Epilogue May2009

Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070

ISSN 0974-5653

Now Telling The J&K Stories

Epilogue because there is more to know

Jammu, May 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 5 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in

Assortment of Ideas Abdul Rauf Mir Anil Dhar Choudhary Ilyas Ejaz Ahmed Khan Ershad Mahmud Ezabir Ali Gul Wani Sardar Amjad Yousuf Tahir Aziz Tashi Gyalson Uzera Shah

Jammu and Kashmir Moving Forward

Zafar Choudhary

LS ELECTIONS 2009

VIEW POINT

Separatists Swear by India

Balancing Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh

Economic Reconstruction Agency under the financial assistance of Asian Development Bank has launched several schemes to augment the water supply in Srinagar city. The various schemes with a cumulative storage capacity of 39 MGD include Rangil water supply scheme, Nishat-Doodhganga water supply scheme and Nishat-Dalbund water supply scheme which will cater to the drinking water needs of the population of about 10,93,995 souls of Srinagar city. Scope of Works Rangil water supply Scheme

Total Storage Capacity 10MGD

Population to be benefitted (souls) 294000

Areas to be benefitted Khulmulla, Zakura, Owantabavan, Bakshipora,Tengpora, Muj-Gund, Parimpora, Lawayopora, Shalteng, Colonies on Right and Left side. National Highway, Left side of National highway Bypass (Bemina, Muminabad, Firdousabad, Tengpora(left), Right side of National highway Bypass(Hamdania colony, Khumani colony (partly), Nundreshi Colony, JVC) Nishat Doodhganga water supply Scheme 21.5 MGD 614132 Areas to be benefitted Jawahar Nagar, Kralpora, Natipora, Rambagh, Nowgam, Rajbagh, Gulshan Nagar, Gogji Bagh, Solina, Chanapora Colony, Budshah Nagar, Allochi Bagh Part, Bagh-e-Mehtab, Tulsi Bagh, Wazir Bagh, Lal Mandi, Hazuri Bagh, Amira Kadal, Shivpora, Rajbagh and Magarmal Bagh, Lal Chowk, Maisuma, Abiguzar, Kral Sangri, Karapora, Brein, Patnta Chowk, Sonwar, Buchwara, Gupkar Road, Ram Munshi Bagh, Athwajan, Mahraja Bazar, Sari Payeen, Lal Mandi, Jawaharnagar (partly), Basant Bagh, Bar Bar Shah. Nishat Dalbund water supply Scheme 7.5MGD 185863 Areas to be benefitted Saida Kadal Bridge, Zinsha Masjid, Rainawari Chowk, Soorateng Chowk, Shiraz Chowk, Nowhatta, Naidyaar, Hasibhat, Chowdary Bagh.

B R I D G I N G

T H E

I N F O R M A T I O N

D I V I D E

Taking J&K Closer to World Bringing World Closer to J&K

Epilogue because there is more to know

29 Volume : 3, Number : 5 ISSN : 0974-5653

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 www.epilogue.in F O R

T H E

M O N T H

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M A Y

The present issue is a summit of ideas originating from all regions of J&K. Writers decided to share their opinions at a workshop they attended together at Bangkok in ending March.

Epilogue Ø 1× May 2009

2 0 0 9

ELECTIONS: CHALLENGE 2008

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e have brought out three issues on assembly elections 2008 and the November issue was first in the series. Elections were being held in the backdrop of a worst separatist and communal agitation in state. With a commentary on the prevailing political and security atmosphere, the November issue carried a complete backgrounder on the past elections. Nov. 2008

HUNG ASSEMBLY

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n the middle of elections our small team of staffers along with some 30 volunteers traveled across the length and breadth of Jammu and Kashmir to gauge the public mood. The conclusion was that there will be a hung assembly with NC as largest party, PDP second and Congress third. Looking at the pages of our December issue one can see all parties have come up with same number of seats as we had predicted except the BJP. Dec. 2008

MANDATE :

A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.

Jan. 2009

AGENDA FOR OMAR GOVERNMENT :

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he coalition government of National Conference and the Congress headed by Omar Abdullah Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it did not declare a shared agenda. Epilogue's February issue put together opinions of well meaning people from across the country setting out an agenda for Omar Abdullah government

Feb. 2009

CONNECTING J&K onnectivity is a major issue in J&K and people in many areas taunt the government saying that roads were laid in remote areas only because they close to borders. Our March issue looked at the connectivity via roads, rail and air to bring to the fore the missing links.

C

Mar. 2009

TREADING FAILURE s world watches keenly the new unfolding developments in Pakistan, our Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travelled to the troubled country to bring fresh perspectives for our readers in April Issue.

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Apr. 2009

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks. For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

A

Epilogue because there is more to know

Assortment of Ideas

www.epilogue.in

Jammu and Kashmir Moving Forward

Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin Art Editor Keshav Sharma

IN FOCUS J&K Moving Forward

Research Officer Raman Sharma

18 Mailing Address PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, Jammu

J&K Moving Forward ...but there are Wheels within Wheels Zafar Choudhary

24

A frame work for conflict Resolution in Kashmir Tahir Aziz

Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94190 00123 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Edited, Printed, Published and Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. Published from : Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

26

Dr. Gul Mohammad Wani

29 30 32 35

RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 ISN : 00974-5653 Price : Rs 30

A New Hope Anil Dhar

Keeping hopes alive for Kashmir settlement Ershad Mahmud

Images of Kashmir in Pir Pangal Region Abdul Rauf Mir

Peace via voiceless people; A Northern Areas Perspective Ejaz Ahmed Khan

38 39 41

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.

Revisiting General Musharaf’s Ideas Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir

43 45

Remember Past only to Focus on Future Tashi Galyson

CONTENTS Prologue

5

Note Book 7 Essential Entries

6

Opinion Taliban Terror

10

B. Raman

LS Elections 2009 Hanging around same issues Maulvi v/s Abdullah : Action Replay By India, these separatists Swear Ladakh's smallest and highest polling stations Politics : from streets to ballots we must tolerate the change of hearts

16

Sushma Mahajan

War on Terror New Af-Pak Strategy : Old Wine in a New Bottle

48

M Shamsur Rabb Khan

View Point Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh In Quest of Regional Balance

51

Sahil Showkat

Column Recollecting Marrah’s Liberation ‘...I forgot what fear is’

54

Manisha Sobhrajani

Special Stories Must See in Jammu 56 Sheikh Noor-ud-Din Noorani Museum

Peace in South Asia : Kashmir can be Bridge between India, Pak

A. K. Khanna

Sardar Amjad Yousaf Khan

Stories of Change Financing Transport Sector

Unheard Traumatized Voices Let’s pray no more Khatoons, Naseemas and Shafiqa are added to painful history of Kashmir

12 12 14 15

59

Sajjad Bazaz

Ezabir Ali

Ladakh Unemployment on the Rise

Kashmir Conflict and its Impact

Tsewang Rigzin

61

Ilyas Choudhary

Sufferers must play their roles Uzera Shah

Media The Kashmir Jigsaw Sevanti Ninan

Epilogue Ø 3× May 2009

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NEW DELHI

P R O L O G U E

From the Editor

J&K : Simple in 30 Minutes

Zafar Choudhary

I

t is often said that the solution of Kashmir issue should better be left to the people of Jammu and Kashmir alone. But is there any idea of what the people of Jammu and Kashmir want. This can be known only when they have the opportunities to meet and talk. While there are barbed barriers and limited opportunities of contacts between two sides of the divide, the channels of communication are not so free even on the either sides. There are psychological barriers. Differences within the regions are fast widening and there are no attempts to bridge them up. Perhaps this suits the official establishment but this can't bring any peace. Peace, it is again said, is too important an end to be left to the governments alone to achieve. There has to be an initiative by the people to guide a way to their destiny. Here again is an important question. Can governments, in New Delhi and Islamabad, leave the destiny of Jammu and Kashmir to the people alone? No. There has to be an official conflict resolution and reconciliation process in place but necessarily supplemented and guided by aspirations of the peoples. Peoples on both sides of the Line of Control had always wanted to meet each other but a communication link (bus services) was established only when the governments agreed for that.

Peoples want many things more but that does not mean that governments are ready to settle down for anything or every thing for peace. While understanding these limitations in view of the geo-political realities that shaped up in the six decades after partition there has to be an initiative driven by the people to guide the governments. With regional differences running deep into blood of the people such initiatives and the desired common approaches are often difficult but not impossible. Many of us had heard that when two natives of J&K, one belonging to Indian side and other from Pakistani side are allowed to sit together for half an hour it takes a maximum of 30 minutes for them to conclude that there is conflict at all. At a small scale this phenomenon has been seen after launch of the transKashmir-LoC bus service. Many myths fell and realities took over the thinking. It was a similar experiment at a recent workshop on Kashmir organized by a London based institute Conciliation Resources at Bangkok. The beauty was that participants were picked up from all regions of state on both sides of LoC with a 'scientific balance' of regions, sub-regions, faiths, cultures to accommodate as many identities as possible in J&K. there were absolutely no lectures at all. Participants were made to interact with each other in a proper framework of interaction. As the

Epilogue Ø 5× May 2009

legend has it, the difficulties in coming to terms with each other's perceptions did not last for more than 30 minutes. Towards the end of workshop each participant appeared eager to go home, expand the constituency of reconciliation and have lines of divide blurred –as soon as possible. Unfortunately the situation is not as simple as that but it can be made one. The workshop was in a close room. Participants are back home and coming across obvious difficulties in implementing ideas they conceived and agreed upon with their colleagues in Bangkok. But there is no question of the urge slowing down. The present issue of Epilogue is a reflection of that strong urge of cooperation and friendship as participants of the workshop drawn from all parts of Jammu and Kashmir (on both sides of LoC) have made a beginning by contributing their articles to this special issue. This is just a beginning. In coming months and years the magazine will go on to expand and strengthen this constituency of forward looking people to inspire those who are still caught in the web of a flawed history. Meanwhile, my thanks are due to the Conciliation Resources for such a meaningful exercise of bringing Jammu and Kashmir together –though a small part of it. I am sure this constituency grows. Feedback : [email protected]

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7 Essential Stories ECONOMY

Crafts, industries crying for help

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everal reasons debase the state economy mainly includes setback in tourism due to terror threats and apprehension of Taliban presence in valley. The local handicraft industry like; Paper Mache, Carpet Weaving, Namda Sazi, Wooden Crafts and other technical trade have been worst affected by the nonavailability of sales outlets, latest technology, marketing scenario, packing problems and many more. People prefer to leave all these trades choice to do something new of which they could earn livelihood smoothly. Not only this but the industrial sector of the entire state has reached to halt as industrial policies lack, loan facilities, subsidies electricity and outside state investors. Besides 90% of manpower is unskilled and the skilled staff is being imported from other states on high rates. Fruit industry is also suffering for one or the other reason every year. Militancy and Regional clashes forced fruit growers to suffer huge losses and the people dealing with the trade are highly disappointed, cold storage facilities, road connectivity, agents who lack marketing skills and neglect by the Govt. to extend helping hands to fruit growers. Special Economic Zone (SEZ) remains the only way out to save these industries. The Direct marketing at National and International markets could also provide sign of relief to the business cadre of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Govt. of India taking back its promises announced earlier in favour of

industrialists had also added salt to the wounds of Industrialists. “Industries could only survive when Govt, offers incentive to it as man power, raw material and almost everything has to be imported from outside the state”, said industrialist and president industries association Jammu Anil Suri. He said that goods ones deliver are not getting expected package causing disappointment to the industrialists. Initiating trade across LOC with not proper homework to facilitate industrialists with the banking and the currency provisions finally turned out as a mockery. “Govt. does not show keen interest to back state industries as exported goods could not fetch adequate returns” said president chamber of commerce and industries (CCI) Ram Sahai. Transport industries which are directly dependent upon the Tourism Sector has suffered a lot last year due to two months long agitation. The Apprehension of Taliban presence in Valley force Tourists to cancel their bookings, which cause serious concern to transport operators, hoteliers and other allied traders. Govt. has to do a lot to develop confidence among all the sectors involved in Business and trade as already it (Govt.) is under the influence of Code of Conduct and did nothing for the last more then four months. People Expect that young Chief Minister Mr. Omar Abdullah will open Pandora box soon after the electioneering ends on May 16th, provide Sign of relief for which they waited a lot.

WILDLIFE

Endangered stag population on the rise

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here is good news for Jammu and Kashmir - an increase in the population of the endangered stag called hangul. According to a census conducted by the state wildlife department, the estimated population is now between 201 and 234, compared to 117 and 199 in March 2008.

The census has been conducted in collaboration with the Wildlife Institute of India, Dehradun, and the Wildlife Trust of India, New Delhi. Hangul is an endangered species of deer found in Jammu and Kashmir, mainly in the Dachigam National Park and adjoining areas.

Epilogue Ø 6× May 2009

The census was initiated to identify threats to the species and formulate a strategy to save them. The hangul is characterised by impressive spreading antlers of the adult male and its rich brownish red coat. Female hangul do not have antlers. The estimated population is now

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CONNECTING J&K

Rs 22,000 Cr rail project for Leh

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he ambitious and strategically crucial project to link mountain-locked Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of the country by train has moved a step closer to fructification with the Railways finalising the feasibility report in this regard. The first rail link is proposed to be between Leh and Bilaspur in Himachal Pradesh and six passenger trains and nine goods trains are planned on the 498 km-long section. "The feasibility report of Leh-Bilaspur rail link project is almost ready and it will be submitted to Railway Ministry shortly for scrutiny. After the scrutiny, the report would be sent to the Planning Commission before being sent to Parliament for final approval," said a senior Railway Ministry official involved with the feasibility study. The project is strategically crucial as it is part of India's efforts to improve infrastructure in the border region considering that China has already built a rail link to Tibet. China has also improved connectivity with Pakistan via the Karakoram highway which runs close to the Indian border. The proposed Leh rail project came up for discussion at the Army Commanders' Conference here recently in the context of improving supply lines along the border like China has done. According to the study, the Leh-Bilaspur project, which is estimated to cost about Rs 22,000 crore, 6,000 passengers are expected to travel daily in the section, once the line is operational. On the freight front, the feasibility report has taken into account the possibility of carrying 3.92 million tonnes -mostly food grains, steel, sugar, oil, iron and cement -- in a year. The proposed Leh-Bilaspur rail project will have 20 stations including Chhibbrin, Sundar Nagar, Bhangrotu, Mandi, Kullu,

between 201 and 234, compared to 117 and 199 in March 2008. The male-female ratio and female-fawn ratio have also shown an upward swing in the current census, according

Manali, Mulden, Pang and Jarapa. The rail link is crucial for the country's defence security. India has been beefing up infrastructure along the Chinese border in Ladakh region and has reopened several forward landing bases to ensure faster supply lines for troops posted in difficult terrain.It is estimated to cost about Rs 45 crore per km to construct the rail line in the section. There would also be provisions for attending to any accident along the route. Two sites have been proposed along the 498-km long route for setting up facilities for accident relief trains. Trains are expected to run at 65 km per hour in the section, according to the study. Beside troop movement, the rail link would give a boost to tourism in the area.However, only two passenger trains are expected to run during the winter since the mountainous area sees heavy snowfall in the season, said the study.

to an official statement. "The increase in population is being attributed to the effective measures which include protection and control on poaching taken by the department, besides the involvement of independent volunteers, researchers, students and NGOs," the statement said. Conservation of this species assumes

Epilogue Ø 7× May 2009

great significance as this is the only survivor of the red deer group in the Indian subcontinent. The species is placed under Schedule I in the Jammu and Kashmir Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1978, and the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972. It is also listed in on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna (CITES).

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ENVIRONMENT

Climate change warning from Ladakh

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n Asian regional seminar at Leh, has warned of adverse effects of climate change in cold regions. The four-day seminar was organised by the Group Energies Renewable, Environment Solidarities, a recognized international French NGO, in partnership with the European Union, G T Z ( t h e G e r m a n Te c h n i c a l Cooperation), ADEME (the French Environment and Energy Management Agency), and the Foundation Ensemble. It was attended by representatives from India, Afghanistan, China, Tibet, Tajikistan and Bhutan. The conference focused on issues concerning adaptation strategy choices, which have become important for people living in mountains areas. "Its important because these glaciers will melt within 20 years, and people's livelihood will collapse. This seminar

aims to share this information with people from Central and South Asia, to improve livelihood for people from Hindukush, Himalayas and Pamir," said Vincent Stuffer, Country Director, GERES, India. The objective of the seminar was to share strategies, expertise and field experience on energy and climate change issues to formulate a series of concrete recommendations in terms of policy and methodology and to initiate a community of practice among the key players of the region. Scientists predict that at the present rate glaciers in the Himalayas will shrink within the next 50 to 60 years. "Ladakh region has many glaciers and they are feeding many of our rivers like the Ganges and the Brahmaputra. If these glaciers melt due to climate change during summer seasons, there could be unexpected floods. And when

the water is needed, water will not be there, there will be drought. Even the UNDP report and reports of other global agencies say that the Himalayan glaciers will shrink in the next 50 to 60 years if we keep polluting the environment," Dr. Balaji, District Forest Officer, Leh and a participant at the seminar. Global warming could wipe out large areas of glaciers in the Himalayas and surrounding highlands, threatening livelihoods across much of Asia. Ladakh is geographically important because, when the glaciers start melting areas such as these would be first affected. Mountain areas are particularly affected by climate change as relatively small changes in temperatures have severe impact on water supply, agriculture-based livelihood and infrastructure.

REPORTS FROM LADAKH

Ambedkar remembered in Leh

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n the initiative of Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA) Youth wing, under its newly elected president Mr. Tsewang Thinles, a grand celebration of the 118th Birth Anniversary of Bharat Ratna Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was held at the historic Leh Pologround on April 14 to pay homage to the Architect of the Indian Constitution. With enthusiasm and devotion thousands of people and a galaxy of prominent personalities including the heads of different religious and social organizations, the intelligentsia, members of LBA and students of various institutions took part in the Ambedkar Jayanti and paid rich tribute to Babasaheb by offering white scarf khatak to his portrait. Speakers on the occasion highlighted the role of Dr. Ambedkar to bring about reforms to uplift the weaker sections in India who were suffering from caste discrimination. LBA has constituted Bharat Ratna Dr. Ambedkar Awards to be conferred to organizations and individuals having excelled in contributing towards betterment of the society through

social works and activism. This year the awards were conferred among one individual and two societies. Among them are Lama Sangha Sena, President Mahabodhi Society, Leh for his contributions for the people of Ladakh specially the underprivileged ones through various humanitarian projects, the Lamdon Social Welfare Society for having excelled in education for the last nearly three decades and the Ladakh Vision Group for producing feature films based on relevant and prevailing social issues such as preservation and promotion of cultural values, eradication of social evils, and helping poor and needy people. MC Bhagat, District Superintending Engineer Leh who is also the President of Ambedkar Foundation J&K State was the chief guest on the occasion while the President LBA, Mr. Lobzang Rinchen was the guest of honor. It is pertinent to mention here that Ambedkar was born into a poor untouchable family of Hindu community in 1891. Having spent his whole life fighting against social discrimination, Ambedkar 1950s converted his faith into Buddhism.

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GOVERNANCE

TERRORISM

Omar's 100 days lackluster Mumbai attack irst day in top chamber of civil secretariat, on January 9 when the planned to youngest Chief Minister Omar Abdullah talked about his '100-day' F model to set tone for governance in next 69 months, his plain, crisp and capture Kashmir? sweet talk was highly appreciated by his bureaucrat audience but the 100day model still remain an illusion as the National Conference-Congress coalition completes three months in office. Widely respected and read London based Sunday Observer has noted that 39 years old Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister has a vision though he has had only 100 days in office. When Omar Abdullah moved into office of Chief Minister there was very little to doubt about his experience as he was a Union Minister ten years ago but the difference millions, particularly youth, had hoped is yet to show though hopes are still intact as its been just 100 days. Jammu and Kashmir is a difficult state to keep the promises and translate the visions, the one like Omar has, but there are few things which need to come from top and percolate down to bottom. Vision and agenda is one such thing which the leadership sets and team follows. In his first meeting with the administrative secretaries on January 9, Omar Abdullah told them “to formulate agenda for the first 100 days of the coalition Government to set the tone for the governance for the six years of its tenure”. Bureaucracy in Jammu and Kashmir is quite obedient and faithful to the political leadership but talk in the secretariat next day was audible: “if bureaucrats had to set agenda in 100 days to be followed for next six years then they were doing it well in the Governor's administration”. This is nothing to dispute the Sunday Observer's opinion that Omar Abdullah has a vision but if he had wanted to put in place in 100 days a model of governance for next six years then Jammu and Kashmir probably lacks the climate for such an experiment. Administrative secretaries are still sifting through the previous files to formulate a plan which they or their predecessors did years back. A handout issued by the National Conference has today listed a dozen odd projects –like Srinagar airport and the Kashmir rail-line –to underscore efficient governance of the coalition but understandably some of these projects were initiated during the times of previous generation. Omar could have done wonders but if the operational conditions were out of Jammu and Kashmir. The first and foremost spoiler in the way of Omar translating his vision was apparently an uncomfortable alliance with an arrogant partner and wide gaps between party and the government. Chief Minister's first month in office (or out of office) went off in generating appreciation of people and places in the new system and the second month got consumed up in managing the Rajya Sabha elections. The third month saw huge politics of Legislative Council elections and then came the Lok Sabha elections which currently have the dust kicking in the air. The National Conference handout rightly puts it: “and this is just a beginning…”

Epilogue Ø 9× May 2009

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pening the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attacks case in court, special public prosecutor Ujwal Nikam said there was a clear indication that the strike was a criminal conspiracy hatched in Pakistan with the help of experts, aimed at capturing Jammu and Kashmir. Nikam said before designated court judge M L Tahilyani that the attack was launched under a criminal conspiracy to wage a war against the country and weaken it economically by targetting the financial capital. Nikam said that the findings were based on confessional statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone Pakistani terrorist captured during the attack, recorded by additional chief metropolitan magistrate, and the investigations conducted in the case. Nikam said that Kasab's confession clearly shows that that the attack was absolutely impossible without involvement of some trained professionals. ''According to Kasab's confessional statement, he and the nine other terrorist, who were killed during the attacks, had first undergone arms training, including handling of AK-47, for 21 days. Then they had again undergone a 15-day arms training at Muradabad hills in Pakistan by Abu Hamza, which also included ways of deceiving the intelligence agencies. In September 2008, during ramzan, they were taken to Karachi by rail and a Hakeem (Muslim physician) trained them on sea transportation, maps, Global positioning system and also how to misguide the Navy officials,'' Mr Nikam said. He said, ''They were trained about rocket launchers and satellite phones. The whole training was done to make them ''Jihadis''. During their training in Karachi, an unknown person came to oversee the preparations and Rehman Lakhvi introduced him as Major General, but did not disclose his name. The terrorists were also told that the people training them were the Major General's men.'’

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Opinion

The 'Taliban' Infiltration

The goal would be to strengthen those experts close to Obama who have been saying that a solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should be the starting point of any effective fight against terrorism emanating from the Pakistani territory “The heavily-forested Kupwara is not the sprawling urban Mumbai. Encounters within forests have nothing in common with encounters with terrorists entrenched inside urban buildings and going on a shooting spree in crowded public places in a big city such as Mumbai. But there are disconcerting similarities between what happened in Mumbai between November 26 and 29, 2008, and between what has happened during the last five days in the Kupwara area-simultaneous, well-orchestrated attacks on multiple targets, whether static or moving army patrols, a skilful use of handheld weapons and gadgets such as GPS systems, suicidal and not suicide terrorism, strike, stay and fight tactics instead of the hit and vanish tactics and an ability to keep the encounters with the security forces going for a long time in order to make an impact on the local population and the international community through dramatic media reports." -- Extract from my article dated March 25, 2009, From Mumbai To Kupwara

B. RAMAN Author is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai

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hile the Government of Dr Manmohan Singh has maintained its usual silence on what has been going on in Northern Jammu & Kashmir (Kupwara, Uri and Baramulla areas), there have been worrisome reports in the media about the infiltration of one more group of

Epilogue Ø 10 × May 2009

30 well-trained terrorists-cum-insurgents from the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK) into J&K. This group, which has been described as a "Taliban group" to distinguish it from the earlier infiltrators who belonged to the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET), is well-trained and has shown a capability to keep our security forces engaged in conventional style battles. If the media reports of the way the new infiltrators are fighting are to be believed, what we are seeing is reminiscent of the infiltration of a re-trained and bettertrained Neo Taliban of Mulla Mohammad Omar into Afghanistan in 2003. The retrained Neo Taliban showed a remarkable capability for mixing conventional style stand and fight battles and suicide or suicidal terrorism. The US-led NATO forces in Afghanistan are still struggling to grapple with the re-trained Neo Taliban infiltrators from their sanctuaries in Pakistan. The use of the word Taliban in describing the new batch of infiltrators into Northern J&K can be confusing. The Pakistani media refer to the anti-India terrorist organisations, which consist largely of Punjabis and Punjabi-speaking Kashmiris (Mirpuris) from Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK), as the Punjabi Taliban and to the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which consists largely of Pashtuns, as the Pashtun Taliban. The TTP consists largely

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Opinion of the Mehsud and Wazir sub-tribes of the Pashtuns. Next to the Punjabis, who constitute about 75 per cent of the Pakistan Army, the Pashtuns constitute the second largest number in the Army-- about 20 per cent. They are recruited from both the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the FederallyAdministered Tribal Areas (FATA)-- with the Mehsuds and the Wazirs constituting the largest single group of Pashtun tribals recruited into the Army from the FATA. When the Pakistan Army tried to annex J&K after Pakistan became independent in 1947, it first sent into J&K Mehsud and Wazir tribals who projected themselves as local Kashmiris. Initially, the Pakistan Army totally denied any responsibility for their depredations, but ultimately it accepted that the tribal infiltrators were from the army. These infiltrators managed to occupy some parts of J&K which were constituted into the POK. As a reward for their services, many of these Mehsuds and Wazirs were allowed to settle down in the POK after their retirement from the Army. When Ayub Khan wanted to occupy J&K in 1965, he again sent the Mehsuds and the Wazirs into J&K and tried to project them as indigenous Kashmiris. If Lal Bahadur Shastri, the then Indian Prime Minister, had not retaliated by ordering the Indian Army to enter the Lahore area thereby creating panic in the Pakistani army, these tribals from the Pakistani Army posing as indigenous Kashmiris would have probably occupied Jammu and even Srinagar. After the war was over, Ayub Khan had these Mehsuds and Wazirs from the Pakistan Army re-settled in POK. During the military confrontation between India and Pakistan after the foiled terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13, 2001, Pervez Musharraf used to say that there were 150,000 ex-service-men re-settled in the POK, who would put up a fierce resistance to any forays by the Indian Army into the POK. These ex-servicemen largely consist of Punjabis, Mehsuds and Wazirs. Against this background, the new group of infiltrators into J&K could be either members of the so-called Punjabi Taliban or members from the families of Mehsud and Wazir re-settlers in the POK who are being referred to by the locals as the Taliban, meaning the Pashtun Taliban. In the past--in 1947-48 and in 1965-- the infiltration of the tribals was a prelude to a regular invasion by the Pakistan Army. This time, the objective of the infiltration seems to be to strengthen the claims of some non-governmental and governmental experts close to the administration of President Barack Obama, who have been saying that a solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should be the starting point of any effective fight against terrorism emanating from the Pakistani territory by the Pakistan Army.

TERRORISM

Captured ultra takes Taliban buzz out

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yed Moinullah Khan, a Pakistan-based militant who was arrested by the Indian Army, disclosed that militants operating in Jammu and Kashmir have no links with the Taliban. “People of Taliban are in Afghanistan and Pakistan. They don't come to this side. Each outfit a has separate training centre of their own. Nobody belongs to Taliban in this, they have their own training centre and setup and those organisations, which work in Kashmir have their own setup. These setups in Kashmir have nothing to do with the Taliban and they don't work along with the Taliban," Syed claimed. Syed, Hizbul Mujahideen terrorist, was brought before the media for the first time. Shah confessed how he received imparted intense training before infiltrating into India from the Gurez Sector along with 30 others. "I was trained in a jungle in a place called Mansehra in Jammu and Kashmir. There is a place named Sunar in the border area of Kashmir and we entered via that route. In totality there were people belonging to four terrorist organisations, who infiltrated Kashmir, including Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-eTaiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and PPR," Shah said. When asked about the motive behind him becoming a terrorist, Syed said, "Kashmiris come to Pakistan and claim that they are being illtreated, they are not given passports, the Indian Army has captured their houses and that they are misrespected. So they tell us to come along with weapons and we come here in the name of jihad. This is my motive behind becoming a terrorist." However, he added that on arriving he saw there was no kind of disrespect towards Muslims. "On arriving here, I realised that people are involved in their own work and I did not see any kind of restrictions in the lives of Kashmiris. Everyone is living their lives in full freedom and is doing their own work. There is no need of jihad as such over here," Shah said. Shah informed there was not a set target or mission for any outfit. "There was not set target or mission given to us. We were just sent to attack. It depends from the commanders as to where they send us and for what; we have no say in it. We have three types of training. One is for 21 days, one is for 30 days and the third one lasts for 3 months." Syed also informed that he had met the Hizbul Mujhahideen commander. "The commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, who came to Gurez Sector, to talk about jihad, from that time onwards I, wanted to get into this. I met that person and took the address of the training centre and landed myself there. The one who becomes a commander is the person who spends almost 4-5 years in the area," Syed added.

Epilogue Ø 11 × May 2009

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Campaign Trail DISCOURSE

BATTLE FIELD SRINAGAR

Hanging around same issues

Maulvi v/s

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aising the same issues in almost the same pitch in their election campaigns, the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are busy accusing each other of deceiving the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The rival parties are promising greater devolution of powers to the state through the autonomy slogan of the National Conference and the self-rule slogan of the PDP. 'They have copied our autonomy document and are now calling it selfrule which is meant to deceive the people,' says Farooq Abdullah, the National Conference president and former chief minister, who is contesting from Srinagar. Abdullah's long time political rival Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, the PDP patron, unequivocally criticises him. 'He (Abdullah) passed the autonomy resolution in the state assembly and then allowed it to be trashed by the central government in 2000. The National Conference has never been serious while fighting for the rights of the people here,' Sayeed said at a rally in south Kashmir's Anantnag district, a strong bastion of his party. Voters feel confused, says the editor of a leading daily newspaper here. 'They are confusing the voters on all fronts. But what the voter does would be known only after the results are out,' he said, not wishing to be identified. The rival parties also speak of withdrawal of armed forces from the populated areas and repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), but continue to blame each other for having done nothing concrete towards achieving this. 'We got an army camp removed from Bomai village near Sopore town within less than a month of coming to power. The PDP always made emotive issues of army withdrawal from populated areas, but actually did nothing on the ground to

achieve it,' senior National Conference leader Ali Mohammed Sagar said at an election meeting here. But PDP president Mehbooba Mufti holds the National Conference responsible for the invocation of the AFSPA in the state, which has since 1989 been battling terrorism which has left over 47,000 people dead. 'It is the National Conference which in the very first place got the AFSPA to Kashmir. Now they are talking of its repeal to deceive the voters,' Mehbooba Mufti told an election meeting of her party in Anantnag. The India-Pakistan peace process is another issue which tops the election campaign of the two parties in the valley. 'In our rule, there was a general sense of security among the people. The crossborder bus was started and the IndiaPakistan peace process began to ease tensions between the two neighbours,' Mehbooba Mufti said. The National Conference counters by saying very few people even today use the cross-border bus service to Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and the pace of cross-border trade between the two parts of Kashmir has not picked up at all. 'How many people have actually used the bus or traded goods across the border? These still remain photo opportunities which the PDP wants to encash,' said a senior National Conference leader here. Both parties are promising roads, healthcare, employment and economic packages to boost the valley's shattered economy. 'They (National Conference) didn't do it then, they shall not do it now,' said Mufti Sayeed. 'How much did he do during his tenure?' pat comes the retort from the National Conference's south Kashmir candidate Mirza Mehboob Beg.

Epilogue Ø 12 × May 2009

hen Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah bulldozed his political opponents with the Indira-Abdullah accord in 1975, his Plebiscite Front rebel Sofi Mohammad Akbar vanished into oblivion in hometown Sopore and the Jamaat-e-Islami veteran Syed Ali Shah Geelani had already neutralised his own image of a revolutionary leader by participating in the dubiously held Assembly elections of 1972, Shia Muslim cleric Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari had little competition to grab the opportunity of emerging as Sher-eKashmir's arch rival in Kashmir's political landscape. Over two other competitors---Shameem Ahmed Shameem and Abdul Gani Lone--Ansari had the advantage of hailing from the core of Central Kashmir as also being the spiritual leader of a sizable votebank. Thus, he qualified well for an attack by Sheikh's cubs while filing his nomination papers as an Independent candidate against Begum Akbar Jehan in February 1977. Maulvi had remained a Member of Legislative Council since 1973 but he shot into veritable prominence when National Conference (NC) jihadis roughed him up and snatched away his Qarraquli on occasion of filing his nomination for Srinagar-Budgam in the Lok Sabha elections of March 1977. Then widely circulated Srinagar Times carried one of Bashir Ahmed Bashir's popular cartoons on Ansari's headgear next day. In a few days, Ansari put up a 30,000-strong show on the spacious Gole Bagh--where High Court and Legislature Complexes came up years later---in front of the Civil Secretariat. He slammed Kashmir's legendary political icon with his loud roar and gave his widely revered spouse a tough fight. Still, he had to be content with just 87,000 votes

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Abdullah: Action Replay against Begum's whopping 2.10 Lakh. Alongwith all of his ilk---Maulana Masoodi, Ghulam Mohiuddin Qarra, Mirwaiz Farooq, Abdul Gani Lone etc etc---Ansari joined Murarji Desai's ruling Janata Party next month. At the end of an electrifying campaign in the Assembly elections of June 1977, only two of JP candidates---Lone in Handwara and the Mirwaiz-nominee Abdul Rashid Kabuli---were returned in the Valley as NC swept the polls. It was obviously in recognition of his defeating Ansari in Pattan that Sheikh Abdullah inducted Abdul Rashid Shaheen as a junior Minister in his government. As his vengeance refused to die down, Ansari successfully uprooted the NC candidate and romped home in Pattan in the Assembly elections of 1983. In league with his former patrons in Congress---notably Mufti Mohammad Sayeed--- he played a key role in engineering a split in NC, dismissing Farooq Abdullah as Chief Minister and getting Ghulam Mohammad Shah installed as head of the government in July 1984. In the backdrop of Rajiv-Farooq Accord, Ansari made a dramatic somersault and outsmarted all in the state politics in becoming Farooq Abdullah's bosom friend. This association showed spectacular resilience in surviving all kinds of hostile w e a t h e r. E v e n a s Ansari won as an Opposition Congress candidate in Pattan in 1996, Farooq Abdullah inducted him as a Minister in his Cabinet. In 2002 he was once again returned from Pattan, though NC lost the power to Mufti's PDP.

Nobody had an inkling of the split when Ansari made another dramatic turnaround and returned to his much abused detractor Mufti Sayeed's camp in 2005. He resigned as NC's MLA and contested the by-elections in 1996 but lost to Farooq Abdullah's brother, Dr Mustafa Kamal. In 2008, he, however, managed his victory from the same segment by defeating NC's Abdul Rashid Shaheen. Even as nobody from NC removed Ansari's Qarraqulli in ensuing polls his election fighting came full circle after 32 years in April 2009 when, for the first time, he jumped into the arena to directly take on Sheikh Abdullah's son, Farooq Abdullah. Still suffering the jolt of the defeat of the Assembly elections of 2008, PDP and Mufti are obviously banking on Ansari's sectarian base in Srinagar-Budgam in the current Lok Sabha elections. The Central Kashmir constituency of Srinagar-Budgam-Ganderbal has been NC's invincible bastion whether in power or in opposition. While Dr Farooq Abdullah scored his first victory here when nobody stood against him in the Lok Sabha elections of 1980, NC's Abdul Rasheed Kabuli slammed a crushing defeat on then Chief Minister Ghulam Mohammad Shah's son, Muzaffar Shah, in 1984. With all available resources, Shah got a paltry 61,000 votes against Kabuli's 2,64,000. Again in 1989, NC's Mohammad Shafi Bhat went uncontested. In 1996, Ghulam Mohammad Mir Magami, a Shia leader from Budgam district, managed a victory over JD's Farooq Andrabi with a margin of less than 2,000 votes, thanks to a sectarian divide in the low turnout polling. His real advantage was NC's absence from the Lok Sabha elections. Thereafter, NC's Omar Abdullah has continuously retained this all-important seat for his party in 1998, 1999 and 2004 elections.

Epilogue Ø 13 × May 2009

Even as NC lost some segments in the Assembly elections in 2002 and later PDP's Tariq Hameed Qarra dealt it the first major blow in Batmaloo in 2004-05, it has swept the polls fully in the Assembly elections of 2008 in Srinagar and lost only three of the 15 segments. In 1998, Congress candidate Aga Syed Mehdi (also an influential Shia leader) secured only 74,000 against Omar Abdullah's 1,45,000 votes. In 1999, then Independent Mehboba Mufti got just 18,000 votes in Srinagar-Budgam against Omar Abdullah's 55,000. And notwithstanding its loss of power in 2002 Assembly elections, NC's Omar Abdullah trounced PDP's Ghulam Nabi Lone Hanjoora with a margin of 23,000 votes. With the big fight unfolding between Farooq Abdullah and Maulvi Iftikhar, both have certain advantage in the current elections. PDP has managed to get back its estranged Shia leader, Aga Syed Mehmood, who has functioned as a Minister in Dr Abdullah's government for two terms, last fortnight. However, given his second successive defeat in Budgam, his base is no match to that of the NC MLA Aga Ruhulla who has been returned for his second term with a massive vote of nearly 20,000. Both have influence of varied proportions in five other segments of Shia base in Srinagar-Budgam. Even as Ansari is expected to get the lion's share of Shia vote, PDP can obviously find an advantage in nothing less than a turnout of around 20 to 25 percent as a sectarian divide could benefit it only in that situation. - AHMED ALI FAYYAZ

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CHANGE OF STRATEGY ?

By India, these Separatists Swear

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hampions of 'Azadi' in yesteryears, Sajjad Gani Lone and Ghulam Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi, are among 13 candidates of different political affiliations in fray in the North Kashmir Lok Sabha constituency of BaramullaKupwara while swearing by God to uphold India's sovereignty and integrity. Chairman of a faction of late Abdul Gani Lone's mainstream-turned-separatist Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Conference (PC), Sajjad Lone, took oath in the name of God for bearing true faith in the Constitution of India and upholding the sovereignty and integrity of this country. After PC's 19-year-long struggle for Kashmir's 'Azadi' (freedom from India) and seven years after his father's assassination over the speculations of his participation in the Assembly elections of 2002, Sajjad Lone has finally stood up as a candidate in the Indian Parliamentary elections in Jammu & Kashmir. In a news conference on April 11th, Sajjad had announced his participation in the elections with his argument that Kashmir's separatist leadership could not afford to continue as a slave of its ostrich-like stand on the democratic exercise in which majority of the Kashmiris had participated by choice. He had, nevertheless, sought to justify it as “a change in strategy” and claimed that his ideology (of Azadi) was not going to change. Interestingly, Sajjad had outsmarted all of the Kashmiri separatist leaders and taken the lead role in running the anti-election campaign in an attempt to ensure “total boycott” to the Assembly elections in October-December 2008. However, in total rejection of the separatist leadership's call, nearly 61

percent people participated in the Assembly elections in J&K---71% in Jammu and 51% in Kashmir valley. Sajjad's own sister, advocate Shabnam Lone, as also a senior ideologue in the PC, Engineer Sheikh Abdul Rasheed, contested the Assembly elections from Kupwara and Langet segments respectively. Even as Ms Lone lost to the NC candidate, Mir Saifullah, Engineer Rasheed defeated all of his rivals including NC's incumbent, Sharief-ud-din Shariq, and PDP's former MLA, Mohammad Sultan Panditpuri. Those who have earlier deserted late Mr Lone's PC and become MLAs or MLCs

Epilogue Ø 14 × May 2009

in the last over two decades include Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari, Muzaffar Hussain Baig, Nizam-ud-din Bhat, Abdul Haq Khan, late Bilal Lodhi (all PDP), Mohammad Akbar Lone (NC) and former Forest Minister Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Sofi. Sofi was among over a dozen members of PC who had contested Assembly elections of 2002 and came to be widely known as Sajjad's “proxy candidates”. It was Sofi's and his other colleagues' participation in the elections that caused the first split in Hurriyat in 2003 when hardliner Syed Ali Shah Geelani took a tough stand and sought PC's ouster from the amalgam.

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ELECTIONS 2009 Creation of the Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar factions in Hurriyat was the result of this particular development. A prominent constituent of the separatist conglomerate, Hurriyat Conference, since 1993, PC has been struggling for J&K's separation from India and creation of an Independent, sovereign state. Al-Barq came to be known as PC's “guerrilla wing” in 1990 as most of its cadres had been late Mr Lone's associates. Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked bitter reaction from several militant and separatist political groups, his elder brother, Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing as Chairman of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat (Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003.

Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked bitter reaction from several militant and separatist political groups, his elder brother, Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing as Chairman of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat (Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003. Those who filed their nomination papers in Baramulla today, included Ghulam Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi of J&K Awami National Conference (ANC), who had operated as a senior commander with Hizbul Mujahideen for several years before his historic meeting with then Home Minister of India, S B Chauhan, in March 1996. A resident of Diver Anderbug village of Lolab valley in Kupwara district, Rahi was functioning as Hizbul Mujahideen's “Deputy Chief” when he had initiated a dialogue process with the Goverenment of India alongwith nine other militant leaders, notably late Bilal Lodhi (then Chief Commander of Al-Barq), Firdaus Sayeed alias Babar Baddar (then Chief Commander of Muslim Janbaz Force) and a Muslim Mujahideen leader, late Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Lone. Rahi had later participated in the Assembly elections of 2002 from his home segment of Kupwara but got only 366 out of 34,093 valid votes polled in the constituency. Firdaus Sayeed was inducted as MLC when he joined Dr Farooq Abdullah's NC. However, he has not remained associated with any party politics after his term ended several years back. - AHMED ALI FAYYAZ

Ladakh's smallest and highest polling stations

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he 4- Ladakh Parliamentary constituency, comprising of Leh and Kargil districts, is going to poll in the last phase of Lak Saba elections on May 13th 2009. A total of 1,52,391 voters would exercise their franchise in the forthcoming Lok Saba Election in Ladakh of which 74,475 are male voters, 73,922 are female voters and 3,924 service voters. According to the Returning Officer, 4-Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency, Mr. Ajeet Kumar Sahu, 239 Polling stations have been set up in Leh district while as 237 Polling stations established for Kargil district. Polling Station No: 157Chuchot Gongma having 1324 voters is the largest polling stations and Polling station No: 171 Thukjey Gonpa having only 6 voters is the smallest polling station of Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency. The Polling Station No: 181Anlay Fu situated at a height of 15,000 ft above sea level is the highest polling station of this constituency. The Kargil Assembly segment has 57,105 voters with 28,629 male, 28,476 female voters and 348 service voters. Likewise, the Zanskar Assembly Segment has 20,397 voters including 10,258 male voters, 10,139 female voters and 259 service voters. Similarly, Leh Assembly Segment has 62,504 voters including 30,281 male voters, 29,566 female voters and 2657 service voters. The Nubra Segment has total of 12,373 voters which include 5,909 male voters, 5,804 female voters and 660 service voters. For Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency 158 Polling Stations set up in Kargil, 79 Polling Stations in Zanskar, 183 Polling Stations in Leh and 56 Polling Stations in Nubra segment. Sources say that 7 Polling Stations in Karigl Segment would be covered through Helicopter service, 7 Polling Stations in Zanskar segment and 6 Polling Stations in Leh segment would be provided Helicopter service to lift Polling Staff and Polling Materials. In case of non clearance of Kargil Padum road, Elections materials and Polling staff for 49 Polling Stations of Zanskar segment would be airlifted. From Kargil, likewise in the case of non clearance of road another 6 Polling Stations of Leh segment would also be provided Helicopter service.

Epilogue Ø 15 × May 2009

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Opinion

Politics: from streets to ballots We must tolerate the change of hearts Separatist leader Sajjad Lone's participation in the ensuing Lok Sabha (Indian Parliament) elections in Jammu and Kashmir may have raised many eyebrows but it should be seen as a welcome step towards better way of understanding and achieving goals. The political space Sajjad will get after the results, would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting.

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SUSHMA MAHAJAN Author is a Research Scholar at University of Jammu

hen Peoples Conference leader Sajjad Lone, son of widely respected moderate separate late Abdul Ghani Lone filed nomination papers for BaramullaKupwara Lok Sabha segments, it was like politics of streets, ultimately, coming to the politics of ballot. Afterreactions should never be, in any way, a reflection of the pattern followed by co- separatists and others including the Centre and the State Government during the days of Plebiscite Front (1955-1975). It was a group led by Ali Mohammad Naik –the general secretary of the Plebiscite Front, Kh. Mubarak Shah, Haji Subhan, Ghulam Mohd. Bhat who broke away from the party and successfully contested the state assembly elections of 1967. Ali Mohd. Naik and Ghulam Mohd. Bhat were the members of working committee of the Plebiscite Front. The total number of the expelled group was 40 (members) and the leader of the expelled group had expressed hope of the revision in the stand of rank and file of the Plebiscite Front vis-a- vis elections. Others breaking away from the party were Abdul Rashid Kabli, Shabbir

Epilogue Ø 16 × May 2009

Masoodi, Afzal Haq, Ghulam Qadir and Mir from Pulwama. According to Ali Mohammad Naik, only question of boycotting or contesting elections was whether the party members should take oath of Indian Constitution or not. The plea in favour of contesting the elections, in words of Ali Mohammad Naik was that the party leadership should not hesitate taking oath or allegiance to the Indian Constitution considering the historical fact that the leadership –Mohammad Afzal Beg –when did not hesitate to take the oath of allegiance to the Maharaja during days of diarchic system, then, why to hesitate to do the same few years later? The Plebiscite Front leadership in fact, had condemned the contesting of elections as 'contrary to the fundamental principle of the Front' and had 'exhorted those who had any idea of entering the election arena, to revise their decision and keep away from elections. It was only by boycotting the elections that Indian Government. be made to understand that Kashmiris demanded an urgent solution to the' future status of Kashmir'. But

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apprehending more cracks in the party arising out of the 'once for all' attitude on the part of the leadership and after being convinced of the futility of boycotting the elections, the Plebiscite Front decided to contest the elections to 'prove to the world how popular the Plebiscite Front was in Kashmir' It may be noted that it was after the collapse of the civil authority in Pakistan that Beg announced at a press conference in Srinagar that the Plebiscite Front would reconsider its decision to boycott elections if dates were extended by three months in 1969. But the election commission turned down the request. 'An election within the framework of the Constitution', po i n t e d o u t t h e commission in its reply to Beg, 'cannot be used as a device to subvert that constitution. A candidate who has made and subscribed an oath of allegiance to the constitution to uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India, and the party by whom he has been set up, cannot constitutionally, legally and morally say or do anything in the course of an election campaign and propagate which may tend to disrupt the sovereignty and integrity. It was however, on June 14, 1969 that the Plebiscite Front declared formally that it would take part in elections. In the subsequent presidential poll of August 1969, the Front members took a different stand and announced their decision to participate in the elections. But, the Front sought to introduce extraneous issues and raised religious slogans to disrupt the age-old unity of villages whereby several Front leaders and supporters sought to intimidate their opponents through violence and rowdyism. And the results show that the Front lost heavily to the Congress. Of 2361 seats for which

contests were held, the congress secured 61.5 percent, the Front 27.2 percent and others three percent. In the uncontested seats numbering 2309, the Congress got 73.9 %; the Front 23.9 % and others 2.3% When Indira Gandhi dissolved Parliament in December 1970 and called for elections in March 1971. Sheikh Mohd.Abdullah decided to stand and advised the Plebiscite Front to contest the elections. When he was about to leave New Delhi for Srinagar on 8 January 1971, a bomb was allegedly

The political space Sajjad will get after the results, would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting. discovered on his plane and the flight was cancelled. The next day, he and Afzal Beg were served orders prohibiting them from entering Jammu and Kashmir. Then the Plebiscite Front was declared unlawful; many of its members were arrested and offices were closed. To make doubly sure, the State Assembly passed a law declaring that members of the Front could not stand for elections. With no opposition in the field, the Congress did well in Kashmir, helping Indira Gandhi to gain a two-thirds majority in Parliament The ban on his entering Kashmir was lifted in June, well after the elections were over. The Congress government did not want to take risk considering the bad

Epilogue Ø 17 × May 2009

plight the Congress supported candidate had to face at the hands of the Plebiscite Front supported- Shamim Ahmad Shamim-as independent candidate during Parliamentary elections a year ago. The nomination papers filed by the supporters of the Plebiscite Front were rejected on the ground that they were 'anti-national'. But the 'expelled group' of the Plebiscite Front had six nominees in the field. A few candidates enjoying the support of the Plebiscite Front contested the elections. This included Mirza Arif Beg; a close relation of the President of the outlawed Front, Afzal Beg, Mufti Mehraj-ud- din and aged Syed Afzal Jalali. Even the party was reported to have stretched clandestine support to the Jamaat-eIslami candidates. The fact, however, cannot be denied that the local papers had carried last minute appeals from Mirza Mohd Afzal Beg and Ghulam Mohd Shah for 'non-involvement in the elections which went unheeded Although, the Plebiscite Front could not participate formally in any of the elections the state conducted, its massive victory in the civic polls gave legitimacy o the stand of the Front that it had stronghold over the minds of Kashmiri people. The political space Sajjad will get after the results, would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting. The amalgam of Hurriyat Conference including both 'the moderates' and 'the extremists' and the political representatives of different streams should learn to tolerate his step in the right direction. Violence is never a tool to resolve any issue.

AS SOR T ED

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J&K Moving Forward

J&K Moving Forward …but there are Wheels within Wheels ZAFAR CHOUDHARY Towards lasting peace and stability in Jammu and Kashmir, it is very important to move forward and keep moving on. But which way to move is the most important question. The official establishment often gets complacent by leaving things around status quo as the best possible way of moving (in fact, not moving, at all) forward. This approach has proved most perilous. There is a fresh and live example which strongly suggests all the reasons for concerted, serious and sustained engagement on Kashmir. In 2007 and till early 2008, Jammu and Kashmir appeared close to any of the most peaceful, progressing and politically stable places in India or anywhere else –militant violence lowest in 20 years, senior separatists and Pakistan's leadership talking of creative and out-of-box solutions, dozens of second rung separatists formally joining the mainstream ranks in view of upcoming assembly elections, lakhs of domestic and foreign tourists overcrowding the hotels and meadows of Valley, chieftains of Indian industry rushing in huge investment proposals –with all these developments, the Kashmir policy desks (wherever they are) had enough reasons to have the course of bilateral dialogue between New Delhi and Islamabad nearly abandoned or slowed down and those elements in Kashmir (and elsewhere) who believe there is a conflict, isolated. The peaceful and promising political environment in Jammu and Kashmir literally suggested a lull before the storm. But it all crumbled at the spur of a moment. A small and completely misunderstood administrative order on a piece of land (for a Hindu shrine) had the State on fire as much as the United Nations Secretary General remarked: “we are watching the situation with concern”. (For years all diplomatic energies are pumped in to prevent such statements.) The distance between New Delhi and Kashmir appeared longest of the history and the gulf between Srinagar and Jammu, perhaps, widest ever. Keen observers of Kashmir expressed their fears, in newspaper columns and TV debates, of Valley slipping out of (Indian) hands and Jammu replaying holocaust of 1947. As a 'deeply concerned' Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rushed in an all-party team of top Indian political leaders to pacify the situation (which they were not able to) there was a sudden realisation that conflict in Jammu and Kashmir was much more serious than viewed at from policy desks. Moving forward is therefore most important for peace in South Asian region and effectively tacking the scourge of terrorism also.

Epilogue Ø 18 × May 2009

AS SOR T ED

IDEAS

J&K Moving Forward

Kashmir issue: Any definitions

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t wont be an overstatement to say that Kashmir conflict is today one of the most complex living conflicts in the world. And what makes it more dangerous is the official conflict resolution mechanism which overlooks a range of dimensions while engaging in one aspect. As a result the offshoots of

the main problem keep on assuming dangerous proportions. Civil society engagements have not brought any significant results for two reasons: the civil society institutions are not very vibrant in J&K and wherever they are, the engagements and discourses are sub-regional specific while the fact is that Jammu and Kashmir is a mosaic of multi-cultures and multi-aspirations where differences in opinions and aspirations run deep into blood. Taking a ringside view shows Jammu and Kashmir a large homogenous mass embroiled in a historical conflict. At a closer look one gets to see a multitude of conflicts within the region. Looking at Kashmir issue only in context of partition of India and related events from 1947 to 1952 will not serve as any guide to the understanding of issues in the present environment. At the time of division, there was a princely State comprised of several sub-regions having little in common with each other but strongly knit together under Maharaja's autocratic and sole authority. Post-division, these

Epilogue Ø 19 × May 2009

regions shaped into five –Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh (on Indian side) and Pakistan administered Kashmir and Federally Administered Northern Areas (on Pakistani side). Over past six decades aspirations and identities have shaped in a definite manner and adopted rigidity. The state response and approaches too have remained different to individual areas on both sides. What can be seen as an important aspect of the dangerous complexity of Kashmir issue is the fact that there are at least five sets of well shaped up opinions and aspirants and may be five times more loosely knit stands –all rigid and driven by own reasons. Kashmir conflict is not limited to the Kashmir Valley alone. There is no way of looking at the conflict by seeing just one or two of the five regions in isolation. It is the question of ultimate destiny of all five regions; the level of sufferings in one region may though be more or lesser than the other. For arriving at an understanding of Kashmir issue so as move for a course of reconciliation it is important to know the dominant aspirations. This is the most difficult part. There may be some elements of shared interests between Kashmir Valley on Indian side and Pakistan administered Kashmir on the other side but this is not what the other three regions –Jammu, Ladakh a n d FA N A – a g r e e w i t h . A n y majoritarian solution based on the dominant aspirations in any particular region will find resistance from the others. Things can be easily understood on the Pakistani side but there is a dangerously complex subregional scenario on the Indian side which is largely dealt with in this article to understand deep running

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differences between three regions.

Perceptions and Sensitivities

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ourism is one of the mainstays of Jammu and Kashmir economy and a majority of tourists are actually pilgrims (visiting two leading Hindu shrines of the country) who break off to the hills and slopes after paying obeisance at the shrines. Months of summers see an increased influx of tourists as lakhs from the Indian mainland head towards Jammu and Kashmir to escape the summer heats. It has often been seen in the months of June and July when temperature in Jammu is usually between 42 and 46 Degrees Celsius and in Valley it is well below 30 Degrees Celsius the tourists take out warmer clothes as they reach closer to Jammu knowing little that Jammu in this season is as hot as any other part of Indian mainland is. This is how Jammu and Kashmir is known to a majority beyond its boundaries. Geography and whether apart, people outside have very little knowledge of the emotional diversities. A peep inside tells a different story. Two years back when first shopping mall came up in Jammu, it was named as 'Kashmir Square'. The idea was to attract a part of the average daily influx of around 30,000 pilgrim tourists who come to visit the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine. Around same time a first ethnic Kashmiri restaurant came up in the town which was named as Kashir Lounge. Last year when Amarnath land row agitation broke out, the Kashmir Square owner had to rename his mall as 'City Square' and the Kashmir Lounge has been renamed as 'Jammu and Kashmir Lounge'. Movement is still on for changing name of 'Radio Kashmir', the official broadcaster and the last thing named after Kashmir where Jammu is

not there as prefix. What should be the exact framework of seeking a resolution of the Kashmir issue? Should it (the formula and solution) come from New Delhi and Islamabad or the people of Jammu and Kashmir? India and Pakistan deciding the destiny of Jammu and Kashmir in one of their ongoing closed door meetings can never resolve anything. Of course it has to be worked out by New Delhi and Islamabad but a way forward has to come from the people of Jammu and Kashmir. And a solution coming from Jammu and Kashmir can be a 'Jammu Formula', a 'Kashmir Formula' or a 'Ladakh Formula' as in the given regional differences it cant be a formula for resolving Jammu and Kashmir which is endorsed by any significant number of people in all regions. People in three regions of the State (on India side) do not look at anything with the same angle. In November 2002, a new government in Jammu and Kashmir headed by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed convened first session of the legislative assembly. Muzaffar Hussain, the new Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs, grabbed all attention of legislators and press with his eloquent speeches laced with deep sense of history and vision. In an atmosphere of pin-drop silence in the House, Legislators would love to listen to Baig with rapt attention and end up convinced with his arguments 'for the moment'. Such was the prowess of Law Minister's oratory skills backed with knowledge. That was Baig's first experience in legislative assembly. An Oxford graduate, Baig was until then a leading a lawyer at the Supreme Court of India. As he would often refer to the approaches of Nehru and Patel (Sardar Vallabh Bhai, first Indian Home Minister)

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to underline sensitivity of Kashmir issue, few members from Jammu could not resist interrupting him as they lodged a strong protest with the Speaker. “This is not Kashmir Assembly. Why is the Minister obsessed with Kashmir? He should properly name the state as Jammu and Kashmir”, lamented the members. “I correct myself, honourable Spaeaker”, said a taken aback Baig as he continued his speech with an added emphasis on 'Jammu' while referring to Jammu and Kashmir State. A little later in the hour, a member from Nobra constituency, sitting in the last row, invited Baig's attention to Ladakh. Seven years down the line, Baig is found getting extracautious while talking about Kashmir or Kashmir issue. Now he always says the State of 'Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh'. Differences between three regions of the state on Indian side of Line of Control are much deeper than this. Jammu and Kashmir is perhaps a classic case of wheels within the wheels.

Issues and Engagements

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hen Prime Minister Manmohan Singh convened third roundtable conference on Jammu and Kashmir (first two were held in 2006) on April 24, 2007 to discuss the recommendations of the Working Groups constituted by him, the separatists and many others trashed the whole exercise. They had a reason to do so. The people who sat with the Prime Minister around the roundtable were all those who, more or less, endorse New Delhi's view point on Kashmir. There was no voice from those who have reservations with the present system and have sought to challenge the same on various grounds. The exercise without participation of separatists can be described as incomplete but not

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meaningless. Interesting were the view points when recommendations of four of the five working groups made public. "Eyewash", this is the one word most of the Kashmir experts and the people who have reservation with the system used to describe voluminous reports. They are right in doing so. The most important of the five working groups studying the Center-State relations is yet to submit its report to the Prime Minister. The four working groups which have finalised the reports have nothing specific in their recommendations which can become part of the larger Kashmir solution. There is nothing at all which can satisfy, even by a smaller extent, the separatists or Pakistan on Kashmir resolution. A document which does not address the larger political issue is often trashed. However, seen with the eye of a common man, the working groups, perhaps, have been the first ever organised study to understand the prevailing issues which concern the majority in Jammu and Kashmir. Even though many of the issues have not been dealt with deeply and implementation of the recommendations still can be seen with doubt (as recommendations of many empowered groups are still gathering dust) an analysis of the smaller but serious problems have for the first time taken shape of an official document for consideration at the highest level.

Alternative Understanding

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he problem in Jammu and Kashmir has often been described as the one with two dimensions: internal and external. Having understood that the conflict involving Kashmir is live and present, now is perhaps the time to understand that it is

a three dimensional issue: With External, Federal and Internal dimensions. The External dimension involves the engagement between New Delhi and Islamabad, inter alia Pakistan's diplomatic offensive, export of the elements of terrorism into Jammu and Kashmir, covert as well as overt political support to separatist sentiments in Valley, lobbying in Islamic world etc. The Federal dimension, which is often described as international dimension as situation actually prevailing within Jammu and Kashmir is grossly ignored, is about the spirit of the instrument of accession, autonomous status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, provisions of the Article 370 of the Constitution of India, Delhi Agreement of 1952 and Indira Sheikh Agreement of 1974/75. The third, most critical and continuously ignored aspect of the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir is its internal dimension. In fact the peoples are continuously in conflict among themselves and with the state.

Regional and subregional unrest

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t will be no exaggeration to say that the regional conflict within Jammu and Kashmir is far more serious than the level of conflict between state and the centre. Even after the State of Jammu and Kashmir is granted greater autonomy as advocated by the largest political party of the state -the National Conference or Self Rule as demanded by the Peoples Democratic Party the conflict will not end. Rather, settling the power conflict between New Delhi and Srinagar will bring to the fore the underlying conflicts among the regions

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and sub regions. Jammu and Kashmir is comprised of three distinct regions clearly identified and separated on the basis of geography, topography, demography, culture, language and aspirations. The most unique region in this state -Ladakh has never been at ease with Kashmir and therefore a demand for separation from Jammu and Kashmir and independent status of Union Territory has been there since 1947. The movement for separation from Jammu and Kashmir state and creation of a Union Territory reached a all time high in 2002, when Leh units of all political parties were unanimously dissolved and the local leadership cutting across the ideological and party affiliation formed the Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF). The LUTF candidates won assembly elections unopposed and uncontested as there was complete unanimity for the creation of Union Territory. In a bid to arrest the sentiment of separation from Jammu and Kashmir, the state government, in consultation with New Delhi, empowered the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) to the extent that LAHDC Chief Executive has more financial powers than the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. A classic case of a "State within a State". The J&K CM has authority of sanctioning a project or contingency to the upper limit of Rs two crores. But that too has to be ratified by the cabinet when it meets next. However, the LAHDC chief has the powers to sanction a project of Rs five crore without any administrative approval from the state government. With this huge empowerment and political concession it was thought that the sentiment of separation from the state has been arrested. Interestingly the LAHDC administration and the LUTF

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leadership says that empowerment of the LAHDC is the first step towards creation of Union Territory for Ladakh. This throws an important question on the regional and sub-regional conflict. Ladakh region again is comprised of two distinct areas identified as two different districts and administered by two different authorities. LAHDC-Leh and LAHDC-Kargil. It is only the Budhist dominated Leh district which is spearheading the demand for Union Territory. The Shia Muslim dominated Kargil district has been opposing this vehemently. Both districts together constitute the Himalayan cold desert of Ladakh, they remain isolated from rest of the country for nearly eight months a year due to hostile whether and geographical conditions but people from each entity do not see each other eye to eye for their differences on the Union Territory status. The third distinct region and country's gateway to Jammu and Kashmir -the Jammu region comprising six districts has always opposed autonomy and is now protesting against the demand of self rule. In this region, for several decades there has been campaign against autonomy and a demand for abrogation of Article 370 of the constitution of India through which Jammu and Kashmir enjoys special powers in the Indian Union. However, since mid 1990s, voices are being raised in Jammu region for a separate statehood. A Jharkhand type of movement is taking shape here with the formation of parties and groups like Jammu Mukti Morcha, Jammu and Kashmir Nationalist Front and Jammu Statehood Front. The BJP and its allied groups are fully supporting such movements.

too sharp. Cutting across the political and ideological differences, there is a strong movement in Doda district for creation of Chenab Valley Autonomous Hill Development Council. The twin frontier districts of Rajouri and Poonch too have been campaigning for separate development council as the fruits of infrastructure and industrial development are concentrated around the capital cities of Jammu and Srinagar alone. As already explained above, if three distinct regions of the state do not find a common ground with each other, the conflict can never find a resolution.

Identity and Cultural Conflict

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or understanding Jammu and Kashmir the identities and aspirations will have to be understood first. The discourse of separatist politics exists only in parts of Kashmir valley while the state extends to vast regions of Jammu and Ladakh as

The conflict at the sub-regional level is

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well. Issues and aspirations in Jammu and Ladakh regions have never been the same as those in Kashmir Valley. Therefore, there has to be a different treatment for different identities. The kind of identity crisis and ethnic conflict that prevails in Jammu and Kashmir is arguable nowhere else in the country. There are five major cultural and linguistic identities in the state Kashmiri Muslims, Hindu Dogras, Gujjar Muslims, Pahari Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits and Budhists. In a population of ten millions, the Kashmiri speaking Muslims constitute less than one third. Ironically in the political description at national and international level every one belonging to Jammu and Kashmir is described as a 'Kashmiri'. In this backdrop there is a strong movement for identity across the state, as people in Jammu and Ladakh refuse to identify their interests and aspirations with Kashmir alone. Then there is a serious identity conflict between Gujjars and Paharis of Jammu region and two

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districts of Kashmir Valley -Baramulla and Kupwara. Caste based and ethnic conflict has become an order of the day in these areas. The list of identity conflict here is not exhaustive as there are other smaller conflicts also. Different ethnic and cultural groups in Jammu and Kashmir have their own definite identities and aspirations. The separatist sentiment, that now has not only the national but also international concerns, prevails among a particular cultural and linguistic group that does not make the majority. With a focus on this particular sentiment, the aspirations of the majority are not only completely ignored but they are also not recognised and identified. This trend has a potential for alienation among those who form the mainstream groups and such alienation is now showing. Thus, there is an imminent need of making a detailed account of all ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities in Jammu and Kashmir, discuss their issues and aspirations. Recognition of different identities will help understand the core issues and can actually simplify the process of conflict resolution.

Denial of Powers to People at Grassroots

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lienation of masses from the mainstream system has its roots always in the denial of democratic rights. A denial of right to franchise to some in Kashmir valley makes the protest audible at international level. But looking deeper, it comes out that the State has no mechanism at all for involving people in a democratic decision making process. There is a big distance between the State and the people. Left unattended,

this accumulating dissidence can rupture for the worst. A major cause of discontent in Jammu and Kashmir is the centralisation of powers and administrative authority. While Srinagar's unease with New Delhi over more autonomy has been an evident "struggle" for fifty years but little is known about the quantum of power the State shares with the people. In fact, the majority in Jammu and Kashmir has no role at all in the development process. At present, Jammu and Kashmir presents the worst case of extermination of grassroots institutions of governance. For example, the Panchayats were dissolved in 1977 as the government wanted to empower them through a constitutional amendment and therefore fresh elections were proposed to be held. That process could not take place for next 24 years. It was in 2000-2001 that National Conference government headed by Dr Farooq Abdullah conducted the Panchayat elections. It is important to note here that the despite state-wide violence, killing of over a hundred political activists and chopping off the ears and noses of eight women who were contesting the elections, the Panchayat polls held after a staggering gap of 24 years saw massive public participation. Such huge public participation and enthusiasm underlined the urges and aspirations for restoration of powers to the people through grassroots democratic institutions of governance. Ironically, however, seven years down the line, the Panchayats were never formally constituted and powers were never devolved to the democratically elected bodies. This can be seen as derailment of democracy and has created deep alienation among the masses.

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The mainstream political leadership in Jammu and Kashmir, from time to time, has underlined the need of restoration of greater autonomy, which means devolution of more powers from New Delhi to Srinagar as a means of conflict resolution. But if conflict has to be resolved honestly, this power, or the existing powers, need to travel to the people in regions and sub-regions from Srinagar. If power remains concentrated in few hands, as it is today, the conflicts will never be resolved.

Moving Forwards

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espite all the historical differences and conflicts of opinion, there are strong basis for moving forward. The framework of moving forward has to be evolved like climbing a ladder. Instead of jumping to the top for an eventual fall down, the need is to make well defined steps from the bottom. The first step can be initiation of dialogue at the regional level and resolution of those smaller issues which do not have to be necessarily put to final resolution of Kashmir issue. Dialogue between Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh regions in first phase and the Pakistan administered Kashmir and Northen Areas in the subsequent phase is important for treating Jammu and Kashmir as a single entity with shared aspirations. Until these distinct regions draw closer, settle their differences and agree to operate as equal partners, there will never be a stable basis upon which relations with rest of India, or on other side of the Line of Control, can be satisfactorily tackled. More than it is required between New Delhi and Islamabad; there is an urgent need of a sustainable dialogue between all five regions of Jammu and Kashmir. To begin with, there should a multi-level

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A framework for Conflict Resolution in Kashmir The Kashmir situation deserves consistent and concerted engagement to gradually contain and ultimately eradicate the cycle of the political violence perpetrated by the state authorities and the militants. Building peace in Kashmir will enhance regional stability and help address the conditions that incubate terrorism.

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ike many other protracted conflicts in the world, the conflict in Kashmir has taken almost every possible dimension. The long history as well as the ethnic, linguistic, religious and geographical diversity of the stakeholders living in various regions of the disputed territory make it difficult to comprehensively capture the complexity of the Kashmir issue. From a conflict resolution point of view, however, there are certain bigger aspects that are fundamental to the contemporary analysis of Kashmir and therefore must form the basis of any framework of peacebuilding in this region. For the reasons of brevity, this article briefly outlines some of these aspects below:

TAHIR AZIZ Author is a consultant with conciliation Resources based in London. He originally belongs to Pakistan administered Kashmir.

Noviolence as a political tool: All stakeholders must realize that the use of violence has not worked in Kashmir. It has in fact brought more miseries. The only way forward in resolving Kashmir is through a nonviolent approach. Until and unless the protagonists completely reject violence as a political tool, any hope for peace will remain elusive. The rejection of violence and pursuing political goals through peaceful negotiations and

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processes are the principles that are equally applicable to Kashmiris and the governments of India and Pakistan. An inclusive framework: The stakeholders in Kashmir – broadly the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the states of India and Pakistan - are yet to articulate a broader framework that accommodates diversified and competing claims. In other words there is a need in Kashmir for a common moral vision. This does not mean that all should agree on one particular political solution, rather it means that the process of achieving differing political aspirations in Kashmir should be inclusive and democratic, where diverse groups feel that they have equal opportunities for achieving their desired goals. Non-zero-sum understanding: People of Jammu and Kashmir need to realize that in order to achieve their political aspirations they need the support of the people of India and Pakistan. In other words the resolution of the Kashmir issue should not be seen at the expense of the interests of the Indians and Pakistanis. It should be a win-win for all.

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Faith in internally-driven change: This is by far the most important aspect that needs constant emphasis. It is a wide held perception among Kashmiris that the situation will only change when Pakistan and India will change it or when the world powers (especially the U.S.) will facilitate this change. While the importance of all these actors cannot be overlooked, the truth is that more than anybody else Kashmiris are fundamentally relevant to their situation and hence it is they who need to have the confidence of initiating and leading a change to their problems. But this understanding of public peace activism is not meant here to undermine the primacy of the official peace process between India and Pakistan; it must be seen in the spirit of complementing these official talks. The insights from contemporary peace processes show that sustainable peace can only be achieved through involving wide sections of society, thus broadening public stake in the peace process. This is because, quite often, when the agreements transpire after the official peace negotiations, that mostly take place in a secret and closed-door environment, the public masses watch in a daze of disbelief as they learn of the concessions their leaders have made which they, the constituency, will be obliged to fulfil. While the leadership is highly involved in the creation of shared space (sometimes having years of confidential talks to adjust to the idea of cooperation with “the enemy”), the people are expected to shift instantaneously from a mentality of defensive victim to peace-loving citizen. The Kashmir situation deserves consistent and concerted engagement

to gradually contain and ultimately eradicate the cycle of the political violence perpetrated by the state authorities and the militants. Building peace in Kashmir will enhance regional stability and help address the conditions that incubate terrorism. The above mentioned principles seem easy on paper but their practical achievement is a gigantic task. However, the overall situation basically

The insights from contemporary peace processes show that sustainable peace can only be achieved through involving wide sections of society, thus broadening public stake in the peace process. This is because, quite often, when the agreements transpire after the official peace negotiations, that mostly take place in a secret and closed-door environment, the public masses watch in a daze of disbelief as they learn of the concessions their leaders have made which they, the constituency, will be obliged to fulfil. points to one thing: without a broader vision and without change in people's hearts and minds, peace is not possible in Kashmir. Fundamental change in the approach of all stakeholders (the Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians) is necessary to incrementally achieve peace in Kashmir. There is no simple magic that can make the whole situation change and bring about a political settlement to the Kashmir

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conflict. In other words, the stakeholders will need to get empowered with a vision of making the change possible. Nothing can be more relevant to capturing this vision than the civil society in Kashmir.

Now Telling The J&K Stories

Epilogue because there is more to know

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Revisiting General Musharaf's Ideas

Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir

General Musharaf's formulations on Kashmir need to be studied in the proper context of global architecture of power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11. It also needs to be analyzed in the context of changing power dynamics in South Asia.

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Dr. GUL MOHAMMAD WANI Author is a Political Scientist teaching in the department of Political Science University of Kashmir

his year's theme at 8th India Today Conclave was “Challenges of Change”. General Musharaff former President of Pakistan, in his dinner keynote address spoke on “The LOC must be torn down like the Berlin wall”. He believed that 21st century is the century for Asia but the question is can we South-Asians be part of it? He attributed his pessimism to continued India-Pakistan hostility. He felt confident that we moderates must guide the events and not allow extremists to create obstacles in the way of peace. We have to head for a solution on Kashmir. I had given a formula which could form the basis for moving forward and taking it towards a solution. It is in this sense that a need is felt to revisit his formulations after General Musharaff has vacated the political scene in Pakistan. Needless to mention all conflict resolution formulations in any part of the world are contextual and grounded in existing realities. The Jammu and Kashmir constitutes no political exception. When dogs from different neighborhoods meet they smell each others tail. India and Pakistan have done it so often in the post-partition era. One of the great puzzles of India – Pakistan relations is not why smaller

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Pakistan feels insecure but why the larger India does so. Prof. Stephen Cohen – widely respected expert on South-Asia argues that the world's most intractable disputes are psychologically paired minority conflicts. It is only for this reason that earlier on in a seminar on South-Asia in the University of Kashmir; I had argued that South – Asia needs to be looked at more as region of regions rather than as a region of states. Regions are more natural and historically more deeply planted. The state–centric paradigm with excessive obsession with national interest has vandalized the social and economic life of the people of sub-continent in particular and that of South–Asia in general. General Musharaf's formulations on Kashmir need to be studied in the proper context of global architecture of power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11. It also needs to be analyzed in the context of changing power dynamics in South Asia. The formulations also evolved in a bilateral context. The composite dialogue began and back channel diplomacy was in operation. In April 2005 Delhi summit declared peace process as irreversible. Further the unilateral cease fire was declared on

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the line of control. In a way these formulations were also the by–products of Indian states inflexibility purely because of the fact that India has never suffered defeat on the Jammu and Kashmir issue. This notwithstanding the fact that Indian state's moral position is seriously compromised on Kashmir. In a fundamental way Khan Gaffar Khan's set of questions raised earlier after India's independence are as provoking today as these were then. He wanted to know as to “whether Indian leadership has fulfilled all the promises it made to the people of Kashmir and also whether people of Kashmir have abided by the promises they made to India”. In the immediate analysis what had prompted General Musharaf to put forth the set of formulations on Kashmir is to look for an explanation both within and without South Asia. South Asia and more particularly indo-Pak equation is a strategic microcosm of clash of emotions. In the contemporary world order the western world displays a culture of fear, the Arab and Muslim world are trapped in a culture of humiliation and much of Asia displays a culture of hope. In its approximation to South Asia one can suggest only one change—a culture of fear and arrogance that the Indian state displays in its dealings with Kashmir. Having said all this I have no intention to join the category of prophets of doom. There is an articulate yet small section of people in India's security and strategic establishment which believes in meaningful engagement with Pakistan. They argue that ignoring Pakistan is neither desirable nor feasible. No country can really be great if its backwater is in mess. Pakistan has proved to be a bold bulwark for the defence of India from the North West from time to time. Even the Prime

Minister also endorsed it when he stated that a strong Pakistan is in India's interest. For India the only way to engage Pakistan and to emerge as a major regional power is to consolidate the region and emerge from it. Deeper engagement with Pakistan is a political investment for India. Lately Stephen Cohen has advised India to liberate itself both from Kashmir as well as Pakistan in order to stake claim for a regional power status. This has become important for another reason also as far as China's observer status in the South Asian regional Co-operation framework is concerned. Be it noted that China's trade with SAARC countries is more than that of India. The above context does provide a wider perspective in which one can examine four components of General Musharaff's formulation i.e., de-militarization; self-rule; porous borders and joint management. De-militarization will take the army to the 1989 position i.e., back to the barracks. General Musharaf believed that the military should be out, security should be done by the people and military should be garrisoned in a few places. He also claimed that demilitarization can be done by steps. Earlier he talked of some good image projection in a few districts of the valley. Some political groups within Kashmir ranging from main-stream to the separatists have over a period of time taken strong position on excessive presence of security forces in Kashmir. It also becomes clear if we only look at the disproportionate presence of forces on the ground which of course is an issue not of consensus but subject to varied assessments. There are round about 45 brigades of army which means anywhere between 160,000 to 180,000.

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As per estimates provided by Gautam Navalkha sometime back there are: 66 bns of RR, 56 bns of BSF, 50 bns of CRPF, 30 bns of CPMF, 5 bns of Ladakh Scouts, 15 bns of J&K Light Infantry, 25 bns of J&K Rifles, 7 bns of Territorial Army, 1 bn of Ikhwanis, 64,000 JKAP, 23,000 SPOs, 25,000 Home Guards and 200 Village Defence Members. The socioeconomic implications of the huge presence of the state too have been examined by experts and government authorities. Officially 681,839 Kanals of land have been occupied by security forces, out of which 3,10,184 Kanals are un-authorized. In view of the fact that de-militarization is a very sensitive issue and very important from the point of view of human security certain sensible suggestions have emanated which should factor into any decision taken on it. First, de-militarization as an issue should not be politicized by groups and political parties. Second, independent voices like that of Mubashir Hassan and Kuldeep Nayer, that India and Pakistan need to reduce the trust deficit should also be taken into account. More importantly civilian spaces having no militant presence need to be immediately vacated. Half a dozen innocent people having fallen to the bullets of CRPF or police men in recent weeks at Bomai and Haigam suggest that AFSPA needs to be scraped and accountability of forces ensured. The Omar Abdullah government needs to fulfill the promise of strengthening the State Human Rights Commission. Self-rule: Self-rule too like de-militarization is subjected to many interpretations and explanations in and outside the state. General Musharaf claimed that while autonomy creates confusion self-rule means people will govern themselves. He said let the people on both sides

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meet and debate. The Indian position is that self-rule will be considered when Pakistan presents it in a format. Within the J&K state the National Conference claims that self-rule is akin to its greater autonomy formulation. The Peoples Democratic Party which recently presented its report on selfrule feels that Art. 370 as adopted in 1949 is self-rule in essence. It also talks of a grand reconciliation between India and Pakistan on issues of self-rule. Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat of Hurriyat Conference (M) says that “we interpret the proposal in the context of sentiments that are fast changing”. He said that “Kashmiries will have their own prime Minister, President, Supreme Court and Election Commission”. Needless to mention that both autonomy and selfrule are most sought after and resisted devices for conflict resolution world over. Self-rule becomes contentious

where it is associated with assertions of or qualifications of state sovereignty. Many conflicts in the world are themselves about the demand for and resistance to self-rule. Though self-rule is the way-out that would eliminate the sources of ethnic, territorial conflicts entrenched into notions of sovereignty yet the challenge is how successfully sovereignty is fudged, diffused and fragmented. It is only for this reason that A.G.Noorani claims that, “experience has amply demonstrated the futility of a New Delhi-Srinagar accord without a prior India-Pakistan accord on it. The joint management mechanism is ultimately dependent upon how much distance India and Pakistan are able to travel together. Unless trust deficit is not transformed into trust surplus the chances of a grand reconciliation are minimal. It is only for this reason that

one can safely conclude that greater people to people contacts and porous borders need to be given preference till peace constituencies in all parts are expanded and people develop a vested interest in peace. Porous borders and more confidence building measures are necessary in view of the fact that historically Indo-Pak relations have been quite accident prone. Musharraf claimed in his speech that during his time the trade list of importable items to Pakistan increased from 200 to 1400 which had equal beneficial impact. He also believed that sincerity, flexibility and boldness are needed to improve the environment. He hoped that India has to show magnanimity and humility as the major power in the region. Let no one ignore the sane words of Charles Darwin: it is not the strongest species that survive the most intelligent but the most responsive to change.

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A New Hope

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he valley of Kashmir which was described as the “High School of Hindu Science” by eminent Islamic Scholar, Al Beruni, in early eleventh century & of which a renowned linguistic expert & writer, Sir George Grierson writes that “from this valley have issued masterpieces of history, romance, philosophy & fable”, and also most eloquent teachers of Saivism & Sufisism”. Today it is known as the valley of turmoil and has been so for nearly two decades now. It is a pathetic perversity of history that the descendants of the ancient architects of the Kashmir's universally acknowledged multifarious glory are today witnessing the disintegration and dematerialization of their own century's old inheritance & ethos some of them the destruction of their own roots in their soil of ancestors. The turmoil in the valley has engulfed the whole state and even the part of it on the other side of the divide. Kashmiris in general have felt alienated, the Pandits uprooted and the people of Jammu discriminated. Even their bretheren on the other side of the line are aggrieved. All this has resulted by what has been happening between India and Pakistan from the bloody days of partition and continues even today, only changing the patterns with the changing times.

ANIL DHAR Author is a Kashmiri Pandit Political and Social Activist now based at Jammu

for larger people to people contact, and larger interaction been the civil societies and primarily the youth. Time has come to move forward. A multipronged strategy based on innovative planning and broad based execution is required at present. The winds of change have made their impact. People of Jammu and Kashmir especially the separatist elements have begun realizing the futility of protracted violence and indifference. The recent happening in Pakistan is an eye-opener for one and all, especially for those who have been abdicating peace and advocating violence for the last two decades. What people of Jammu and Kashmir need today is economical freedom and not political independence. The Govt. both at the Centre and the State and moreover the Govt. of India and Pakistan need to take a lead in promoting infrastructure investment and economic development. In a recently concluded international workshop for conflict resolution in Jammu and Kashmir, held at Bangkok and attended by a cross section of civil society of Jammu and Kashmir on both sides of the divide, it was felt that return of peace and conflict resolution in Kashmir is of utmost importance.

Even though the people of the state in all walks of life yearn for peace, yet it is a little far away. The people of Jammu and Kashmir on the Pakistan side also want more interaction and exchanges in trade, cultural activities and people to people contact.

On a broader scale it was felt that any action to bolster democracy in Kashmir would also help to undercut the rationale of unrest in Kashmir and thereby help to rid Pakistan of the incubus of religion-based terrorism.

The positions of the Govt. at every level have been dismal. No attempt has been made to end the mental distances between the people and the communities, physically living apart. No sincere attempt, by the Govt. has ever been made to create a congenial environment

The civil society in the sub-continent should make significant contributions to the process of restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir and ultimately help the Govt. of India and Pakistan to find a lasting solution to their conflict over Kashmir.

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Keeping hopes alive for Kashmir settlement Despite height of tourism between India and Pakistan, a key confidence building measure - Cross-LoC bus and truck service - in intact. While New Delhi and Islamabad deserve credit for restraint, the people of Jammu and Kashmir have strongly conveyed that they would like to continue their efforts for peace and cooperation.

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he Mumbai carnage reversed the 5-year old composite dialogue process between India and Pakistan. Conversely, the Bus Service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad and the trade route across the Line of Control (LoC) have not only been intact but also making some progress. Amazingly, local authorities decided to open Poonch-Rawalakot route for two days a week instead of once a week recently. Despite the lack of adequate trade facilities this move has the potential to double the ongoing trade between two parts of the divided Jammu &Kashmir state.

ERSHAD MAHMUD Author is Islamabad based security analyst and hails from the Poonch district of the Pakistan administered Kashmir. He can be reached at : [email protected]

In past, both Islamabad and New Delhi used to suspend progress on Jammu and Kashmir whenever any tension rose. The inhabitants across the 740 km long LoC had invariably been worst victim of this rivalry. Fortunately, this time it remains largely peaceful. Isolated events of skirmishes along LoC were not allowed to spawn constant occurring. Islamabad and New Delhi deserve credit for showing remarkable restraint even during the height of hostility. The last year state elections in the Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir also underlined the significance for the

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solution of Kashmir problem. Both the ruling and major opposition parties of Jammu and Kashmir used every occasion to impress upon New Delhi to resume the stalled talks with Pakistan over Kashmir. The mainstream parties also realized that without addressing the broader dispute over the future status of Jammu and Kashmir lasting peace and stability could not be achieved. This political consciousness bridged the ideological gulf between separatists and the mainstream parties to a greater extent.

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The widespread desire to seek early solution of the conflict is considered as a positive sign to restart triangular negotiations between New Delhi and Islamabad, Delhi and separatists and finally between Islamabad and Kashmiri stakeholders. On the other side, the ongoing national elections in India also lured major contestants particularly the Congress and BJP to adopt a tough line about Pakistan to grab Hindu extremists' vote bank. The competitive Indian politics scuttled the progress achieved during the last five years. In the 2004 Indian national elections both Congress and BJP were championing India-Pakistan harmony and cordial relations but now their election's flagship is to fight against terrorism or Pakistan. Relations with the Pakistan also figures in the Indian political parties' election manifestoes. The key opposition party BJP says that if it gets power it will resume peace talks with Pakistan only after Islamabad dismantles the 'terrorist infrastructure' on its soil. Without that there can be no comprehensive dialogue with Pakistan. The BJP leadership has persistently been accusing the ruling alliance and particularly the Congress for being soft on Pakistan and making unnecessary concessions to Islamabad.The ruling Congress party also appears tough towards Pakistan. It demands that Pakistan has to come up clean on Mumbai before the resumption of PakIndia peace process. Recently Pakistan's foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi offered the resumption of peace process with India but the later declined the offer and said that until Mumbai attackers were not brought to justice India would not restart the dialogue. Likewise, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh also said that if his

people were being killed he could not resume the dialogue process between two countries. Some observers believe that after elections the Indian government may restart peace process and particularly refocus to expand the scope of confidence building measures in Jammu and Kashmir. However, the increasing diatribe against the 'dubious' role of Pakistan's secret services in 'war on terror' and Washington's ever-increasing thickness with New Delhi offset Pakistan's security establishment.

It is time for this lobby (peopleto-people) to come up with new ideas and redirect the PakistanIndia relations immediately after the Indian national elections. A section of the media and several political actors had done a great deal of damage to the peace process. It can be undone with the greater civil society intervention and the positive media role. Additionally, the India Afghanistan proximity and Washington' complicity with it also sent negative signals to Islamabad. Traditionally, the Kashmir issue had been the bone of contention between the two neighboring countries but now a number of other issues have come in the way and rather have taken the center stage. The alleged Indian support for Baloch insurgency and terrorist networks in Pakistan's tribal areas has pitted both the countries against each other. It also has put a dampner on Pakistan-US relations and has the potential to wrest the stability of

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Afghanistan. Kashmir has been linked with other conflicts in the region particularly with the Afghanistan and terrorism at large. A number of negative and positive developments are taking place in the region in tandem. The robust people-topeople contacts and other sociopolitical ties between Pakistan and Indian had created a large constituency and to some extent had transformed the traditional discourse over Pak-India relations from zero sum game to cooperative mode in recent years. In wake of the Mumbai attacks the peace lobby has been marginalized and hawks took the centre stage at the two side of Wahga border. It is time for this lobby (people-topeople) to come up with new ideas and redirect the Pakistan-India relations immediately after the Indian national elections. A section of the media and several political actors had done a great deal of damage to the peace process. It can be undone with the greater civil society intervention and the positive media role. Fortunately, both India and Pakistan had arrived a broader understanding over Kashmir settlement and had already garnered the support inside Jammu and Kashmir. Besides, both the governments have proposed a number of positive steps for building cooperation between two countries. The bus service and opening trade routes are the bench marks of the positive forward movement. Further, institutional cooperation between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir was also envisaged and, in fact, some good news was around the corner but tragic attacks of Mumbia seized the opportunity. Now, Srinagar and Muzaffarabad can again try to capitalize on these available avenues.

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Images of Kashmir in Pir Panjal Region

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ew people living in Jammu and Kashmir know about the hardworking, skillful and simple Kashmiri people living across Pir Panjal range in Jammu region. But besides the National Highway and some broken forgotten roads and linkages, which connect the valley of Kashmir with these regions, there is a much stronger bond which, many don't seem aware of, that connects the people across. This bond lies in the shared similar culture, tradition, practices and language which makes all the hearts beat in unison. Presence of Kasmhiri people across the Pir Panjal range can be seen right from Poonch, Rajouri, Doda, Ramban, Kishtwar up to Tehsil Billawar, Basohli and Ramnagar areas. Not only this, but across the borders of J&K, 60 to 70 villages of Himachal Pradesh are Kashmiri populated.

ABDUL RAUF MIR Author is a peace and development activist associated with Action-Aid International. He works in Banihal area of Jammu

District Pooch: Twenty miles from Poonch is located Mandi Sarai where 80% of local population are Kashmiris and are considered as colourful centre of Kashmiri culture. About four miles from Mandi is located Qila loher kote, a historic place where the famous Mohammed Gaznavi was defeated by Kashmiris now known as Lohran. In Surankote, half of the population is of Kashmiris. It borders with Uri, Baramulla and Budgam and is at a

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distance of only one or half day. But due to clousure of Haji Pir and Soi Maidan roads, people now have to travel hundreds of kilometers to meet their own relatives on other side of the range. So it seems that the provincial boundaries have become a barrier between them and mother Kashir (Kashmir) and they are now distanced from their language & culture. District Rajouri: In 1965 Rajouri was made a separate district. It is of great importance due to passage of the historic Mughal Road though this district. Cahng Sarai, Fatehpur Sarai, Suz Sarai, Thon Sarais of Mughals are some historic places here. Cahng Sarai is 22 km from Rajouri where Mugahal Emperor Jahangir died while coming from valley and some mortal remains of his body are buried here. Thanamandi here is considered as centre for Kashmiri culture. Tehsil Buddhal and Darhal which are connected to Banihal, Kulgam and Shopian though Mong hal and Hoon hang passes are also considered rich in Kashmiri culture. Although there are less Muslims in Noushehra tehsil, still there is cultural dominance of Muslims and Kashmiris in the district. More like other areas of pir panchal except some areas of Banihal and Bhaderwah there is less or no cultivation of Rice as compared to potato, beans, maize etc, So at some places people take rice only

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once a day, usually at dinner time. Kashmiri tea is common among the Kashmiris and Gujjars of the areas. More like Kashmir valley there are a large number of famous and holy shrines of Sufis and saints in the whole Pir panchal area region. Rajouri is famous for holy Shardra shrief Shrine, Kishtwar famous for Hazrat Shah Asrar sahib's shrine similarly there are many more holy shrines in the entire pir panchal region. It is noticed that the way people practice their religion is more like that of people doing the same on holy shrines in Kashmir valley. Common link between Kashmir's Baba Reshi shrine in Tangmarg and holy shrines in this Pir panchal region can be seen by the way people practice their religion in these holy shrines. Moreover the langar khana (mess) arrangement in Baba Ghulam shah sahib shrine is all made on Kashmiri pattern. Chinab Valley: Without consideration of three districts, Doda, Ramban and Kishtwar the imagination of a complete Kashmiri culture is incomplete. Majority of Kashmiri population of Pir Panjal range live here. Banihal and other areas like Gool, Marwah and Warwan etc are more close to Kashmir valley and thus

influenced by the life style of the people of valley. Nature has made Banihal a cold desert and handed it to fast blowing chilly winds and in the name of the state same wind has swept

Doda district is another example of Kashmiri culture in the region, Bhaderwah which is called as Chotta Kashmir is very closely related to Kashmiri culture. There is very large number of Kashmiri speaking people in the whole district who also speak their regional languages like Bhaderwahi etc. Hindus living in this area very simple and hardworking most of them can speak or understand Kashmiri language. away the identity of this region and restricted it between Jammu and Kashmir by the name of “and” 90% population of Banihal Tehsil living in more than 85 villages speak either only Kashmiri or both Kashmiri, Poogli and

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Gujjri. Similarly Gool area is 80% Kashmiri speaking. More like other PPR areas there are lot of shrines of Sufis and saints in this district also. Moulana Syed Abdullah, Alam Shah Sahib, Shah Asra and many more. The same practices are followed by the devotees which are seen in the valley like organizing Khatme Sharif (special prayers) on special days, Shab Khwani ( full night prayers), celebrating Urs, tying threads of faith on the window sills and rejoicing in the spiritual aura and seeking fulfillment of both worlds. The faith is unflinching and strong which helps the people endure the hardships in life and seek the true meaning of existence. Doda: Doda district is another example of Kashmiri culture in the region, Bhaderwah which is called as Chotta Kashmir is very closely related to Kashmiri culture. There is very large number of Kashmiri speaking people in the whole district who also speak their regional languages like Bhaderwahi etc. Hindus living in this area very simple and hardworking most of them can speak or understand Kashmiri language. Bhalesa area of Doda is considered as rich center for Kashmiri culture in this district.

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Kishtwar: Kishtwar another district of this region is also very rich in Kashmiri culture. The district is very rich in Sapphire. Kishtwar is an example of brotherhood and harmony between the people of this region and Kashmir region, evidence of which are fond in the history when after leaving Kashmir, Yaqoob Chak was helped by Raja Bahadur Singh of Kishtwar and later married his sister Shankar Devi with Yaqoob Chak giving him the status of brothr in law. Kishtwar is also famous for its hot springs like Atpaddar, Chatroo, Marwah, Dacchan and Polark. As I have the privilege to travel to all the blocks of these three districts from Dacchan to Paddar and from Gandooh to Ukheral and Gool. Dacchan, Marwah and Kishwar are nowadays being connected to Kokernag from Margan Top and Sinthan Top respectively which is at a very small distance. Ishrat Kashmiri (writer) has described following regions of Kishtwar where Kashmiri culture is still very rich, these are Dacchan, Nagsaini, Dryal, Kishtwar, Sarwa Sarthal khas Kishtwar, M a r w a h , Wa r w a n , Pa d d a r a n d Bonzwah. It is famous for the presence of various Sufis and Saints and the holy shrine of Hazrat Shah Asrar Sahib is very famous. Although casts of Kashmiris in whole Pir Panjal region right from Poonch-Rajouri to Kishtwar and Banihal are more or the less same. Except a few almost all the casts are present in Kashmir valley eg. Wani, Mir, Khan, Sihekh, Lone, Rather, Nayak, Giri, Shan, Malik, Bhat, Tantry, Parray, Ganaie, Khanday, Manhas, Katoch, Gang, Goni, Mugahal, Tak, Beigh, Lohar etc are found in this region and more or the less same casts are found in Kashmir valley also.

Kashmiri culture is also found in large number of villages in Ramnagar like Panara, Lodra, Bandool, Jakher, Basantgarh, Chanter, Kadu, etc. Same is the case with Malhar area of Tehsil Billawar. In Basooli Tehsil there are various examples of Kashmiri culture in following villages of Bugan,

The reason for detailing the above facts is to bring to light the commonalities in the culture and lifestyle of the Kashmiri people across the state of Jammu & Kashmir, many of whom now live a scattered existence. Much has been talked about people to people interaction, and sharing of cultures and knowledge etc across- LOC & countries. But it is very ironic indeed that we often forget to know more about people within the same State, who are so close to us both geographically and with whom we share a common identity. There is a need for more interaction and communication amongst these people. Fatehpur, Dlang, Dohty, Dagar, Badra, Bikhai, Tappar, Poad and Banjal. There are some great poets and writers who have contributed to the Kashmiri culture across the Pir Panjal region and their contribution is everlasting towards the development of Kashmiri language and culture. Not only in

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Jammu region but all over Jammu and Kashmir some prominent names are Rasa Javidani, Kamgar Kishtwari, Jabaz Dolwal, Margoob Banihali, Tavoos Banihali, Waif Bhaderwahi, Shahbaz Rajouri and Mushtaq Faridddi there are many more who have worked and who are working toward upliftment of Kashmiri language and culture in the region. The reason for detailing the above facts is to bring to light the commonalities in the culture and lifestyle of the Kashmiri people across the state of Jammu & Kashmir, many of whom now live a scattered existence. Much has been talked about people to people interaction, and sharing of cultures and knowledge etc acrossLOC & countries. But it is very ironic indeed that we often forget to know more about people within the same State, who are so close to us both geographically and with whom we share a common identity. There is a need for more interaction and communication amongst these people. This would generate increased awareness and facilitate better interaction amongst them which will eventually go a long way in developing and seeking issues of common interest and survival in the long run. For the conservation of the fast diminishing cultural ethos and identity, a renewed interaction and opening/renewal of the connecting linkages with the people of the Pir Panjal and the people of the valley is essential. This would generate more sensitivity and sense of belongingness among these Kashmiris as for them it is really high time to stop ignoring each other , or stigmatizing and start embracing one another with the common bonds of brotherhood, spiritualism and love.

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Peace via voiceless people; A Northern Areas perspective Strategically most important region in context of Greater Jammu and Kashmir, the Northern Areas is not finding due space in any dialogue.

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he Northern Areas is situated in the extreme north of Pakistan. It is the most glaciated area in the world - outside the polar caps. Having a rich but distinct culture in its lap, Northern Areas is inhabited by five major ethno-linguistic communities, and three different Muslim sects (Sunni, Shia, and Ismaili). Administratively, this region falls under the administrative control of the Federal Government of Pakistan. It is a landscape dominated by high rising mountains, plateau, glaciers and valleys, with the Hindu Kush, lesser Himalaya, Karakoram and Pamirs converging to form a huge mountain mass.

EJAZ AHMED KHAN Author is Media & Development Communication Expert associated with (PEN/Publishing Extension Network) Gilgit, Northern Areas, Pakistan. He can be reached at [email protected]

Strategically the region is one of the most important units in the context of greater Jammu and Kashmir, bordering both China and Afghanistan. Northern Areas – with a population of around 1.5 million people – is scattered over a territory of 72,496 square kilometers. It presents a rich mix of cultures, languages, plants, animals and habitats. In the recent times comparatively easy access to the region has brought about dramatic changes in social, economic, and political fields of the region. As a result the realization for still-illusive constitutional status has accentuated.

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Neither Kashmiri nor South Asian Prior to the British colonization of the Gilgit region in the late 1800s, the people of the western Karakoram Mountains had closer social and cultural linkages with the people of Central Asia and Afghanistan than with the vale of Kashmir or the Punjab. Only with the establishment of the Gilgit Agency, did the British construct the Gilgit Road, linking the town of Gilgit with Srinagar. The British also constructed the Indus Road, linking the region with the Northwest Frontier and the Punjab. However the political representatives of the region had submitted legal petition in AJK High court about constitutional status to become either part of AJK or Pakistan but in vail. The political leadership has the view that at least they should be given representation at any forum like Kashmir committee, Kashmir council and in the process of dialogue on Kashmir dispute.

Neither Part of Azad Kashmir nor Pakistan NA is historically comprised little kingdoms ruled by Rajas, Mirs and Chieftains; it was partially annexed by the Dogra regime of Kashmir by middle of the 19th century. In 1935 the British acquired

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Gilgit Wizarat for 60 years. However, in November 1947, the people liberated the area and acceded to Pakistan. F o l l o w i n g 1 9 4 7 , t h e Pa k i s t a n Government through the various local rulers administered the Northern Areas, formerly known as the Gilgit Agency. Only in the 1970s were the local rajas and mirs retired and formal Pakistani bureaucratic agencies established.

region and is not officially recognized as part of the constitutional territory of Pakistan. As such, the region does not have any representation in the National Assembly nor does it have a democratically elected leadership, as in AJK.

old Indus Road and transformed it into the Karakoram Highway, with extensive technical, financial, and construction assistance from China. With the opening of the KKH in 1978, dramatic changes in the region have occurred.

In addition, the Northern Areas has limited local governance. The Federal Minister for Kashmir Affairs and the Northern Areas, who is appointed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, rules the region. In the 1990s, a Legislative council was created, that is known today known as the Northern Area's Legislative Assembly. However, the Assembly has no independent legislative power.

During the 1990s, the region witnessed a huge increase in tourism, providing many economic opportunities to the people of the region. However, since 2001 tourism to the Northern Areas has all but disappeared.

In Azad Jammu and Kashmir the government of Pakistan established a quasi-independent government, including a president and prime minister. The Northern Areas was never included in such an arrangement nor has the region ever had its own democratically elected political representatives.

The Karakoram Highway and Integration into Pakistan

In compliance with the UN resolution on Kashmir and as per the constitution of Pakistan, the Northern Areas is a disputed

For a long time the ancient Silk Route provided the only significant link to the outside world. In the 1970s the government of Pakistan upgraded the

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One of the biggest impacts on the economy of the region is the “China Border Trade” – many local traders travel back and forth to the western Chinese province of Xinjiang importing a variety of Chinese manufactured goods into the Northern Areas and to the rest of Pakistan. The KKH also provides an avenue of trade with the rest of Pakistan,

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intensifying cash crop production and the providing of forestry products (leading to serious problems of deforestation).

A Civil Society Perspective: Emerging Civil Society Only since the 1978s has the Northern Areas been connected with the rest of Pakistan through the construction of the Karakoram Highway. Following the opening of the highway a number of international NGOs started working in the region. The Aga Khan Development Network is the largest organization with dramatic impacts, particularly within the Ismaili community. Since the 1990s many other international NGOs have been working in the region, including IUCN, WWF, European Community, and various UN agencies including UNDP, UNICEF, UNFEM, and UNAIDS. As a result, many local NGOs have come up to facilitate development work, capitalizing on the investment of funds from international donor agencies. NGOs are having both a positive and negative impact on the region. NGOs have made significant contributions in the fields of health, education, and general social development. Some districts in the Northern Areas are the most literate with female literacy rates around 70% (though female literacy rates in other districts, namely Diamer, remains significantly low at about 4%) NGOs have also left significant economic impact by providing employment opportunities to the educated youth of the region. Very few employment opportunities exist for the people of the region outside the trade

and earlier tourism (which since 2001 has deteriorated). These NGOs offer lucrative packages for a good number of people working for the uplift of their communities.

belonging to different religious and ethnic groups in Gilgit have successfully worked in different ethnic communities in the Northern Areas.

One of the negative impacts has been the creation of economic disparities in the region, creating a class of development professionals who are separate from the mass rural population.

The current status of the Northern Areas is in limbo, having weak voice in political processes. The continued conflict between India and Pakistan has very detrimental impact on the people of the region who are operating without basic rights.

Prospects for Peace

The second negative impact has been the pacification of what was a very vocal and active movement in the 1970s for the right of self rule. NGOs provide an economic path, distracting people's attention from the issue at hand. The ultimate result was that no real leadership could emerge and prosper as the gap was filled in temporarily by the NGOs, offering religious figures to step in. A sectarian strife then turned into a deep-rooted issue of the region, undermining any collective move for the rights.

A Civil Society Perspective: Sectarian Issues and the Prospects for Local Peace Over the past decade, the Northern Areas has witnessed unprecedented violence between the followers of Sunni and Shia sects, particularly in the administrative capital Gilgit. During the period of intense violence in 2005, various civil society organizations maintained their neutrality and interacted with the people at a comparative ease. The organization I represent, PEN – Publishing Extension Network – established in 1997, was founded on the principle of bridging divides between communities. Our Board of Directors

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From the perspective of the people of the region, there are few possible solutions offering alternatives to the current situation. Representation like FATA within Pakistan' National assembly and Senate. Annex to Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Setup like Azad Jammu and Kashmir, with own President and Prime Minister At least representation in the Kashmir Council, chaired by PM Pakistan One of the challenges of identifying prospects for peace for greater Jammu and Kashmir is the recognition of the radically distinct histories and cultures of the region. The affect on local communities is different, and each community must be taken into consideration. No peace settlement can be made without the voice of the different people being represented. Civil society organizations such as PEN will play an important role in the peace process by working with local communities, strengthening their voices, and sensitizing them to the political realities. A forum such as this will offer avenues for people to raise their voices for a peaceful solution to Jammu and Kashmir conflict.