on which they are based. Goldman critiqued Mannheim for failing to account for the effect of the struggle for power on the formulation of ideology. Foucault and Mannheim both elaborated a theory of the role of intellectuals in defining truth, each arguing for a political economy of truth to expose the relationship of ideology to power. We have just evaluated the Göring Institute in Weberian terms as an occupational statusgroup. The psychotherapeutic practice of the Nazis cannot be fully understood in these terms alone. We must turn to the normative function of ideology to find the social roots of Nazism, more visible prior to the Hitler-Stalin Pact of 1939, which in providing the green light for that war also generated the ideological smog that has clouded the issue of fascism in American life ever since. The fate of Chaplin’s first dialogue movie, The Great Dictator (1940), made at the height of American isolationism, when many influential Americans were still in love with Adolph Hitler, and at any rate no one thought it would be possible to convince American white men to go back to killing Germans (the Japanese later provided the needed racist rationale), is a case in point. Eugenics, the pretentious claims of pseudo-intellectual animal breeders, had not yet fallen into disfavor, although Chaplin certainly did for thumbing his nose at Der Führer. Henry

152 Ford, the National Association of Manufacturers, Winston Churchill, and many in America’s ruling elites avidly supported Nazi racist ideology, the legal structure of which derived directly from America’s late 19th Century Jim Crow laws, and the rationale for which was provided by the Scientific Racism that had developed in the death struggle of the slave system against Abolitionism. 20th Century normative sociology clearly expressed the fundamental problem of society as the correction of deviant behavior, preferably through the control techniques of the behaviorists. Skinner had not yet written Beyond Freedom and Dignity, (1971/2002) his paean to social control, but the ideals of social Darwinism (Hofstadter, 1944/1955) had been around for decades. Social Darwinist ideology was the platform of the Progressive Movement. Dewey’s social theories, derived from the psychological ideas of James (in which Dewey grounded his pragmatism), established normative sociology’s viewpoint that the only social change needed after the consolidation of political democracy and capitalism in America was to correct the inappropriate behavior of working people, which ranged from anarchistic and social uses of dynamite (Adamic, 1931), through the conduct of mass strikes, such as the successful general struggle of the American working class to establish the 8 hour day, 5 day work-week (which culminated in the St. Louis Commune, through which working people directly governed their city at its high point); to supporting populist and socialist political movements. In the shadow of Jamesean functionalism (derived from Darwinism), Watson established behaviorism as a psychological discipline, the purpose of which was to predict and control behavior, which served as the theoretical apparatus of Nazi psychotherapy. Social Darwinism provided the intellectual context for social legislation creating the AMA occupational status group stranglehold on the

153 distribution and use of molds, synthetic pharmaceuticals, surgical procedures, and psychiatric medicine (Chase, 1977), generating a still extant medical services delivery system founded on the premise that those who cannot afford treatment, and are therefore unfit, should not survive the struggle for existence. Turn of the 20th Century social engineers erected a system of restricted medical school admissions that assures those who cannot afford to pay highly inflated monopolized market prices for medicine die. All of the ideological tools used by the Nazis were ready-made for them under an American label. The most quintessentially American product, other than decorticated pragmatism, was racism, brewed in the cauldron of America’s Melting Pot, a democratic stew from which a new American archetype (blonde-haired and blue-eyed, excluding Jews, Negroes, and Indians, as Weber foresaw) would surely emerge. Using Weberian verstehen, we can only imagine the plight of the thoroughly demoralized German working class from which National socialism emerged. When the Nazi economy revived slightly from the infusion of plunder from Germany’s wealthy banking classes (under cover of eugenic measures against the Jews), the worker’s status expectations of security seemed within reach, and they embraced nihilism in the garb of the Puritan work ethic, otherwise identified by Weber as the Spirit of Capitalism. A populace with expectations lowered below the widely-perceived minimum sustenance level, having no achievement motivation whatsoever, suddenly injected with the bacillus of racism, blamed sub-species and interbreeding with inferiors for all of humanity’s problems. Originally of no status, the worker now had an ascribed status by way of skin color. This was an opiate that recreated Christianity as a new secular religion, and posed as the fundamental glue of culture. The sense in which the Nazis used the word Aryan meant human, so that the master race was actually

154 the human race, with all others constituting sub-species. If this were the absolute truth, even humanists could get on the Nazi bandwagon. The Final Solution would have to work if humanity were to survive. Robert Ardrey (1961, 1966/1997), Desmond Morris (1967), and others wrote pseudoscientific works that posited human descent from killer apes. As elements of the pop culture of the ‘60s, these ideas influenced the opening scene from 2001: A Space Odessey (Kubrick, 1968/2007), in which the tossed bone-weapon, representing the advent of technology among killer apes, dissolved to a view of presumably the highest human technological achievement: a space station in stationary orbit between the earth and the moon. The same line of speculation has also suggested that humans eliminated our nearest competitors, such as Neanderthal Man, through mass murder. Carried forward by legitimate scientists straying far from their own training and discipline, such as Herrnstein’s The Bell Curve (1996), Wilson’s Sociobiology (1975/2000), and William Shockley’s revived eugenics (he shared the 1956 Nobel Prize in Physics for the investigation of the transistor, and during his tenure as Professor of Engineering at Stanford University from 1963 through 1975 attempted to use his scientific credentials to revive the pseudo-science of eugenics), this kind of pop-Darwinism permits any presumed biological “telos” to be assigned any unobserved structure (a functional-causal black box) to explain any presumption, such as racial superiority. Stephen J. Gould taught scientific methodology to laymen in many writings, culminating with the Structure of Evolutionary Theory (2002), his magnum opus published the year of his death. The work is accessible to any intelligent layman who wants to know how biological science actually works, written by a practicing paleontologist well within his discipline.

155 Gould is a premier example of a high-ranking member of an occupational status group, well-placed to evaluate the meaning of scientific methodology. He served as Professor of Geology and Curator of Invertebrate Paleontology at Harvard and in 1982 was awarded the title of Alexander Agassiz Professor of Zoology. In 1983 he became a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, which he served as president from 1999-2001. He served as president of the Paleontological Society in 1985-1986, and also presided over the Society for the Study of Evolution in 1990–1991. He was nominated to the body of The National Academy of Sciences in 1989. He served as Vincent Astor Visiting Research Professor of Biology at New York University from 1996-2002. The American Humanist Association awarded him the Humanist of the year award in 2001. In 2008, the Darwin/Wallace Medal award was posthumously conferred upon Gould. No stronger or more effective opponent of pseudo-scientific occupational status-groups, would-be modern reincarnations of the Göring Institute (such as the Institute for Creation Research), attempting to pass themselves off as legitimate scientific concerns, ever turned a pen to paper exposing their discredited presumptions and credentials. Gossett (1963/1997) researched the history of racism to supply a guide to the origin of modern scientific racism, of exactly the same variety as that promulgated by the Göring Institute, in the American apologetics of slavery after the institution was challenged by the Black freedom struggles. Montagu (1945/2007) weighed in with more stellar scientific credentials to thoroughly discredit racism, which he showed to have no place whatsoever in empirical scientific investigations other than the history of discredited ideologies.

156 In the most recent news, a man was elected president of the United States only because of his racial ascriptions. Racial theory will not be rooted out of popular culture in the immediate future, and is even consumed by high-status occupational elites with financial strings to major universities (Smith, 1974). Combine racism with the departing presidential administration’s vision of total War as America’s role in the 21st Century (see the Bush administration’s The National Security Strategy of the United States (2002)), and we have a potent brew for retrogression only marginally more sophisticated than Nazi psychotherapy. Foucault and Mannheim both examined globalizing, totalizing discourses that conceal the actual struggles and accidents that lead to domination of a particular world outlook (Goldman, 1994) as the strongest barriers to scientific truth. The analysis of the production and distribution of knowledge is the path of critical thinking, whether defined by Weber’s interpretive understanding, Sayer’s combination of Weber’s verstehen and ‘practical adequacy’ derived from James, or Mannheim’s concept of total ideology, for which the retrieval of specific insights of all groups in society can be synthesized into a sociology of knowledge. Sayer (1992) pointed out that, without some grounding in humanistic values, there is no way to evaluate the claims of an ideology such as racism, forcing us to accept the normative views it promulgates as the dominant mindset in German or American society, without any way to evaluate its ersatz scientific claims and malappropriated credentials. Without access to human values, Gould could not have written The Mismeasure of Man (1981/1996), and we would be forced to accept Herrnstein’s Bell Curve (1996). Without the values of democracy and an appreciation for cultural diversity, we would not understand the monstrous abuse in interpreting the ‘g’ scale as a measure for genera intelligence.

157 To enable us to escape from such intellectual traps, sociology must remain true to its democratic calling and ground itself as a science in a humanistic philosophic framework. The sociology of knowledge began in the criticism of neo-Kantian epistemology, resulting in a variety of perspectives, all struggling for academic and intellectual prestige. NeoHegelianism, historic ism, critical theory, ontology, and logical positivism were all contenders for the academic robe of truth. Today’s third generation of criticism includes deconstruction, hermeneutics, edifying philosophy, and discursive rationality. All accused Mannheim’s new discipline as ungrounded, without sufficient critical acumen to lead to truth. Mannheim analyzed the variety of epistemological approaches as rationalizations of world outlooks rooted in the needs of social groups. In his defense against charges of relativism on all sides, Mannheim examined the origin and significance of fear of relativism (1936), stating that such fears can only be relevant if relativism is confused with the older, absolute ideal of objective truth. Mannheim stated his preference for a relativism that “calls attention to those moments that make propositions discernable within their situation to any absolute proclamation of truth, no less partial than its competitors, yet incapable of grappling with the concrete determinants of thought, overlooking altogether the biases and presumptions that condition the evolution of knowledge” (cited in Goldman, 1994). Mannheim later found relationism to be a positive contribution from relativism, which is the mutual reference of all elements of meaning to each other and their respective roles in a particular system. Relational statements cannot be formulated absolutely, but only in terms of structures within a world outlook. The remainder of relativism for Mannheim lacked standards and order, “everyone and no one is right.” Perspectivism allows that various viewpoints come

158 into existence in relationship to each other and the social milieu from which they arise, but none can be understood without reference to another perspective, which is itself a product of history. Mannheim maintained a neo-Kantian dualism between what is disclosed by perspective, and what is disclosed by facts, congruence with an unknowable reality acting as a check on perspectives and judgments. With Hegel, Mannheim maintained an existential content of truth at every stage in the evolution of human thought, with a specific goal. The absolute unfolds in an “enduring and comprehensive dialectical movement” (cited in Goldman, 1994), “the structure of appearance signifies the way in which one views an object, what one grasps in it, and how one constructs the facts for oneself in thought.” Perspective is either concretely grounded or tied to viewpoint. Relationism permits access to certain aspects of social truth only from specific viewpoints. Certain aspects of history can only be grasped through particular circumstances, making the history of the knowing subject epistemologically important in the process of cognition. All interpretations of history from temporally emergent viewpoints do not have equal standing, according to objective criteria set for the evaluation of interpretations, subject to concrete historical evidence. Inspection can reveal which perspective more deeply penetrates social reality, distinguishing truth, differentiating among norms, thought modes, and behavioral patterns. Truth of perspective means that history determines correct conclusions, with different perspectives determining different partial truths, each correct within its own field. Ethical values and moral judgments are valid to the extent to which they refer to norms that help the individual discover new possibilities of human development in new situations, or guidance to the existing one. Incorrect or distorted knowledge ignores or conceals new realities, clings to outdated

159 ideologies, and imposes inappropriate categories. With Lukacs, Mannheim held that consciousness is historically determined. False consciousness results from a distorted mental structure. Mannheim’s relationism captured the original meaning of relativism, when Renaissance skepticism emerged as a result of the rediscovery of the Greek classics, their original meaning, and their original critics. Skepticism doubted the ground of belief in reason or revelation, rejecting fixed standards of truth and righteousness. 19th Century relativism arose in response to social and institutional changes that swept Europe, overwhelming existing faiths and institutions. World outlooks were subject to intense analysis by academic elites seeking meaning and purpose in the face of radical changes in prestige, meaning, and social action. They valued communal consensus over critique. Sharp contradictions between social groups and interests created wellgrounded fears of civil wars, class conflicts, social fragmentation, and family dissolution. Mannheim’s interest was to find unity and synthesis in partial views, accomplishing in thought what could not be accomplished in reality. He sought to synthesize different ideologies and philosophies into a comprehensive view, a relative optimum of what cannot be combined into a system, as necessary preparation for a new synthesis in the future. Mannheim believed in absolute being at some point, thereby positing some sphere of experience as absolute. Like Weber and James, he found ground between relativism and idealism on which to build a critical theory. He was a model for the role he proposed for radically disassociated intellectuals to create a synthesis of partial viewpoints, benefiting from the truth of each in creating a sociology of knowledge. Self-critical awareness of the values and presumptions one brings to the task is preferable to a blind denial that any such value

160 orientations exist, as is actually the case with ‘value-free’ objectivity in social science, which in so denying also precludes possibility of taking a critical stance. To further this task, Mannheim advocated the creation of an occupational status group, with social power to act as carriers of the social will to synthesis. The mission of the intellectuals is to take an unaffiliated, ruling point of view. Without ruling authority, they would nevertheless be trained to grasp totality. Through education, intellectuals could release themselves from the particularities of their personal social experience, cultivating a will to seek dynamic social equilibrium orientated toward the whole. Weber also sought such leadership, with a commitment to an ultimate ideal (cited in Goldman, 1994). From Durkheim, Mannheim added the goal of social and intellectual integration and acceptance of the whole, to mediate between conflicting groups. They must locate more comprehensive, systematic centers for reinterpreting older elements of culture, developing a broader social vision, ranking ascending syntheses as they penetrate social reality more deeply. Mannheim’s ideology and utopia are two types of reality transcendence because both are incongruent with social reality (Geoghegan, 2004). Ideologies are outdated, looking to an irredeemable past, whereas utopias point to the future. Mannheim’s theory of history is dialectical, developing through conflict driven by succeeding social strata, each with a social vision articulating its newly established status quo and implementing its political project. Each new transformative vision is the basis of a new social reality, which is eventually challenged by a newer vision of a new rising class. At this point, yesterday’s utopia becomes today’s ideology, changing in function from criticizing reality to defending the status quo. Historically, liberalism went from being a utopian vision of the rising bourgeoisie in overturning the medieval world, to

161 the ideological effort to defend the middle class status quo from challenge by rebellious workers. The situation is considerably more complicated by his theory that social context determines thought. Mannheim was very skeptical of any transhistoric vision, including Marxist claims that the world outlook of the workers is universal. Some labeled Mannheim as a relativist for this reason, which is a claim that he rejected, as we have seen. His analysis of reality-transcending viewpoints shows a preference for historical evidence patterned to distinguish between ideologies and utopias. Utopias that do not eventually attain power are of little consequence. In accordance with the dialectical theory of history, both ideological and utopian elements animate the politics of rising social strata, which may only partially realize their projects. Ideological aspects of their social vision may block the utopian promise. The liberal idea of freedom contains a high level of resistance to the idea of equality (Geoghegan, 2004), which only became apparent to later strata who hoped to cash in on the original utopian promise. The terms ‘ideology’ and ‘utopia’ carry a lot of historic baggage. All oppositional political activity is stigmatized as utopian, whereas ideological defenses make no distinction between what is really impossible and what is merely not possible without changing the existing social order. The term ‘ideological’ describes the defensive illusions of the dominant strata. Mannheim’s distinction involves temporal appropriateness, with the ideological indicating that which is out of date, archaic, and extinct as opposed to the new, rising star of the utopian. The sociology of knowledge (Geoghegan, 2004) itself emerged out of the socialist utopia. For thought that is congruent with reality to dominate would bring ideology to an end, as well as utopia, with loss of the ideals and hopes of humanity. In the modern context the

162 sociology of knowledge can explore distorted experience and generate a new sense of totality, which is the progressive mission of modern intellectuals. However Mannheim viewed historical and social reality, it is contemporary, dividing ideology from utopia. Mannheim included a full discussion of conservatism in Ideology and Utopia. Conservatism exists as an ideology precisely because society does not live up to the conservative vision, which provides it with a utopian thrust. In response to radicalism, the conservative mind was forced to develop a counter-utopian vision to remain in power. Paul Tillich decided that this effectively negates the concept of utopia. Mannheim’s Critics: Left Ernst Bloch (cited in Geoghegan, 2004) criticized Mannheim from a Marxist perspective, considering the sociology of knowledge a flawed and harmful theory. He accused Mannheim of plagiarizing the concept of utopia from his1918 The Spirit of Utopia, then misusing it, without including a single reference. Bloch used a normative approach to ideology and utopia, making judgments without reference to history, which in Mannheim’s view, sinks into unreflective particularism. Bloch drew on historical resources of rationality and value to distinguish truth from error, good from evil, and to analyze the emergence of these two forms in history, their current constellation, and future course. A red thread that runs through the historic succession of ideologies, utopia embraces authenticity that has not yet emerged. Although Bloch was a historical materialist, utopia need not be historically realizable to validate a specific utopian vision. Bloch (cited in Geoghegan, 2004) believed that because they fundamentally challenge existing power constellations, our highest human aspirations have been ever subject to historical defeat. The real difference between ideology and utopia is the difference between self-delusion

163 and authentic humanism. Mannheim tossed all those utopian hopes that do not become active oppositional utopias into the trash of ‘wishful thinking.’ Mannheim tied ideologies and utopias to specific social strata, whereas Bloch analyzed the social production of ideas. Bloch’s utopian thinking is not distorted, a product of analysis and aspirations, and therefore will remain even in the triumph of congruent thinking, which is scientific. Because history has many utopian moments, the archaic can still retain relevance in contemporary society. When justice is done and historic accounts settled, the social contract linking the generations will restore humanitarian ideas that have been cast down, and radical hermeneutics will settle the score. Bloch’s usage of the term ‘utopia’ is so ubiquitous as to destroy its explanatory value, in Adorno’s words (cited in Geoghegan, 2004), “Everything borders on being nothing.” In the Marxist tradition, the word ‘ideology’ denotes a wide range of phenomena, as ideological cultural and political formations, as false consciousness, and as the project of social classes. Bloch argued that National Socialism consolidated power in Germany by exploiting utopian elements in the German peasantry’s archaic, pre-capitalist dimensions, ignored by orthodox Marxists and Mannheim. To Bloch, nihilism rather than ideology is the real enemy. The optimism of Fascism was not so stupid as to disbelieve in everything. For Bloch, ideology needs the utopian to succeed as ideology, whereas an ideology of simple lies would never succeed, requiring utopian resources to gain power. The Nazi slogan of ‘home, soil, and nation’ captured longings for security and community. Lenin used the term ‘proletarian ideology,’ or true ideology, showing how the utopian depends for emergence on existing ideological forms. To Bloch, ideology and utopia both inform practice, and are part of reality rather than past and

164 future ideals. He criticized Mannheim for refusing to accept Marx’s claim that the proletariat has no material reason to hide from reality. That may be true in proletarian social action, when workers act democratically, in their own interests, as a class. However, when, as a thoroughly demoralized occupational status group, they are whipped into a mob by an ideological demagogue such as Der Führer, seeking security in fascism’s ersatz offer of an escape from freedom (Fromm, 1969), one doubts whether even Marx could have foreseen so many negative consequences of the collapse of the First International. Surely Bloch’s own failure (Geoghegan, 2004) in the wake of the 1939 Hitler/Stalin Pact to recognize Stalin as the face of the counter-revolution rising right out of the Party gives one pause to wonder about his own objectivity as a revolutionary exponent of the working class. If nothing else, such poor continuing performance as is exemplified in Bloch’s belief that Russia had no woman question because it had resolved the worker’s question, lends credence to Mannheim’s skepticism about the Engels/Plekhanov strain of Marxism’s universalist claims to totality. Mannheim’s normative grounding is clear in his statement that: “selection and accentuation of certain aspects of historical totality may be regarded as the first step in the direction which ultimately leads to an evaluative procedure and to ontological judgments” (cited in Geoghegan, 2004). Any sociological critique of consciousness as false must ultimately be grounded in some values, although the critic may perceive her objectivity as an expression of the inherent objectivity of the working class. Shils Leads with his Right During World War II, Edward Shils went from being inspired by to harshly criticizing Karl Mannheim’s sociology of knowledge. Karl Popper and Friedrich Hayek, fellow Hungarian

165 émigrés to England, conducted a vituperative and merciless assault on Mannheim’s theoretical work that cannot be understood outside of the paranoia and unreason of embattled democracies in rationalizing their existence during troubled times. Writing in the pages of Economica, the journal of the London School of Economics, Hayek and Popper took issue with all who advanced any form of state planning, as manifested in the Engels/Plekhanov strain of Marxism touted by the Stalinists, in the National Socialism of Germany, or in Keynes’ General Theory of Income and Employment, Interest, and Money touted at Cambridge. These men felt that the totalizing cynicism of idealistic intellectuals had wrecked European society, paving the way for fascism and communism, and because he was a very popular lecturer among students at their beloved London School of Economics, they held up Mannheim as an especially obnoxious and egregious example of the sort of pompous epigone they despised so thoroughly. The fact that Mannheim’s role for intellectuals, which is to create a sociology of knowledge suitable for policy and planning, only vaguely resembled Keynesianism, Stalinism or Nazi state planning, weighed less in their estimation of Mannheim as a target of opportunity for their intellectual wrath than did the fact that he was so close at hand. Mannheim thought that, by analyzing and understanding the various ideological positions available within Western political thought, intellectuals were in an especially suitable position to synthesize social knowledge in a fashion that could provide a holistic view from the partial insights of the various intellectual factions. The simplistic way to attack this position, which builds on Georgi Lukacs’ (another Hungarian intellectual) History and Class Consciousness (1971), is to deny that social knowledge is social or that it is historical. By coining their own

166 meanings for ‘scientism’ and ‘historicism,’ this is precisely what Popper, Hayek, and later Shils did. The fact that John Maynard Keynes’ General Theory would soon become one of the most influential economics treatises in history did not deter Karl Popper or Friedrich Hayek from attacking state-planning in any form, holding that economic activity is far too complex to be so regulated. At that period, when World War II was far from won, Popper, Hayek, and Shils (Pooley, 2007) could not have anticipated that Keynes’ treatise would become the policy document for state planners, at least until the collapse of the Phillips curve in the Nixon Recession destroyed their ability to trade employment for inflation. From that 1940’s perspective, the only fundamental disagreement among policy woks was over the degree of stateplanning to be implemented, its scope and direction. Stalin and Mao leaped forward on five-year plans, whereas the Japanese, like Grand Fenwick, roared ahead on 20 year plans and American aid for having lost the war (1955/1983). The emergence after Nixon of the dire Marxian prediction that the rate of return on capital has a permanent tendency to decline is the reason the employment/inflation trade-off (actually another version of Hitler’s guns/butter trade off) no longer works as policy, but these events had to await another three decades to emerge. Meanwhile, the Hungarian intellectuals could denigrate everyone who even resembled a stateplanner. Karl Mannheim got caught squarely in their crosshairs. Religion The world-wide rise of fundamentalism from all three desert religions, Judaism, Islam, and Christianity (whose common central ethic is defense of the water-hole), has forced the demarginalization of theological ideas, if only for the purpose of obstructing fundamentalist

167 intention of controlling or at least disrupting secular society, as in the Se ptember11th fit of righteous indignation directed against indefensible American foreign policy (Johnson, 2001). Mannheim suggested that religious ideas performed as ideology in the Middle Ages, when the Christian ideal of brotherly love could not be realized in a society grounded in the institution of serfdom. These ideals formed the basis of a utopian movement in Anabaptist orgiastic chiliasm. Thomas More’s Utopia (1515/2003) did not meet Mannheim’s requirements for activism, as did the polemics of Thomas Münzer, the radical Anabaptist cleric. Chiliasm resurfaces only in religiously attenuated political movements, but cannot serve as a modern form of political consciousness, revealing a secular agenda in Mannheim’s original utopian typology. In flight from Hitler’s persecution, Mannheim later began to recognize the contemporary significance of religious belief even as, in Bloch’s words, “Nazis steamed into the vacated, originally Münzerian regions” (cited in Geoghegan, 2004). Permitting our highest ideals to be manipulated by dangerous ideological forces can only lead to a new holocaust that will make the humanitarianism of the Nazis look beneficent. Marx’s influence is most apparent in Mannheim and Bloch’s treatment of ideology. Mannheim adapted Marx’s particularist use of ideology in exposing false consciousness, which is a fundamental task of any critical sociology, to a universal concept capable of self-criticism. The proletarian stance taken by Post-Marx Marxists above the social process by which ideology is formed was simply delusion, permitting them to forget to apply their own critical tools to themselves. However, Mannheim was guilty of the same sin, forgetting to apply the sociology of knowledge to his proposed occupational status group of producers of social knowledge (Goldman, 1994); thereby leaving his ideas open to charges of relativism from all sides. Though

168 touting a specific rather than a general theory of ideology, Mannheim credited Marxist theory with discovering the distinction between the two, with the particular referring to skepticism about motives, actions, and presumptions of opponents, and the general theory denoting the global roots of thought and action in specific social strata. Marx denoted as utopian both premature visions of social change, and ideological blockages to proletarian creative action. Mannheim’s view of utopian consciousness as distorted may be closer to Marx than Bloch’s, who saw utopian consciousness in the working class as undistorted. Although Bloch used some early works of Marx, such as his1843 letter to Rüge, and his characterization of Owen, Fourier, and Saint-Simone as great, early utopians in the Communist Manifesto (1848/2005); he might well have remembered Marx’s identification of the fundamental utopia of the working class, ‘freely associated labor,’ to which communist society is only a preliminary but contingently necessary step in negating capitalism. Here, we could perhaps make Bloch’s distinction between abstract utopians and the emergence of a concrete utopia of fulfilled existence, but certainly not in what Marx also identified in his introduction to the Russian edition of Capital as a State Capitalist society, which is the best description of the form of social organization Stalin bequeathed to Russia, with its Stakanovitch five-year speedups, continuous concessions, and constant shortages (manifested in the West with the difference of high unemployment and overstocked shelves). Marx considered religion to be ideological, the fabrication of a social foe, with no redeeming utopian value. Mannheim and Marx both consigned religious politics to the decline of the medieval order, with no role in establishing the new. Mannheim and Bloch both explored how ideology and utopia function in perpetuating self-deception and hope, and emphasized their

169 centrality to any attempt to understand the contemporary world. The emergence of religious ideology as terrorism forces us to re -evaluate the role of America as a utopian ideal in the modern world (Bruckberger, 1959), and grapple with the extent to which we have transformed such dreams into the dross of ideology, failing to meet the expectations for even minimal security of the billions who live on less than $2.00 per day. We must make credible progress in this realm to defuse the righteous indignation of fundamentalists of all persuasions currently on the verge of attaining nuclear weapons of mass destruction that could annihilate us all. Ideology and Sociology Although the mad rush of intellectual discourse to the far right in the ‘80s and ‘90s has left earlier discussions of Marxism and Mannheim in the lurch, sociology has found new labels for the topic of ideology, such as social constructionism and discourse analysis (Kumar, 2006). Professional sociologists distrust utopian thinking, whereas utopian scholars prefer the ivory towers of literary utopias to revolutionary or chiliastic social movements. Mannheim analyzed the social and political condition sunder which utopian thought flourishes. Bell’s (1960/2000) premature announcement of the end of ideology (pre-dating as it did the social movements of women, workers, Blacks, and youth in the ‘60s) notwithstanding, everyone had something to say about ideology. Marcuse’s (1964/1991) analysis of late capitalist ideology became the bible of the new left. Paris in May of 1968 recreated memories of the Paris Commune, generating innumerable critiques of the institutional ideological hegemony of ruling class viewpoints in education, politics, culture, and sexuality. Although still highly regarded in schools of management, Mannheim was disregarded by New Left academics as the ‘bourgeois Marx. ’ Theorists aiming at stirring up working class

170 militancy and consciousness were miffed at his substitution of intellectuals for workers as the architects of the sociology of knowledge. Mannheim became an unperson (Orwell, 1949) after 1970, as the use of ideology as an analytical concept was also dropped, along with the study of Marxism. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe contributed to the discrediting of Marxism, to the extent that it was identified with the ideological strain of Engels/Plekhanov, or mainstream post-Marx Marxism. In this view, the post-structuralism and post-modernism that replaced post-Marx Marxism would best be designated as post-post-Marx Marxism. As systematic statements of belief, with or without links to status groups or classes, political doctrines such as communism or fascism may be studied in their own right, with fruitful results. For sociology, the study of ideology was linked to appearance and reality, truth and error, subjective consciousness and the objective world (Kumar, 2006). It had contributed to empirical sociology, stratification theory, and cultural sociology in attempting to analyze media bias in industrial strikes. Post-modernism in the sociology of the ‘80s suggested that there is no truth, objectivity is a myth, and history has no meaning. The triumph of the totalizing ideologies of Thatcherism and Reaganism, major working class defeats such as Reagan’s destruction of PATCO and the impact of the Kroger contract on the Meatpacker’s Union, all contributed to advent of a corrosive relativism that rendered the concept of ideology almost meaningless. If the truth of science is completely relative to the viewpoint of the scientist, any opposition between ideology and truth must itself be a false dichotomy, and the term may indeed be as useless as the concept of race, best forgotten in scientific discourse.

171 Social constructionism is currently in sociological vogue. Ideology is everywhere, going under different names, without the previous connotation of demystifying and exposing truth. Berger and Luckmann’s The Social Construction of Reality (1967), identifies social reality as man-made, in terms of language, thought, and scientific constructs, thereby implying that all human knowledge is subjective. The experimental detachment of scientific objectivity is a myth. Race, ethnicity and nationalism are socially constructed categories, paving the road for a cultural relativism that cannot recognize such a category as false consciousness. Immemorial tradition may have been invented recently. Feminist studies of gender and sexual identity witness the emergence of structures of ideas and emotions that condition our self-definition. Foucault substituted the term ‘discourse’ for ideology, which now serves to enlighten some areas while concealing others, provide evaluations, and to impose a dominant world outlook in place of a radical one, much as ideology once did. Mannheim, who was perhaps more in tune with Marx than most of the other Marxists referred to so far, believed that truth is a perspective that can be reached by intellectuals, precisely to the extent that their thinking is not subject to the interests or ideology of a particular group (Kumar, 2006). To the extent that social constructionism can be seen to be derived from the sociology of knowledge, Mannheim can be seen as one of its originators. If ideology can be divorced from truth, how is it possible to be critical in the sociology of fascism? Why not just talk about programs, doctrines, or philosophies, and forget about false consciousness, and whatever other Marxist baggage we have been carrying? This is where the social realism of Sayer (1992) is crucial. We must retain those man-made concepts that have supported critical evaluation of the institutional structure of society. This is the humanistic mission of social

172 science: to help us discern the difference between truth and lies in our man-made constructs, providing practical adequacy ”in guiding us in building democratic economic, educational, legal, and other institutions, especially political, which are otherwise captured by ideological elites.” Utopia What of utopia, the other term of Mannheim’s Ideology and Utopia? For Mannheim, the two were linked, in ways that few of his critics understand. The function of ideology is to support the status quo and enforce order, but it has a utopian aspect. Utopia is more than the principle of hope for positive change. It has an element of ideology in it. The real problem with Mannheim’s synthesis, on which he based his sociology of knowledge, is that it remains at the level of process, rather than reaching for transcendence. From a vulgar materialist viewpoint, this is preposterous. However, Hegelian transcendence and transformation into opposite not only unite the truth of materialism and idealism, but also retain both in the highest contradiction. This is the absolute, new humanism that Marx announced in his Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic (1964). Society is more than a material process. It involves human beings. Humanism is more appropriate to its study than rationalism. Mannheim, like Marx, was a far better Hegel scholar than Mannheim’s Marxist epigone critics. Ideology is that which is unrealizable. It consists of the pie in the sky hopes and dreams that keepers of the status quo feed to the masses to placate them. The aspirations of ideology offer objects the prevailing social order cannot possibly allow, but finds convenient to incorporate. For instance, the medieval Church offered paradise and Christian brotherly love, neither of which were attainable but both of which were useful. Utopia is fantastic to the ruling elites, yet is realizable in principle and has actually been realized. When social groups embody

173 utopian ideals, and realize them in social action, these ideals become the new ideology. Mannheim criticized those who equate utopia with revolution, but recognized their appreciation of social dynamics, that in fact utopias are necessary in any positive social change. Utopias express and realize “those ideas and values in which are contained in condensed form the unrealized and unfulfilled tendencies which represent the needs of each age…break (ing) the bond of the existing order…only those orientations transcending reality will be referred to by us as utopian which, when they pass into conduct, tend to shatter, either partially or wholly, the order of things prevailing at the time” (Kumar, 2006). Such ideas are anathema to conservative forces with no material interest in changing anything. Mannheim argued that his concept, while grounded in empirical reality, enters the structure of history addressing theoretical questions, such as revolutionary change. Revolutionary socialism is just such a utopian ideal, with its goal of a free and egalitarian society. The contradiction in the idea of freedom arises when those who have attained it to some degree close ranks against all newcomers, who also wish to share in the benefits of egalitarianism. As long as class-divided society continues to exist, some people will always think they are supposed to be freer than others, whether by race, inheritance, or some other ascribed characteristic. Mannheim was the first to sketch the actual ideologies of liberalism, conservatism, and socialism, showing how these tendencies interact, preserving the social order yet moving it forward. As contradictory elements, they function together to actually preserve the system. 18th Century utopian liberalism became 19th Century bourgeois conservatism, Communism and social ism were the new utopias that challenged this ideology. Understanding that the contradiction is never synthesized, but actually becomes sharper in the new society, can help to understand how the

174 Russian Revolution was transformed into the Stalin counterrevolution, and how such unwanted transformations have become the problematic of our age. What happens after the Revolution? This world-shaking transformation redefined the entire question for today’s revolutionists, which is now, “What happens after the revolution?” Are women to be dragged back into bondage? Are workers to be re-chained to their machines? Does the fastest output by the strongest worker become the new standard of production? What emerged from the Russian Revolution was not socialism, neither was it Communism. It was State-Capitalism, as best described by James and Dunayevskaya, (1950/1986). They argued that, in an age of absolutes, characterized by Cold War and hydrogen bombs, all universals acquire concrete meaning for individuals as well as for society. Total planning is met by permanent crisis, the struggle for men’s minds met by the effort to completely mechanize humanity. The absolute contradiction of state-capitalism contains all previous contradictions. When workers confronting automation are forced to ask, “What kind of work shall a person do?” the human activity of philosophy becomes actual. Confronted by the need to establish a theoretical basis for Soviet democracy, Lenin broke with the materialism of the Second International and applied the Hegelian dialectic to Marx’s Capital, the Russian Revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Russian workers successfully used his conception of the complete abolition of bureaucracy and all ordering from above as a weapon to abolish the one-party state (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). Lenin’s problems of production in 1920 Russia are universal. Although he was not able to surmount the historic barriers confronting the revolution with his New Economic Plan, in his philosophic notebooks he began to confront the dialectical method of Marx’s

175 Humanism to envision the creation of a higher way for labor to organize socially, as freely associated labor, the essence of the dictatorship of the proletariat. “What kind of labor shall a human do?” is the critical question in the current stage of automation in capitalist production. West Virginia coal miners confronted automation in their 1949-1950 battle against the automatic miner, a man killer; as did Meatpacker’s Local P-9 in Austin, MN in their 1986 strike against Automation and the Kroger contract. The high point reached by these struggles has compelled workers to confront this issue. Today’s crisis in production flows from the antagonism between mental and manual labor. From Descartes’16th Century Rationalism to Mid-Twentieth Century Stalinism, the fundamental contradiction of capitalism has been in the division of labor between intellectuals and workers. In establishing its power over feudal society, the revolutionary bourgeoisie of the First Industrial Revolution developed an ideology of scientific progress in the philosophy of Rationalism (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). This ideology combated superstition, increased production, and expanded productive forces. This expansion was accomplished through the division of labor between thinkers and doers, thereby re-establishing idealism. Here is where the concealment that prevents rationalism from actually rising to philosophy comes in. At the idea that harmonious progress is the only possible result of this social process, rationalism shows its true colors whether expressed as vulgar, uncritical materialism or idealism of the same stripe that recognizes no human ideals or utopias. Once the result of individuals associated in a common effort to control nature, today the division of labor lies in the control of the administrative elite over the masses. The final clash between mental and manual labor, state-centralized capital and a thoroughly socialized proletariat, will spell out the end of Rationalism. The political ideology of

176 rationalism is democracy, providing equal opportunity for all to take command of society, and therefore equality at law, in voting rights, and in the labor market. Anyone with sensitivity to the deteriorating conditions of life and labor in the United States can sense that political democracy is bankrupt. No one knows what is to take its place. The planned economy under a one-party state differs from corporatist laissez-faire only in its degree of rationalism (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). The solution to continuous crises in production is always more production through technological advance. Any private property that stands in the way of this complete rationalization of labor can be appropriated. Today’s Spirit of Capitalism started out as a utopian ideal, made the journey to power, and installed itself as the ideology of the Iron Cage, the complete rationalization of labor under the Puritan Work Ethic. Events in the Soviet Union parallel our previous description of fascism. The Labor Bureaucracy (CCCP) rose out of the modern mass movement of the working class in response to the centralization of capital, which kept it in power. The proletarian representative turned into an administrator. The only viable solution to today’s crisis is to abolish the division of labor in production, which is inconceivable without a total transformation of society. This crisis in production has brought bourgeois rationalism to an end. Hegel All critiques of rationalism are grounded in Hegel and concerned with the proletariat (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). The French Revolution first challenged uncritical materialism and idealism. This ideology fell into permanent crisis when the Napoleonic counter-revolution encountered the insurgent masses. Kant’s critique exposed the contradiction between science and human freedom. His solution was to install a moral elite in leadership, all men who obey moral

177 law and act according to the General Will. Thus, vulgar idealism is replaced by critical idealism. Having witnessed revolution and counter-revolution, Hegel could not resolve the contradiction with men of good will. Hegel’s critique of Rationalism, whether Cartesian or Kantian, starts with contradiction as the creative and moving force in history (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). Self-movement, not direction, underlies all development. Self-movement results from internal contradiction, not competition. The nature that confronts man as an alien power is man-made. Self realization through individual incorporation of the whole of human development is the goal of history. Freedom is not utility, but rather creative universality. Lenin recognized that these dialectical principles at the center of Hegelian philosophy are revolutionary. If appropriated by the proletarian consciousness as dialectical materialism, these utopian ideals would guide human development. The Post-Marx Marxists transformed Marx into a vulgar materialist, only interested in expanding production and increasing consumption. In fighting this tendency, Marx found that only the creative activity of masses in motion can expand the dialectic of Hegel. Marx transformed this dialectic into a weapon against bureaucracy, especially in production. To Hegel, the successive manifestations of a world spirit, creating a new utopian vision out of previously unattainable elements of the old ruling ideology, is objective history. Rather than confine the human quest for universality to the development of a sociology of knowledge, Marx realized the objective movement lies in changes in relations of production, in the need for the free development of all human capacities in mental and manual labor. For Hegel, this was the work of a small elite with a monopoly

178 of leadership talent (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). To Marx, masses in motion, in pursuit of Mannheim’s utopian ideals, create world historic movements. Rather than deliver society into the hands of a professional labor bureaucracy, such as the Central Committee of the Communist Party, which could only replicate the essence of Tsarism, Marx proposed the only possible humanistic future as lying in the abolition of the distinction between mental and manual labor. Communism, the immediate response to capitalism, would perform the historic role of seeing this project through. Communism represented a temporary transition to a free society, never the goal of human development. This was the mission of the dictatorship of the proletariat, not the entrenchment of a new bureaucracy. Hegel could not carry the dialectic through to its logical conclusion because he had no experience of a disciplined and united workers’ movement, such as that which rose on the wings of the General Strike of Mau 1, 1886, when half a million American workers and tens of thousands of supporters went on strike or joined marches and picket lines for the 8 hour day. This was the turning point from which American labor went on to create the American Federation of Labor and the First Workingman’s International Association, to which the American delegation promptly sent a request to make May 1 the International Day of Labor, which so carried. Workers were ready to take over the reins of capital through self-organization and development of the proletariat under the universal idea of freedom (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). Freedom was the unattainable ideology of Liberal Democracy, which it held out to all for the sake of convenience without any intention of acting on or delivering the

179 promise. When new passions and new forces seized upon this ideal, it was transformed into a practical and realizable utopia. In fact, the Paris Commune of 1871 was an historic realization of concrete universality for the masses, as was the St. Louis Commune of 1877. The events in Paris of May, 1968 show that, as an imminent historic ideal, this idea of freedom was never defeated, but still lives in the hearts and minds of working people allied intellectuals, women and the revolutionary idealism of youth. In Hegel’s day, only the state bureaucracy could represent the universal needs of the community. Thus, the Stalinist epigones who attempted to truncate the dialectic at process are in fact the real inheritors of Hegel’s mantle (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986), with no other reason to call themselves Marxist than the transformation of the utopian vision of the Russian Revolution into the ideology of control, the ultimate development of Rationalism. The only dogma Hegel left standing was that of the backwardness of the masses, which Stalinists and the New Left now perpetuate; always ready to deliver the masses into the hands of the capitalists in the last resort, rationalized by the vulgar materialism of the state bureaucracy. Rationalism As the historic limit of rationalism, Post-Marx Marxism, of whatever variety, always tail-ends state bureaucracy at the end of the day, whether it is North Korea’s Kim Il Sung, Shining Path Maoism, orthodox Trotskyism, or some other variant of Engelsian vulgar materialism. Rationalism dressed up as Marxism, including Raisa Gorbachev’s Marxist Humanism, is all the professional Stalinist bureaucrat has to offer, as an unrealizable ideology precisely because of his monopoly on the reins of power. Under the

180 ideology of state-capitalism, the party poses as exponent of a revolutionary utopian ideal that it could never permit to be realized. Vulgar materialism demands only that the worker works harder than ever before, transforming labor into a material force of production. The vulgar idealism lies in positing the Party to lead, as it has never led before, using carrots and sticks to goad recalcitrant workers into more frenzied production activity. Stalinists view workers as lazy and indifferent, performing as little and taking as much as possible. They see the workers in the same light as the Progressive Movement of Dewey, as rebellious children who need someone to modify their behavior. While the labor bureaucracy hands out marching orders, as the UFCW told Meatpacker’s Local P-9: “you go back to work,” workers continue to resist speed-up and discipline, whether from the Party, or imposed under the Kroger contract, neither of which was ever submitted to a vote (Meatpackers simply woke up one morning to find themselves under the hegemony of the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW)). As did the Progressives and the Fascists, Stalinists needed to fashion an ideology to combat the sullen attitude of the workers, therefore they imposed the police state under an exclusively scientific world outlook. In the wake of the terrorist event of September 11, 2001, Congress imposed the Patriot Act and the Homeland Security Act, long time wish lists of security agencies now realized in panicked disregard of the Constitution or the Bill of Rights. Congressman Dennis Kucinich, (D., OH) commented that he was witnessing the creation of a garrison state in America. KGB actually translates Department of Homeland Security. As ideology, this view is scientistic rather than scientific. Sociology suffers from the same attitude in the hands of the same kind of bureaucrats. Only in so far as it is utopian in Mannheim’s usage

181 can social science actually become scientific, by promoting democracy in all social institutions, thereby providing the scientific observer with the opportunity to study representative samples of groups that have actualized themselves and attained self-consciousness. The official Soviet history of philosophy, like all Soviet history, is bound in loose leaf, subject to rewriting at any time. The enemy of social progress is and always has been superstition, posing in philosophical and religious garb as idealism. While pretending to defend Marx’s materialism from Hegel’s idealism, Stalinists actually defended themselves against the revolutionary dialectical logic Marx had already set on its feet (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). State-planning is conducted by trained intellectuals completely freed from class bias, performing the role assigned to them by Mannheim as keepers of the sociology of knowledge, or as Weber’s ancient Chinese Literati, or Nazi psychotherapists, take your pick. The theoretical enemy of totalitarianism is the theory of state-capitalism. The philosophic enemy is the New Humanism of Marx, from which he never departed. The real enemy of the Soviet state was never capitalism, but the workers’ collective resistance to labor discipline. This is why the Kroger contract was never subject to a vote, but simply imposed on the Meatpackers Union by the UFCW hierarchy, with no more mandate than the Communist labor bureaucrats, serving as it does to transform the labor bureaucracy into the whip-hand of capital. The Stalinists were terrified that an objective basis for class struggle actually existed in Russia. They substituted “criticism and self-criticism” for Hegel’s objective contradiction, thereby transforming their materialism into idealism. All development depends on the subjective intuitionism of the labor bureaucrat. No less august an occupational status group than the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR dished up Zhdanov’s new idealism of the state plan as the official ideology of

182 Soviet society in 1949 (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). While the role of the worker in the struggle for socialism is to work harder, all intellectual life is subsumed under the Party, which acts as the consciousness of the bureaucracy, directing and controlling it, and planning ahead. As did the ancient Chinese Literati and the psychotherapists under the Göring Institute, the Party defined morals and resolved value conflicts, establishing what is politically correct. The masses were material forces of production at the disposal of the Party in its control of capital. The murderous rule of the Polite Bureau, designed to keep the workers in continuous speed-up as the leaders plan, has never been paralleled. Anyone who believes that they simply threw up their hands under the gun of Reagan’s Star Wars, and shouted, “We surrender!” is living in a dream world. As I hope I have shown, the same dark forces are at work throughout the world today, on both sides of the “Iron Curtain,” and in all forms of capitalism, whether statist or privately owned. Christian Humanists, as exemplified by Peter Drucker, lead today’s middle class struggle to avoid being absorbed into the proletariat. Only the divine authority of faith can rescue the individual from sin. To them, rationalism, as expressed in the division of labor, is poised for the destruction of civilization. Proposing capitalism’s complete destruction, they advocate a new medievalism, grounded in militant anti-rational and anti-democratic ideology. The individual conflict between sin and salvation is the basis of the new social order. This ideology, as Mannheim shows ideologies are want to do, offers no possible solution to the absolute divorce between mental and manual labor brought on by the rationalization and division of labor under the Puritan work ethic. Their political economy is decentralization of capital, with every worker knowing his or her calling. Freedom can never be attained on this earth, but only in an

183 undeliverable after-life. Popular sovereignty must be dismantled, in favor of rule under a natural elite. The only alternative is absolutism. In Italy, Germany, and France, at the University of Chicago, and with spreading influence Christian Humanism embraces the embattled middle classes in suppressing workers’ struggles and prepares them for Fascism. Such an ideological weapon is useful to big business in attracting mass support, which is how Peter Drucker became an organization guru, joining forces with the labor bureaucracy to prevent workers from exercising control over the terms and conditions of their labor, and thereby remain at the bottom of the ladder in production. The degradation of labor has extended to the point that no individual can do anything about it, much less in terms of his own struggle for salvation. By repudiating rationalism and attracting intellectuals to Fascism, Christian Humanism plays a crucial role in the battle of ideas surrounding today’s absolute crisis in production. Threatened with their own proletarianization, withdrawing in horror from the barbarism of Stalinism, and fearful of the working class, for whom they share with all others the Hegelian contempt, the middle classes are attracted to the barbarism of Fascism precisely because it offers security in a misconstrued, idealized and authoritarian past, in this case with no less an authority than God himself. Petty-bourgeois intellectuals, also victims of the absolute rationalization of labor with nowhere to turn, fall victim to their own indecision, isolation, alienation, and confusion. Modern intellectuals, the most educated in history, are undergoing theoretical disintegration, manifested as Existentialism in France, psychoanalysis in America, and indecision between Christian Humanism and psychoanalysis in Germany. After centuries of the division of labor between thinkers and doers, this is the destruction of reason (Lukacs,

184 1952/1981), the disintegration of a society without values or perspective, the final climax to centuries of division of labor between philosophers and proletarians: “It may be postulated as a general statement that the decline of bourgeois ideology set in with the end of the 1848 revolution…Certainly the decline started much earlier in the sphere of theoretical learning, particularly economics and philosophy; bourgeois economics had produced nothing original and forwardlooking since the demise of the Ricardo school in the 1820s, while bourgeois philosophy had yielded nothing new since the demise of Hegelianism (1830s and 1840s). Both these fields were completely dominated by capitalist apologetics. A similar situation obtained in the historical sciences. The fact that the natural sciences continued to make enormous strides during this period—Darwin’s great work appeared between 1848 and 1870—does not affect the picture one bit; there have been new discoveries in this area right up to the present. This in itself did not forestall a certain degeneration of general methodology, an increasingly reactionary slant in the bourgeois philosophy of natural sciences, and an evergrowing zeal in the use of their findings for the propagation of reactionary views.” (pp. 309-310). Proletarian Philosophy Today’s problems in philosophy cannot be resolved by anything less than revolutionary action of workers, blacks, women and youth (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). No small group of intellectuals, not even sociologists, can substitute theory for revolutionary action. Only proletarian revolution can put Russian state-property in its place. In the United States, only proletarian revolution will put science into the service of human values and establish democracy in all existing social institutions. The evils decried by Christian Humanism and Existentialism are not subject to any ideological solution, but can only be resolved through the transformation of society by the only groups capable of resolving them, the exploited themselves. Reason as Woman, as Black masses in motion, as Workers’ struggles, as the idealism of Youth, and as the new revolutionary subject of Gay Liberation: these are the concrete manifestations of Reason in today’s liberation struggles. Everything begins with the creativity of masses in motion, fighting

185 for the ideals of freedom from which they have been excluded. This was Lenin’s universal as early as1905: “ the point is that it is precisely the revolutionary periods that are distinguished for their greater breadth, greater wealth, greater intelligence, greater and more systematic activity, greater audacity and vividness of historical creativeness, compared with periods of philistine, Cadet reformist progress…direct political activity by the ‘common people,’ who in their simple way directly and immediately destroy the organs of oppression of the people, seize power, appropriate for themselves what was considered to be the property of all sorts of plunderers of the people–in a word, precisely when the sense and reason of millions of downtrodden people is awakening, not only for reading books but for action, for living human action, for historical creativeness” (Cited in James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). By 1917, the proletariat had created workers, soldiers, and peasants committees, their form of social and political rule. The Russian Revolution could only have been sustained by the creativity of masses in motion, their sensitivities to their own problems, their forms of reason and labor organization, sociality, and humanity. As Marx had pointed out in his introduction to the Russian edition of Capital, the ancient Russian commune could help provide a new pathway to revolution, thereby enabling Russia to by-pass the capitalist stage of development. Stalin’s liquidation of the Kulaks, a polite word for genocide, eradicated that possibility. Today, the historic challenge still remains. Philosophy must become proletarian. This task cannot be separated from the reorganization of production, which only the workers can accomplish by becoming theoreticians and philosophers themselves. In the encounter with Marx, Lenin and Hegel, we must dismiss altogether the Stalinist effort to equate state-property with revolution, and the Post-Marx Marxists’ (Engels/Plekhanov) effort to equate Marx’s New Humanism with Rationalism. Now that the Russian masses have overturned Stalinist rule using Lenin’s weapon of total resistance to control from above, the

186 critical question today is how to transform the Stalinist counter-revolution into its opposite, the revolution in permanence, as conceived by Marx rather than Trotsky (James & Dunayevskaya, 1986). The negation of the negation is the dialectical law Lenin discovered between 1914 and 1917, the self-mobilization of the masses. The revolutionary struggle of workers against bureaucracy is precisely what Post-Marx Marxist ideology is designed to hide, a primary function of ideology in Mannheim’s analysis. Although no longer maintaining its stranglehold on state power, Stalinism as the conscious, active counter-revolution is still the deadly enemy of all freedom struggles, whether in Eastern Europe or South America. Stalinists, in the final analysis, always turn the workers over bound and gagged to the capitalists. The theory of state capitalism provided by James & Dunayevskaya (1986) was the opening salvo in the assault on Stalinism. The enormous scope of the ensuing revolutionary attack on Stalinism finally resulted in its fall in Eastern Europe and Russia. This ideology is no more moribund than Fascism. It has only been deposed from superpower state status. The theory of state capitalism elaborated here provided the theoretical foundation for the development of the philosophy of Marxist-Humanism in America, under the auspices of Raya Dunayevskaya and News and Letters Committee. Dunayevskaya is the continuator of Marx’s Marxism for the 21st Century. Marxist Humanism (the dash used above indicates Dunayevskaya’s contribution in America) arose from the Eastern European revolutions, providing the philosophic ground for evaluating the vulgar materialism of Engels/Plekhanov. In1949, the theory of State Capitalism arose out of the Johnson/Forest tendency of the Socialist Workers’ Party in America, providing the explosive critique for the final assault on Stalinism. With eyes of today, we can see that Mannheim hardly deserved the opprobrium heaped upon his sociology of knowledge, and it

187 almost seems laughable that anyone could argue that ideas are not socially and historically determined. The tragedy is that Mannheim did provide a means to critique Marxism, as well as other ideologies on the left and right. Perhaps, had his ideas received a more sympathetic hearing in America (although he has long been an icon in graduate schools of business), Mannheim’s sociology of knowledge could have provided a means for democracy to criticize itself rather than generate decades of ideological anti-communist putrescence. Although terror-bombing was universally condemned when the Nazis, under the leadership of men such as Werner von Braun, slung missiles at England, by the end of World War Il the US had adapted the idea of carpet bombing, with massive ‘collateral damage’ from the RAF, by instantaneously igniting an aerial ‘carpet’ of millions of gallons of oil to melt cities such as Dresden. In the attacks on Japanese civilian targets, nuclear weapons were substituted for the oil. If we could have emerged from World War II in horror at the genocide we had perpetrated in Japan and Germany, evaluating the roots of totalitarian thought in the racism of America’s ‘paranoid democracy’ that permits us to accept such collateral damage, perhaps we could have developed sympathy rather than absolute hostility for world-wide democratic movements, which became the ideological basis for the Cold War. Orwell’s (Eric Arthur Blair) 1984 (1949), based on the novel We by Russian novelist Evgeny Zamyatin, described that hysteria best in terms of mind control and the total propaganda of warring superpowers more afraid of their own citizens than of each other. By signaling our nonchalance about the use of nuclear weapons in terrorist attacks on civilians to attain American foreign policy goals, such as the Truman Administration’s determination to control Caspian Sea oil reserves (Scott, 2003), the Cold War established the ‘balance of terror,’ with the Russians

188 quickly replacing the massive Red Army threat to Europe with their own nuclear weapons. This balance was maintained through the ABM agreement, steering policy away from the slippery slope resulting from any ‘nuclear umbrella’ that could provide unilateral first strike capability to either superpower (super-terrorist). With today’s nuclear proliferation, such a balance no longer exists. The official policy of the US is to use nuclear cudgels to implement policy, exhibiting no reserve whatsoever about their potential for actual deployment (Kyvig, 1990). Minor changes in administration, such as from Democrat to Republican, have not altered this policy, which terrorizes the world. Counter-revolutionary regimes like Iran lead the pack against US policy, with their own nuclear program. When Kennedy co-produced the Cuban Missile crisis, all sides were forced to save face through compromise, with the US guaranteeing no more attempts to overthrow Fidel, while promising to withdraw nuclear missiles from Turkey within six months. In return, the Russians withdrew their nuclear umbrella from Cuba. Fidel is a clear case where, had not Kennedy’s ‘brightest and best’ Cold Warriors dominated intelligence analysis, Mannheim’s sociology of knowledge could have provided us with the ability to see the democratic movement that thrust Fidel into the leadership role of the Cuban Revolution, rather than forcing him and Cuba into the loving Soviet bear hug for survival. The CIA had expected Cuban civilians to welcome the US backed invasion with open arms, as did the French in Normandy in WWII. All the Batista supporters thought they had to do was establish a beach-head at the Bay of Pigs, then funnel arms and equipment to the aroused Cuban populace. Instead, they met universal opposition, with every man, woman, and child willing to defend ‘the Beard’ rather than permit the Mafia to once again rule their tiny island. Kennedy may have learned from this in his apparent readiness to

189 reverse directions in Vietnam, where the CIA was providing him with the same advice. We will never know, because Johnson, the ultimate Cold Warrior, was waiting in the wings. In domestic policy, the United States did follow the Keynesian, rather than Mannheim’s state-plan. However, by the Nixon Recession, brought on largely by the stresses and strains of the US/Viet Nam War, the abilities of state-planners in the US had been exhausted. Prior to this point, they had always been able to balance inflation against unemployment. With the collapse of the Phillips Curve, state-planners noticed that Marx’s anticipation of the permanent tendency of the rate of interest to decline had finally emerged, permanently splitting the United States into a two-tiered society, with older workers who had won many historic battles through their unions rapidly losing any toe-hold in the upper tier by simply permitting themselves to be replaced by contract labor. Carter best exhibited his abject confusion in his handling of the Iranian Hostage Crisis, which he permitted to drag down his reelection campaign, leaving the field wide open for Reagan, who became the face of the Counter-revolution in America. The Iranian Revolution need not have collapsed immediately into counter-revolution, had America not committed itself to support of the murderous Shah. Carter was not obligated to maintain the Cold War ruse that America’s strong man in Iran had been anything other than a murderous dictator, using American support to bolster the massive destruction of democratic struggles and union movements, just as Hitler had accomplished in Germany. There was no ‘iron clad necessity’ in America’s swallowing the equation of Russia with Nazi Germany in our postwar propaganda, as revealed by any attention to Kennan’s Russia and the West under Lenin and Stalin (1961, pp5, 6): “there is, let me assure you, nothing in nature more egocentrical than the embattled democracy. It soon becomes the victim of its own war propaganda. It

190 then tends to attach to its own cause an absolute value which distorts its own vision on everything else. Its enemy then becomes the embodiment of all evil. Its own side, on the other hand, is the center of all virtue. The contest comes to be viewed as having a final, apocalyptic quality. If we lose, all is lost; life will no longer be worth living; there will be nothing to be salvaged. If we win, then everything will be possible; all problems will become soluble; the one great source of evil—our enemy—will have been crushed; the forces of good will then sweep forward unimpeded; all worthy aspirations will be satisfied.” Our perceptions are grounded in our preconceived notions. Mannheim’s state-planning under intellectuals practicing the sociology of knowledge would have involved more than Keynes’ presumptions about ‘economic man,’ as Kennan’s insight clearly reveals the need for political as well as economic analysis. Although Mannheim originated at Habermas’ Frankfort School, he held forth as a popular lecturer at the London School of Economics during the same period when Keynes developed his ideas at Cambridge. Our state-planners adopted the ideas of Keynes rather than Mannheim precisely because the abstraction of ‘economic man’ precludes other kinds of insights into the nature of society. Let there be no mistake that Obama is as capable of invading Iran as Bush II. Had the US encouraged democratic movements and political tendencies in Iran rather than crushing them, perhaps we would not be confronted with the prospect of going to war again because we cannot rid ourselves of Cold War anti-communist propaganda. Civics as applied sociology

Weinstein (2003) defined democracy as a means by which a group expresses its will and manages its affairs. Each functional member of the group has the same degree of access to and influence on the decision-making process. Other means of governance operate on a premise that some members have differential access to the decision-making process, thereby making it possible for variously constituted minorities to govern, without reference to any general will as

191 democratically defined. Theoretically, this definition of democracy meets Sorokin’s (cited in Weinstein, 2003) minimum Marxist definition of a group ‘for itself,’ at which the selfconsciousness of the group reaches its full potential to achieve an emergent existence. Rather than exist as an object for others, the group can understand, explain, and act on its own interests. In practice, sociology applied to anything less than a democratically governed group is simply dealing with an object, indulging in reductionist psychologism. The sociologist is always looking for representative, statistically significant samples (Weinstein, 2003). Representative samples enable reliable generalization to the universe. The statistically significant random sample is one in which each member of the population has an equal probability of being selected. The attributes of a democratic aggregate are most representative of the group. The League for Industrial Democracy (LID), which fielded Upton Sinclair as a presidential candidate, articulated the principle that democracy must operate within all institutional decision-making processes, such as education and industry, or political democracy becomes dysfunctional. Sinclair elucidated industrial democracy in Sinclairism, which the Japanese applied in implementing quality circles, as opposed to Taylorism, still the ruling paradigm for management control of production in the US. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), the student auxiliary of LID, held in the Port Huron Statement that applied sociology supports a fully democratized society, which must supply the underpinning of political democracy for it to work. At the birth of the industrial age, philosophers such as Adam Smith, Ferguson, Condorcet, Godwin, and Malthus were the first to take the idea of popular rule seriously, and promote democracy (Weinstein, 2003). All were aware that purposeful action can reap

192 unintended results. This is because collective causation may operate over and above the intentions of individuals. Smith’s well-known ‘invisible hand’ of market equilibrium is an outstanding example of social causation. Buyers flocking to the market may cause prices to rise, whereas sellers trying to maximize price may actually cause it to fall. Population increases geometrically relative to a limited supply of resources. The moral lesson for sociology was that good and evil is not absolutes, but relative to consequences that may be unknowable to an individual. The best intentions can wreak unanticipated havoc. Society evolves in an unconscious manner, as a result of group action. Smith first observed the results of the division of labor. The political orientation was that of laissez faire, then a liberal doctrine with an opposite meaning to today’s connotation (Weinstein, 2003). To Smith, this did not mean that elites should be left to plunder the public treasury in peace, but rather that society, conceived as a democratic marketplace, should be left alone by plutocrats, autocrats, kings, and aristocrats. Unrestricted capitalism, under these conditions, would not result in monopolistic advantage, but rather a fair and equitable division of labor. This was an ideal that could be easily associated with Jeffersonian democracy and the revolutionary spirit of America in 1776. Saint-Simone and Comte presided over what Weinstein (2003) called the second birth of sociology, propagating social democratic ideals of positivism, altruism, socialism, and sociology. Human existence is social, and needs management to actually enable democratic self-rule. Rather than religion, which accommodated easily to aristocratic and totalitarian regimes, positive science would serve in aiding democratic self-determination of nations, arbitrating the true course of progress. Social science would lead the way, maximizing the value of scientific

193 endeavor under democratic control. Comte’s technocratic priesthood might, in modern parlance, be translated into today’s professional practitioners of social change. Marx presided over sociology’s ‘third birth’ (Weinstein, 2003). He founded the First International Workingman’s Association in 1848, with a perspective for international social revolution. Although Lenin’s Bolsheviks took over the Third International after the collapse of the Second into World War I, Marx had long since broken with the First International over its Goltha Program and thereafter supported no existing parties, positing rather the historic imminence of the revolutionary party. Communists, early utopian and post-Marx notwithstanding, Marx’s humanism, which he also announced in 1848, posited ‘freely associated labor’ as the form of the new society resulting from the workingmen of the world actually uniting, rather than being flung across international borders as cannon fodder. Social revolutions of the age resulted from the enslavement of labor, including the South’s attempt to harness working people in the chains of slavery in the United States. Freedmen, working men and women were knocking on the doors of the stratified society that had actually resulted from the industrial revolution, demanding industrial and other forms of democracy, What passed for political democracy excluded the masses from participation in the decision-making process, and still does. Marx contributed a technical point of view on solving the problems of democracy and sociology, producing a clear statement of the problem, as well as recommending the kind of social action needed to solve it. The sociological aspects of Marx’s thought offered a clear guide to changing society in a progressive manner, making it more democratic and egalitarian. The overthrow of capitalism, and even the momentary phase of adjustment Marx conceived as communism, were only preconditions to the establishment of true

194 democracy, which would be the actual birth pains of civilized human society. Spencer, Weber, Durkheim, Simmel, and Pareto were the first to describe their work as sociology. At this point, Gouldner (cited in Weinstein, 2003) identified a split in sociology, brought on by the misidentification of Marx’s thought with the post-Marx Marxism of the Communist Party. Formed by Lenin along the lines of the Tsarist secret police, by the adventitious rise of Stalin to power the Party had implemented a full-blown program of counterrevolution, reverting to Tsarism without its religious or monarchical trappings. Despite its partial degeneration into what Mannheim identified as classic ideology, which is the rationalization of dictatorial power, academic Marxism retained its analytical and sociological side. Weber disassociated himself from Marxism, seeing only its ideological degeneration, disregarding its activist and pro-democratic origins in the Humanism of Marx. Weber’s generation of sociologists were self-consciously anti-Marxist, attempting to explicate a value-free rationale for the emerging discipline (Weinstein, 2003), thus paving the way for the admission of sociology into academic circles. We must not forget the antiintellectualism of the Bolsheviks in Russia, shooting down with machine guns everyone who identified himself with academia (Medvedev, 1989). Almost as if in conspiracy with these ideological terrorists, academia took seriously ersatz Bolshevik claims to Marx’s mantle, having little use for a discipline with a pro-democratic orientation in any case because they already considered Western political democracy to be its absolute form. Remembering Weinstein’s point that the application of sociological technique to anything less than a democratic aggregate is reductionism, attributing psychological processes to an object rather than identifying truly social processes as subject, this great divide in thought may provide us with clues as to why

195 sociologists such as Weber and psychologists such as James were unable to fully escape the narrow empiricism they so carefully tried to mediate. Political democracy is a sham when the institutions of society are not democratized, especially economic and educational institutions. Such a society exists more as object than as subject, unable to generate a representative sample of its constituents. This made little difference to mainstream sociologists who took their lead from the far more differentiated conceptions of men such as James and Weber, while neither understanding nor implementing their ideas. Logical positivism and materialistic determinism, which collapse the efforts of both men to establish critical methodology, are sufficient to describe a mechanistic, dead caricature of democracy. The influence of Communism did not end with providing the foil for developing a dialectically truncated sociology. It also provided the model for fascism, the most extreme reaction to the Communists. In places such as Italy and Germany, where the collapse of the Second International left the most conspicuous vacuum for the complete destruction of all democratic impulses, fascism led to holocaust. The end of World War II did not crush fascism, but witnessed the emergence of apartheid regimes in Israel and South Africa, with Nazis under US auspices proliferating throughout South America. The social malaise of today’s retrogression in American life has roots in our inability and unwillingness to deal with fundamental issues of democracy, in our social science and in our polity. Mannheim’s Diagnosis of Our Time (1944) was the first of three major discussions on the crisis in and reconstruction of democracy. Mannheim argued that since academic sociology became institutionalized at the turn of the 20th Century, the conflict between the consolidation of formal political democracy as ideology and individual freedom has reversed previous gains in

196 self-government, with mainstream sociology playing an ideological rather than critical role (cited in Weinstein, 2003). Today’s retrogression in moral and rational progress is glaringly apparent to all who are not paid apologists for the status quo. Sociologists and intellectuals have ignored the democratic calling of their discipline and our age. The Jeffersonian dictum, “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” (Phillips, 1852) and Benjamin Franklin’s (1755/1963): “They that can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety,” have never been more studiously ignored. The so-called value-free social science founded in reaction to Communism has been shown by Sayer (1992), working in the tradition established by James, Weber and Mannheim, to be yet another form of ideology. Mannheim sounded the tocsin for social scientists to renew their original commitment to democracy as a society in which all members have equally privileged influence in planning and making decisions, with recognition of the modern need for democratic social planning, both in terms of what kind of people we are and what kind of people we want to become. Dewey and Mead, working in the tradition established by James, led the way. The Chicago school of American sociologists pursued a similar line of investigation in the United States. Park, Wirth, and Ogburn shared a common interest in the extent to which current trends support democratic institutions and values (Weinstein, 2003). Selznick (1957/1984) observed that modern society must exercise social control, especially over the industrial system. Not whether, but how to implement democratic planning is the question. Commonly overlooked, precisely for racist reasons, is the work of Dubois and the Atlanta School, under the banner of Pylon, in practical sociology and democracy, Democracy in America must remain a lie until African Americans are admitted to the planning process, en masse, not merely by selecting a

197 racial avatar as chief executive. Although the Democrats have now selected a black face to serve as president, the extent to which this ‘ historic moment’ amounts to anything more than the charade under which a black face was nominated to the Supreme Court remains to be seen, although there can be little doubt about the passion for freedom of those who voted for Obama. Mills, Lipset and Wilson also contributed to the democratic tradition within sociology. Mills especially argued for the extension of democracy to economic and institutions other than political. Under the leadership of Upton Sinclair (Weinstein, 2003), the League for Industrial Democracy educated millions of Americans on the need to actually create, rather than merely presume a democratic society. Their clear warning that big government is the hand maiden of big business was taken up by President Eisenhower (1961), who noted that the unholy alliance constituting the military-industrial-political-complex (his speech writer cut out the word political) is the greatest threat to freedom in the world today, even at the height of the red-baiting McCarthy Era. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was the student auxiliary of LID. The Berkeley students, taking their inspiration from the freedom schools they had helped establish during the Freedom Summer of 1964 (the Mississippi Summer Project), realized that they themselves needed to democratize their own educational institution. The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party arose out of the voter registration activities of that summer, under the leadership of Fanny Lou Hamer, to become a pivotal force in the 1964 Democratic Convention under whose rules the new spearhead for freedom was organized. The Democratic superdelegates, with no authority whatsoever, ejected the MFDP from the convention, leading to today’s bankruptcy of the party in democratic ideas, which has not been corrected by the recent

198 presidential election. Putting someone forward with a commitment to democracy would have been more appropriate than selecting a creature of the Chicago Democratic machine. Al Jolson, the famous Vaudeville singer, had a black face. All it takes is a little bit of charcoal. SDS broke with LID in 1962 over the issue of red-baiting, which was intolerable to the students who eventually embraced Angela Davis as a spiritual leader. SDS reorganized under the Port Huron Statement. This became the New Left manifesto for the ‘60s, which still constitutes a thorough diagnosis of Mill’s ‘malaise’ in American democracy. Ordinary people still do not participate meaningfully in the democratic process, President Johnson’s momentary and ersatz ‘participatory democracy’ notwithstanding (the moment Democratic Party plutocrats began to lose control of it, they shut it down). Our lack of self-determination as a people results from the political and economic rule of America’s governing and ownership elite, which has no broader basis for popular support than the Communist Party had when the Russian people decided to throw it off their backs. The establishment of democratic systems and procedures in all American institutions was the remedy proposed by the Port Huron Statement, projecting nothing less than a non-violent revolution. Gitlin, at New York University, emerged from SDS to become a leading sociologist. Eugene Walker, at News and Letters in Chicago, is a leading social activist, philosopher, and practicing theoretician for Marxist-Humanism, founded out of the Johnson-Forest Tendency within the Socialist Worker’s Party by Raya Dunayevskaya. SDS, LID, Sinclair and Mannheim are all spiritual descendants of Marx. Dunayevskaya created the category of post-Marx Marxism as a pejorative. Practitioners of social change, whether as sociologists or working in other professional disciplines, are well aware of their Weberian democratic calling.

199 Conclusion I hope that I have demonstrated that the problems of this age are generic, and that no one has found the organizational solution to the questions raised by the freedom struggles of this age. The core of the problem lies not in social theory, but in our philosophy, which is where we determine what kind of a people we are, and what kind of a people we want to become. William James recognized that the scientistic empiricism of his age was not suitable ground for the study of the human psyche, grappled with philosophic issues in his study of the mind, and created a radical empirical methodology that eventually became the foundation for his statement of pragmatism. He never anticipated that he would inspire truncated forms of inquiry such as Functionalism and Behaviorism, but did create a fine legacy for methodological realists such as Andrew Sayer to begin to reformulate a humanistic social science. Marx made the clearest statement of a New Humanismin1848, but his epigones, as did James’, truncated his philosophic method into vulgar materialism, attempting to take a shortcut to the absolute by way of theory rather than philosophy, thereby translating theory into a pillow for intellectual sloth. As James’ Radical Methodology was forgotten, so were the ideas of Weber and Mannheim, who both tried, variously, to forge a middle ground between materialism and idealism to shed light on human problems. Using Weber’s ideal typology of status group and his concept of verstehen, and Mannheim’s concepts of ideology and utopia, we have applied them directly to 20th Century social problems such as Fascism, Communism, and capitalism, illuminating the terrain significantly. Holocaust Jews who see a Nazi in every brown shirt have a grain of truth in their vision, although few of these (with no reflection on those Israelis who remember the socialist roots of Zionism in a real quest for peace) would recognize fascism in the

200 ongoing attempt to sweep aside the original inhabitants of Palestine. As was so eloquently expressed on an Israeli peace Website, “there is more than one way to conduct a holocaust.” After nearly a decade of continuous erosion in American security as we pursue fruitless ‘pre-emptive warfare,’ we are still confronted with the fundamental question arising out of the events of September 11, 2001, which is, “How do we create the preconditions for peace, both domestically and internationally?” In a nuclear (new, clear) world with 2 billion people starving on less than $2 per day, nothing could be more terrifying to certain elements of the American psyche than the election of a Black president. As Bush shuffles off the stage, muttering his fear of terrorists, we could not make a greater or more disastrous error than to presume that the fear that drove his administration is groundless. We must find away to express the energy, hope, and idealism that fueled this event to create new historic ground in reaching for the future, and look far beyond any new ‘economic stimulus package.’ If this discussion even partially illuminates the philosophic and organizational problems we must confront in this effort, it will have served its purpose. No task could be more urgent, and no effort more rewarding.

APPLICATION SBSF8230: PROFESSIONAL PRACTICE AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

The purpose of this project is to unify theory and practice in applying the tools of knowledge from our analysis of human development to my own experience. Specifically, my aim is to build a platform for my own financial security by marketing my skills above the commodity level, which means that I name my own price for my own services. Under the capitalist work ethic, financial security can only be attained when it is no longer necessary to work for money, which means the accumulation of enough capital to provide for my needs. This does not mean that I will quit working, but only that the focus of my activities will change from meeting my own bare necessities to actually serving the public interest. Ralph Nader is a good example of someone who has accomplished this: He lives on a small monthly stipend provided by the organization he has created, while continuing to work for social change. Because the unity of theory and practice can only be located in philosophy, from the beginning of my organizational effort I will develop a philosophy of Critical Possibility Thinking, which expands positive thinking in new directions that can point beyond capitalism to a social organization of ‘freely associated labor,’ which is the goal of human development. Critical Possibility Thinking and Creating Financial Security The processes of ideology, as revealed by Mannheim, the relationship between rational thought and purposeful behavior explored by James and Peirce, and the relationship between rational thought and social action explored by Weber all converge on the activity of marketing and selling in a capitalist marketplace. The marketplace of ideas presents us with an unreflective

202 form of the Protestant work ethic in positive thinking, which is the entrepreneurial interpretation of Luther‘s concept of the calling, the thinking side of the split between thought and execution that characterizes capitalist society and culture. We have seen how the action side of the calling can degenerate into the most extreme form of secularized Christianity, which is fascism. However, secular religion can also express the calling of the capitalist, which is to accumulate wealth. That is why positive thinking looks so similar whether marketed by a televangelist or a sales training program. I shall first evaluate some of the negative aspects of positive thinking, which the faithful never do, then I shall develop a form of positive thinking that can be used for more than just personal aggrandizement, but expressed in a manner that can point in the direction of ‘freely associated labor.’ I do not expect to arrive at this absolute in building a successful marketing concern, but I hope to at least put these ideas together in a manner that will help those who work with me market their skills above the commodity level, receiving financial rewards commensurate with such an effort as well as returning value to society that is constructive. The narrow, ideological agenda of secular religion can lead to the suspension of critical faculties, which is disastrous to any sales or marketing effort. When the market changes under the impact of technology and popular culture, old techniques that served the original designers of the marketing program well may no longer work, or they may work only for a small percentage of those who make a good faith effort to apply them. From the management point of view, the only possible reason for failure is laziness on the part of the sales representative, which is dereliction of duty, the underlying cause for the fall from grace. Under the Protestant work ethic, the only visible difference between the elect and the damned is success in one’s calling. If that calling is the accumulation of wealth, poverty is the mark of Cain, the sign of disgrace. Failure

203 means that one has not set goals under the discipline of work, which is the only purpose for conscious effort. The way this is broken down in most sales organizations, the salesman simply has not made enough cold calls. From the point of view usually adopted within the secular religion of positive thinking, only success stories are told. An example would be the number of people miraculously ’healed’ at a tent meeting. Those who were not healed are simply not counted. Furthermore, those who may have contacted disease vectors at the meeting and contracted new communicable diseases are not counted. The number of people who may have been miraculously healed at a baseball game is studiously ignored, making it impossible to establish any kind of control group. The other side of this coin is scape-goating, or blaming the victim. Not receiving the healing can only be the result of lack of faith. Failure to accept the managerial chrism is the reason for not getting enough business to stay in business. That is the law and the gospel. The elect can only be identified by the blessings they receive from God in doing business, but even this success is suspect. However, it is the only means by which the ‘elect’ can identify each other for purposes of doling out privileges such as communion, perks, raises, bonuses, etc. In the life insurance business, only 5% of those who acquire a new license will renew it three years later. Yet, the standardized goal is to acquire 600 clients who will provide referrals within the first three years. One is deemed a failure if this goal cannot be reached, which puts 95% of those who start up in the insurance business into the failure bracket, with more to follow before the three year target date is reached. This is an incredible result, considering the fact that it is not possible to get a license without company backing, and that all of the marketing agencies in the business use psychological profiles to measure attribution styles, as well as success in past

204 efforts, to screen recruits. This is not troublesome from the managerial point of view, which simply recruits enough new hires to ensure that the company’s needs for sales personnel are met. From the point of view of the 95% who, no matter how hard they work, turn out to be ‘lazy,’ this can be devastating, both personally and professionally. 1979 was my first year in the life insurance business. I graduated from college in 1976 with a baccalaureate in economics, and Prudential was looking for such men (my only flaw was that I was pushing 30, rather than in my early twenties) to market debit insurance. Although management handed me a health insurance marketing program that cost $100/week in bulk mailing expenses, they also turned over a debit book from which I was expected to develop new business. Between these, the personal market (now universally designated as ‘Project 100’), and the Property and Casualty license, I was supposed to be able to survive the first quarter on a $300/week salary, then live on commissions from that point forward. However, at Antioch College, I was taught to use my critical faculties under all circumstances, and I immediately learned from my prospects that the program I was offering them did not meet their expectations. A whole life policy is paid for using level premiums through age100, at which time the face value of the policy matures, and the insured receives that amount plus any dividends paid by a mutual company, which Prudential is. The premiums are over-paid during the early life of the policy so that the excessive amount paid in can be used to reduce the net amount at risk over time, thereby keeping the premiums level as the mortality rate rises with increased age. Any dividends and accumulated cash values are considered to be prepaid premiums, and therefore are not taxed when cashed in. This can be a great means for transferring wealth to a younger generation in a higher tax bracket, but the guaranteed cash values accumulate at a low rate, and

205 are mixed in with the mortality experience to the point that the consumer cannot evaluate a life insurance policy from the standpoint of an investment vehicle. This is why whole life cannot be sold as an investment, but only to provide the security that investments cannot provide. My market was Orange County, Southern California, in1979. The engineers displayed bumper stickers that read, “Thank You, Ronald Reagan.” The federal government was paying double digit interest rates on T-Bills to finance Star Wars and murderous proxies throughout Central America, and everyone expected to make at least 14% return on their investments. The ‘termites’ under the auspices of A. L. Williams had already assaulted the industry with their battle cry, “Buy term and invest the rest!” Very few prospects (except those who were already worried about their health and therefore only marginally insurable) were interested in the security I was selling. I did not have enough capital to survive for two years while I built a property and casualty business for the purpose of selling life insurance through the back door, and I received 0% rather than 3% response from my mailings soliciting health insurance business from mom and pop operations. My entire sales group failed. My manager went back to selling. Prudential shut down the debit side of their entire operation. I went back to driving cabs for several decades. In response to the crisis created by the unethical Williams marketing tactics, the industry created Universal Life policies, which would play a major role in my renewed marketing efforts almost 30 years later. By the early years of the 21st Century, my driving days were almost over. Having worked under the dehumanizing side of the Protestant work ethic for decades, I had spent almost all of my waking hours behind the wheel, alert and at attention, chasing the daily ‘nut,’ which is what it takes to keep a driver in business. I had really gotten to the point where I could no longer

206 concentrate on driving for 60+ hours a week, forget about holidays, and do so in a manner consistent with public safety. I was driving a school bus in 2001, when the September attack on the World Trade Center put Chet Romanowski out of business and into his grave. That was the end of my driving career. By 2004, I went to work as a volunteer administrative assistant for the Illinois for Kucinich presidential campaign, with my wife as the Illinois coordinator. The high point of this effort for me came when Howard Dean raised one million dollars for eating a ham sandwich at his Internet connected computer workstation. At this point, volunteers who handled information technology issues had already split the Illinois Kucinich campaign, which the good senator permitted to happen through a series of poor campaign managers. Dean had built his whole campaign through IT, and I began to think I wanted to learn more about that subject. I subsequently joined two graduate programs in information security, one focused on management and the other on technology. By 2007, I was ready to take on an internship. At the age of 57, that was really not as unrealistic as it might now appear. I was forced to turn down a great offer to train as a network engineer because I did not have $4, 000 in cash to pay upfront for every technical manual with a certification attached to it. I began to realize that, sans certifications, I was not going to penetrate the Chicago market for IT meat. Evaluating my own credentials from a managerial perspective, I realized my best shot at the time was in financial services. I accepted an internship as a life insurance agent with Western Southern; whereas such were the only bona fide offers I was getting anyway. In my view, I was never again going to fail because of the shortcomings of a corporate training program, so I enrolled at Walden to conduct my own research into sales and management. The idea was to build up a clientele of 600 customers who would consider me as their life insurance agent. By the end of

207 three years, this effort should succeed, thereafter providing me with enough referrals that, like most professionals, I would no longer need to make cold calls. The old ‘natural market’ has been transformed by the industry into the standardized ‘Project 100,’ but the chances of success are still only1in 20. I entered this proposition with eyes wide open, knowing that I would never permit any sales agency, no matter how badly it was floundering, to pull me under. I almost made it at Western Southern. They offered me a salary for one year, provided I could validate it, and my validation for the fourth quarter would have been in had the underwriters put any priority on placing the business I gave them, and had my district manager not torpedoed my marketing effort. One aspect of positive thinking that I must retain in my own development of a marketing philosophy is not to permit the failure of others, even my trainers, to deter me from meeting my own goals. However, analysis of what went wrong is the key to future success, and that is my only purpose here, not casting blame. In terms of blaming the victim, perhaps I victimized one of the ten largest life insurance marketing concerns in the world. For that, I can only apologize. I suspect the company will carry on, and that the Chicago/Midwest Agency was floundering even before I got there. When the district manager presented me with the option of working sans salary, I realized that would cost me more than I could afford in gasoline, and that I could just as easily work for nothing out of my own home office. My marketing efforts had led me to the point where I was about to violate my agreement as a captive company agent not to conduct any outside business anyway. The parting of our ways was only a matter of time. I only wish the income I was using to pay for my marketing efforts had lasted for two or three more months. I was that close to success.

208 The reason I came that close to succeeding in life insurance was because I had learned the lesson Western Southern taught me by negative example. In fact, I already knew that nothing is free, and that you get exactly what you pay for, but it took me too long to apply this in the propaganda atmosphere provided by Western Southern. In this case, the ‘Project 100’ is not for purposes of marketing life insurance to your friends, but only for the purpose of getting 2 or 3 hundred referrals from them, from which to build a clientele. That probably worked for some of the sales managers at Western Southern in their marketing milieu. For me, asking people that I knew for telephone referrals to their acquaintances was like taking out a pair of pliers and trying to pull their teeth. To overcome reluctance, we were supposed to get two ‘tie downs’ affirming the value of the conversation I had with them, thereby softening their resistance. In this marketing era, when millions of Americans have actually placed their names on a ‘do not call’ list that every cold caller must update on a monthly basis to remain in legal compliance, the best I could get from friends and acquaintances was the assurance that they would bird dog some business for me if they happened to run into anyone who needed life insurance. Because I have never met any such person who did not chase me down the street in a wheelchair, no useful referrals ever came in from my ‘Project 100,’ although for management purposes I had to lie about that and actually claim to be conducting interviews won through this effort. Another agent, who started on salary about the same time I did, never lied to management. His sales plan failed about the same time mine did, so however one handles management on this matter cannot be considered to be a determinant of success. In my own marketing efforts, I will never pay anyone to lie to me. That is an absolute waste of time.

209 The majority of the business I sold in my natural market lapsed within the first year, anyway, thereby eliminating the natural market part of the triad. Western Southern handed me a debit book, 70% of which consisted of ageing Universal Life (UL) policies. Hank Gilbert, the corporate troubleshooter who recruited me into the Naperville office, had made a great living converting these underfunded, lapsing policies into new business. However, actually accomplishing that feat is a very delicate matter. Hank was forced to shut down Naperville because he could not meet the company’s new hire demands, and he was promoted to district manager. When he sent me to the Chicago/Midwest district, he told me the presiding district manager of my new office, Mickey, had his own issues, and that I should not permit that agency to slow me down. I could have met this expectation had I stayed under Hank long enough to learn how he pitched sales to the ageing UL crowd, which is an extremely tough market. Although they constituted the majority of my book, no one in the new office knew how to communicate with these customers. Mickey issued standing orders for new agents not to attempt to crack this market, and I was never able to penetrate it. The universal life customers at Western Southern deserve a bit more attention, because the way today’s upper management at one of the ten largest insurance consortiums in the world marketed these policies twenty to thirty years ago, when I was a Prudential agent, reflects the marketing tactics I want to avoid using. I knew there was a crack in the picture the company had given me of my debit book when an old woman gladly made an appointment with me (which I did not keep), stating over the phone, “Your company screwed me out of $20,000.” The insurance industry concocts the regulations handed down by federal and state insurance regulators and commissioners. When the Williams termites first started replacing whole life

210 business with term policies, under the still heard slogan of, ‘Buy term and invest the rest’ (the meaning of which should be clear from the foregoing discussion), the ethical standards of the insurance industry dictated that one must not replace existing business, even that of a competitor, with new business, because the customer stands to lose too much money, especially first and second year commissions paid to the sales agent and manager. When the industry hit upon the formula for Universal Life, this standard changed to an older standard from the real estate industry, “Let the buyer beware.” Western Southern actually paid its agents complete commissions on brand new business to replace existing whole life policies with UL policies, generally written for the same face amount at half the premium. Some variation of these tactics must have been used industry-wide, with disastrous results for the supposedly, but actually not very investment savvy customer. Western Southern implemented a rule that each debit customer must have their business reviewed on a yearly basis. In my book of about 400 policyholders, I never spoke to one who would permit an agent to actually conduct such a review. The only way to get into the door was just before the policy lapsed because it had been underfunded for twenty years. By this time, the customer was already indignant, and talking to other agents. The company corrected the ethical problem created by these shady sales techniques by paying off a class action settlement to all of its customers who did not tear up their mail from Western Southern, and then forbidding all further discussion of the lawsuit among sales agents. Today’s UL policy is a pretty savvy vehicle for stashing money, although federal regulations now limit the amount that can be laundered that way. By paying the minimum premium, the

211 customer can make the policy perform like a whole life policy, which is what they thought they still had in the first place. Actually, the original Western Southern UL policy was one of the most customer favorable contracts the company ever offered to the public, and they subsequently tweaked some of the benefits to make the overall performance more profitable. None of this helps when you are dealing with a lifetime Western Southern policyholder, who started out with a whole life policy, was offered the same amount of insurance by the company for half price twenty years ago, and is now being informed that the cash value, about which they received yearly unread reports, has now reached the vanishing point. The customer is too old to buy another whole life policy for an affordable rate, and must accept a drastic cut in coverage along with premium hikes on what he had thought was ‘whole life.’ This was the majority of my debit book, along with a few 3% annuities that the customer would pay a penalty to cancel. I doubt seriously that the agents who conducted this scam even knew what they were doing. My marketing program will succeed by teaching sales personnel to exercise their own critical faculties, rather than suspend them in favor of ‘company policy.’ Only when everyone wins can a lasting relationship be established for meeting the client’s real financial security needs. I did not realize until six months into my sales efforts at Western Southern that two of the legs in my marketing effort were extremely weak: the debit book and the personal market. This left only the commercial market, which none of the sales trainers believed in because they were preaching the gospel of sales, not marketing, and they were convinced we could present perceived value to potential clients without spending a dime to find them. If I had it to do over again, I would spend $100/week buying commercial leads, and establish myself as trustworthy

212 with as many of these potential customers as possible. Usually, these leads result in an e-mail address. I was able to provide good advice to some of these potential clients, and actually won anew of them over by advising them how to lose a few pounds before applying for life insurance, and how to shop for the best deal. These are the people who will trust you, and bring their business back to you when they are ready. The whole sales program was based on getting enough people to trust you that they will bring in their business without solicitation, and recommend friends and relatives, which is how other professionals do business. However, Western Southern, which had only 66% of their optimum sales staff at the time I was being trained, put all of its eggs in the basket of personal sales, and trained me mainly in the art of personal selling. This was a good approach, back in the day when insurance salesmen could go door to door, make appointments in people’s homes, and collect the premiums every week. Industry-wide experience shows that the most intensive training in personal selling works for only 5% of the people who enter the business, no matter how carefully they are trained. Marketing is the real key to success with today’s customers. The Chicago/Midwest office of Western Southern Life Insurance Company may or may not have foundered by now. Last year, when I was put on probation, or quit, no one was doing very well, especially the new agents. Some of the old timers were doing good insurance business out of the back door to some other business they had already established, but such efforts were not duplicable. Mickey got so desperate he even asked for backdoor business, even though it violated the captive agent agreement. Company initiatives, most of which paid for a large part of mailing costs, that showed promising results in other districts produced dismal sales in Chicago/Midwest. I had expected this from the start, having hired into the Naperville office to

213 replace a fired sales staff, just before the company forced its closure. When you join a sinking ship, it is not always realistic to expect not to go down with it. However, I received the training and experience I needed, and am prepared to continue on my own until my efforts pay off financially. The corporate mantra at Western Southern was that, by using personal sales techniques, a business could be built without spending any money on leads. The primary lesson I learned there is that all such efforts are futile. During the course of my training I found several motivational websites that attempt to teach positive thinking for salesmen. I noticed that some of them have a link directly to a life insurance agent. This is the key to any successful marketing effort today: you must have some sort of automated media that will reach customers and generate business. Marketing means using such media in place of making cold calls and using sales techniques such as tie-downs, horror stories, etc. The best way to market is to hire a company that generates leads, and outsource this part of the effort, whether by mail or telephone. I have been invited to several dinners to explain how to make money on the Internet. Throwing such dinners is an excellent approach. The entire lead generation effort can be outsourced. It gets interested parties together in one room, and provides a friendly setting for generating further interest. When I have about $10, 000 to spend, I am going to throw my first dinner. The idea is to create a marketing lever, whether by television, Internet, or some other medium, that will reach a large audience and generate a calculable response. The mailings from Western Southern did not produce expected results of any useful percentage in the Chicago/Midwest market, but other mailing efforts could very well work. I can continue to redesign my marketing levers until I create one that will produce a given financial result. From

214 that point on, it will simply be a matter of cranking it enough to produce a desired income, without over extending myself. The last thing I want to do is kill my own fledgling business by failing to deliver promised results to potential clients. Until I can throw my first dinner, I shall have to rely on the mail. I will be offering college funding services (provided through outsourcing) to people who have too much money to get a free ride. Because a real solution to the disposition of assets for the purpose of minimizing the expected parental contribution can be provided by a universal life insurance policy, this business will provide a way to begin building a relationship with clients for security and eventually financial planning. The insurance will be a back door business, but it will be a good one. This is what I was doing at Western Southern last year at this time, when Mickey cut off my cash flow. I think the weekly mailing I was doing was beginning to pay off, and all I needed was one bona fide customer for the college funding business in order to launch it. As with God’s grace under the Puritan work ethic, nothing is guaranteed, and I was forced to cut these efforts short. As soon as I can swing it, I will outsource my mailing for college funding, and start to throw seminars, eventually banquets, to generate business. Until then, I have only my personal market to fall back on, which must be handled more carefully to prevent the new business from lapsing, the way it did in my previous effort. I and my wife spent the first month of this year putting together her birthday party, which was held in a rented space, onJanuary26th of this year. At that time, she announced the official commencement for our fund-raising effort for orphans, which has become a priority for us since two of her great grandchildren lost their parents. As a Black minister, with many ministerial

215 contacts throughout the Aurora area, we are hoping to raise funds through these contacts as well as begin church marketing for life insurance, by which congregation members leave a bequest for the church through a church-owned life insurance policy on their own lives. This marketing involves finding churches that have enough members to be able to spare $10/week out of their tithes for a life insurance policy on themselves, with the church designated as owner and beneficiary of the policy. Naturally, no one that the church would be forced to bury can be asked to make such a contribution, so the first order of business will be to straighten out the donor’s family need for financial security. Life insurance companies started out as widows and orphans protection societies. From that inauspicious beginning, they went on to become major financial institutions in today’s economy. By replicating the institutional history of the industry on a personal basis, I will create my own financial security, and help show others how to do the same for themselves. In so doing, I will create a marketing effort that starts through churches and college funding. To make it work, I will need to implement a sales training program that incorporates positive thinking and positive mental attitude (PMA), on the tried and true formula derived directly from Benjamin Franklin and the Puritan work ethic, that PMA=OPM (positive mental attitude= other people’s money).. However, there are very negative aspects of the Puritan work ethic which I do not want to take along as baggage. For this purpose, I will need to develop my own philosophy of critical possibility thinking, rather than borrow from the self-help literature, both in sales and popular psychology, that is currently available. The primary goal of my sales organization will be to develop critical thinkers, who could be dropped into a desert with a suitcase full of rocks and manage to barter their way out of there. For this, self-deception is

216 poisonous; something to be avoided at all costs. Nothing is free. That is the first word of financial freedom. You will always get exactly what you pay for. An example of deception used in marketing is the Quixstar pitch, which I turned down earlier this year. Quixstar is the new marketing approach of Amway, which along with the A. L. Williams organization showed a special affinity for President Ronald Reagan back in my early days in the business. The Quixstar marketing approach involves a triad of milti-level tiers, the first two of which are given to the new representative, gratis, by company management. That means that the person who brings me into Quixstar offers to create two chains of income for me, without any effort on my part. All I have to do is recruit a third, additional chain of my own, and I can secure my future as a Quixstar agent. Without going into the ethical question as to whether or not this is a Ponzi scheme, which I certainly think it is, I would have to be a fool to believe anyone is going to recruit and train twenty agents to work for me. To sell such deception to my own recruits, I would have to suspend my critical faculties and believe in such fairy tales myself, not to mention put people to work who believe in fairies. If I were any good at selling in that manner, I would already be well on the road to success at Western Southern. Discussion Bonfires of the Vanities Although the Baehr (2002) translation of Weber’s Protestant Ethic seems to present a more tentative and exploratory work than Parsons’ (1992) original interpretative English translation portrays, Weber’s (2001) defense of his own work, as well as the thrust of Weber’s (1993) sociology of religion, and, as Parsons (1968) convincingly argues, the corpus of his further research present probably the best proof in sociological literature that ideas do influence

217 history, and that Calvin’s theological ideas about of predestination and grace form a strong foundation for the ethic that guided modern capitalist development. For those who remain unconvinced, Merton’s Science, Technology, and Society in Seventeenth Century England (Cited in Parsons, 1968, p511) presents further evidence to make Weber’s case. That is not to say that the secular religion of capitalism, all that is left of the original ethical and moral impulse, is an exact replication of Calvin’s theology, or that Calvin even practiced what he preached in Geneva. The well-known story of how Calvin invited Servetus to Geneva to discuss the theology of the Eucharist (Smith, 1920), then burned Servetus at the stake for taking a modern approach to the transubstantiation/consubstantiation controversy among Schoolmen (Servetus argued that the blood and the wine are symbolically present in communion), is perhaps more famous than the ultimate reaction of the citizens of Geneva after they had rid themselves of the tyrant John Calvin. They built a statue to Servetus that still stands in the center of town. This first of many Protestant witch-burnings cannot be attributed to anything in Calvin’s doctrine of grace, other than the insecurity of the would-be Elect whose self-knowledge of salvation should never, as Calvin himself warned (1960), be questioned in any attempt to plumb the mind of God. Socially, though, the burning of the unrepentant witch represents a more ancient ritual of human sacrifice, which is important in placating the wrath of God against the community as a whole. Witch burning remained a central activity among Calvin’s Puritan acolytes, and as Arthur Miller wickedly pointed out in The Crucible (1953/1976), was part of the capitalist social structure they established in America. The McCarthy hearings of the 1950’s was certainly a memorable outbreak of the witch-burning frenzy, but the recent USA Patriot Act and Homeland Security Act are far more subtle and far-reaching variants of the social impulse. Sherman McCoy, the

218 protagonist of Wolfe’s (1987/2008) Bonfire of the Vanities, is a fictional example that throws light on exactly how this recurrent hysteria functions. In this case the scape-goat fell from the pinnacle of capitalist success because of vanity. In Italy, the Bonfire of the Vanities was a medieval ritual in which objects that might tempt one to sin were burned in an enormous bonfire. In 1497, Savonarola burned thousands of art objects, books, and sinful toys such as playing cards, musical instruments, and cosmetics at the Shrove Tuesday festival. Sherman McCoy considered himself to be a ‘Master of the Universe,’ one of the select Wall Street brokers who made millions of dollars on a single deal. His father was the original Puritan capitalist, frugal in his own personal spending, and strictly observant of the Protestant work ethic, having produced enormous wealth not for the sake of making money but for the glory of God. Sherman fell from grace because of pride, and was sacrificed in a modern reenactment of the ancient ritual of human sacrifice that is all too familiar, with all parties involved fully conscious of their own corruption. Hypocrisy is integral to the ceremony, with the burning of the unrepentant witch serving to purify the community, for which nominal repentance serves even better than genuine contrition. Wolfe’s story brings out the real difference between the calling of the capitalist and that of the worker. The worker performs a rational function as an appendage to the capitalist machine rather than as an accumulator of wealth, but the capitalist enjoys no better benefits than the worker, in terms of personal rewards. Whereas working stiffs may be faced with poverty as the reward for their continual efforts, capitalists eschew personal displays of wealth to maximize the accumulation of capital. Both work primarily for the glory of God rather than for personal gain, and to demonstrate living in grace. The New York workers were especially infuriated at their

219 Wall Street demigods for their vanity and conspicuous consumption, which is why they took so much pleasure in bringing one down. You just aren’t supposed to have that much fun accumulating wealth, although success in the endeavor is evidence of living in grace. The fear of poverty drives today’s workforce in Perot’s rat-race to the bottom, which results from decades of direct legal conspiracy to destroy the union movement (Adamic, 1931; Dunn, 1927; Rasmus, 2006), just as the German workforce was thoroughly demoralized in their preparation for Nazi ideology. Although today’s ideologues believe we are ready to march off into slavery under the auspices of the World Trade Organization in the process of Globalization, this is more wishful thinking by today’s new Mercantilists than the true mood of labor. In the Civil War, Americans put on blue uniforms and fought to the last drop of blood to prevent ourselves from being enslaved by the same slave power most recently represented by George W. Bush. The best way to understand the depth of the passion that put Obama in office (although he seems little aware of it) is to trace it to its origins in 1776. When Jefferson and Paine issued the Declaration of Independence (ratified by the signatures of their peers and by the blood of British revolutionists) on July 4, 1776, they defined inalienable human rights in terms of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and the right to revolution as against any government that becomes destructive of these ends. The unfitness of today’s neo-liberals and neo-conservatives to inherit this on-going American revolution is no better shown than by their refusal to recognize any such natural law.

220 Adam Smith Instead, they appeal to the free market as the final arbiter of the rights and privileges of citizenship. Their rationale is Social Darwinism (Chase, 1977), although they appeal to the ‘guiding hand’ of the marketplace (Smith, 2003). Wealth of Nations, published the same year as the Declaration of Independence, is actually titled An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. The thrust of this inquiry is a powerful, passionate, and convincing argument against the mercantilism of his day, in favor of a capitalism that perhaps never existed, except in spirit. Smith discovered the labor theory of value, which is quite simply that the labor of its people, not the pot of gold in the kings (today’s corporate) coffers is the sole source of exchange value, the market’s measure of wealth. The new Economics, properly called New Mercantilism, can take no refuge in Smith, whose concept of laissez faire never meant to provide a federal trough for the feeding frenzy of international corporate sharks, who supposedly should be ‘left alone.’ To Smith, laissez faire meant that civil society, in pursuing its economic interests, should be left alone by kings, monopolists, cartels, corporations, and all who would control prices through unholy alliances. To Smith, the wealth of the nations lies not in the King’s treasure trove, but rather in the marketable exchange values created by the socially necessary labor time of its citizens. Wealth of Nations stands as the first and most concise statement of the labor theory of value, although Meek (1956) traced the subsequent history of the concept. In 1776, when Natty Bummpo (Cooper, 1984) was already fleeing West to escape from Eastern bankers, lawyers, and industrialists, the only thing needed, besides an axe, a musket, dry gunpowder, a mule, and a sack of corn, to survive in the wilderness was to be left alone. Nothing could be clearer than the

221 fact that success in ‘the pursuit of happiness’ was the result of one’s own labor, that a man’s word was his bond, and that in so far as he maintained an upright and moral bearing, the blessings of God’s bountiful gifts would naturally follow assiduous effort to conquer the wilderness. Nowhere was the Puritan work ethic more successfully applied in the accumulation of capital than in America’s second industrial revolution. The bounty of nature was taken for granted, as was the blood of the Indians and workers sacrificed in guerilla and class warfare. Nature’s bounty can still be taken for granted, because we can still apply our minds in extracting it. Today’s economy has collapsed because we no longer put people to work producing wealth. We dedicate thousands of gigabucks to maintain an imperialist military stance, with hundreds of Air Force bases scattered around the world. Air bases now serve the role under today’s imperialism that gunboats served under colonialism in acquiring natural resources and world markets for capital. Militarism costs7 to 20 times what it would cost to defend the security of Americans and the sovereignty of the nation (Center for Defense Information, 1992). This level of spending actually erodes, rather than enhances national security. Unproductive men and women in uniform constitute the armed sector of today’s vast army of the unemployed, who produce only national insecurity, and whose families actually live on care packages and food stamps. One billion dollars spent by the Pentagon in this Faustian effort that actually decreases America’s security posture in the world, applied to the civilian economy would produce seven billion dollars in goods and services (Center for Defense Information, 1991). Do the math the way Adolph Hitler did in presenting his guns for butter production possibility curve, and half a trillion per year in military expenditures costs 3 trillion per year in productive civilian economic activity, marketable exchange values, the actual wealth of nations. Put the millions of people to

222 work who are now structurally unemployed and we would produce so much wealth the very subject matter of economics, which implies scarcity, would need a new designation to imply abundance. Under such conditions, the industrial, technical world would spread rapidly rather than contract, embracing the billions of people whom it now exploits. Perhaps, along the way, America would lose some of her ‘terrorist’ enemies. I doubt that it would be possible to find direct, immediate evidence that Peale (1952/2003) and Hill (1937/2005) actually derived their ideas from the Puritan work ethic, when such evidence must be inferred from Weber’s concept of historical causation even to demonstrate the influence of these ideas on capitalist development. Indirect evidence may be cited from these authors themselves: Hill having gleaned his ideas from observation of the original robber barons (Josephson, 1934/1962), whereas Peale interviewed successful business persons. Because these works are not academic, but form the nucleus of the ‘self-help’ literature category, and are famously used throughout the world of sales training, they could not be used as source material. Our investigations into source material provide convincing evidence that Peale and Hill may be compared directly to the sources, and found to be fully secularized versions of the original Westminster Confession, with the same driving work ethic and the same rewards promised to those who work hard and strictly within the ethical code. Perhaps the most direct connection is to the writings of Benjamin Franklin, whose Poor Richard’s Almanac (2007) espoused the Puritan work ethic for 25 years of continuous publication. Weber (2002) took Franklin to be an American exemplar of this ethical orientation, and Franklin is still considered to be the Solomaic source of American wit and wisdom. The Franklin close is still part of the stock and trade of the salesman, and can still be used to close any sale.

223 Hill (2005) wrote that what the mind can conceive and visualize, it can achieve. This concept is closely related to the Jamesean pragmatic philosophy of will, in which goal directed behavior plays a major role. It is also consonant with the European view of American pragmatism, which collapses the philosophy into Paul Bunyanesque conquest over nature, Manifest Destiny, overweening greed and the presumption of infinite natural resources. Hill has actually stated, within the confines of the Puritan work ethic, the true relationship of mind to nature. No limits to the potential development of the human mind and spirit have ever been demonstrated. Although limitless natural resources are no longer available on the third rock from the Sun, limitless energy resources are indeed waiting for humankind to learn how to avail ourselves of them. There is no reason to take this as some absolute from an ideal or revealed world available only to the few philosophers possessed of some divine insight, muse, etc. “What the mind can conceive and visualize” is an absolute if that absolute is the absolute development of humanity, first discovered empirically in the Paris Commune and then projected by Marx’s Humanism. Marx expressed this philosophically as, “Time is the space for human development,” and “Human power is its own end.” the actual philosophy of capitalism is rationalism, which reduces human labor power to a material force, the limit of the Scottish School’s concept of historical causation. Marx discovered labor as human subject as well as object. Under this conception, labor power becomes not only the source of all abstract economic value, but the wellspring of all human values as well. Spencer and Sumner Although Hill (2005) said that he derived his concepts about the powers of mind from observing captains of industry, it is quite likely that he observed Andrew Carnegie, who

224 underwrote his work, more than most. Carnegie underwent an epiphany while reading Herbert Spencer, who adumbrated a theory of social evolution before Charles Darwin’s announcement of his discoveries, and from the same sources in Malthus and Ricardo. Carnegie wrote (cited in Hofstadter, 1955, p45): “I remember the light came in as in a flood and all was clear. Not only had I got rid of theology and the supernatural, but I had found the truth of evolution. “All is well since all grows better,” became my motto, and true source of comfort. Man was not created with an instinct for his own degradation, but from the lower he had risen to the higher forms. Nor is there any conceivable end to his march toward perfection. His face is turned toward the light; he stands in the sun and looks upward.” Spencer had already coined the term “survival of the fittest” when Darwin published his work in 1859. One might think evolution implies social change, and government intervention in the economy, but not to Spencer. He viewed society as a highly evolved organism that could not be interfered with through positive legislation without doing great damage to civilization. One might view the questionable interpretation of the 14th Amendment, originally enacted after the Civil War to ensure the voting and civil rights of freedmen, now applied by a reactionary Supreme Court to attach all personal property rights to corporations, in a jaundiced light under this line of reasoning, but such an idea never occurred to Spencer. Laissez faire is the only rule for any other government intervention in the economy than forcing the states to recognize corporations as individuals under the Bill of Rights. Large corporations and monopolies are natural results of the struggle for existence, and Captains of Industry, or Robber Barons, (Josephson, 1962) were a superior breed of men.

225 This would seem to have little to do with evolutionary biology or The Puritan work ethic under today’s neo-Darwinian Synthesis under the influence of Fisher, Haldane, and Wright (Williams, 1966), but Spencer was a thorough-going Lamarkian, and little of his evolutionary cosmogony would make sense without “use inheritance.” Simply put, like Lysenko in Stalinist Russia, Lamarck posited that inheritance could occur through use. For instance, the neck of the giraffe grew longer through generations of reaching higher into the trees for nourishment. Darwin himself, who had not read Mendel’s work on the gene (neither had nearly anyone else), found it difficult to discard this idea. Rich men, who had practiced frugality, discipline, and all of the Puritan virtues in accumulating capital, could expect their progeny to inherit these character traits, thereby creating a eugenically bred master race. Capitalism, competition, Calvinism, and civilization itself are all grounded in the struggle for existence, resulting in the best of all possible worlds under the optimism of Andrew Carnegie, Napoleon Hill’s financial angel and intellectual model as well as the brutal murderer of striking workers in the 1892 strike at his steel mill in Homestead, PA (Brecher, 1972). William Graham Sumner (cited in Hofstadter, 1955, p51) tied this constellation of evolutionary ideas directly to the Puritan work ethic: “Let it be understood that we cannot go outside of this alternative: liberty, inequality, survival of the fittest; not-liberty, equality, survival of the unfittest. The former carries society forward and favors all its best members, the latter carries society downwards and favors all its worst members.” Tying Spencer’s evolutionism directly to conservative thought, Sumner assumed the industrialist, frugal and temperate, who accumulates wealth, all to God’s glory, is the strong. Misinterpreting Smith’s concept of laissez faire, Sumner forever equated it in the conservative mind with the

226 idea that corporate entities, no matter how monopolistic, must be left alone by government. Marx, in his introduction to the Russian edition of Capital, had already predicted the end result of the concentration of capital as the merger of private property with government, but Sumner never considered this possibility, “…the strong and the weak … (are) equivalent to the industrious and the idle…if we do not like the survival of the fittest, we have only one possible alternative, and that is the survival of the unfittest” (p57). The process of natural selection, and therefore the progress of civilization, can only proceed if competition is unrestricted (by government, cartels and combinations, monopolies and even unions (when they win strikes) are all part of the natural order. Sumner was probably the first to point out that the writers of The Federalist Papers actually feared that democracy would degenerate into mob rule if not checked, and therefore created aristocratic limits to the Constitution of the United States by design. In Hifstadter’s words (p66): “Like some latter-day Calvin, he came to preach the predestination of the social order and the salvation of the economically elect through the survival of the fittest.” Critical Possibility Thinking Any schema of positive thinking that can actually discern the difference between truth and lies must banish self-deception and all efforts to deceive the public from its stock of sales tactics. A classic example of the use of self-deception in positive thinking training is the daily affirmation, in which I stand in front of my mirror just before exiting the bathroom for my of ice, and chant some charming lie about my own personal powers. Self-hypnosis is a useful tool in selling, but I do not believe I could ever sell a lie to my own subconscious mind, which is where the sale must be transacted. How am I going to make myself believe that I sell my product to one in three interviews with potential clients, if my real record is one in ten? In using affirmations,

227 the best approach is to say something that is believable in the first place. If I cannot convince my own subconscious mind, I will not convince anyone else either. Critical thinking must lie at the bottom of any effort to develop a positive mental attitude that will work in the face of an intractable reality. What we have to remember is that technology is constantly reshaping the market, and only those who are critical enough to separate flagrant con jobs from real efforts to help will be able to discern new opportunities when new possibilities open up. Critical possibility thinking is crucial. Today’s customer is extremely sensitive to charlatanry of all sorts, and will immediately suspect a slap on the back by any Dale Carnegie charm school graduate. Only those of us who can offer services far above the commodity level will be able to avoid being sucked into today’s universal rat race to the bottom of the barrel, in the words of Ross Perot. Any effort by today’s ruling Democrats to revive the economy will not help all of us for the simple reason that no one has the idea of a full employment economy on the table. This means that a lot of us will have to take responsibility for our own financial outcomes. Rather than offer our labor power on the market for labor as a commodity, we will find it necessary to offer services that are valuable, and that no one else can duplicate. Those who have the critical ability to adapt to a market for services that is driven to rapid change by technology will not have to make cold calls, or beg clients to try out their services. We will be able to name our own price for our service, and control the terms and conditions of our own labor. As Chet Romanowski (the founder of Illinois Charter Bus Company who died of disappointment when the event of 9/11 destroyed his tour business) used to say, “If you are not having fun, you should not be working here.”

228 Within this context of critical evaluation of marketing opportunities, taking responsibility for our own results, and positive thinking, the most important marketing skill that we must develop is goal setting. This is not taught in primary, graduate, or post-graduate education, which primarily focuses on attaining the skills necessary to work for someone else. Goal setting is the most important skill we can learn, but few ever encounter anything regarding the subject unless it is in a sales training course, where the material has been standardized. From Western Southern, and many others, we have SMART goals: Specific, and in writing; Measurable, in terms of dollars; Achievable, in that they are not humanly impossible; Relevant, with reference to some purpose; and Timely, with respect to a daily action plan for attaining them. Two of the most important aspects of goal setting are to create them with reference to some value system that provides a sense of purpose for life, and to visualize not only their achievement, but the daily, concrete effort it takes to realize them. My sales training program should reflect these ideas at the center of the work effort. At the heart of the Protestant work ethic is the idea of eternal vigilance. Keep awake, conscious, and sober at all times, focusing only on the acquisition of money. The closest I ever came to this was in driving taxi for two decades, during which better than 9 out of 10 waking hours were spent chasing the almighty dollar. This is taking it too far, and was only necessary because I was selling driving skills, a commodity every family from a Third World country willing to move to Chicago can duplicate. Because they help each other, many of them were able to go on to become doctors while I had my eyes glued to the windshield, booking more income but nevertheless stuck in a deeper rut. I think it is fair to say that any manager who cannot take time for vacations, family, and recreation is a pretty poor boss to work for, even if self-

229 employed. This is an over-rationalized part of the Puritan work ethic I will discard, perhaps relevant to some sinner’s guilt, but never the less too close to fascism for comfort. Work should never be permitted to devour the whole of life. Victim blaming and scape-goating are those parts of the Puritan work ethic that generated the Salem witch burnings, not to mention their historic role in fueling the Spanish Inquisition and creating the negative Christian image of the Jew (actually, the devil, complete with horns). The sociology of such secularized religion is founded on the irrational belief in a just world, that misfortune is the result of God’s wrath, and that good deeds will always be rewarded by divine Providence. This is actually the logical inverse of the Puritan belief that good financial fortune may be, but is not necessarily a sign of actually being one of the ‘elect,’ living in God’s grace. However, secularized religion is not very logical, and has no place in positive possibility thinking. Possibility thinking that builds on real human values is not one-sided, but can learn from mistakes through critical assessment of what went wrong to avoid them in the future. There is no justice in past misery, but we can discard negative, self-destructive behaviors to help create the kind of a future we visualize for ourselves and our children. We can only create such visualization in action according to some rational purpose, which is the heart of pragmatism. By taking that which is rational as that which is best according to human values, we can transform pragmatic and positive philosophy into humanism without discarding the critical edge that has always accompanied the movement of negativity. I am going to cut it off at this point, knowing full well that much work will be needed to develop a full-bodied goal setting and motivational training program from this sketchy beginning. I want to build a sales force in college funding, in which my sales personnel make

230 $100, 000 per year, generating me an income of $250, 000. I will develop a step-wise procedure for training people to do this, without actually doing it for them. Finding people willing to take responsibility for their own financial results is the first order of business, after I take responsibility for my own. For now, it is a matter of using the plans and ideas I have been working on to actually generate financial results. Once I have distilled a set of activities that can produce a certain amount of money, it will only be a matter of turning the crank as many times as necessary to get the desired income of $250,000 per year. This may sound unrealistic, but I think it is well within the SMART goal framework. We are still within the capitalistic milieu, and the Puritan work ethic is still the spirit of the system. With this in mind, and to the glory of God (Universal), I will make every effort, as did old Ben Franklin (the wisest American who ever lived), to use the Ben Franklin close for every sale, weighing the advantages against the disadvantages, and ever walking in grace.

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