Great Stakes Journal

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The Great Stakes Volume 1 • Issue 1 • March 2008 Copyright 2008 by the Roosevelt Institution Midwest Regional Coordinator Hilary Anne Doe Chair of the Editorial Board Kirti Datla

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Great Stakes For the Great Lakes A Publication of The Roosevelt Institution’s Midwestern Region March 2008

Dear Readers, As a native Midwesterner and an active member of the Roosevelt Institution, I have experienced first-hand both the strengths and struggles of our region, as well as the creativity and intelligence of the new generation of student leaders. In this time of regional transition, then, it was natural to focus the Roosevelt Institution’s innovative minds on the complex challenges facing their home states. Impassioned by their love of the Midwest, informed by their personal experience, and empowered by their university resources, local networks, and the Roosevelt Institution, students spent the past year researching and writing policies focused on celebrating and reinvigorating the Great Lakes region. Midwestern Roosevelt Institution members engaged in a new kind of student activism—they demanded change and facilitated improvement by not only identifying regional challenges, but by offering smart, inventive public policy solutions. We entitled the project Great Stakes for the Great Lakes. The policies printed in this publication tackle some of the region’s most pressing topics, including environment issues, economics, education, energy, democracy, and urban planning. They also embrace the unique beauty of our home states, which make development work both rewarding and worthwhile. It is our hope that all policymakers, educators, stakeholders, and interested citizens reading this publication—the culmination of the Great Stakes for the Great Lakes project—will be inspired to continue improving the region as a result of the pioneering solutions provided here. With Hope for a Bright Future, Hilary A. Doe Midwest Regional Coordinator The Roosevelt Institution

The Roosevelt Institution is a national student think tank with nearly 7,000 members at over 50 college campuses across the United States. Founded in 2004, Roosevelt strives to give students a voice in the policymaking process through print and online publications, direct student-to-lawmaker connections, and annual conferences. For more information on the policy ideas published here, please visit http://www.rooseveltinstitution.org

Table of Contents The Alternative Energy Solution Michigan Wind Power Op-Ed Jamie O’Malley et al, University of Michigan - Ann Arbor Michigan Wind Energy An Assessment and Future Policy Implications Dan Blue et al, Michigan State University Federal Renewable Portfolio Standard Benjamin Reid, University of Wisconsin - Madison The Case for Wind Farms in Lake Michigan Kevin Atherton, University of Wisconsin - Madison Mitigating Poverty’s Effects: Nutrition, Housing, State Aid, and Disenfranchisement The Role of Public Schools in Improving Nutrition and Fitness Among Detroit Youth Lesley Plimpton and Erika Zviklin, University of Michigan Obesity in Michigan: A Growing Problem Joshua Ward et al, University of Michigan - Ann Arbor DHS Pregnancy Centers Meet Detroit Needs Hilary Anne Doe, University of Michigan - Ann Arbor ‘Housing First’ in Cinncinati: A Proactive Solution Alex Hollingsworth and Erik Lambert, Miami University Compensation Reform Matt McCrea et al, University of Chicago A Better Place To Live: Wealth, Health, and Democracy The Affirmative Case for Public Smoking Bans Michael Diedrich, University of Wisconsin - Madison Public Financing for Statewide Elections Karl U. Stark, Kenyon College Disturbances to the Great Lakes Environment Examining the Effects of Atrazine in the Great Lakes Kenneth Chen, University of Michigan - Ann Arbor Ending the Non-Therapeutic Use of Antibiotics in Agriculture Scott Reid, University of Michigan - Ann Arbor

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Michigan Wind Power

Jamie O’Malley, James Fuller, Zach Bay, Adena Kass, Kenneth Chen Environmental Policy Center, University of Michigan The debate over the existence of anthropogenic climate change has been settled. An overwhelming number of scientific sources have linked the release of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases with rising temperatures across the globe; in May 2007, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released a comprehensive report concluding that there is a 90% chance that current warming trends are due to anthropogenic sources. Additionally, the report warned that with current policies, greenhouse gas levels in the atmosphere will continue to grow. The globe will continue warming at rates even higher than those observed in the 20th century. To prevent the rise of global temperatures, the report suggests the use of renewable energy resources such as wind and solar power to replace conventional greenhouse-gas emitting fuels like coal.1 Unfortunately, the United States government has thus far failed to heed the growing number of warnings. For example, the US was not a signatory for the Kyoto Protocol, an international treaty designed to lower global greenhouse gas emissions that was ratified in 1997.2 Furthermore, Congress has not yet passed any bill that comprehensively addresses climate change. The United States should set an example for responsible action but in the absence of strong federal leadership, the role of addressing climate change has been, by default, delegated to the states themselves. Twenty-four states have responded to this call with the creation of renewable portfolio standards (RPS) of varying levels. Most ambitious among these, California will require 20% of generated electricity to be produced from renewable sources by 2010. Unfortunately, the state of Michigan is not such a state. Michigan has a esponsibility to enact a renewable energy standard of her own. Furthermore, wind energy should comprise a majority segment of this plan. Wind energy is the most feasible technology in Michigan because of the state’s considerable wind resources. Economically, wind energy is less expensive than other forms of renewable energy.3 Environmentally, wind energy is both “clean” and renewable, producing no emissions.4 While the disadvantages of wind energy have been loudly touted by opponents, they pale in comparison to the economic potential to be gained through job creation and environmental benefits. Opponents of wind energy point to the fact that the turbines needed to generate electricity pose a hazard to birds. However, various studies have found that bird death rates range from less than one bird per turbine per year to approximately four birds per turbine per year.5,6 These figures are negligible compared to the millions of birds killed in collisions with plate glass, buildings, and power lines. In fact, the Audubon Society has placed official support behind the increased use of responsible wind power.7 Other concerns stem from the view that wind turbines are unsightly and severely detract from the environmental landscape. While the aesthetic merits of wind turbines can be debated, in comparison to the greater concern of climate change, this seems relatively trivial. Additionally, in many cases, aesthetic concerns can be sidestepped by the use of offshore wind technology. Other critics of wind energy instead support the creation of additional nuclear power plants as a non-polluting energy source. While nuclear power has immense potential and doesn’t produce any greenhouse gas emissions, issues regard-

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ing its safety must be resolved before nuclear energy becomes a viable alternative to other energy sources. As of yet, these issues have not been resolved. Currently, the nuclear energy industry is unable to purchase sufficient insurance on the open market and U.S. Department of Energy has no accepted plan for dealing with the long-term storage of the high-level radioactive waste created. Wind energy, on the other hand, is a viable alternative energy option, especially for Michigan. According to the Department of Energy (DOE), Michigan has the fourteenth highest wind potential in the nation, a huge untapped resource. Wind resource maps of Michigan show onshore utility-scale wind resources concentrated along the shores of Lakes Michigan and Superior, as well as on the “thumb” and islands.9 The great potential of offshore wind farms, a technology that is already being implemented in European countries like Denmark10 is even more exciting. Off the shores of Lakes Michigan, St. Clair, Erie, Huron, and Superior, the wind power potential is 44,288 megawatts.11 This power rate would result in 387,962,880 megawatt-hours per year of wind energy. To compare, Michigan used 108,877,000 megawatt-hours of energy in 2003.12 Though currently more expensive, there are many benefits to off-shore windmills— higher and steadier wind speeds, lessened noise pollution and aesthetic concerns, and the elimination of land-use issues - a concern that adds considerably to the cost of land windmills. Off-shore wind turbines would also allow for larger turbines and blades than land turbines as well. Transportation capacity on land is limited to what can be transported by trucks on major roads. If production facilities were located on coastal areas, these limitations would not exist for off-shore wind generation. Off-shore wind turbines in the Great Lakes region would be able to service many large population centers, notably Grand Haven, Muskegon, and Detroit, which is close to Lake St. Clair. This would be more practical than the land based wind farms in the plains states because of proximity to the existing electrical grid and population centers.13 The adoption of a renewable energy portfolio in Michigan using wind power as a major energy source would produce significant economic benefits. According to a number of studies, wind power plants create many more jobs than conventional coal-fired plants – according to one Australian study, up to eight times as many jobs.14 National Renewable Energy Laboratory estimates that the construction of a wind farm in Michigan would create 2,308 jobs during construction and support 346 jobs annually during operation. In comparison, a coal power plant of similar capacity would create 2,181 jobs during creation and then 146 jobs during operation.15 According to the US department of Energy’s Jobs and Economic Development Impact, achieving 20% of the wind energy target could translate into 40,000 “direct” jobs annually. With Michigan’s overall unemployment rate at 7.7 percent and Detroit’s at 9.2 percent, it is easy to imagine how the jobs created through a wind energy boom could greatly benefit the region.16 Right now, Michigan is at a crossroad; the state must decide which energy venues are worth the time and money. At present, our state has not decided which path to take to satisfy our increasing need for both jobs and energy, but to make this critical decision we must consider both the benefits to the state-wide economy and the increasing need for a sustainable energy system. Many Michigan legislators seem to understand the environmental and economic benefits to be gained through renewable energy, and several RPS proposals have been seen in the Senate and House since late March of this year. Many of these bills set a minimum percentage of total energy to come from renewable sources such as biomass, geothermal, solar, and wind power. Unfortunately, of the 61 total acts—18 or more relating to renewable energy or energy efficiency—all have been tabled

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at committee levels, and no public acts have been made in relation to our energy crisis during the 2007-2008 legislative session. 17 Governor Jennifer Granholm has changed her position on energy recently, acknowledging the need for a renewable energy portfolio standard. She is now in favor of a RPS of 25% by 2025 as opposed to 15% by 2015. The Governor also specifically recognizes the necessity of wind energy as a major source of renewable energy in the RPS. On November 14th 2007, Governor Granholm also announced the creation of the Michigan Climate Action Council. This group includes thirty-five people from public interest groups, environmental organizations, utilities, the manufacturing sector, key industries, universities, and state and local government.18 These are great steps for Michigan in the multi-faceted fight against climate change. However, the most important decisions remain—the choice of which new energy facility would be best for our state. It is absolutely crucial that the state government of Michigan choose a path of economic and environmental sustainability through a Renewable Energy Portfolio including wind energy. In light of the current lack of effective international or even national policies to combat climate change, it is the duty of state legislators to demonstrate the leadership and responsibility necessary to produce worldwide policy change. Resources 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

IPCC, 2007: Summary for Policymakers. In: Climate Change 2007: Mitigation. Contribution of Working Group III to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [B. Metz, O.R. Davidson, P.R. Bosch, R. Dave, L.A. Meyer (eds)], Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA. United Nations Framework on Climate Change http://maindb.unfccc.int/public/country. pl?group=kyoto Namovicz, Chris. EIA Projection of Renewable Energy Costs. Presented at the Forum on the Economic Impact of New Jersey’s Proposed 20% Renewable Portfolio Standard, February 22, 2005. Environmental Protection Agency: Electricity from Renewable Sources http://www.epa. gov/solar/renew.htm#wind Osborn, Robert G., Kenneth F. Higgins, Robert E. Usgaard, Charles D. Dieter, and Regg D. Neiger. 2000. Bird Mortality Associated with Wind Turbines at the Buffalo Ridge Wind Resource Area, Minnesota. The American Midland Naturalist 143: 41-52. Musters, C. J. M., M.A.W. Noordervliet, and W.J. Ter Keurs. 1996. Bird Casualties Caused by a Wind Energy Project in an Estuary. Bird Study 43: 124-126. Audubon Society, http://www.audubon.org/campaign/windPowerQA.html Heyes, Anthony G. and Catherine Liston Hayes. 1998 Subsidy to Nuclear Power through Price-Anderson Liability Limit: Comment. Contemporary Economic Policy. 16: 122-124. Department of Energy Michigan Wind Resource Map http://www.eere.energy.gov/windandhydro/windpoweringamerica/maps_template.asp?stateab=mi Madsen, Travis, Timothy Telleen-Lawton, and Mike Shriberg. Energizing Michigan’s Economy: Creating Jobs and Reducing Pollution with Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy Electric Power. Environment Michigan Research & Policy Center. February 2007. Pryor, Scott, Mark Shahinian, and Matt Stout. Offshore Wind Energy Development in the Great Lakes: A Preliminary Briefing Paper for the Michigan Renewable Energy Program. Michigan Renewable Energy Program. April 2005. California Energy Commission Per Capita Electricity Use by State http://www.energy. ca.gov/electricity/us_percapita_electricity_2003.html Pryor 2005

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14. Diesendorf, Mark. 2004. Comparison of Employment Potential of the Coal and Wind Power Industries. International Journal of Environment, Workplace and Employment 1: 82-90. 15. Goldberg, M., S. Tegen, M. Miligan. 2006. User-Friendly Tool to Calculate Economic Impacts from Coal, Natural Gas, and Wind: The Expanded Jobs and Economic Development Impact Model ( JEDI II). Paper presented at National Renewable Energy Laboratory Conference, WINDPOWER 2006, June 4-7, in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. 16. United States Department of Labor Statistics http://stats.bls.gov/eag/eag.mi.htm 17. Michigan Legislative Records http://www.legislature.mi.gov/ (S(dccvbmnob5503tyayg3xk4rb))/mileg.aspx?page=home 18. Office of the Governor, Executive Order No. 2007-42 http://www.michigan.gov/gov/0,1 607,7-168-21975-180299--,00.html

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Michigan Wind Energy Assessment & Future Policy Implications Dan Blue, Kyle Bryan, David Carlson, Andy Cease, Olivia Cohn, Bryce Colquitt, Cory Connolly, Griffin Sharp, Lauren Tomaszczck Center for Energy & Environment, Michigan State University

Executive Summary Currently the most common sources of energy in the state of Michigan and the United States are coal, oil, and other non-renewable resources. Climate change has become a reality and the need for alternate sources of energy for the state has become a necessity. Wind, which in technical terms is the movement of hot and cold air, is a highly underutilized resource and is abundant in certain parts of Michigan. Surrounded by water, Michigan’s peninsulas possess a superior range of alternative wind energy capabilities in comparison to other states in the region and nation-wide. Within the United States, Michigan has been ranked as the state with the fourteenth highest wind energy potential. However, the potential energy from wind in Michigan is largely untapped. It is estimated that the potential Michigan offshore capacity is 44,228mW. Currently, Michigan produces only about 65 mW of energy using wind. Wind energy reduces the detrimental effects to Michigan’s environment that are caused by burning coal, the leading source of energy in the state. Wind power does not use fuel and it does not release emissions related to energy production; chemicals such as carbon dioxide, sulfur dioxide, mercury, and other substances are kept out of the environment, thus reducing pollution. Wind turbines do not require mining, drilling, or transportation of fuel, and turbines do not generate radioactive or other hazardous or polluting waste. In addition, wind turbine construction does not contribute to Michigan pollution, as the energy consumed in production and installation is regenerated within an approximate nine-month period. According to the American Wind Energy Association (AWEA), each wind turbine in Michigan reduces CO2 emissions by 1500 tons per year. Wind Energy: Turbine Function The process by which a wind turbine produces energy is simple. As headwinds travel past the two or three turbine blades, the moving air is displaced by the pitched blades causing them to revolve. The revolving motion turns a shaft inside the turbine’s nacelle, which houses various components to generate the energy. Inside the nacelle, the energy is converted from natural, direct current (DC) energy to electrical, alternate current (AC) energy through a transformer for distribution. Average wind turbines function within the range of 9 miles per hour (mph) to 56 mph. 16.8 mph is the minimum average wind speed for efficient wind energy production on a large scale. Michigan has rich wind resources which are above this minimum, particularly offshore. Onshore, the wind generally dies down; however there are areas inland where wind turbines can be effective. While in certain regions onshore wind may be efficient, it is offshore wind that holds exciting prospects in Michigan. Offshore wind resources in Michigan produce wind speeds in the range of 17-21 mph, varying with height. Winds blowing off the water, prevailing from the west, in areas immediately onshore are slightly diminished from this wind speed. However, they generally maintain one to two mph above the required speed. In wind energy production this one to two mph differential in speed seriously impacts overall output because the energy output of wind is a cubic function of its speed (mph 3).

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Wind Energy: Infrastructure Implementation The exponential nature of wind energy makes it important to examine the conditions and locations that constitute the highest wind speeds in Michigan. Offshore wind is consistently faster than that of onshore wind. Wind speed is also directly related to height. Wind resources are fastest at 100 meters, where wind speeds average approximately 20 mph. Lower heights of 50 and 70 meters have lower wind speeds; however, they maintain sufficient speeds for wind energy production. In studying Michigan’s wind resources, there are three key areas of focus where wind energy is likely to be effective, efficient, and practical: the Port Huron region, the Lake Michigan shore, and the Keweenaw Peninsula. All three of these regions demonstrate more than adequate wind potential. However, through the juxtaposition of transmission grid, wind resource, and population density maps, one of the more promising and practical regions is the Lake Michigan shore, especially near the cities of Muskegon and Grand Haven. Later, this report will examine economic and technical issues at a micro level for an offshore project in that region. The logistics for offshore implementation become more impractical and expensive as wind farm locations are moved further from the shore. The furthest distance of a proposed wind farm location is approximately nine miles, and most sites range from one to six miles offshore. Offshore wind farms also require relatively shallow waters of 50 meters or less. Anything past 50 meters requires floating bases for the windmills, which at this point, is experimental technology. As water depth increases at the site of a wind farm, so too increases the cost and difficulty of the implementation process. Also essential to the successful implementation of a wind farm is the necessity for close proximity to the transmission grid. Large distances from transmission lines create obstacles that are both financial and nautical. The greatest amount of transmission lines are in urban areas and in the southern part of the state. There are also many transmission lines along the coast of Lake Michigan south of Leelanau County; however, north of Leelanau county transmission lines become scarce. The locations of the transmission lines are important for investors when choosing a site for potential wind energy farms. For offshore wind projects the proximity to the grid is an essential component its construction. Offshore wind requires underwater cables to be run from the turbines to the shore and be connected to the transmission lines. Water is not an obstacle. Given the general criteria for an offshore wind site, two areas of interest are along the Lake Michigan shore: Muskegon and Grand Haven. Both locations have practically identical attributes in terms of wind speed, lake depth, grid connection, and population. For both regions average wind speeds are approximately 19-20 mph — speeds that are more than sufficient for efficient output. In regards to depth, Lake Michigan gets drops off quickly making it essential to build within 0-5 miles from the shore. At 0-3 miles from the shore, depth is commonly 25 meters or less. Wind speeds at 1-3 miles from the shore are adequate for wind production at 19-20 mph at a height of 70 meters. From 3-5 miles from the shore, wind speeds mirror those nearer to the shore, but water depths reach 50 meters. While still feasible, 50 meters is not an optimal depth. Along the shore between Grand Haven and Muskegon wind speeds stay relatively high near shore making a wind farm 1-3 miles offshore more appealing. In terms of the transmission grid, Grand Haven and Muskegon have ideal points for potential grid connection. Population density is also adequate in both regions, including the highly populated city of Grand Rapids.

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Wind Energy: Existing Infrastructure Wind turbine technology has been exponentially improving in efficiency since its introduction. In 1996, average wind turbines were no taller than three stories; today the tallest turbines are built 400 feet tall, and by the year 2015 it is expected that some wind turbines will rival the Seattle’s Space Needle in height. Offshore wind farms require their own particular set of technology, both for connecting the turbines to the onshore grid and for anchoring the windmills in the water. Anchoring methods vary from using buoys and pontoons to driving the shaft of the turbine into the lakebed. The Great Lakes’ mild current makes flotation anchors practical. Fixed based anchors like steel piling, trusses, and gravity caissons can be problematic for the environment; however, they tend to hold up better to foul weather. To establish an offshore wind farm site, marine cables are run through the lakebed. Establishing this infrastructure causes significant environmental disruption, but over time, the cables essentially become impact-free. The nature of electricity in the grid is that it is in a constant state of flow. There is no mechanism for storage within the system and so the energy produced has to always equal the energy being used. The intermittent nature of wind makes it difficult to depend upon farms for a constant level of production, one of the reasons that wind should always be a supplement to conventional sources. The battery or energy storage technology does not yet exist to effectively store significant amounts of energy at the wind farm. Due to the nature of the electricity in the grid, in every nacelle there is a controller, which regulates the periods in which energy is collected and transferred to a terrestrial power grid. Wind Energy: Cost-Benefit Analysis The overall potential of wind energy has exponentially improved in the last decades. The rise of more efficient turbine technology coupled with the skyrocketing price of conventional electrical energy has made wind energy more economically viable than ever before. Wind speed is the most important factor in determining viability because, as mentioned earlier, every unit increase in wind speed corresponds to an exponential increase in energy output. Michigan has several regions where the wind speeds reach and exceed cost-effective levels. As outlined earlier in the report, these regions are near the “thumb” and along most of the coastal areas. The interior of the state, apart from a few isolated areas, lacks serious wind resources. For the purposes of simpler analysis, we will focus on one particular area – off the coast of the west side of the state, near Muskegon. This region presents itself as particularly viable not only due to the fact that it benefits from the strong winds off Lake Michigan, but because the power grid runs directly up to the shore, allowing less expensive connection for offshore turbines. There is also a serious electricity demand in both the coastal city of Muskegon and in Grand Rapids, which is about 40 miles ESE from there. The following short basic microeconomic analysis will evaluate a wind farm in this area using GE’s 3.6 mW offshore series turbine. This turbine is one of the largest and most efficient turbines available, with a rotor diameter of 111 meters and varying tower heights. The wind speed data are derived from a height of 50m above sea level, which is lower than plausible tower heights for the 3.6 mW’s large rotor diameter. Any tower would be constructed higher than 50m and would be subjected to higher wind speeds, therefore generating even greater energy output.

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The average wind speeds in the area, at 50m above sea level, are about 17.5-20 mph, or about 9-10 m/s. This average wind speed corresponds to an output of 2.0mW using the power curve of the GE 3.6mW offshore series turbine. 1mW of energy powers 200-300 homes, this means that for every turbine on the lake up to 600 homes can be powered in the Muskegon-Grand Rapids area on average. Moreover, the wind speeds are relatively higher in the winter months, the time of year when Michigan residents use the most energy. There are currently no wind turbines in this area; this highlights the potential for the area as a catalyst for Michigan’s role in producing the clean energy of the future. There has been a long standing argument against wind turbines that claims conventional energy is much more cost-effective. It is true that in the past wind energy has cost up to twice as much as conventional energy. With advancements in technology, however, this is changing. Today, over 80% of the costs associated with wind turbines are start-up costs (the turbine, connection, assembly, etc.), and 80% of those start up costs are the cost of the actual turbine itself. This poses a serious problem for private investors, as the returns on wind energy are entirely long term. In the past, turbines broke down before the investment paid for itself. Modern wind turbine technology lasts longer and produces energy more efficiently, even when wind is not blowing at its peak. The GE 3.6 mW offshore wind turbine is rated for 2,000 kW when the wind is blowing at an average of 10 m/s. In turn, over the course of a year it will produce on average over 63 million kW h, which, when sold at the average retail price of energy in Michigan of 8.26 cents per kW h, translates into an annual revenue of over $5.2 million per turbine. Because the maintenance cost of turbines is small, one could expect consistent profits of almost $5 million per year after the initial short-term stage. Wind Energy: Comparison To Coal Energy The primary competitor of wind energy in the state of Michigan is coal. Coal is abundant, low cost, and produced in the United States. Michigan itself produces a total of zero tons of coal, but the state has traditionally been one of the top-ten coal consuming states in the country. According to the Energy Information Administration (EIA), coal provides about 70% of electrical energy for the Great Lakes region, compared to 50% nation-wide. It is safe to assume that the average price of electricity in the state of MI, 8.26 cents per kW hour (kW h), is the price for coal, considering both that it consists of 70% of the market and is cheaper than the alternatives. However, the low price paid “at the pump” for coal electricity does not reflect the massive fixed costs of a coal power plant. More importantly, it does not reflect the negative externalities associated with the burning of coal. A coal-based power plant has large start-up costs such as construction and the energy supply must constantly be purchased. However, this has not prevented investment in the past. Moreover, not a nugget of coal is mined within the state. Coal energy is always going to be dependent on importing out-of-state coal, while a wind turbine’s energy supply is widely available and courtesy of nature. The social costs of coal’s massive negative externalities, like greenhouse gases, smog, and even increased levels of child asthma, are difficult to measure in dollars. The effects of these externalities are well documented, particularly in recent years. Compare these externalities to those of wind energy, the worst of which are mild environmental disruption and a turbine along the horizon. In the long term, the costs-benefit outputs of both coal and wind make any short-term price discrepancies seem trivial.

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Wind Energy: Economic Incentives State policymakers have a few effective avenues they can take to encourage investment. One is an immediate incentive to help allay the cost of a wind turbine. As has been established, the turbine accounts for 80% of the start-up costs, which account for 80% of all costs associated with wind turbines. Thus, the purchasing of the turbine represents 64% of all the costs associated with the building and upkeep of a wind farm. This means that the greatest opportunity to help firms or other investors with a wind farm is to provide some form of rebate or tax incentive for the purchase of the turbine. This could come in the form of a state-paid rebate, income tax credit for money spent on a turbine (similar to that given for money donated to a charity), or an array of other incentives directed at the turbine itself. Manufacturer location complicates any incentive, as Michigan currently has zero wind turbine manufacturers. Policymakers should be careful not to create a system that funnels state money out of the state. Another service the state could provide to firms interested in wind farms is free grid connection. The public works department has the ability to provide this, and getting connected to the grid represents the second largest expense at 8% of all costs. The state could also create a tax credits program, and grant credits on the energy once it has been produced. If profits from a wind turbine were not taxable in the state of Michigan this would offer an incentive for investors, as the type of revenue that would be generated by the GE turbine could equal over 200,000 dollars per year in tax credits. Any combination of these incentives would prove effective at little cost to individual consumers. A currently popular idea with lawmakers is a state Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS), which, at a state level, mandates that a certain percentage of energy used by utilities is generated by renewable sources. The burden of the more expensive energy falls mainly on the consumer. Energy is a fairly inelastic good; people will need it no matter how high the price rises. Currently, twenty-four other states in the U.S. have an RPS enacted. Wind Energy: Potential Challenges The great potential of wind energy for the state of Michigan is not without its downsides. First of all, there are few examples of wind farms in the state. This makes assessment and policy recommendations more difficult, as there will likely be unforeseen obstacles and problems. Secondly, electricity produced from wind turbines is still more expensive in the energy market than coal fired energy, the foundation for Michigan’s dependence on this harmful fossil-fuel. Thirdly, the politics of wind turbines has its own complexities. “Not In My BackYard” (NIMBY) public opinion problems exist towards wind turbines because of issues such as noise created by the blades and visual displeasure caused by turbines, some almost as tall as the length of a football field. The attitude of Michigan residents towards the state’s treasured Great Lakes makes offshore farms a particularly delicate issue. The United States Army Corp of Engineers (USACE) reviews and administers all maritime infrastructures, from marinas to wind turbines. The process by which wind farms are approved and regulated is lengthy and requires private investors to finance various public opinion and environmental studies. The length and cost of this process discourages private investment. However, all of these issues are becoming more peripheral as energy costs rise and climate change hastens.

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Wind Energy: Conclusions The advancements in technology make wind a competitive entrant into the energy market. The GE 3.6 mW offshore wind turbine has lasted in the harsh conditions of the Irish Sea since 2003. Such a timeframe makes wind farms profitable in the long run and thus ultimately competitive against other forms of energy. With regard to unforeseen policy issues, it is true that wind farms in the state of Michigan are sparse. However, the state can easily learn from the mistakes and successes of others. The most unique problem the state might face with regard to the Great Lakes is NIMBY. Given the conditions of the state’s economy since 2003 and the looming specter of a national recession, it is unlikely that Michigan citizens would be opposed to any policy that could help their state and by extension their lakes. Future research should focus on keeping wind resource information current and on the economics of the wind energy industry. Of particular interest to the state of Michigan is the potential of wind turbine manufacturing. The state has proven itself adept at advanced manufacturing, especially with steel. The existing manufacturing infrastructure related to the troubled auto industry could be easily converted to turbine production. Research should examine both successful conversion business models and the role that state government can play in encouraging the industry to develop in the state. An offshore wind farm in Lake Michigan, off the Muskegon area coast would reduce the state’s dependence on outside energy, decrease the dangerous externalities of coal energy, and provide a long-term profit strategy for the energy company fortunate enough to own the wind farm. This report has examined the potential of wind energy in the state of Michigan, both at an aggregate level and in a microeconomic context. Advancements in wind technology have changed the economics of wind energy and it is now emerging as the choice for providing renewable energy in the 21st century.

Citations 1. Archer, Cristina. Dvorak, and Jacobson. “California Offshore Wind Energy Potential.” Stanford University Atmosphere/Energy Program. National Aeronautics and Space Administration. . 07 Dec. 2007. 2. Amlin, Jeff. Polich and Kulesia. “A Study of Economic Impacts from the Implementation of a Renewable Portfolio Standard and an Energy Efficiency Program in Michigan.” NextEnergy Center (2007): 1-86. 3. “Basic Principles of Wind Resource Evaluation.” American Wind Energy Association. 11 Feb. 2008 . 4. “EIA Electric Power Monthly,” Energy Information Administration (EIA). January 2008 5. “Great Lakes Bathymetry.” Map. NOAA Satellite and Information Service. 11 Feb. 2008 . 6. “Life Cycle Assessment (LCA).” VESTAS. . 15 Dec. 2007. 7. Michigan Department of Labor and Economic Growth (DLEG). Michigan Wind Energy Resource Maps. 11 Feb. 2008 .

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8. Miller, Bruce. “Coal Energy Systems.” Elsevier Academic Press, 2005. 9. Morthoust, P. E. “WIND ENERGY – THE FACTS, Volume 2, Costs & Prices” Risø National Laboratory, Denmark. 10. Musial, Walt. “Offshore Wind Energy Potential for the United States.” National Renewable Energy Laboratory (2005): 1-23. 11. “Offshore Wind Energy Development in the Great Lakes.” University of Michigan. April 2005. 12. Pryor, Scott, Mark Shahinian, and Matt Stout. “Offshore Wind Energy Development in the Great Lakes” Michigan Renewable Energy Program (2005): 1-25. 13. “Power Grid and Electricity Delivery.” NYS Energy Research & Development Authority (2005). 1 Feb. 2008 . 14. Ram, Bonie. Offshore Wind Developments in the United States: Institutional Issues, Environmental Regulations, and Jurisdictions. World Renewable Energy Congress VII. Sept. 2004. 15. “Technologies: Wind Energy Basics.” How Wind Energy Works. U.S. Department of Energy. 2 Feb 2008 . 16. “Wind Energy: Energizing Michigan’s Future.” MSUE Wind Power. Michigan State University. 11 Feb. 2008 . 17. “Wind Energy Fact Sheet.” American Wind Energy Association (AWEA). 11 Feb. 2008 . 18. “Wind Energy FAQ: CO2 Emissions: Wind vs. Trees.” American Wind Energy Association (AWEA). 20 Jan. 2008.

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Creating a Federal Renewable Portfolio Standard Benjamin Reid University of Wisconsin at Madison

Demand for a New Energy It is well known that states need to address their energy costs and concerns throughout the country. While there is an indistinct federal plan, many states have taken it upon themselves to solve their energy issues. Many states have adopted a Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) to create renewable energy standards for utilities to follow. These standards allow utilities to gradually integrate renewable energy sources into their grids. The goal of such programs is to guard against uncertain energy costs, combat environmental degradation, and stimulate state economies. Impact of RPS California’s aggressive RPS has lead the way for other states. In 2004, California was already receiving 10.2 percent of electricity from renewable sources. Many states are now adopting similar policies and finding that RPS programs are beneficial for struggling state economies and help create jobs. The initial cost to consumers is small when compared to the future savings expected from renewable energy. A study done by the Massachusetts Division of Energy Resources (on the costs of increased renewable energy) stated that only .4% would be added onto consumer utility bills in 2003. If the ten percent standard is used in Wisconsin until 2020, it would create new capital and new jobs. Since most project sites are expected to be rural, there would be a resurgence of job opportunities for rural America. The Union of Concerned Scientists compared projected job creation of renewable energy to fossil fuels in the state of Wisconsin:

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In the same study, the Union of Concerned Scientists expects Wisconsin to gain 1.3 billion dollars in new capital investments by 2020 with the ten percent standard. Most states would experience similar results because of new job creation and long-term consumer utilities savings. Furthermore, the environmental benefits would be massive. The current renewable energy sources in RPS programs combined would cut carbon dioxide emissions drastically. By 2012, the collective amount of this reduction would be the equivalent of taking 5.4 million cars off the road. The Case for a Federal RPS The successes of the RPS’s have rewarded state and local leadership on this issue and, more importantly, demonstrated the states’ ability to handle such a task. It is now time for the federal government to join the states’ effort. A federal program that administers minimum standards and long-term goals for renewable percentages would unite the country on this issue, generating the kind of economic and environmental benefits that only comprehensive national action can achieve. Federal Program Functions The minimum standards should embrace a progressive increase in percentages to allow individual states with new RPS programs to catch-up. The federal program should look at each state independently and work with state officials in setting reasonable goals. A national minimum level might be set low to allow new state RPS programs a chance to meet it; however, if done poorly, this same measure could also create an incentive for existing RPS programs to stagnate. The individual goals in all the states will allow an incremental change towards a national minimum energy goal. The federal program should look at each state independently because states with existing RPS programs can handle higher percentage increments than new RPS programs. Federal RSP responsibilities would include: • Coordinating and meeting with state directors and officials • National long-term renewable-energy goals • Tracking and verification standards • Setting state-specific minimum renewable percentages The influence of such a federal program would be limited to national goals, and minimum standards. The current RPS programs have been effectively run by the states and should remain that way. Funding Many federal and state financial incentives that would support such a project already exist. Incentive programs like the Renewable Energy Production Incentive (REPI), as part of the amended Energy Policy Act of 2005, pays 1.5 cents per kilowatt-hour. In 2006, REPI made payments of nearly five million dollars. The federal program could work with state officials and easily direct funding through RPS programs. States would be able to effectively allocate funds to appropriate sectors.

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Conclusion The successes of the RPS program have been demonstrated all across the country. States have been taking the initiative to battle the energy issues facing their states. The federal government should further facilitate their efforts by establishing a national requirement for all states to participate. The federal RPS program would be basic and relatively non-intrusive to states, allowing established RPS programs to continue with their goals. National minimum standards and long-term goals will ensure a directed national effort. The benefits of the RPS program are invaluable compared to the initial investment to meet standards. The environmental and financial security of America’s future depends on the actions we take today. A federal RPS program will bring the country together and help address the nation’s demand for new energy. Resources 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

“California’s Renewable Energy Programs.” California Energy Commission. 10 Jan. 2008. 7 Feb. 2008 “Creative Energies | Renewable Portfolio Standards.” Creative Energies. 2007. 8 Feb. 2008 . Increasing Wisconsin’s Renewable Portfolio Standard.” Union of Concerned Scientists. 12 Apr. 2007. 6 Feb. 2008 . Increasing Wisconsin’s Renewable Portfolio Standard.” Union of Concerned Scientists. 12 Apr. 2007. 6 Feb. 2008 . “Fact Sheet: Renewable Energy Standards at Work in the States.” Union of Concerned Scientists. 28 September 2004 “Renewable Energy Production Incentive: About the Program.” U.S. Department of Energy. 10 Apr. 2007. 7 Feb. 2008 .

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The Case For Wind Farms In Lake Michigan By Kevin Atherton University of Wisconsin at Madison

Wisconsin’s Renewable Energy Outlook The state of Wisconsin has little potential for clean and renewable sources of energy. There is no potential for solar energy, for example, with the exception of consumer-sized home solar panels. There are no geothermal hotspots in Wisconsin, and the wind level ratings for wind energy are all lower than four (the minimum level required for large scale wind turbines to be economical). With these statistics in mind, it becomes very hard for Wisconsin to enact the goal of “generating one-fourth of the state’s electricity and one-fourth of its transportation fuel from renewable sources by 2025.” In order to meet these objectives, wisconsin must look beyond its own borders to Lake Michigan, an untapped source of wind energy.

Lake Michigan’s Wind as a Source of Energy Throughout Wisconsin, the wind energy readings never go higher than a level three on the seven-level wind speed scale. With the exception of some small coastal areas, the Lake Michigan wind level is either five or six, both of which provide ample wind power for wind turbines. The only real chance Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana have for generating substantial wind power would be to build wind farms in the Great Lakes. Lake Michigan particularly has the potential to bring power to millions of people in just Milwaukee and Chicago alone. Many countries in Europe, especially England, are looking to build large-scale wind farms miles into in the North Sea, which has much more volatile environmental conditions than Lake Michigan. If Europeans can feasibly build wind mills in the North Sea, it should be relatively easy for Americans to build windmills in a great lake. A new windmill recently developed in Germany could help further the potential of this project. Enercon, a power company in Germany, recently finished construction on the e-126, the largest and most advanced windmill on the planet. Much of the cost of windmills come from the actual construction of each individual windmill, so enormous savings can be reaped both in the short-term and in the long-term per megawatt

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by constructing one seven-megawatt windmill, like the e-126, compared to seven onemegawatt windmills. The e-126 also has no turbine, which greatly inmproves its efficiency, while reducing the likelihood of parts breaking down.3 The e-126 is officially rated at six megawatts, but Enercon believes it will produce well over seven megawatts of electricity, even enough electricity to power 1776 average American homes. 4 If windmills like the e-126 are built in Lake Michigan, they would hold tremendous potential for creating electricity. Even just 10 of these windmills could produce more than 75 megawatts of electricity. These windmills have a 436-foot diameter for their blades, so the construction of these in Lake Michigan would be costly, but the benefits are too high to ignore. The e-126’s new innovative technology allows for it to be more efficient with less parts and comparatively less up front cost make it a clear choice for being built, but help from the state and the federal government is required. The Need for Renewable Energy As Wisconsin attempts to reach its goal of 25 percent renewable energy, wind energy in Lake Michigan must be seriously considered. Wisconsin must also do its part to lower its greenhouse gas emissions. For electrical plants over 100 megawatts, Wisconsin has 15 natural gas plants, 13 coal plants, 2 oil plants, and 2 nuclear plants.5 This energy profile does not mesh well with the report from the 2007 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which stated that the higher concentrations of carbon dioxide humans have produced since 1750 are very likely responsible for the climate phenomenon that we are currently experiencing.6 Wisconsin needs this wind development project to become to help cut carbon dioxide emissions, to become more energy independent, and to help reach the goals Governor Doyle laid out for the state. Funding Building a large-scale wind farm in Lake Michigan would be quite expensive. The added construction costs of building in a lake would further increase the already large initial investment that is required to build a wind farm. To help offset costs, if a company is willing to build at least a 70-megawatt wind farm in Lake Michigan, this note proposes a tax credit as an incentive for the said company. A company that builds a wind farm in Lake Michigan will receive up to 20% of their construction costs back in the form corporate income tax credits. These tax credits can be held for up to a period of ten years without being used. With these tax credits, the price tag for a wind farm in Lake Michigan can be much more comparable to that of a wind farm on land. Conclusion Wisconsin needs to increase its renewable energy portfolio in a way that also lowers carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions. A wind energy project in Lake Michigan would be a perfect fit. There are no emissions, no noise issues that accompany wind turbines on land, and if an advanced wind turbine like the e-126 is chosen, the wind farm could be very efficient. The tax credit system offered by the state, along with other federal subsidies, would make building the windmills a very economical option for an energy company. Also, any other state bordering a great lake could adopt this same policy, tapping into a large-scale energy source previously unused.

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Resources 1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6.

United States. Energy Information Administration. State Energy Profiles. 31 Jan. 2008. 5 Feb. 2008 Parzen, Julia, and Adele Simmons. Meeting the Challenge: Opprotunities for Midwest Climate Change. Global Philanthropy Association. 1-48. 5 Feb. 2008 . “World’s Largest Wind Turbine (7+ Megawatts).” Metaefficient. 03 Feb. 2008. 04 Feb. 2008 Enercon E-126 - World’s Largest Wind Turbine.” NewLaunches.Com. 03 Feb. 2008. 5 Feb. 2008 United States. Energy Information Administration. State Energy Profiles. 31 Jan. 2008. 5 Feb. 2008 Richard Alley, Terje Berntsen, Nathaniel L. Bindoff, Zhenlin Chen, Amnat Chidthaisong, Pierre Friedlingstein, et al. (2007). Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (intergovernmental No. 10). Switzerland: IPCC.

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Improving Nutrition & Fitness Among Detroit Youth By Lesley Plimpton and Erica Zviklin Education Policy Center, University of Michigan

Executive Summary The rise of obesity among American children has received considerable attention, and has been labeled as one of the greatest public health issues facing today’s generation. This issue is particularly relevant in the state of Michigan, which has one of the highest rates of obesity in the country. Within Michigan, obesity is especially prevalent in Detroit, a city that many sources label as one of the most obese cities in America. For the Detroit Public School system, childhood obesity is not only a relevant public health issue, but also a threat to academic performance. Detroit Public Schools can take a direct role in decreasing and preventing childhood obesity by improving existing physical education programs, incorporating nutrition education and physical activity into core curricula, and increasing parental involvement in student nutrition and fitness. Such a multifaceted program should provide health benefits even to students who are not at risk of obesity, and would increase Detroit students’ receptiveness of to academic instruction. Child Obesity Risks & Effects of Health on Student Achievement The prevalence of overweight children aged 6-11 years has more than doubled in the past 20 years, and the prevalence of overweight adolescents aged 12-19 has more than tripled. In Michigan, the rate of adult obesity is at an alarming 25.3 percent, the 6th highest in the nation. There are numerous health risks associated with childhood obesity, including increased risk of diabetes, high blood pressure, high cholesterol, asthma, joint problems, heart disease, osteoporosis, and poor overall health status. Public schools, due to their access to continuous and intensive interactions with young people, serve as important vehicles for preventing and alleviating the personal and social costs associated with poor nutrition and poor exercise habits in children. When it comes to improving health education policy, schools are also important stakeholders. But increased focus on student achievement testing in core academic subjects due to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 has led to the undervaluing—and the deterioration—of physical education in schools. As a result, it is believed that children are beginning to know and care less about their health. Devoting adequate time and energy to physical education will not only improve children’s health, but will also enhance student learning, achievement, and confidence in all other areas of life and education. For example: 1. Poor nutrition and hunger can impair cognitive abilities and cause lower academic performance. 2. Iron deficiency is linked with difficulty concentrating, shortened attention span, irritability, and fatigue. 3. Eating breakfast can significantly improve memory, test scores, class participation and school attendance. 4. Physical activity is linked with increased development of social skills, improved

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mental health, and decrease in risk-taking behavior. There are direct links between nutrition, physical activity and improved learning. The Detroit Public School System thus has a critical role and a vested interest in improving nutrition through health education policies. To accomplish this goal, school administrators, teachers, parents, students, and the community must align their goals, strategies, and practices with respect to improving health education. Improving Fitness Education Developing effective fitness education programs would be an essential improvement to Detroit Public Schools’ wellness policy. A comprehensive physical education program would consist of providing a required physical education class, access to intramural sport programs and physical activity clubs, recess for elementary school students, and recurrent integration of information about physical activity into the daily curriculum. On a fundamental level, evaluation and reward in physical education classes should be based on effort and progress at all age-levels. Programs should also be tailored to fit the needs and desires of different age groups, especially with regard to the incentives established for enhancing participation and motivation. For middle school and high schools, it may be beneficial to include an informal physical fitness-testing program whose purpose is to reward students for reaching certain national benchmarks in areas like endurance, flexibility, and strength. Fitness education in schools should also find ways to involve parents and the community, since they also have a great influence on children’s exercise habits. The school could provide fitness programs and/or access to the school gymnasium during afterschool hours. Integrating Nutrition Education And Physical Activity Into The General Academic Curriculum As part of its Wellness Policy, the Detroit Public School system offers nutrition education to students at every grade level through its comprehensive health education program. However, research suggests that supplementary health education programs do not provide enough instruction to influence student behavior. 1 The Detroit Public School system can increase the quantity and maximize the effectiveness of nutrition instruction by integrating nutrition information into the core academic curriculum. According to the American School Health Association, “nutritional science and mathematics form a natural partnership,” making math classes a particularly effective place in which to introduce nutrition information. Nutritional science can serve as a context for teaching mathematical concepts at every grade level. For example, nutritional concepts such as daily-recommended servings of different food groups, and understanding and comparing information on food labels can be incorporated into units on fractions, decimals, and percentages.2 An integrated math and nutrition program could effectively improve the nutritional knowledge and nutrition-related decisions of Detroit public school students, while simultaneously increasing student engagement and retention of mathematical knowledge.3 The Detroit Public School system can also improve student health by making physical activity a part of academic instruction. While it would be inappropriate for teachers to use class time for sustained aerobic activity, they can improve student fitness simply by incorporating physical movement into typically sedentary lesson plans. The

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American Association of Pediatrics confirms that increasing movement during lesson time could have significant health benefits. In fact, “it is believed that participating in regular physical activity is probably more important for obtaining health-related benefits than is the intensity of the activity.” Furthermore, increasing regular physical activity during the school day could also bring significant academic benefits. According to fitness and education expert Hiba Shublak, “When anyone sits for too long, it’s too much pressure on the brain. But to get up and run around helps the mind breathe and gets the blood pumping so that when they [students] sit down, they’re ready to learn.” Shublak has developed a number of physical classroom activities for teachers in Southern California schools. One such lesson plan for middle and high school students incorporates math skills into hip-hop dance movements, and another lesson involves students performing a certain number of jumping jacks or similar exercises to reinforce a significant number they have learned in class.4 While such activities should not replace proven methods of academic instruction, they could provide a valuable supplement to both existing fitness and academic programs in Detroit schools. Detroit teachers can draw on a wealth of existing nutrition and fitness-oriented academic lesson plans to implement such changes in their classrooms. Increasing Parental Involvement In Promoting Student Health While the Detroit Public School system can improve student health by increasing opportunities for physical activity and providing in-class nutrition and fitness instruction, the reach of a school’s influence only goes so far. So in order to have a broad impact on student health, Detroit Schools need to pursue policies that assist the families of their students in pursuing healthy lifestyles. Such policies should inform parents of health risks facing their individual children, provide parents with information about fitness and nutrition, and offer families more opportunities to participate in physical activity after school. One strategy that has proven effective in increasing parental awareness of student obesity risks is sending home confidential “health report cards.” In schools that utilize this strategy, school nurses collect height, weight and Body Mass Index (BMI) information about students, and send annual health reports home to parents. These reports include information on appropriate follow up procedures for obesity intervention. In Cambridge, MA elementary schools, “parents of overweight children who received health reports were more aware of their child’s weight status and more likely to consider looking into medical help, dieting, and physical activity for their child than parents who received general or no health information.”5 Such a program could have the added benefit of providing Detroit Schools with data to measure the long-term impact of its fitness and nutrition programs. Detroit Schools should also seek to directly involve parents in their school-based nutrition and fitness initiatives. Some schools have achieved results by sending students home with packets of nutrition and fitness information, and related activities to complete with their parents during the week. At the end of the week, families receive points for completing the activities. While these programs had a limited impact on extracurricular physical activity, they were effective in inspiring dietary changes. According to the study, families in the program group “showed a significantly lower intake of total fat at post-test than the control group.” Schools can perhaps more effectively encourage extracurricular physical activity by increasing the availability of fitness facilities to families. For example, the Detroit Public School system can “make school gyms and swimming pools available to students and their families after school and on weekends.”6 Such policies would ensure

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that the benefits of in school nutrition and fitness programs are not compromised by outof-school behavior. Conclusion The Detroit Public Schools could improve health of their students and thus the effectiveness of their schools by improving fitness education, incorporating health education and physical activity into the general curriculum and increasing parental awareness and involvement in promoting student’s health. The impact of healthy eating and physical activity on student achievement is obvious and indisputable. A wellness model that stresses the importance of relationships among students, teachers, curriculum, and outside influences is important to consider when addressing changes in health education policy and in order to enhance students’ nutrition and fitness education, each aspect must be improved individually as well as in relation to the others. Health education is not only a social responsibility of the school system, but a vital instrument in fostering better learning. Resources 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

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Center for Disease Control and Prevention. “Nutrition and the Health of Young People” May 2006. Trust for America’s Health. “F as in Fat: How Obesity Policies are Failing in America”. 2005 Story, M, K. M. Kaphingst, S. French. (Spring 2006). “The Role of Schools in Obesity Prevention”. The Future of Children, 16(1), 109-142. Delores C S James, Thomasenia Lott Adams. “Curriculum integration in nutrition and mathematics. “ The Journal of School Health 68.1 (1998): 3-6. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI. 3 Dec. 2007 Sarah C Yaussi. “The Obesity Epidemic: How Non-PE Teachers can Improve the Health of Their Students. “ The Clearing House 79.2 (2005): 105-108. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI. 3 Dec. 2007 Chris A Hopper, Kathy D Munoz, Mary B Gruber, Kim P Nguyen. “The Effects of a Family Fitness Program on the Physical Activity and Nutrition Behaviors of Third-Grade Children. “ Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport 76.2 (2005): 130-9. Research Library. ProQuest. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI. 3 Dec. 2007 http://www.proquest. com/

Obesity in Michigan A Growing Problem

By Joshua Ward, Christopher Reade, Hannah Baek, Taylor Johnson, Alexandra Kaya, Kinjal Shah Healthcare Policy Center, University of Michigan

Abstract Obesity rates across the United States have increased dramatically over the last two decades and are now reaching epidemic proportions. Action in the public sector is needed to combat this growing problem. Although many believe the problem of obesity is a private matter better addressed by individuals, mounting evidence suggests that more blame should be attributed to societal factors. Two thirds of American adults are now overweight or obese, leading to greater rates of chronic disease such as diabetes and cancer. Obesity is costing healthy American citizens through higher insurance and tax rates. These problems are particularly severe in Michigan and Detroit. In the US, Michigan is currently the 9th most obese state and Detroit is the 5th most obese city. In order to stop these soaring obesity rates, changes must be made in three areas: • The WIC program must receive increased funding to be more effective at preventing obesity among participants, • The state must implement stricter guidelines for nutrition and physical education in public schools; • And we must find new ways to introduce fresh, healthy foods to inner-city Detroit. Introduction to Obesity Obesity is defined as having a body mass index (BMI ) greater than 30. This equates to approximately 196 lbs or above for men of average height (5’9”) and 174 lbs for women (5’4”). Overweight is defined as a BMI greater than 25. The number of categorically obese and overweight persons in the US has increased drastically over the past 20 years. In fact, the national obesity rate has more than doubled from 15% in 1980 to 32.2% in 2007. National statistics indicate that, in 1990, ten states had a prevalence of obesity less than 10%; in 2006, only four states had a prevalence of obesity less than 20%. According to the Center for Disease and Control’s 2006 statistics, the Midwest and Southern states show the highest rates of obesity.2 These trends have parents, guardians, government officials, and policymakers highly concerned about the health implications of the epidemic, as well as the high economic costs of obesity. The increases in the number of obese and overweight individuals should cause concern for a number of reasons. For one, obesity has been shown to increase the risks for a number of chronic disorders. In one study, obese individuals showed more than a 10-fold increase in the risk of Type II diabetes mellitus relative to healthy individuals. Similar correlations have been found linking obesity to increased rates of high blood pressure, gall bladder disease, and various cancers. The increases in chronic diseases not only devastate the afflicted individuals, but also significantly affect healthy Americans by way of rising insurance rates and taxes. The causes of obesity are numerous and complex. Most simply, weight gain is due to an imbalance in food intake and energy expended. Many Americans today have

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poor eating habits, which include problems of portion size and food type. The problems resulting from a poor diet are further exacerbated by a lack of exercise or physical activity. However, the roots of the present obesity epidemic are more complicated than the aforementioned and transcends individual decisions. With evidence suggesting the significant effects of poverty, infant nutrition, and nutrition education, obesity can be viewed as a public problem requiring governmental action. Public Crisis or Private Concern? Obesity is a public health problem because it has significant social ramifications. Obese individuals are at a much higher risk of serious chronic illness, leading to a lifetime of exaggerated health care costs. Obese individuals require more ‘avoidable’ hospitalizations, longer hospital stays, and increased usage of healthcare resources in general than individuals of normal weight. Overall, the annual medical expenditures of obese people are 37% higher than the expenditures of non-overweight individuals. Because health insurance premiums do not take obesity into account, any non-obese person in a pooled health insurance plan theoretically ends up subsidizing the obese members’ care. One theory suggests that obesity is not a public health problem because it is (supposedly) only the obese themselves who pay their increased medical costs. Obesity is correlated with a significant increase in illness, disability-related work absenteeism, and lost productivity; these costs are reflected in lower wages of obese workers. However, this fails to take into account that an obese individual’s greatest medical costs are incurred after the age of 65, placing most of the burden of obesity on Medicare. An obese individual incurs roughly 50% higher Medicare costs, and the cost of a severely obese individual (BMI>40) is double than that of a non-overweight individual. Adding to the strain is the fact that those living in poverty, and therefore requiring public health insurance such as Medicaid, are also more likely to become obese. In the current system the poor are undernourished, the undernourished become obese, and the obese earn lower wages and are more likely to be poor. This vicious cycle ensures that social healthcare programs feel the financial strain of obesity. As obesity rates skyrocket, there is a significant social cost involved: Americans face the potential for increased taxes or the loss of social health care programs. It is also common belief that obesity is due solely to individual choices, such as diet. Sadly, this is not the case – the causes of obesity are more complicated. Current research suggests that obesity results from an early developmental response to improper nutrition, which is manifest as permanent changes in the metabolism of appetite regulation and energy expenditure. This means that individuals may be preconditioned to the disorder and that by the time someone seeks treatment for obesity-related complications, the damage has already been done. If the only approach taken is individual treatment, then the costs of obesity will only continue to rise. In order to reduce obesity’s strain on healthcare resources and thus stop the epidemic, focus must shift from treatment to prevention. Prevention must be achieved through large-scale public health interventions focusing on delivering adequate nutrition to the American people. Obesity in Michigan and Detroit Similar to the rest of the nation, obesity rates in the state of Michigan are on the incline. Since 1988, adult obesity rates in Michigan have grown from less than 14% to 26.8% in 2006. In addition, over 60% of Michigan residents are considered either over-

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weight or obese, just slightly above the national average and enough to make Michigan the 16th most overweight state. Not surprisingly, these high rates correlate with high rates of diabetes and heart disease. Michigan has the 13th highest rate of non-pregnancy-related diabetes and ranks 13th in heart disease death rates. Not only is Michigan one of the least healthy states; Detroit stands out as one of the least healthy cities in all the US. In a recent study conducted by Forbes Magazine using 2006 data on BMI collected by the Centers for Disease Control’s Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, Detroit ranked 5th in the nation’s most obese cities. Similar studies have consistently named Detroit within the top 10 as well. These high rates of obese and overweight individuals can be attributed to a number of factors like poverty, lack of access to fresh foods, and the failure of Michigan public schools to address this issue. One of the most significant factors contributing to the high rates of obesity is poverty. Poverty has always been correlated with poor health - especially malnutrition. Although the entire state of Michigan’s poverty rate is only slightly worse than average, Detroit is currently the poorest big city (population>250,000) according to the US Census Bureau; 32.5% of residents live below the poverty line. While one might intuitively link poverty-stricken areas with hunger, they actually tend to be areas with high rates of obesity. To understand this paradox, we must consider a number of facts about poverty and nutrition. First, healthy foods like fresh fruits or vegetables cost much more than unhealthy foods. For decades, the US government has given subsidies to farmers in order to provide Americans with an affordable food source. Wheat, soybeans and corn have consistently been the most subsidized crops , yet these are also the crops used to make many of the unhealthy products contributing to obesity. These products, including high-fructose corn syrup and hydrogenated fats, are used to make unhealthy foods tasty. However, US subsidies make unhealthy foods cost less by utilizing these products. Also, these products typically have longer shelf lives, reducing their cost even more. These price disparities are magnified in urban areas like Detroit, where access to fresh produce is limited and fast food restaurants are numerous. Secondly, recent data suggests that prenatal and neonatal nutrition have strong roles in influencing one’s risk of obesity. These studies show that undernourishment during these critical periods change the body’s physiology to become more efficient at storing energy; thus actually increasing the likelihood of obesity later in life. This means that women who are unable to afford proper nutrition or are simply ill-informed are already predisposing their children to becoming overweight or obese. Therefore steps must be taken to minimize the effects of poverty on the diets of expectant mothers. As previously mentioned, another factor causing high obesity rates in Detroit is lack of access to fresh produce and an abundance of unhealthy foods. Long called a “food desert” by analysts, Detroit is known for lacking supermarkets that could provide fresh food. According to one study, the nearest grocery store for more than half of Detroit’s population is twice as far as the closest fringe store. This means that although it is possible for most city residents to travel to a supermarket, it is far easier to shop at gas stations, drug stores, party stores, and fast food restaurants. This effect is exacerbated by the distribution of Food Stamp retailers. Currently, 92% of retailers accepting USDA Food Stamps are fringe stores specializing in selling liquor, tobacco, and a small selection of prepackaged foods. Thus, poor residents not only need to overcome the difficulty of traveling greater distances to access fresh foods, they are also further restricted by the

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fact that quality supermarkets won’t accept Food Stamps. The inevitable result is that most residents shop at fringe stores which do not sell fresh fruits and vegetables or other healthy food options. Finally, Michigan public schools have failed to take action to combat obesity. Although lack of action is not unique to Michigan public schools, many other states have begun to take some responsibility for their students’ health. In 2006, 29 states had statewide school nutrition or physical education programs in place. Michigan was not one of these states and still lacks such a program. There were also 6 states that had mandates for BMI screening in school. Arkansas, which has a similar obesity problem, was one of the first states to take action through Arkansas State Public Act 1220. In accordance with this act, all public school students’ BMIs were to be calculated and reported to their parents confidentially. This provided both schools and parents information which they could use to assess their students’ health and make changes accordingly. The act also mandated the removal of all vending machines from public elementary schools, limiting student’s access to soft drinks and other unhealthy snack foods. Michigan does not restrict the availability of unhealthy competitive foods in public schools. Solutions Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children According to recent studies, obesity rates seem to be highly dependent on prenatal nutrition and care. For example, multiple studies have shown that breastfeeding can reduce an infant’s risk of obesity later in life, sometimes by as much as 20%. These findings make it imperative that we target children and pregnant women in our efforts to prevent obesity. The Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) is a federal program aimed to provide food and other nutrition services to low-income women and children deemed to be at nutritional risk. This is accomplished by providing participants with checks or coupons which can be used to purchase specific foods to supplement their diets. Participants are also eligible for educational counseling sessions with health professionals regarding nutrition strategies. Established in 1972, the program now serves over 8 million people, including 230,000 women and children in Michigan. This represents almost half of all infants and a quarter of 1- to 4-year-olds in the United States. With huge participation, the WIC program has great potential for influence in reducing obesity rates. Although the program has historically been successful in feeding so many women and children, the growing obesity crisis requires that some changes are made in the WIC program in order to effectively fighting childhood obesity. The first is a change in the WIC-provided food packages. Current food packages encourage consumption of dairy products and fruit juices, but do not provide the recommended fresh fruits or vegetables. In 2005, it was suggested that these changes were made by the National Academies’ Institute of Medicine (IOM) in their report, WIC Food Packages: Time for a Change. In response to this report, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) proposed a rule in 2006 to revise the food packages including many, but not all, of the IOM’s recommendations. The rule proposed less allowance for fruits and vegetables than recommended by the IOM and did not include the suggestion of using yogurt as a milk substitute. WIC program costs were cited as the reason for these exclusions. Increases in WIC funding would allow food packages to be modified to include more fresh foods.

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Insufficient funds have also lead to ineffective counseling. Local WIC agencies can only spend approximately one sixth of their funding for nutrition counseling sessions; in 1997, this equated to about $11 per participant per month, but more funding could allow WIC counseling services to be more effective. For example, although health professionals are trained to clinically treat obesity, many lack the counseling skills needed to educate low-income parents about nutrition. WIC should devote time and money to training staff in counseling skills specific to the needs of low-income families. An increase in funding could also extend the length of these sessions. Currently, these voluntary sessions tend to last only ten to fifteen minutes and most of this time is usually spent on nutrition screening purposes as opposed to education. For longer and better sessions, WIC counseling needs to be increased. If federal grants cannot be increased, we suggest that additional grants be provided by the state for local WIC agencies. Nutrition and Physical Education in Public Schools The nutritional and physical education programs in Michigan present a unique opportunity to begin fighting obesity while children and teenagers are in school. National statistics show that 70-80% of overweight adolescents will become overweight adults, which is why it is important to create effective physical and nutritional education programs in schools. The current laws in Michigan require elementary schools to offer physical education instructional periods totaling 150 minutes per week and middle and high schools to offer instructional periods totaling 225 minutes per week. In addition, students must complete at least 1 credit of physical and health education in order to graduate from high school. The vast majority of physical and health education programming in Michigan schools is left up to the discretion of each individual school district. Reducing obesity among Michigan’s children will require the government to create stricter guidelines and requirements for both physical and nutritional education programs throughout the state. A statewide-recommended curriculum that combines healthy eating and physical activity programs should be distributed to and adopted by school systems throughout the state. In doing so, children can begin learning at a young age how to live a healthy life style. The ‘Healthy Kids, Healthy Michigan’ program currently serves as a base program that helps school districts develop and implement antiobesity plans; but it is necessary for Michigan to start devoting more resources to these efforts. Another important aspect of preventing childhood obesity is creating healthy eating options for children in school. The National Lunch program is a federally assisted meal program that operates in public or nonprofit elementary, middle, and high schools. The program, which is run through the Department of Agriculture, provides subsidies to schools that are part of the program for every lunch they serve that meets the Federal requirements. These requirements are based on the “Dietary Guidelines for Americans” which recommend that less than 30% of an individual’s calories come from fat, and less than 10% from saturated fat. School lunches must also provide one-third of the recommended amounts of protein, Vitamin A, Vitamin C, iron, calcium, and calories according to standards. These standards create problems since they do not place requirements on what foods must be used in school lunches and how they are prepared. For example, some school districts have been able to implement healthy eating lunch programs that include fresh vegetables, fruit, and other healthy options but cannot meet the federal calorie requirements without serving unhealthy, high calorie options. This forces schools

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to provide higher calorie options in order to receive the necessary funding. Another nutritional problem that exists in Michigan schools and in schools throughout the nation involves student accessibility to unhealthy foods in school vending machines. Since schools receive revenue from the sale of the food in vending machines, it’s a difficult choice for school districts when weighing the benefits of vending machine revenue and the negative nutritional effects of the their products. The Government Accounting Office reported that 30% of high schools raised at least $125,000 annually from having competitive foods in their schools. There are two possible solutions to this problem. Some school districts have chosen to replace the unhealthy foods in their vending machines with healthier options which allow them to continue receiving the revenue while eliminating the negative nutritional effects. Schools in Maine, California, Minnesota, and Pennsylvania have implemented restrictions on the beverages that can be offered in schools and by limiting the options to healthier drinks and have not lost any revenue due to the change. Another option would be to subsidize schools for the loss in revenue by providing grants to schools that abandon unhealthy competitive foods. Urban Agriculture Urban agriculture is an interesting new development in many large cities around the world. The idea of this is to introduce and integrate the growth of plants and produce into an urban setting in order to provide aesthetics and natural products for the city, especially its lower class population. This may include using abandoned land space for farming or the use of “green roofs” (gardens installed on building rooftops). They provide vegetation, pleasant views, and many more benefits to a community. With relatively uncomplicated engineering and planning, a rooftop becomes a source of needed green space in the midst of urban areas that have diminishing environmentally friendly places. The US is unfortunately behind in these advancements despite the overwhelming necessity. As an alternative to other economically demanding solutions to obesity, green roofs may provide an alternative solution and an ideal investment. Some cities have already successfully implemented this strategy. For example, there is the Rooftop Victory Garden atop the True Nature Foods Market in Chicago (the garden was implemented and is overseen by Urban Habitat Chicago, a non-profit organization in Illinois). The installation of the garden has been extremely successful in producing fresh, organic vegetation like buckwheat and artichokes. Since the roof is actually producing fresh vegetation, owners of True Nature Foods grocery will sell the local organic foods downstairs. The Fairmount Waterfront Hotel in Vancouver has a similar model where the advantages are both health related and monetary. The hotel’s green roof saves the kitchen almost $30,000 annually on fresh produce because they grow many herbs and vegetables on their own rooftop. Other economical benefits include decreased energy costs because the gardens will provide overall insulation for the building (depending on the kind of garden installed). Some initiatives have been made to introduce green roofs to Michigan, including efforts at Michigan State University in East Lansing and to the Blue Cross’ parking structure in Detroit. Hopefully, this is only the beginning. Employing green roofs will make fresh produce available and accessible to the population of Detroit, thus providing the option to live a healthier life. Green roofs also provide economic, aesthetic, and envi-

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ronmental benefits, and create a unique opportunity for Michigan and Detroit to become leaders in urban development. Source of Revenue for Proposed Solutions Many of the solutions proposed will create some costs to the state. In order to resolve these costs, we propose the implementation of a new soft drink tax. Taxing the sale of unhealthy food has been a revenue source in some states since before World War II. Nationally, such taxes raise nearly $1 billion annually and already exist in 18 states and the District of Columbia. One of the most successful is Arkansas’ Soft Drink Tax that was enacted in 1993. The syrups used in making fountain soft drinks ($0.21 per gallon) in addition to bottled and powdered drinks ($2.00 per gallon) are taxed when sold from a wholesaler to a retailer. Every wholesaler is licensed by the state and responsible for paying the tax, though the cost is often passed farther down the sale. In the end, the tax is often negligible to the consumer. While these types of taxes have not been shown to lower consumption, Arkansas brings in close to $40 million annually, which goes to help fund the state’s Medicaid program. Washington state and West Virginia also have similar taxes in place. A tax similar to this would be efficacious in Michigan. The state has high sales in soft drinks and enough to bring in significant revenue. Michigan consumers and retailers are both used to higher point of sale prices for soft drinks, as most bottled products are taxed under Michigan’s Bottle Return Law. While significant opposition from bottling groups and soft drink manufacturers has caused the reversal of taxes in many other states and jurisdictions, Michigan has long had one of the highest Beer taxes in the region and the industry has stayed in place. Soft drinks already represent a significant hole in the tax policy as they are defined as a “food” and as such are exempt from the state’s 6% general sales tax. Michigan could be the first state that dedicates its soft drink tax revenue to combating the issues raised by soft drink consumption. Based on the figures from the aforementioned Bottle Return law, $415 million was collected in 2006 in revenue for a Soft Drink Tax could be high (though 96% of this money was returned to retailers and consumers). Other states that have similar populations may provide a close estimate as well. Ohio’s $0.60 per gallon syrup tax that lasted from 1993 to 1994 pulled in $59 million for the state. Conclusions The challenges of obesity in Michigan warrant a statewide response. Without action to combat the causes of obesity and to solve current deficiencies in addressing it, obesity rates will continue to rise. The solutions to these issues lie in the public sphere and these solutions must be far-reaching and preemptive. We must focus on the formative, biological changes that decide one’s propensity to obesity in the womb and in early life; and also on access to healthy foods in schools and inner cities. Furthermore, in a cash-strapped state, these solutions must provide a way to fund themselves. Ultimately, if these measures are taken, Michigan can look forward not just to a healthier future, but a solid economic and social future as well.

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Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. National Health and Nutritional Examination Survey: Healthy Weight, overweight and obesity among U.S. adults. (2000) www.cdc. gov/nchs/data/nhanes/databriefs/adultweight.pdf Ibid. Trust for America’s Health. F as in Fat: How Obesity Policies are Failing in America, 2007 http://healthyamericans.org/reports/obesity2007/ Must, A., Spadano, J., Coakley, E. H., Field, A. E., Colditz, G., & Dietz, W. H. (1999). The disease burden associated with overweight and obesity. JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association, 282(16), 1523-1529. Schafer MH, Ferraro KF. Long-term obesity and avoidable hospitalization among younger, middle-aged, and older adults. Arch Int Med. 2007; 167(20): 2220-2225. Zizza, C., Herring, A. H., Stevens, J., & Popkin, B. M. (2004). Length of hospital stays among obese individuals. American Journal of Public Health, 94(9), 1587-1591. 6Quesenberry, C. P.,Jr, Caan, B., & Jacobson, A. (1998). Obesity, health services use, and health care costs among members of a health maintenance organization. Archives of Internal Medicine, 158(5), 466-472. Finkelstein, E. A., Fiebelkorn, I. C., & Wang, G. (2003). National medical spending attributable to overweight and obesity: How much, and who’s paying? Health Affairs, Bhattacharya J, Sood N. Health insurance and the obesity externality. NBER Working Paper Series 2005; Working Paper 11529. Ferrie, J. E., Head, J., Shipley, M. J., Vahtera, J., Marmot, M. G., & Kivimaki, M. (2007). BMI, obesity, and sickness absence in the whitehall II study. Obesity, 15(6), 1554-1564. Arena, V.C., Padiyar, K.R., Burton, W.N., Schwerha, J.J.. The impact of body mass index on short-term disability in the workplace. J Occup Environ Med. 2006; 48(11): 1118-1124. Ricci JA, Chee E. Lost productive time associate with excess weight in the US workforce. J Occup Environ Med. 2005; 47: 1227-1234. Bhattacharya J. Dollars to Doughnuts. Hoover Digest. 2007; 3. Available online at http:// www.hoover.org/publications/digest/8101162.html Finkelstein EA, Brown DS. Why does the private sector underinvest in obesity prevention and treatment? NC Med J. 2006; July/Aug 67(4): 310-312. Daviglus, M. L., Liu, K., Yan, L. L., Pirzada, A., Manheim, L., Manning, W., et al. (2004). Relation of body mass index in young adulthood and middle age to medicare expenditures in older age. JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association, 292(22), 2743-2749. Taylor PD, Poston L. Developmental programming of obesity in mammals. Exp. Phys. 2007; 92(2): 287-298. Godfrey KM, Barker DJP. Fetal nutrition and adult disease. Am J Clin Nutr. 2000; 71(suppl): 1344S-52S. Vickers MH et al. Fetal origins of hyperphagia, obesity, and hypertension and postnatal amplification of hypercaloric nutrition. Am J Physiol Endocrinol Metab. 2000; 279: E8 3-E87. Trust for America’s Health. F as in Fat: How Obesity Policies are Failing in America, 2007 http://healthyamericans.org/reports/obesity2007/ The Percent of Adults Who Have Ever Been Told by a Doctor that They Have Diabetes. (2005). Retrieved December 2007, from Henry Kaiser Family Foundation Web site: http:// statehealthfacts.org/comparetable.jsp?ind=70&cat=2 Number of Deaths Due to Diseases of the Heart per 100,000 Population. (2003). Retrieved December 2007, from Henry Kaiser Family Foundation Web site: http://statehealthfacts.org/comparemaptable.jsp?ind=77&cat=2 Ruiz, R. (2007, November 26). America’s Most Obese Cities. Forbes Magazine . http:// www.forbes.com/health/2007/11/14/health-obesity-cities-forbeslife-cx_rr_1114obese.html

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U.S. Census Bureau, 2006 http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/ACSSAFFFacts?_event=& ActiveGeoDiv=geoSelect&pctxt=fph&_lang=en&_sse=on&geo_id=16000US2622000&_ state=04000US26 Fields, Scott. The Fat of the Land: Do Agricultural Subsidies Foster Poor Health? Environ Health Perspectives. 2004 October; 112(14): A820–A823. http://www.ehponline.org/members/2004/112-14/spheres.html Godfrey, 2000. Peter D. Gluckman, Mark A. Hanson, Alan S. Beedle. Early life events and their consequences for later disease: A life history and evolutionary perspective American Journal of Human Biology Volume 19, Issue 1, Date: January/February 2007, Pages: 1-19 Mari Gallagher Research and Consulting Group, Examining the Impact of Food Deserts on Public Health in Detroit (2007) http://www.marigallagher.com/ The Henry Kaiser Family Foundation Ibid National Conference of State Legislatures. http://www.ncsl.org/programs/health/ChildhoodObesity-2005.htm Arkansas General Assembly. Act 1220 of 2003: an act to create a Child Health Advisory Committee; to coordinate statewide efforts to combat childhood obesity and related illnesses; to improve the health of the next generation of Arkansans; and for other purposes. In: Arkansas nonannotated code; 2003. Dewey, K. G. (2003). Is breastfeeding protective against child obesity? Journal of Human Lactation, 19(1), 9-18. Armstrong, J., & Reilly, J. J. (2002). Breastfeeding and lowering the risk of childhood obesity. The Lancet, 359(9322), 2003-2004. http://www.fns.usda.gov/wic/aboutwic/wicataglance.htm Chamberlin, Leigh A., Med, RD; Sherman, Susan N., DPA; Jain, Anjali, MD; Powers, Scott W., PhD; Whitaker, Robert C., MD, MPH. 2002. The Challenge of Preventing and Treating Obesity in Low-Income, Preschool Children, Perceptions of WIC Health Care Professionals Taylor, Jessamy. 2006. Updating the WIC Food Packages: It’s About Time. National Health Policy Forum. Issue Brief – No. 816 Besharov, Douglas J. and Germanis, Peter. Is WIC as good as they say? The Public Interest. Winter 1999 http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0377/is_134/ai_53551864/pg_1 Grummer-Strawn, Laurence M.; Rice, Susan P.; Dugas, Kathy; Clark, Linda D.; BentonDavis, Sarah. 1997. An Evaluation of Breastfeeding Promotion Through Peer Counseling in Mississippi WIC Clinics. Maternal and Child Health Journal. Vol. 1 – Issue 1 Birkhead GS, LeBaron C, Parsons P, et al. The immunization of children enrolled in the Special Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC): the impact of different strategies. JAMA. 1995;274:312-316. Michigan Department of Public Health. How Can Physical Activity and Health Eating Impact Michigan Children? 2005. . State Board of Education, State of Michigan. Policy on Quality Physical Education. September 25 2003. Official State of Michigan Portal. United States Department of Agriculture. National School Lunch Program Fact Sheet. July 2007. . Weigl, A. (2007, November 18). Kids’ Waistlines Vs. Bottom Line. McClatchy-Tribune Business News . “Junk Food Infiltrating Schools.” September 7 2005. CBS News. November 23, 2007. Story, Mary, Karen M. Kaphingst, and Simone French. “The Role of Schools in Obesity Prevention.” The Future of Children 16.1, Childhood Obesity (2006): 109-42. About Green Roofs. (2005, May 31). Retrieved December 2007, from Green Roofs for Healthy Cities Web site: http://www.greenroofs.org/index.php?option=com_content&task

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=view&id=26&Itemid=40 Getting Started on a Rooftop Agriculture Project. (2007, May 29). Retrieved December 2007, from Urban Habitat Chicago Web site: http://www.urbanhabitatchicago.org/blog/ getting-started-on-a-rooftop-agriculture-project/ True Nature Foods. (2007). Retrieved December 2007, from Urban Agriculture Chicago: http://urbanhabitatchicago.org/projects/true-nature-foods/ Green Roofs for Healthy Cities Web site The Green Roof Research Program at Michigan State University. http://www.hrt.msu. edu/greenroof/ Duggan, D. (2007, November 26). LEED-ing the Way: Blue Cross parking deck gets green certification. Crain’s Detroit Business . Jacobson, F. M. (2000). Small Taxes on Soft Drinks and Snack Foods Promote Health. American Journal of Public Health , 854-857. Arkansas Department of Finance and Administration. 1993-8 Soft Drink Tax Regulation http://www.arkansas.gov/dfa/rules/et1993_8.pdf Arkansas Department of Finance and Administration. 1993-8 Soft Drink Tax Regulation http://www.arkansas.gov/dfa/rules/et1993_8.pdf Jacobson, F. M. (2000). Small Taxes on Soft Drinks and Snack Foods Promote Health. American Journal of Public Health , 854-857. Michigan Department of Environmental Quality. (2007, September 18). Michigan Bottle Deposit Law Frequently Asked Questions. Jacobson, F. M. (2000). Small Taxes on Soft Drinks and Snack Foods Promote Health. American Journal of Public Health , 854-857.

DHS Pregrancy Centers Meet Detroit Needs Hilary Anne Doe University of Michigan at Ann Arbor

Executive Summary For many low-income women in Detroit, unexpected pregnancy can be unbearable; facing the economic burdens of motherhood amidst a desperate financial situation can make the thought of carrying a baby to term seem overwhelming. Consumed by the reality of poverty, and turned off by the religious and moral agendas of existing women’s centers, Detroit’s women take trying and dangerous actions that only further contribute to the city’s economic depression and social instability - actions they may not have chosen under different circumstances. Therefore, the Detroit Department of Human Services (DHS), which exists to alleviate poverty for Detroit residents, has a responsibility to provide the women of Detroit the services necessary to choose what’s best for them, free of poverty’s influence.1 The best way to grant Detroit women this freedom, is to fund free, city-run pregnancy centers, that provide shelter, counseling, medical care, maternity clothes, financial planning assistance, and information on options for unplanned pregnancies.2 If DHS can ensure lasting and reliable service provision, as well as non-discriminating and unimplicated aid, the city can meet the needs of its citizens and reap the benefits of their independent choice. Dhs Pregnancy Centers: Detroit’s Demonstrated Need More women in Detroit choose abortion than do entire counties of women elsewhere in the state.3 This is no doubt due to overwhelming burden of pregnancy felt by the low-income population. In fact, a 1995 survey by the Alan Guttmacher Institute shows that, “…women who are most likely to obtain an abortion have an annual income of less than $15,000…”.4 Though abortion may be a woman’s best option, the decision to have an abortion should be a choice, and not simply a sentence inflicted by one’s financial situation; yet, the aforementioned study alludes to the fact that this is not the case. More disturbingly, since abortions are expensive, poverty coerces some women into undergoing life-threatening, “back-alley” abortions to cope with unexpected conception. According to the World Health Organization, “…approximately 68,000 women die annually as a result of complications [associated with] unsafe abortion; and between two million and seven million women each year…sustain long-term damage or disease…” from such procedures.5 Further, “…for poor women…the ability to end a pregnancy is most likely not the [only] factor that determines their ability to be full and equal participants in our society. Rather, for them, salient issues include the ability to access health care and to have the opportunity to bring children into the world that they can love, support, and raise in a safe environment,” if they feel that is the best option for them.6 Pregnancy center could provide the women of Detroit that freedom. Dhs Pregnancy Centers: Expected Benefits Beyond the simple need for the City of Detroit to protect the freedom of its citizens, pregnancy centers offer tangible benefits in the form of crime reduction, and economic stimulation. For example, “…post-abortion women are more likely to engage in

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drug and alcohol abuse, often as a means of “numbing” negative feelings stemming from the abortion.”7 Such emotional hardship is most apparent in women who chose abortion, not because it was their best option, but because they felt it was their only option. “This [in turn] affect[s] their ability to function in the workplace and may inhibit their ability to enter into meaningful relationship[s].”8 Therefore, allowing poverty to strip women of their ability to make such sensitive decisions can prevent them from being effective at work, and thereby leave them in an even more desperate financial state. This self-perpetuating cycle injures the city of Detroit’s social stability and economic health by escalating crime, increasing citizen dependence on state aid, and decreasing buying power in the city. DHS-funded pregnancy centers, however, can begin to alleviate this burden. Though there are similar establishments throughout Michigan, there only one provides most of the aforementioned services, including shelter, counseling, medical care, maternity clothes, financial planning assistance, and information on options for unplanned pregnancies, the Detroit residents. Considering the number of unplanned pregnancies in the city and the inaccessibility of transportation for low-income populations, this is clearly insufficient. The feeling of desperation that exists amongst Detroit’s women is at least partially due to the fact that Detroit government has historically ignored the challenges and needs of the women facing unplanned pregnancies. City-run pregnancy centers, however, can begin to reverse this trend. Dhs Pregnancy Centers: Opposition Concerns Despite the need for pregnancy centers in the city, opponents might object to DHS-run centers due to the City of Detroit’s inefficient bureaucracy. This concern is reasonable. It’s true that DHS’s management of pregnancy centers is likely to be disorganized; for example, Head Start, another DHS-run program, displays disorder. However, funding by Detroit’s city government also offers two key assets that make the DHS the most desirable source for pregnancy center funding and implementation. Dhs Pregnancy Centers: Long Term & Reliable Service Provision First, DHS funding of pregnancy centers would create a sustainable, government-sponsored institution that ensures the long-term, reliable provision of services. The grants DHS provides for child development projects would eliminate the need for donations, upon which similar privately-owned centers are dependent. Furthermore, city officials and employees responsible for center operations would constitute a segment of the government dedicated to continuing pregnancy support; if run by a private organization, the provision of services would require constant renewal of public interest around the needs of women with unplanned pregnancies. Bureaucratic inefficiencies, then, are outweighed by the stability government provides. Dhs Pregnancy Centers: Unimplicated & Secular Service Provision Currently, the clinics that endorse a religious or pro-life message are the only option for many Detroit women. Though these clinics provide many of the services recommended for DHS-funded pregnancy centers, their pro-life or religious philosophy makes them an unattractive option for the secular, progressive population. Indeed, there is evidence that the majority of Detroit’s women are pro-choice. For example, the citizens of Detroit have never elected a pro-life candidate. Clinics that endorse pro-life sentiment are ineffective at providing service to the majority liberal population.9 Religious or pro-life

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clinics stifle the choices of Detroit women by coercing them to make decisions based on the moral agenda of others, but in order to be effective it is necessary for secular pregnancy centers to offer unimplicated aid. Religious or pro-life clinics oppose the goals of the proposed pregnancy center program; DHS-funded centers focusing on poverty alleviation could most successfully appeal to the overwhelmingly pro-choice women of Detroit.10 Conclusion In conclusion, the city of Detroit’s Department of Human Services should fund and operate pregnancy centers in order to serve the needs of women with unplanned pregnancies. The program would advance the DHS’s mission to alleviate poverty while simultaneously providing the city’s women with the freedom to choose what is best for their bodies and their lives. Moreover, despite the shortcomings of bureaucracy, DHSfunded pregnancy centers would create a sustainable institution that supports pregnant women and appeals to the needy, regardless of their stance on abortion. Subsequently, implementation of this program would promote the freedom of women and the best interest of the City of Detroit. Resources 1. City of Detroit. (2007, August 15). Department of Human Services. Retrieved November 28, 2007, from City of Detroit: http://www.ci.detroit.mi.us/humanservices/ 2. Mathewes-Green, F. (1996, July 28). “Seeking Abortion’s Middle Ground: Why My Pro-Life Allies Should Revise their Self-Defeating Rhetoric.” Washington Post, p. C1. 3. 1996 – 2006 Michigan Abortion Files. Population Estimate, National Center for Health Statistics, Michigan Department of Community Health., Vital Records & Health Data Development Section. (2007). 4. The Limitations of US Statistics on Abortion. (1997). Alan Guttmacher Institute, 3. 5. Ahman, E., & Shah, I. (2004). Unsafe Abortions. World Health Organization , 3. 6. National Advocates for Pregnant Women. (n.d.). About NAPW. Retrieved November 28, 2007, from NAPW: http://www.advocatesforpregnantwomen.org/ main/about_us/about_us.php 7. Strahan, T. (1991). “Women Increasingly Receive Public Assistance as Abortion is Repeated.”. Association for Inter-disciplinary Research in Values and Social Change , 4(2):3-7. 8. Strahan, T. (1991). 9. Pro-Life Federation of Michigan. (2007). Certified Candidates. Retrieved November 28, 2007, from Pro-Life Federation of Michigan: . 10. Mathewes-Green, F. (1996, July 28).

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‘Housing First’ in Cincinnati A Proactive Solution By Alex Hollingsworth and Erik Lambert Co-presidents, Miami University Roosevelt Institution

Executive Summary Homelessness is a problematic reality that afflicts most urban communities in the United States. The Federal Government defines a homeless individual as one who lacks a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence or an individual whose primary nighttime residence is a supervised shelter, a temporary residence for those pending institutionalization, or a public or private place not intended to accommodate a sleeping individual.1 Cincinnati, Ohio experiences significant homelessness, but has done relatively little to alleviate it. In 2004, the city of Cincinnati eliminated its expenditures on human services , only to have it later restored to 50% of its previous level.2 Currently, the approach to alleviate homelessness in Cincinnati has taken a management-oriented approach. Los Angeles, a city comparable in size and homelessness demographics, has taken a more proactive approach by utilizing the “Housing First” model. This model seeks to eliminate homelessness by providing the homeless and their families with relatively inexpensive permanent housing, and providing pursuant social services. The model asserts that the sequence of providing housing, then services to the homeless is the best approach for ensuring a long-term solution for the homeless. The demographic similarities between Los Angeles and Cincinnati and the resounding national success of the model seem to indicate that Housing First is an applicable and effective solution to homelessness in Cincinnati. The Homeless Problem in Cincinnati and Current Policy In 2000, approximately 25,000 people in the city of Cincinnati were homeless at some point during the year.3 On any given night in that year, up to 2,000 people in the city were homeless.4 In the last 15 years, Cincinnati’s homeless population has increased by 150 percent.5 These statistics indicate a significant and growing homeless problem in Cincinnati. While “the City of Cincinnati contracts with nonprofit agencies and other organizations to provide human services,” this approach has actually proven inadequate because it relies on outside agencies to coordinate aid to the homeless.6 Human services, the part of the city budget which governs the administration of funds to homeless-aid organizations, has traditionally received only 1.5 percent of the city’s general fund. In 2004, this 1.5 percent was completely cut, and only later restored to .06 percent of the general fund.7 This means that a significant portion of an already small fund toward human services has been dramatically reduced. While the non-profit agencies seek to treat the homeless problem, they are not provided adequate resources to move beyond mere management of the situation. A proactive alternative is necessary in order to significantly reduce the number of homeless people in Cincinnati. The Housing First Approach The Housing First approach is a tried and true method of finding affordable housing for homeless individuals and their families. Through this method, they are pro-

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vided housing, and subsequently receive social services that are suited to help them adapt and live in a sustainable way in their new environment. The approach emphasizes an expedient relocation and access to services. The focus of the method is a progressive one; its objective is to rebuild lives, not simply relocate them. Also, this method is relatively cost-effective. Since each solution is designed on a case-by-case basis, all of the funds used with each case are effectively utilized, not lost in bureaucratic confusion. While the approach is generally successful, it has proven to be most effective when provided to homeless families and chronically homeless individuals. Implementation of Housing First in Los Angeles: A Case Study The Housing First approach was put into practice in Los Angeles by the group Beyond Shelter, which emphasizes a holistic approach to treating the homeless.8 The group decided to use the Housing First approach to help homeless families below the poverty line. The organization set forth rigorous criteria for prospective participating families: a stable source of income, at least one child in legal custody of the parent, and demonstrated sobriety for at least six months. After meeting these standards, prospective families were screened and interviewed, with selected families being matched with a case manager who worked with them to form a Family Action Plan. Beyond Shelter then worked with the families to identify practical housing options, and provided education to the adults concerning outlining the responsibilities of tenancy. Although they are voluntary after move-in, case management services continued to be used by most families. These services provided access to local organizations which aided the individual needs of the families. After one year, the families were expected to be integrated into their respective local communities. The results of this program have been outstanding: for the 2,800 families that were involved in the program between 1989 and 2003, 85% were stabilized in their housing situation within one year. The families involved in the program “achieved both improved social and economic well-being and stability in permanent housing.”9 Conclusion – Why Housing First is Applicable in Cincinnati The comparable demographics of both Cincinnati and Los Angeles allow for the model of Housing First to be expanded. An overwhelming majority of the homeless populations of both cities are composed of minorities, and 24% of each homeless population consist of homeless families. About 10% of the homeless populations in both cities have a stable source of income.10 The percentages of the general population below the poverty line, and the unemployment rates in both cities are also strikingly similar. Housing First will not entirely eliminate homelessness in Cincinnati, but if put into practice will illustrate how tailored solutions to chronic homeless problems can be made effective. The similarities of the cities, and the program’s proven success rate, lend credence to the idea that the Housing First approach has the ability to positively change the homelessness problem in Cincinnati. Housing First has been responsible not only for housing thousands of formerly homeless, but also for helping to address the underlying reasons behind their homelessness. The integration of a Housing First approach into the current welfare system of Cincinnati would be a watershed moment for advocates of a tangible, progressive and effective approach towards homelessness.

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Resources 1.

“Federal Definition of Homeless.” US Department of Housing and Urban Development. 30 Aug. 2007. 2 Feb. 2008 . 2. “Homlessness Facts.” Greater Cincinnati Coalition for the Homeless. 2007. 27 Jan. 2008 . 3. “Homlessness Facts.” Greater Cincinnati Coalition for the Homeless. 2007. 27 Jan. 2008 . 4. “Who are the Homeless?” Interfaith Hospitality Network of Cincinnati. 2007. 3 Feb. 2008 . 5. “Homelessness Facts.” Greater Cincinnati Coalition for the Homeless. 2007. 27 Jan. 2008 . 6. “Community and Development Planning.” City of Cincinnati. 2007. 3 Feb. 2008 . 7. “Homlessness Facts.” Greater Cincinnati Coalition for the Homeless. 2007. 27 Jan. 2008 . 8. Graves, Florence. “First Things First.” The Boston Globe 24 June. 25 Jan. 2008 . 9. “What is Housing First?” The National Alliance to End Homelessness (2006). 27 Jan. 2008 <www.endhomelessness.org>. 10. Tull, Tanya. “The “Housing First” Approach for Families Affected by Substance Abuse.” The Source (2004). 28 Jan. 2008 .

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Compensation Reform: Wayne County Indigent Defense System Matt McCrea, Amol Naik et al University of Chicago

Executive Summary The Wayne County indigent defense system is unjust because it handicaps its lower-income defendants, who are less likely to receive a fair trial than wealthier defendants. The low quality stems from the fee-based compensation structure for public defenders in Wayne County. Studies have shown fee-based systems to be less effective than salary-based payscales in ensuring high quality public defense. The fee-based system does not encourage the defenders to work as hard as possible for their clients, resulting in unfair outcomes of trials for these defendants. We advocate that Wayne County change its compensation structure for all public defenders from a fee-based system to a yearly salary structure. Implementing this policy will require a local law be passed in Wayne County mandating the reform of compensation systems. Carrying out the law will require some one-time administrative operations, which will include replacing contract attorneys in Wayne County with public defenders, and changing the public defenders’ salary structure from a fee-based one to a yearly salary. The policy could incur small costs in the short run but will decrease costs in the long run along with providing a higher quality of defense for indigent county residents. Formulation Indigent Defense: A Question of Fairness In Wayne County, public defense is clearly of a lower quality than private defense. In accordance with the U.S. Supreme Court’s Gideon v. Wainwright ruling, the Sixth Amendment right to a fair trial partially hinges on the universal right of the accused to the assistance of a Counsel. This is the basis for public defense systems everywhere. However, if those public defense services are likely to be of a significantly lower quality, then it is doubtful that a fair trial is being provided. Problems with the Current Indigent Defense Compensation in Wayne County Wayne County’s public defense services are subpar for two reasons. First, these attorneys are among the lowest paid in the country, earning between $180 and $420 for a full day of trial work.1 Second, the Wayne County indigent defense compensation structure is suboptimal. Regardless of the method of employment, the compensation structure is that of a fee-based system, in which pay depends on the services rendered. This feebased pay has been shown to generally be less effective than salary-based pay for provision of public defense services. What are the Advantages of a Salary-Based Compensation Structure? Harvard Professor Radha Iyengar’s study2 on the efficacy of different types of federal district-court indigent defenders highlights the advantages of a salary-based compensation structure for public defenders. It is important to note that this study does not concern itself with the level of compensation for attorneys. Rather, while control-

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ling for the absolute level of pay, Iyengar considers the differences between fee-based and salary-based pay structures. In her analysis, use of salaried public defenders leads to better quality of service for the defendant at a lower cost to the public. The study found that wage-paid, court-appointed private attorneys, the alternative to public defenders, generally have less experience and have attended “lower quality” law schools than salaried public defenders. Iyengar shows that the less experienced, less qualified court-appointed attorneys are more likely to get a guilty verdict for most defendants. This inefficiency means that it is possible for some innocent defendants to be convicted unfairly. Clients of court-appointed attorneys also receive eight months more jail time, on average, partially due to the attorneys’ unwillingness to engage in plea-bargaining, as wage-based pay makes it unprofitable to end the trial early. The increased jail time is often disproportionate to the crime. Court-appointed private attorneys are also associated with higher costs that must be borne by the public. The eight months of additional jail time leads to higher aggregate prison costs for the county and state government. The hourly wage pay system also causes higher court costs, approximately $5800 extra per case, because of the correlation between longer cases and court-appointed defenders. To see an example of the scale of potential cost savings from a complete switch to salaried public defenders, consider the 2006 study on Dallas County, Texas. This study estimated that such a switch would save the county a total of $7,264,774 in a year.3 A similar potential exists for Wayne County. Implementing the New Compensation System Establishing a system of yearly salary compensation for all public defenders in Wayne County should incur very little cost initially, and in the long run save large amounts of money. The monetary changes would involve two steps: replacing some of the contract attorneys with new public defenders, which would actually save money in both the short and long run, and changing the salary structure of the public defenders. Implementing a legal defense system consisting of only public defenders would require that a law be passed on the local level to ensure that all indigent defense be on a public defender system, and that people in need of defense would only be represented by public defenders. This policy requires no repeated administrative operations, but only the initial task of terminating the contracts of contract attorneys and hiring additional public defenders, as well as switching the salary structure of the public defenders from a fee-based to yearly salary system. This policy should not arouse significant political or public disapproval, because although it incurs an initial pecuniary cost, it saves public money in the long run. Furthermore, this better allocation of public funds ensures high benefits for indigent residents in need of public defense. One possible problem is the loss of jobs suffered by the current contract attorneys who would no longer be involved in indigent defense. However, these are private attorneys who often do public defense as pro bono work or as an opportunity to gain experience. It would be easy for all such attorneys to take on more private work to fill the void created when their contracts were terminated. 4 Evaluating the Success of the Policy The goal of the policy of changing the salary structure of Wayne County public defenders is to make public defense in Wayne County conform more closely to the Criminal Justice Act; i.e., its goal is to ensure that all people in Wayne County receive

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high quality legal defense, no matter what their level of income. Other advantages of the policy include decreased costs of maintaining public defenders, decreased court costs, and decreased costs of maintaining prisons and jails. Possible costs of implementing the policy include the time and effort it would take to pass a law putting the policy into effect, the administrative operations of changing the pay structure, and the possible loss of income to the contract attorneys whose contracts would be terminated. To assess the policy, it will be necessary to calculate and compare the courts costs, costs of maintaining prisons, and total wages paid to public defenders before and after the policy is put into effect. In order to assess that the policy achieved its primary aim, it will be necessary to compare trial length, amount of plea bargaining, and sentence duration for defenders who committed similar offenses across different socio-economic groups in Wayne County to see if these groups are receiving the same quality of public defense. If legislators feel that conducting this study is necessary, then this part of the assessment could follow the pattern of Iyengar’s study. However, conducting such a study could incur additional costs, such as the cost of paying an organization to execute it. Resources 1. “Trial Assigned Counsel Fees by Circuit.” 2007. Found at , page 1. 2. Iyengar, Radha. “An Analysis of the Performance of Federal Indigent Defense Counsel.” 2007. Found at . 3. “Evidence for the Feasibility of Public Defender Offices in Texas.” 2006. Found at , page 10. 4. Legal Aid and Defender Association. 2004. Found at . This is the primary example of a privately contracted firm providing public defense for residents in Wayne County.

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The Affirmative Case for Public Smoking Bans Michael Diedrich Center on Public Health, University of Wisconsin

Executive Summary The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) identify tobacco use as the leading preventable cause of death in the United States, resulting in nearly 440,000 deaths each year. Secondhand smoke, classified as a Group A carcinogen by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), causes approximately 38,000 of those fatalities in nonsmokers alone. Every day, thousands of employees increase their chances of developing lung cancer and heart disease through no other action than going to work. Secondhand smoke restricts bar and restaurant patrons’ choices, particularly for families with young children and those who suffer from respiratory illnesses such as asthma. Such evidence of public health risks, infringements on workers’ rights, and restrictions on consumer choice demands at least the consideration of broader government action. Based on a preponderance of evidence demonstrating the benefits of current public smoking bans, this note recommends implementing more widespread bans on smoking in indoor public places and workplaces (hereafter “public smoking bans”). The Health Argument Obviously, if the detrimental health effects of smoking were confined merely to the smoker, this issue would not be a matter of concern. However, the detrimental health effects of secondhand smoke are numerous and well-documented. Secondhand smoke contains 43 carcinogens, such as DDT, as well as other poisonous components, such as cyanide. The National Cancer Institute, one of the U.S. National Institutes of Health, reports that secondhand smoke is responsible for 38,000 non-smokers’ deaths every year. Afflictions caused or exacerbated by exposure to environmental tobacco smoke include: • Lung cancer: Both the EPA and the National Toxicology Program classify secondhand smoke as a cancer-causing agent. It is known to produce approximately 3,000 lung cancer deaths yearly. The victims are often individuals that were previously completely healthy. • Heart disease: Over 35,000 people die every year from heart disease caused by secondhand smoke. According to the American Heart Association, cigarette smoke “increases blood pressure, decreases exercise tolerance, and increases the tendency for blood to clot,” all contributing to the spread of the disease. • Asthma: Secondhand smoke increases the frequency and severity of asthma attacks of 200,000-1,000,000 children every year, and aggravates the asthmatic symptoms of countless other individuals. • Lower respiratory tract infections: Secondhand smoke causes 150,000-300,000 infections such as bronchitis and pneumonia in infants of fewer than 18 months of age every year. 7,500-15,000 of these cases are sever enough to require hospitalization. • SIDS (Sudden Infant Death Syndrome) and low birth weight: The incidence rate of SIDS is strikingly higher in women frequently exposed to secondhand smoke. The same is true of low birth weight of their newborn children, who are left

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vulnerable to attack by other diseases. Clearly, then, there exist myriad health-related reasons to attempt to reduce nonsmokers’ exposure to secondhand smoke. On the question of whether or not smoking bans have a salutary effect on secondhand-smoke-related health effects, the answer is affirmative. For example: a 2006 study of Pueblo, CO, by the American Heart Association (AHA) found that, during the first year and a half after the city implemented its smoking ban, admissions to hospitals for heart attacks dropped 27%, compared to no change in similar admissions for surrounding towns which had not implemented a smoking ban. The AHA attributed this to the reduction in secondhand smoke, which it identifies as a prime trigger of heart attacks. Not all exposure to secondhand smoke comes in public places and workplaces. Some of it comes at home, where the government clearly has no place legislating smoking behavior. However, studies conducted by the tobacco industry itself show that implementing public smoking bans has carryover effects on tobacco consumption in general. As one particular instance, a document prepared by Phillip Morris, found that public smoking bans decreased tobacco consumption by 11-15%, and led to quitting rates 84% higher than average. This could help reduce the exposure of children and other nonsmokers to secondhand smoke. In short, the implementation of public smoking bans has positive effects on health by reducing exposure to secondhand smoke and decreasing tobacco consumption. The Workers Rights Argument Having established that public smoking bans decrease the negative health effects caused by secondhand smoke, it should be noted that not only are non-smoking patrons affected by secondhand smoke, but that workers are as well. Even when non-smoking areas exist for patrons, workers in restaurants and bars must still work in areas with concentrations of secondhand smoke. Thus, secondhand smoke can be considered a workplace hazard, in that workers can find their own health compromised by their workplace for the reasons outlined in the argument from health. Thus, public smoking bans address a workplace hazard which is often either not addressed or unable to be addressed by businesses, providing an additional justification for implementing public smoking bans. The Consumer Choice Argument While patrons of bars and restaurants who are smokers can have their wants at least partially accommodated by the establishment of outdoor smoking areas, wouldbe patrons with health issues such as asthma cannot be similarly accommodated in the reverse situation. Even in cases where non-smoking areas are established, for customers particularly sensitive to smoke their choice of establishment is sharply curtailed. In the case of establishments without non-smoking areas, options are even more sharply limited. Public smoking bans thus open up options previously unavailable to certain groups of consumers while not severely curtailing the options available to others. While not achieving perfect Pareto efficiency, the implementation of public smoking bans is closer than the current arrangement, in that the welfare of one group can be increased without decreasing the welfare of the remaining population by a proportionate amount. Counterarguments Proposals for smoking bans have faced criticisms since their introduction. One

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of the most common arguments against smoking bans is that they hurt business by driving away would-be patrons of bars and restaurants, weakening local economies, an argument here termed the “counter-argument from economy.” However, the counter-argument from economy as typically articulated relies heavily on anecdotal evidence rather than on substantive data. When studies have been conducted, most tend to show either a neutral or positive economic effect. A review of 97 studies conducted on the subject found that, of the studies showing a negative impact of smoking bans, all were funded by tobacco companies and engaged in faulty methodology. By contrast, all of the studies with the best methodology found neutral to positive economic effects of smoking bans. The counter-argument from economy thus appears to lack credible evidence. An additional argument against smoking bans is that the government has no right to interfere in business practices or personal lifestyles to the extent inherent in implementing a smoking ban, an argument here termed the “counter-argument from principle.” Strictly legalistic interpretations of this argument tend to focus on right to privacy and equal protection rights. However, no legal challenge to public smoking bans on these or other grounds has ever been upheld. In a broader sense, government intervention over personal behavior strikes many as wrong. However, as documented in the arguments from health and workers’ rights, this issue is about more than personal choice regarding smoking. The effects of smoking extend beyond the smoker to detrimentally affect nonsmokers and workers, creating a justification for government intervention. To paraphrase a colloquialism, “Your right to smoke ends where my body begins.” The counter-argument from principle, then, is without legal support and is unpersuasive. The final major criticism of smoking bans is that there exist viable alternative solutions that are more efficient or less intrusive than an outright government ban on smoking, an argument here termed the “counter-argument from efficiency.” As one example, tobacco companies have stressed improved ventilation as a means of reducing secondhand smoke without banning smoking outright. However, analysis of the costs of this, particularly in light of the neutral-to-positive economic effects of public smoking bans mentioned when refuting the counter-argument from economy, suggest that it is not an efficient solution. As for other partial measures, such as solutions based in financial incentives, the effectiveness of public smoking bans with regard to health – and by extension workers’ rights – is derived from their complete elimination of secondhand smoke. The argument from consumer choice with regard to Pareto efficiency generally counters suggestions related to cap-and-trade based solutions that involve issuing a limited number of smoking permits within a city, in that the closest to Pareto efficient number of permits would be zero. The counter-argument from efficiency is thus unpersuasive. In short, the primary arguments leveled against smoking bans lack credible empirical and theoretical support. Public smoking bans do not hurt the economy, do not unjustly infringe on personal rights, and hold up as the superior solution when compared to other proposed solutions. Conclusion There exists a clear need to address the various concerns caused by secondhand smoke in indoor public places and workplaces. The arguments from health, workers’ rights, and consumer choice support the implementation of public smoking bans as a solution to this problem, while the major counter-arguments – from economy, principle, and efficiency – fail when evaluated with available data and the previously established

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arguments. Without credible arguments in opposition and lacking any superior alternative solutions, public smoking bans should be implemented as a means of addressing the public health, workers’ rights, and consumer choice concerns that stem from smoking in indoor public places and workplaces. Resources 1. 2. 3.

4. 5. 6.

7. 8. 9.

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“Cigarette Smoking and Cardiovascular Diseases.” American Heart Association. 2005. AHA. 10 Dec 2005 http://www.americanheart.org/presenter.jhtml?identifier=4545 Diedrich, M, M Dulak, and J Sprangers. “Smoking Ban – Policy Analysis.” 11 Dec 2005. Prepared for Prof. Dennis Dresang. Heironimus, J. “Impact of Workplace Restrictions on Consumption and Incidence.” Legacy Tobacco Documents Library. 22 Jan 1992. Phillip Morris. 11 Dec 2005. http:// legacy.library.ucsf.edu/cgi/getdoc?tid=rvv24e00&fmt=gif&ref=results&title=IMPACT& 20OF%20WORKPLACE%20RESTRICTIONS%20ON%20CONSUMPTION%20 INCIDENCE&bates=2023914280/4284 Huang, P, AK De, and ME McCusker. “Impact of a Smoking Ban on Restaurant and Bar Revenues – El Paso, Texas, 2002.” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 27 Feb 2004. 11 Dec 2005 http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5307a2.htm “Reduction in the Incidence of Acute Myocardial Infarction Associated with a Citywide Smoking Ordinance.” American Heart Association. 3 Oct 2006. AHA. 06 Feb 2008 http://www.americanheart.org/presenter.jhtml?identifier=3043008 Scollo, M, A Lal, A Hyland, and S Glantz. “Review of the quality of studies on the economic effects of smoke-free policies on the hospitality industry.” Tobacco Control. Mar 2003. BMJ Publishing Group. 06 Feb 2008 http://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/cgi/content/ full/12/1/13 “Secondhand Smoke.” American Cancer Society – Prevention and Early Detection. 4 Nov 2003. American Cancer Society. 11 Nov 2005 http://www.cancer.org/docroot/PED/content/PED_10_2X_Environmental_Tobacco_Smoke-Clean_Indoor_Air.asp “Secondhand Smoke Fact Sheet.” Air Quality. 2005. American Lung Association. 11 Dec 2005 http://www.lungusa.org/site/pp.asp?c=dvLUK9O0E&b=35422 “There Is No Constitutional Right to Smoke.” Technical Assistance Legal Center. 2004. Public Health Institute. 8 Dec 2005 http://64.233.167.104/ search?q=cache:Yn8Dz3Huo4oJ:www.phi.org/pdf-library?talc-memo-0051.pdf+is+smokin g+constitutional&hl=en&client=firefox-a

Public Financing For State Elections Karl U. Stark Kenyon College

Ohio should adopt public financing for statewide elections to ensure that elected officials spend their terms governing rather than raising money for reelection campaigns. Summary This proposal will make democracy work by decreasing the effect that fundraising totals have on the outcomes of elections, and would eliminate elected officials’ need of fundraising once in office. Doing so would return elections to decisions about issues and personal qualifications. Additionally, politicians would be able to spend the entirety of their terms governing, rather than worrying about raising money for reelection. Background In a system of public financing, citizens can run for office regardless of their wealth or ties to special interests. All qualifying candidates would receive equal amounts of money, as well as matching funds for candidates who were funning privately. This would increase competition in elections, both between publicly-financed candidates and against privately-financed ones. In 2000, the successful candidate for Ohio State Auditor raised $496,750 from the Lawyer and Lobbyist industry alone.1 A candidate without ties to the industry would be at a severe disadvantage. Additionally, these contributors’ make a living by trying to influence legislators toward certain policies. After contributing nearly $500,000, it is likely that they would expect perks from a successful campaign. Public Financing laws would remove these lobbyists from the legislative process. “Clean Elections” laws have already passed in Connecticut, Maine, Arizona, as well as for selected areas/elections in New Mexico, Oregon, New Jersey, and North Carolina. In Maine, 78% of the legislature ran in 2006 as “clean candidates,” and for those who didn’t run on public money, it became a substantial issue in the race. The number of competitive races doubled between 1998 and 2004, and the rate of incumbent reelection declined. In Arizona, voter turnout increased by 13% over eight years, and in 2006 “clean candidates” were elected to Governor, Lt. Governor, and Attorney General.2 Proposal Public Financing is optional. Candidates must qualify for public funding by collecting a certain number of signatures and small-denomination contributions.3 Candidates who qualify for public funding receive matching funds for the amount raised privately by their opponents. Ideally, both candidates would be running on public financing. Additionally, publicly funded candidates will receive extra funding for independent spending on the side of their opponents. The system could be implemented as it currently is for presidential candidates: citizens voluntarily check a box on their tax return forms to contribute to the public source of money. The amount could be raised in order to increase the size of the pool. Alternatively, Arizona was able to implement the system away from taxpayer expense through a levy on civil and criminal penalties.4 Even if a small tax were adopted, it would

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only be marginal ($1.00 to $2.00), and the benefits would outweigh these costs, because the role of their legislators would not be clogged by lobbyists and interests. The best candidates would be able to seek office regardless of wealth, race, or gender. In Arizona, the number of Native American and Latino candidates tripled in two years.5 Candidates, interests, and the public all benefit from public financing of elections. Many times in races where one candidate was publicly financed and the other was not, public financing became an issue of debate. Additionally, support rose for candidates who were publicly financed versus those who were not (this is the case for both Democrats and Republicans).6 Though the more powerful interest groups would lose influence in the political process, minority interests would benefit from a more level playing field. Proposals and positions would now be judged based on their quality and content, rather than the size of the purse behind them. Finally, the public would benefit from a body of policymakers who are not influenced adversely by well-funded lobbyists, because politicians’ political fate would not rest in campaign contributions. Additionally, candidates who run with public funding do not need to waste time fundraising while in office but can rather turn their attention to lawmaking. Audience Many elected officials will be hesitant to eliminate the system that put them in office, so it might be necessary to have this a ballot issue, voted on by the people directly. Issue-groups would join the cause because their agendas and issues would be advanced by a system that is rid of corrupt influence. Next Steps In order for this issue to get on the ballot, there would have to be substantial grassroots support. This would include issue groups, minority groups, and an education program to inform the citizens of the benefits of a public financing system. Democracy Matters, a student organization already dedicated to the cause, is doing just that, and through an increased outreach would likely be able to implement a successful educational campaign. Additionally, citizens could be contacted through their local media sources: opeds and local television media. The Public Campaign is another organization that devotes itself to implementing public financing of elections. Resources 1. http://opensecrets.org/st/getssector.asp?state=OH&candid=oh30&cycle=2000 2. http://democracymatters.org/content.php?type=whyreform 3. http://www.publicampaign.org/node/34047 4. http://democracymatters.org/content.php?type=whyreform 5. Ibid. 6. http://www.publicampaign.org/video

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Ending the Non-Therapeutic Use of Antibiotics in Agriculture Kenneth Chen Environmental Policy Center, University of Michigan

Executive Summary Antibiotics are the first line of defense against bacterial infections. One of only a few treatments that actually cure disease, they are an indispensable tool in the modern arsenal of medicine. Antibiotics are also frequently used in agriculture; they are fed to livestock at non-therapeutic rates in order to promote growth and prevent disease. In many nations, the total amount of antibiotics used to cultivate livestock rivals or even exceeds the amount used for medical purposes. This has resulted in antibiotic-resistant bacteria in those animals, trace levels of antibiotics in the environment, and reservoirs of antibiotic-resistant bacteria. Not surprisingly, many scientific and medical organizations have strongly condemned this dangerous practice. Although the most effective solution to this problem would be a national ban on the use of non-therapeutic antibiotics in agriculture, the U.S. Congress has been unable to successfully pass such a measure. However, this issue is of sufficient gravity that, since the federal government has failed, the states have a responsibility to discontinue this practice through a series of steps: 1. Initiate a statewide ban on the non-therapeutic use of antibiotics in livestock, specifically those used in human medicine or antibiotics that can select for crossresistance to antimicrobials used in human medicine. 2. Tax meat products from antibiotic-enhanced livestock. 3. Produce a publicity campaign on the dangers of non-therapeutic antibiotic use. Context of the Problem Antibiotic-resistant strains of bacteria are becoming increasingly prevalent and virulent, greatly reducing the options available to doctors and patients and causing the increased use of ‘last-resort’ antibiotics. Antibiotics, by killing off “normal” bacteria, naturally select for the rare bacterial strains with an inherent resistance to that antibiotic. Once the antibiotic-sensitive strains have been eliminated, the resistant strains then become more prevalent within the bacterial population. Over time, this can lead to greater incidences of antibiotic-resistant infections. Exacerbating this problem are the similar mechanisms of some antibiotics, the comparatively fast rate of bacterial mutation, and the ability of bacterial cells to transfer genetic material—genes that could code for antibiotic resistance— to other bacterial cells. Medical use of antibiotics is also a significant contributor to this growing problem. By treating human beings with antibiotics, doctors are not only curing disease, but also furthering the evolution of drug-resistant infections. This is, of course, no reason to end the responsible treatment of human disease with antibiotics. However, the use of antibiotics in agriculture is an equally common practice, which serves to prevent infection and promote growth, leading to gains of approximately five percent in feed efficiency.1 This practice is also believed to induce the development of antibiotic-resistant bacteria that can infect human beings, as shown by the preponderance of studies demonstrating

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a correlation between the use of antibiotics on livestock and the genesis of antibioticresistant bacteria in humans. For example, between 1983 and 1990, nourseothricin was used in East Germany as a non-therapeutic growth enhancer. Before 1983, the resistance of enterobacteriaceae such as E. coli and Salmonella was negligible. However, by 1985, resistant strains of bacteria were found in meat products and the intestines of pigs. Within five years, this resistance had spread to E. coli harbored in the intestines of local citizens and to bacterial species of the genus Shigella, which are only present on human beings.2 More examples can be seen even in the United States. A study by the New England Journal of Medicine traces the outbreak of a strain of Salmonella newport that was resistant to three types of antibiotics including chlortetracycline. By using a genetic marker that characterized this particular strain of multi-resistant bacteria, the source of the infection was traced to contaminated beef from cattle that had been administered non-therapeutic doses of the antibiotic chlortetracycline. Additional samples of the resistant strain were also found in animals and people at a nearby dairy farm.3 The link between agricultural use and antibiotic resistance can also be seen when comparing cases in Europe and the United States. In the U.S., vanomycin-resistant bacteria is a growing problem; but in this case, vanomycin use in human medicine is considered the cause, in part because it is very difficult to culture vanomycin-resistant bacteria from healthy individuals in the United States. In Europe, where a similar antibiotic called avoparcin (not vanomycin) is licensed for non-therapeutic use on livestock, vancomycinresistant bacteria of multiple strains have been commonly found in healthy individuals, poultry, swine, and even raw sewage, suggesting that populations of vanomycin-resistant bacteria arise through avoparcin’s use.4 There are a number of different ways that antibiotic resistance has been transmitted between animals and humans. While some antibiotics used on livestock are not used in medicine, many have the same basic molecular mechanisms as some medicinal antibiotics. Thus, bacteria that gain resistance to antibiotics used on livestock also gain resistance to those used on people. When livestock become hosts of antibiotic-resistant bacteria, the bacteria can be transferred to workers handling the animals themselves or to any of the food products made from the animals. At the end of this chain, the consumer can be exposed by the consumption of those products. Even more worrisome are the many environmental reservoirs of antibiotic contamination that have been found. When antibiotics are fed to livestock, they often fail to metabolize and instead simply pass into the animals’ feces. Livestock waste is then sprayed onto fields as a fertilizer or dumped for disposal, where it then sinks into the groundwater supply or runs off into nearby bodies of water when it rains. Because of this, many areas have trace amounts of antibiotics in surface and ground waters.5,6 The concern is that these stocks of antibiotic-contaminated water can become breeding grounds for multi-drug resistant bacteria, leading to the transfer of antibiotic-resistant genes to many different types of bacteria. Indeed, studies have discovered antibiotic-resistant genes identical to those from swine waste lagoons in the bacteria of the lagoon’s surrounding groundwater.7 Critique of Current Policy and Policy Recommendations Currently, the use of antibiotics in agriculture is moderately regulated. Since 1998, the Food and Drug Administration has seriously considered the potential for resistance generation through antibiotics administered to livestock. To be approved for

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agricultural use, new drugs must be approved by the FDA using a system to determine the potential risk of its agricultural use. However, this system does not apply to antibiotics already being used in agriculture. The United States has taken some steps towards a more responsible policy; in 2005, fluoroquinolones and glycopeptides were banned in livestock because of their contribution to antibiotic-resistant bacteria in humans.8 These policies, however, pale in comparison to scientific recommendations and to comparable measures in Europe. On January 1, 2006, the European Union banned the use of all antibiotics for growth promotion in livestock. Prior to this, Sweden had led the way by banning the use of antibiotics for growth promotion in 1986.9 The U.S. Congress, though it has seen similar bills proposed, has yet to pass any such measures. While a national policy would produce the greatest benefit, circumstances have left the responsibility to address this issue to the states. As a state with a significant agricultural industry, Michigan should instate a ban on all non-therapeutic antibiotic usage in livestock. Since those closest to the farming industry are often those first affected by antibiotic-resistant bacteria, this policy will directly benefit Michigan farmers. More generally, because antibiotic contamination in waterways is often traceable to a nearby livestock farm, the waterways in Michigan will benefit from the decreased levels of antibiotic contamination and resistance that follows. The economic results of such a ban may be more controversial. In Sweden, the ban has resulted in improved animal husbandry practices as well as sustained levels of productivity and profitability. Denmark, which also instituted a ban on antimicrobial growth promoters, experienced similar results.10 However, it is quite feasible that Michigan farmers, when faced with a ban on a long-standing agricultural tool, will be at a competitive disadvantage against out-of-state producers. Thus, steps must be taken to level the field. Such measures could include a gradual phase-out of antibiotic use coupled with a subsidy to farmers who decrease antibiotic use faster than required by law. Additionally, meat products of antibiotic-enhanced livestock from out of state could be subject to a sales tax, both to assist Michigan farmers and to internalize the negative externalities of antibiotic use. (The levels and details of such a subsidy or tax are beyond the scope of this paper and would need to be determined by detailed cost-benefit analyses.) Finally, a public service campaign similar to those aimed at cigarettes and alcohol could be used on the antibiotic-treated meat products. The degree of action against any problem is often intimately linked with public awareness. To accomplish this, a label warning about the dangers of antibiotic use in livestock and the treatment status of the meat product could be included on all products from antibiotic-enhanced livestock, thus encouraging consumers to purchase the locally raised products. This again benefits the Michigan farmers disadvantaged by state regulations. Ultimately, the provisions of this policy would become defunct. As the policy could not effect a universal decrease in antibiotic-resistance , the goal is the adoption by other states or the federal government of a similar policy, thus negating the need for extra taxes. Only then will a truly effective solution be found. Conclusion Antibiotic-resistant bacteria is a significant medical problem. The non-therapeutic use of antibiotics in animals contributes greatly to this problem by selecting for antibiotic-resistant bacteria, releasing low levels of antibiotics into the environment, and contributing to the genetic transfer of antibiotic resistance among different bacterial species. Because the United States government has not taken sufficient action, a three-

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pronged plan at the state level is needed in order to demonstrate leadership through responsible action. There must first be a ban on all non-therapeutic use on livestock of antibiotics that are used in human medicine or those that can select for cross-resistance to antimicrobials used in human medicine. Then, to ease the burden of this restriction on Michigan farmers, a subsidy for over-compliant Michigan farmers will be financed by a tax on all antibiotic-enhanced meat products sold in the state. These products will also bear a label describing their detrimental effect upon the environment and public health. Together, these steps will raise greater awareness of the problem of non-therapeutic antibiotic use in livestock, and catalyze appropriate nation-wide legislation. References 1.

Swedish Ministry of Agriculture. “Antimicrobial Feed Additives.” Swedish Government Official Report. 1997. 2. Wolfgang Witte, “Animal Use in Husbandry and Resistance Development in Human Infections.” FEMS Microbiol. Lett. 15 (1994): 23-31 3. Holmberg SD, Osterholm MT, Senger KA, Cohen ML. “Drug-resistant Salmonella from animals fed antimicrobials.” N Engl J Med. 311 (1984): 617–622. 4. Shea, Katherine, Committee on Environmental Health, and Committee on Infectious Diseases, “Nontherapeutic Use of Antimicrobial Agents in Animal Agriculture: Implications for Pediatrics.” Pediatrics 114 (2004): 862-868. 5. Meyer MT, Kolpin DW, Bumgarner JE, Varns JL, Daughtridge JV. “Occurrence of antibiotics in surface and ground water near confined animal feeding operations and waste water treatment plants using radioimmunoassay and liquid chromatography/electrospray mass spectrometry” Presented at the 219th meeting of the American Chemical Society; March 26–30, 2000; San Francisco, CA. 6. Jon Bonne, “Livestock Antibiotics found in Wateways,” MSNBC, October 25, 2004. U.S. News, Environment. 7. Chee-Sanford, JC, RI Aminov, IJ Krapac, N Garriques-Jeanjean, and RI Mackie. “Occurrence and Diversity of Tetracycline Resistance Genes in Lagoons and Groundwater Underlying Swine Production Facilities.” Appl Environ Microbiol. 67 (2001):1494-502. 8. Food and Drug Administration Center for Veterinary Medicine, “Human-use Antibiotics in Livestock Production,” http://www.fda.gov/cvm/HRESP106_157.htm. 9. Union of Concerned Scientists, “European Union Bans Antibiotics for Growth Promotion,” http://www.ucsusa.org/food_and_environment/antibiotics_and_food/europeanunion-ban.html. 10. Shea 2004

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Examining the Effects Of Atrazine in the Great Lakes By Scott Reid Environmental Policy Center, University of Michigan

Executive Summary The herbicide atrazine poses a considerable carcinogenic and endocrinedisrupting threat to both Great Lakes wildlife and to the humans exposed to it. For all its demonstrated ill effects, atrazine has been shown to increase crop yield by only a few percentage points. Despite being outlawed in all European Union member states, where atrazine is actually produced, it continues to be the most heavily used herbicide in the US, at a rate of eighty million pounds per year. This note outlines some of the toxicological effects of atrazine, examines social justice implications, and provides policy recommendations regarding this chemical. Endocrine Disruptive Effects The name “endocrine disruptor” is given to chemicals that interfere with the normal function of the endocrine system, which delivers essential chemical signals throughout the body to carry on homeostatic processes.1 Atrazine is an endocrine disruptor that mimics the female sex hormone estrogen and blocks the production of the male sex hormone testosterone. In male amphibians, it has the effect of “chemical castration” at concentrations as low as 0.1 parts per billion. For reference, 0.1 ppb is one thirtieth of the concentration that the EPA considers safe in drinking water - 3 ppb.2 Male frogs exposed to atrazine at these low concentrations grew ovaries or became hermaphrodites. Similar demasculinizing effects, such as decreased sperm count, were also observed in fish, other amphibians, reptiles, and mammals.3 These findings are relevant to human health because animal models are used as accepted predictors for responses in people. Aside from its negative effect on frogs, atrazine exposure has caused reproductive cancers such as prostate cancer in male rodents and breast cancer in female rodents.4 It also impairs immune function, increases susceptibility to disease, and increases the rate of pregnancy loss. Surviving offspring of exposed rodents often exhibited retarded development. As a result, atrazine can impact several generations simply by being in contact with one individual. Atrazine also effects non sex hormones of the body by including increasing levels of corticoid stress hormones, with the end result of impairing immune function.5 Atrazine thus reduces the body’s ability to fight viral infections, bacterial infections, and cancer. Social Justice Implications In assessing the costs and benefits of atrazine, one must also consider the disproportionate effects that it has on various human populations. Logically, those who live downstream from major agricultural areas have a higher concentration of atrazine in their drinking water due to runoff from the crop fields. However, this level of atrazine is still low in comparison to the amount farm workers may be exposed to during the direct application of the chemical. Undocumented workers are often disproportionately affected by harmful expo-

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sure to atrazine. Frequently exploited to perform hazardous work without knowledge of the effects, especially in agriculture-dominant states such as California. Several reports show that those who work in contact with this and other pesticides and herbicides have exposure at many times the normal rate. In a Syngenta production plant, men exposed to atrazine developed prostate cancer at 8.4 times the rate of unexposed workers.7 Based on the animal predictive models used, atrazine likely plays a role in decreased fertility, increased abortion rates, and low birth weight, as well as many forms of cancer. These exposure effects disproportionately affect current and future generations of the largely Latino/a population that works with atrazine. Its developmental effects in humans have not been well-documented, but mounting evidence from animal model testing suggests a slew of obstacles to normal development. Policy Recommendations Atrazine is classified as a Restricted Use Pesticide, class III-slightly toxic and may only be used by certified applicators.8 Aside from its agricultural uses on corn, sugarcane, and sorghum, it is also used on such non-agricultural sites as golf courses, some residential lawns, forests, ornamental trees, and recreational areas.9 In light of atrazine’s demonstrated hazards, probable danger to humans, and increasingly negligible benefit due to the evolution of antibiotic-resistant weeds, we should move straight into the risk management phase in the following ways: • Suspend the use of atrazine in the US indefinitely unless it is rigorously proven by independent sources that it is harmless to humans. • Identify at-risk groups such as children and field workers with high exposure rates. • Ensure mutlilingual public access to statistics regarding pesticide and herbicide levels in agricultural communities. • Invest in researching safe alternatives to atrazine, including foregoing herbicide use altogether. Resources 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

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Daniel Vallero, “Environmental endocrine disruptors”, in AccessScience@McGraw-Hill, http://www.accessscience.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu, DOI 10.1036/1097-8542.YB041115 United States Environmental Protection Agency. Ground Water and Drink Water, Consumer Factshee on Atrazine. http://www.epa.gov/safewater/contaminants/dw_contamfs/ atrazine.html Hayes, T., “Welcome to the Revolution: Integrative Biology and Assessing the Impact of Endocrine Disruptors on Environmental and Public Health.” J. Integrative Comp. Biol., 2005. 45(2): p. 321-329 Pintér, A. and e. al, Long-term carcinogenicity bioassay of the herbicide atrazine in F344 rats. Neoplasm, 1980. 37: p. 533-544 Porter, W., J. Jaeger, and I. Carlson, Endocrine, immune, and behavioral effects of aldicarb (carbamate), atrazine (triazine) and nitrate fertilizer mixtures at groundwater concentrations. Toxicol. Industrial. Health, 1999. 15: p. 133-150. Karrow, N., et al., Oral exposure to atrazine modulates cell-mediated immune function and decreases host resistance to the B16F10 tumor model in female B6C3F1 mice. Toxicology, 2005. 209(1): p. 15-28. Maclennan, P., et al., Cancer incidence among triazine herbicide manufacturing workers. JOEM, 2002. 44(11): p. 1048-1058

8. 9.

Extension Toxicology Network, Oregon State University. http://extoxnet.orst.edu/pips/ atrazine.htm United States Environmental Protection Agency. Atrazine Interim Reregistration Eligibility Decision Q&As, January 2003. http://www.epa.gov/pesticides/factsheets/atrazine.htm

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