Healing Means The Maintenance Of Meaning

Making reference to all the healing systems and healers that you have studied in the first half of this semester, discuss the proposition that healing maintains or restores meaning at times when existing systems of meaning may be insufficient. “Rejoice in our sufferings” ( Romans 5:3) ( from Norris 2008 : 24)

To discuss the idea that a healing process maintains and restores meaning at times when existing systems of meaning are challenged it is necessary to have clear distinction between pain, suffering, healing and meaning. Pain describes the physical sensation while suffering refers to mental, psychological and emotional distress ( Norris 2008 : 22). Healing as experienced by an individual can be understood as “ the personal experience of the transcendence of suffering” ( Egnew 2009 : 171). Suffering arises from the meaning ascribed to events, it engenders a crisis of meaning. An individual’s experience of suffering tends to be expressed through a personal narrative ( Egnew 2009 : 171) and the narrative tends to be constructed within the appropriate modes of discourse present in the individuals community. The shared meaning used and created by the narrative is part of its basis for legitimacy . In the process of healing meaning is maintained or restored for both the individual and the community as a whole ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 183). A number of anthropologists have investigated the role that healing systems and healers play in situation where traditional systems of meaning are challenged. Joan Halifax in Into the Nierika ( Halifax 1979) discusses the initiation of practitioners of shamanism, “ mystical, priestly and political figures” ( Halifax 1979 : 3) that are “ healers, seers and visionaries” ( Halifax 1979 : 3) across “ hunter- gathering societies” ( Halifax 1979 :3) and “where ever the tradition has maintained its shape in spite of shifting cultural ground” ( Halifax 1979 : 3). The initiation process of a shaman tends to involve a personal crisis that “ embraces the experience of death, resurrection, realisation or illumination which is designated as a religious experience” ( Halifax 1979 : 3), according to the discourse associated with shamanism in that community . From this the shaman, as healer gains a “complete vision of the society” ( Hallifax 1979 : 5) and a knowledge of “ the inner workings of crisis” ( Halifax 1979 : 5) as the “fruit born of a profound life crisis” ( Halifax 1979 : 5). In modern western society the normal expected narrative of illness is a “ past leading to the present and a foreseeable future that was disrupted by the illness” ( Egnew 2009 : 171), thus in a normal social context individuals are concerned about “success” ( Wong 2006 : 210) but a suffering individual is more concerned about meaning ( Wong 2006 : 210) as they are impaired in their ability to engage in the normal social role they play in their community. The individual is faced with the disintegration of their personhood and thus healing involves the maintenance or restoration of their personhood ( Raskin 2006 : 202). In some shamanic systems dealing with illness the key crisis journey is to enter an “underground of disease” ( Halifax 1979 : 10) where the shaman has survived and healed from a struggle with sickness ( Halifax 1979 : 11). This sickness is given meaning as a “ dramatic and painful” struggle with malign spirits, which are the personification of the physical and psychological forces of affliction, the experience is interpreted within the appropriate shamanic discourse and personal narratives that

give the experience meaning. In the western experience pain is seen as a symptom to be minimised ( Norris 2008 : 26), but, retrospectively and in the moment it can be assigned different meanings ( Norris 2008 : 31) . The immediate experience of pain is dependant on the meaning assigned, Michael Foucault would call this process discursive mediation ( Mills 2003 : 56). The experience of illness amongst the Washo in Don Handelman’s The Development of a Washo Shaman ( Handelman 1977) is understood as a neonate shaman coming into contact with a potential spirit helper, the spirit is causing the illness and this is shown to the neonate shaman by an involuntary dream or vision ( Handelman 1977 : 435) and it is up to the potential neonate shaman to “ extrude and control the intrusive spirit power” ( Handelman 1977 : 435). Don Handelman’s protagonist is a Washo shaman called Henry who’s personal development and career as a healer ( Handelman 1977 : 437) spanned from the age of seven in 1892 to over the age of seventy in 1956 and over this time the cosmology and concepts of healing in his discourse changed to reflect “ psychological development, experimentation and innovation” ( Handelman 1977 : 437) in the process making a successful adjustment to an “ acculturative situation” ( Handelman 1967 : 438). The adjustment of healing system concepts is a feature described by Levi-Strauss in The sorcerer and his magic using an autobiography obtained by Franz Boaz ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 175) which has its protagonist “Quesalid” testing his Kwakiutl Indian curing ceremony method against a Koskimo Indian curing ceremony methods, this would be a “professional basis” for the development and transformations undergone by Henry in a “ acculturative situation” ( Handelman 1967 : 438). Quesalids narrative describes his curing ceremony method’s success as due to it provision of a physical manifestation of the illness as a “bloody foreign object extracted by sucking and manipulation” ( LeviStrauss 1967 : 175) ( see figure 1) and also includes a description of the consequences failure when a shaman is unable to sustain or restore meaning for himself and his community. The autobiography describes an older Kwakiutl shaman whose concept featured a head-ring or bird-shaped ritual rattle which incorporated illness as an invisible entity. The older shaman competes against Quesalid’s visible “bloody worm” method ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 177) and the patient testifies that Quesalid’s method is more successful in curing. Because of this the older Kwakiutl shaman looses his credibility within his community and belief in his method, personal meaning or what Handelman describes as Henry’s “ego strength/ ego integrity “ ( Handelman 1977 : 438). The older Kwakiutl shaman wants to be taught Quesalids method but Quesalid remains silent ( Levi-Straus 1967 : 178) and so the older Kwakiutl shaman with his family leave suddenly and the community is fearful of revenge from the older shaman. What is particularly interesting about Handelmans protagonist, is that while it is traditional for the Washo to “mistrust and fear” ( Handelman 1977 : 437) shamans, Henry is “trusted and unfeared” ( Handelman 1977 : 437), thus while making a successful adjustment to the “ acculturative situation” ( Handelman 1967 : 438) Henry was able to maintain credibility in his community, belief in his method and personal meaning ( Handelman 1977 : 438). Henry’s narrative does not describe constant success and quick development but the experience of success and failure, introspection and learning and slow development spanning decades. These are trials that would require high “ego strength/ ego integrity” ( Handelman 1977 : 438). To

function as healers the meaning the shaman have derived from their experience of crisis are conveyed to their clients and the community that they are part of. The successful synthesis of an acculturated shamanism and its features in a modern context are approached in Merrill Singer and Roberto Garcia’s Becoming a Puerto Rican Espiritista ( Singer & Garcia 1989) which describes Espiritismo as practiced by Marta de Jesus at the Centro de Nuestro Padre Lazaro in Puerto Rican society, which has many features of the shamanism described by Joan Halifax’s Into the Nierika ( Halifax 1979). Although Espiritismo has its origins in Christianity and an attempt to understand the supernatural in terms of rational principles ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 159) it has evolved into a Puerto Rican religion with an integrated folk healing system, where its ritual is seen to mediate between a “ spirit world and the material world of the living” ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 159), its shaman, espiritistas view the clients symptoms as a gift or quality and the espiritistas facilitate their clients spiritual development, entering into a relationship with their spirits and potentially becoming mediums, espiritstas themselves ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 159). An espiritista can undergo a spiritual development by “ expanding relationships with spirits, winning spirits by adhering to the centro’s code of behaviour, serving the spirit realm and exhibiting proper respect to the leading medium “ ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 160). Contempary Espiritismo is incorporating the Santeria spiritual tradition and its ability to adapt to the changing needs and experiences of particular segments in Puerto Rican society contributes to its popularity and survival in the face of opposition from other religions ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 160). From Merrill Singer and Roberto Garcia’s ( Singer & Garcia 1989) description of Marta de Jesus’s life history it becomes evident that her involvement with Espiritismo intensified at a time when she was experiencing significant financial and relationship problems and thus “ it appears that Espiritismo offered Marta de Jesus both an escape from the painful realities of her often turbulent and difficult world and anchor in an otherwise unwieldy and often unsupportive social environment” ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 191), by providing “a concrete set of beliefs, a stable setting, an expanding network of significant others, a mechanism of social support, route of self-expression and an arena for personal development and recognition.” ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 191). These are examples of systems of healing that restore and maintain meaning to the suffering in times of crisis, and successful integration of the discourses associated with these systems of healing can potentially have their clients become practitioners within these systems of healing. That meaning is important is reflected in meaning centred psychotherapy ( Breitbart et al 2009), medical discussion on the treatment of chronic patients ( Egnew 2009 : 171) and approaches derived from Victor Frankl’s experience of the concentration camps of Auschwitz and Dachau, which led to the observation that people who survived tended to have a “ future orientation” ( Wong 2006 : 196). “So long as suffering has meaning, it will be endured but suffering without meaning tends to lead to despair “ ( Wong 2006 : 196) and thus it can be argued that these systems of healing provide meaning to individuals suffering by categorising the experience as one providing achievement and accomplishment as a crisis journey and provide the potential for personal and spiritual development and the perception of engagement with its cause.

A potential issue with using the examples of Marta de Jesus, Handelman’s description of Henry and Levi-Strauss’s Quesalid healers within unique systems of healing, are that they belong to a “shamanic complex” ( Halifax 1979 : 3) that exists alongside western medical discourse. Thus their functions and methods for sustaining and restoring meaning may be specific to the context of their development. Handelmans description of Henry’s later developed cosmology and the values present in his later ceremonial practices reflect an acculturation with the dominant western culture ( Mills 2003 : 56) and Levi-Strauss’s “Quesalid “ presented from an autobiography obtained by Franz Boaz was an individual called George Hunt who was familiar with western rational thought and the colonial world view ( Whitehead 2000 : 154) “Quesalid” was part of a indigenous response towards exposure to the dominant western scientific world view, of representing his people as rational human actors ( Whitehead 2000 : 163). Other systems of healing that differ from Victor Frankl’s “ future orientated individuals” ( Wong 2006 : 210) and “social support and personal development” ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 191) can be found in Levi-Strauss’s famous article on a South American Cuna child birth incantation ( Atkinson 1992 : 314) and healing systems that feature the “divination” of malign social relations as the source of illness and misfortune” ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 175). The Cuna child birth incantation discussed by Levi-Straus in his chapter titled The Effectiveness of Symbols ( Levi-Straus 1967 : 186) is used “ at the request of the midwife” ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 187) in situations the gravida is having a difficult child birth. The song describes a quest by the shaman for the gravida’s Purba which is her spirit double or soul ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 187), the Purba has been captured by forces that preside over the development of the fetus, called Muu ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 187). In the song the shaman enlists spirits and ascends to the uterus ( through Muu’s way), physically opposed by “threads, tendrils and curtains “( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 195), in darkness and covered in blood ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 191). The uterine world is occupied by “fantastic monsters and dangerous animals” that personify birthing sensations and pain such as “Uncle Alligator Tiikwalele with glistening body, who movies his glistening flippers” and “ Nele Ki(k)kirpanalele the Octopus whose sticky tentacles are alternately opening and closing” ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 195). After ascending to the uterine world ( Muu’s place) a tournament or combat takes place where the purba is relinquished and then the shaman descends while making sure that “ Muu remains in her dwelling place” ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 196), uterus. Levi-Strauss describes the incantation as making explicit the danger of the birthing situation that exists on an emotional level, the pain and trauma the gravida experiences is rendered acceptable because it is integrated within her native world view. The song provides discursive mediation to a biological situation where the song, becomes an individual narrative that makes the experience meaningful, pain and suffering is endured, despair is warded off. Levi-Strauss goes further to state that “as the experience becomes structured, regulatory mechanisms beyond the subjects control are spontaneously set into motion and lead to an orderly functioning” ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 198), the shaman functions, in Levi-Strauss’s psychoanalytical terms, “as an object of transference that facilitates abreaction” ( Levi-Strauss 1967 : 198). The issues of the traumatic situation are made real and communicated symbolically through action and incantation. A similar symbolic process is described for the process of divination where its practitioners

have a “complete vision of the society” ( Halifax 1979 : 5) compounded with a understanding of “ the inner workings of a crisis” ( Halifax 1979 : 5). The divination systems described by Reo Fortune ( Fortune 1977/ 1932 : 198) in Sorcery and sickness in Dobu, Ronald Reminick ( Reminick 1977 : 249) in The evil eye belief amongst the Amhara of Ethiopia and Victor Turner ( Turner 1977/ 1968 : 280) in Ndembu divination and its symbolism feature the idea of ill health or misfortune is caused by malign social relations, the communities within these cultures tend to feature competition between groups, personal jealousy and ideas of sorcery ( see appendix 1). Within these communities diviners are responsible for uncovering the causes of illness, “ personal and social misfortune” ( Turner 1977/ 1968 : 175) and have a redressive function, maintaining social relations ” ( Turner 1977/ 1968 : 175). Thus these are systems of healing that involved with “success” ( Wong 2006 : 210) of individuals and their communities and consequently are highly charged political situations. In the example of the Ndembu, the ritual divination process involves “shaking and tossing up in a basket objects of various shapes, sizes and colours “ ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 177) and afterwards the examination of where they land in the basket, “ to winnow truth from falsehood” ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 177). During the process of examination the diviners discriminate the divinatory symbols analytically ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 180) and incorporating their own experience “ reduce their social system to a few basic principles and factors” ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 182) to arrive at a situation that accords with the view of the majority, recognised as valid by Ndembu moral values and norms” ( Turner 1997/ 1968 : 182). Thus the meaning maintained or restored by systems of healing associated with divination systems tend to be moral norms and social adjustment. This is in contrast with LeviStrauss’s example of a Cuna child birth incantation, which appears to function on at least one level, by discursive mediation of the experience of the birthing gravida. In conclusion the systems of healing discussed and their healers appear to be addressing the needs of suffering individuals, their communities and also the needs of the healers themselves. Individuals have a need for meaning ( Staub 2003 : 12) and to provide meaning the healing systems provide narratives that are significant retrospectively and in the experience as discursive mediation towards the experience of suffering. Even with the loss of traditional meaning, individuals can still find meaning in the concrete situations ( Wong 2006 : 210) that the discussed healing systems provide, as suggested by, but not exclusive to, Marta de Jesus’s experience of a “stable setting, an expanding network, mechanism of social support, routes of self-expression, personal development and recognition.” ( Singer & Garcia 1989 : 191).

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Appendix 1 Jealousy and Competition. For the Papau New Guinean Dobu ill health is the product of a tabu, a spell or incantation that is the “ugly black hatred “ ( Fortune 1977/ 1932 : 200), there are no accidents, death is only caused by “witch craft, sorcery, poison, suicide or assault” ( Fortune 1977/ 1932 : 202). The Dobu community is highly competitive, most people outside of their immediate family and friends are considered as potential threats, food from strangers is not taken for fear of poisoning ( Fortune 1977/ 1932 : 200) and thus ill health is seen as an infliction caused by other peoples jealously where the victims magic was not strong enough to resist. In this community sorcery is wide spread, the father, mothers brother or older cross cousin is responsible for teaching “ black magic” to a youth and undergoes ordeals as part of this process. The knowledge is imparted with a social lie as proof of its efficacy as “I used it on one man” the day after it took effect, and he died immediately” ( Fortune 1977/ 1932 : 203). Everyone in Dobuan society practices black magic and part of the healing process in this context is divining the cause, which is done by water or crystal gazing ( Fortune 1977/ 1932 : 204). Ultimately jealousy is seen as produced by the acquisition of too much success from illegitimate means and thus the belief system has a levelling effect. Jealousy is also seen as a cause for misfortune amongst the Amhara of Ethiopia, the belief system of an “Evil Eye” and it has a levelling effect where the Amhara land owners, rega class desire to not appear overly “successful” or attract the attention of people from the landless craftsmen class, the buda ( Reminick 1977 : 218). In this context there is again competition for resources and status within the rega and between the rega and buda classes, but here the ability to invoke witch craft, the “evil eye” ( Reminick 1977 : 220) is specific to the buda class. For the Amhara the legitimate/ dominant religion is a Monophysite Christianity but there are a number of “non legitimate” ( Reminick 1977 : 219) systems of belief that play a role in everyday social and cultural life ( Reminick 1977 : 219). The buda are a different ethnic group that do not own land but provide skilled craftsman work to the Amhara peasants, the buda are generally known as tayb which is derived from the noun tebib which means craftsman ( Reminick 1977 : 219). Tayb and buda are used synonymously but buda means evil eye ( Reminick 1977 : 219). The evil eye designates the power to curse and destroy, reincarnate and harness the labour of the dead. The dominant theme in the evil eye belief for the Amhara is a fear of jealousy from the buda class ( Reminick 1977 : 225) but this has been suggested as reflecting a fear common to individuals of the rega Amhara, a fear of sibling and kin jealousy over unequal land rights, which is projected onto the buda class ( Reminick 1977 : 226).

( From Whitehead, Harry. ( 2000). The hunt for Quesalid: tracking Levi-Strauss’ shaman. In Anthropology and Medicine, Volume 7, Number 2. Page 157. )

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