End Of Casteism ( Dalit Story) - First Dalit Literature In English

Vergal Publication 235, Peters Road, Royapettah, chennai - 600 014

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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA NAME OF THE BOOK

AUTHOR T.M. Mani LANGUAGE English DATE OF PUBLICATION January 2009 TOTAL PAGES 138 PRICE Rs. NO. OF COPIES 2000 TYPESETTING Alpha Graphics, 14/2, Azeez Mohamed Ghouse St., Old Washermenpet, Chennai - 600 021. PUBLISHERS Vergal Publications 235, Peters Road, Royapettah, Chennai-600 014.

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CASTE DESTROYED Preface We did not expect a heavy downpour that night. There were heavy showers accompanied by thunder and lightning. Three of us were curling round in three corners in the pial of that dilapidated choultry. We were almost drenched by the rains. I thought we could take shelter in the huts nearby the choultry for a while and asked Chinna Pappa whether it can be done. She was two years younger than us. Could be about ten years. “No Anna, they are all agriculturists (velalars). They know about our caste. All these days they were moving with me freely touching and playing. Only yesterday Meenatchi asked me about our caste. I thought they also belonged to our caste and told her that. She has passed on the information to everybody and from yesterday nobody speaks with me normally. “Why did you tell them?” I asked. “I didn’t know that they were velalars. I thought that they too belonged to our caste and had told them.” Chinna Pappa guiltily uttered these words. Even at that time there was some light in the in the tea shop which was a little away. “We shall request them to permit us to sleep for a while there: then alone we can go to work tomorrow.” I said. “They know about caste, isn’t it?”, asked Chinna Pappa. “When I went to get tea in the afternoon they asked me. I said Odda Chettiar. Therefore, they will permit us.” said, Thangavelu who was nearby. Our hopes were not belied. The rains now were a light drizzle. All the three of us did not have any change of clothes. A shorts for the lower body and a towel for the upper body were all our clothes. Chinna 3

Pappa used to have a skirt and a blouse and also an upper cloth. Like a boy she used to work with us regularly. A few years later she was given in marriage to someone whose ill-treatment she could not bear and she had committed suicide. The distance between the place where we worked and out group of huts was about ten kilometres. Many people would return home after finishing the day’s work. Saying that I need not strain myself, my mother asked me to stay in the choultry itself. She used to send me gruel with those who were coming to work in the morning. This was the food for me throughout the day. For Thangavelu who was working with us and Chinna Pappa also stayed with me in the choultry. We were six children to our parents. When the sixth child, my younger brother was born, my mother stopped my primary schooling so that I could take care of him. I had to take him to the place where mother was working and after he was lactated should be brought back to the hut. If mother goes to a different village for work, I too had to go and take care of the brother. If he feels sleepy, I must use mother’s old saree, tie it up as a swing from the tree and make him sleep. When the younger brother began to walk about, I was sent to work for daily wages. It was during those days that I had to live in places like choultries and lead a life of a stray dog or fox. In fact even where a dog, fox, pig, lamb or cow could move about freely, we cannot move about. That is because we are ‘polluted’. We had to carry on with such a degradation and shame and also face dangers in life. Yes, we learnt about Father Periyar and Akbedkar from our very early childhood. This rare opportunity was not had by our ancestors. They believed that their lot was due to Destiny, Fate, etc. They never raised the questions, “Why”, “What for”. They accepted the idea of high and low castes. Or, were forced to get accustomed to such divisions in the society. Many of our ancestors were so afraid of the dominant castes that they ran away from the village and nothing was known about their fate afterwards. My grandfather’s grand4

father one Alagan ran away from the wrath of a big landlord and settled in this place. And, of course, became a slave to the landlord of this village. Then his son Vaithi, Vaithi’s son Perumal and thereafter Perumal’s son Muthu – he was my father: all these people, one by one were leading the life of a slavery in the same farm. When for the sixth generation my turn came to serve as a slave in that agricultural farm, our family was caught in the maelstrom of Indian independence. Not the slogan of “Velliane, veliyeru” (Britishmen, leave the country).When crores of people who were treated as worse than dogs as untouchables even in the twentieth century and given food, work and wages, concessions and awards by the government, in this disgraceful set up called democracy, our family wanted its votes to be cast for the Congress Party’s symbol, the bull, in the ballot box. Our landlord Manickam Pillai, a Justice Party leader got angry on this score. He drove out all of us from even that slavish work he was providing. For generations after generations, leading a life of slavery and eking out a bare existence with half-filled stomachs -- even this was robbed of. My grandfather Perumal who had devoted to the landlord all his life spent his last years in hunger and then died as well. My mother and father could not find some other farm to lead a slavish life and went about town after town in search of some work on daily wages. It is in that background that I had spent my young days. Wherever we went, the phrase, “Move away”, simply haunted our minds. In Temples, temple tanks, Agraharams (living quarters of Brahmins), tea-shops and even where water is given freely, we were denied admission. On the one hand such a degrading life and on the other side thoughts of Ambedkar and Periyar’s self-respect. In between we were caught in the hopelessness of the realities of life. This book aims to outline a few of those circumstances. The incidents and the theme of the book are equally applicable to crores of Dalits in this land. T.M.Mani, Founder, Dalit Blue Tigers Movement 5

VANA DURGA Vanadurga is a very famous temple in this part. Though a very small temple, people will throng to this temple from near and far off places to have the darshan of the Amman (Goddess). Today a festival is being held in honour of the deity. The whole of Kadiramangalam wore a grand look. The population is such that the place could have been declared a Major Panchayat. But it remains only a Minor Panchayat. One can almost say that no caste is unrepresented in Kadiramangalam. In some places there will only be some castes. In some places some castes wall not be there. But whether a small village or big township, there are bound to be depressed caste people. Because the cremation of dead bodies must be taken care of, removal of dead carcasses of animals must be taken care of and removal of night soil must be taken care of: these are not done by other caste people. Only the depressed caste has to attend to these works. Just as the priestly functions are legally monopolised by the Brahmins, so also the work of cremating the bodies and lifting the human excreta are compulsorily to be done by the Dalits. This continues to be the social law till today. Irrespective of the fame of the city, you will find people doing these jobs there are only Dalits. Kadiramangalam and its surrounding villages are no exception to this state of affairs. The Amman festival is celebrated each year. This year gala singing and dancing and fireworks are exceeding the usual fanfare. At one place one could see log rolling, throwing the ring and gambling with cards feverishly going on. In another place one could see folk musical instrument naiandi melam blaring forth. A big crowd had collected there clapping and whistling and passing humorous comments loudly. At the centre of the crowd a girl was dancing with a 6

scanty dress exhibiting her ample bosoms, putting on a mini blouse and wearing a short skirt, you can say shortest skirt, showing off her thighs: It was not so much dancing as mere twisting and turning her legs and arms. Near her was a man sporting a bushy moustache, big rings on the ears, wearing just a loin-cloth, a decoration in the plaits and also wearing a turban and dancing to match the strides of the girl. Just to enhance the glamour of this dancing a pipe instrument nadaswaram and a percussion instrument called urumi were creating big noise. The piper was choosing appropriate songs from movies to which the girl and the man in the middle danced. They will try to rub the other’s chest with their own, will come so close and by a peculiar hip movement would indulge in erotic sway. The mob consisting of men and women would be ecstatic (yes, they are not general public now). They called this gypsy dance – kuravan-kurathi dance: they glorified it as folk-dance. They live on the platforms of the roads, platforms in the bus stands along with dogs and pigs. Nobody has a concern for these sons of the soil who are citizens of this country. There is no guarantee to their lives or fundamentals in this land. When they are hungry, they seek dustbins overflowing with leaves thrown away after the guests had finished their food; if they go in search of satisfying their bodily hunger by searching for some privacy amidst bush, there is none to feel ashamed that they live like this. But there are some disgraceful people in this society who compose songs and dance sequence on them and make money. Can any one say that men or women from kuravar caste sing and dance, show their flesh and earn money? Can these people dress up like dominant or majority caste people, imitate them and give a performance? What would happen if they attempt to do such a thing? They would simply be slashed down with swords! People who are called kuravan, kurathi, vettian, vettichi and dance like this, do they really belong to that caste? No.

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People who dance like this in this area are coming from colonies in Kumbakonam. People who cannot find a wherewithal to live, men and women find refuge there. Except the kuravars. All other castes are here. They have also indulged in inter-caste marriages. Among them Karuppusami Thevar’s group is very famous. The genre of such Kumbakonam folk-dance artistes were attracting the admirers from Kadiramangalam. A little away from this scene, the bigwigs of the place were standing, blessing vettian Chinnathambi who has been garlanded and forced to beat a drum going around all the streets and this was also being photographed. Vettian is the name of a profession. It is not the name of a caste. Only the Dalits are doing the job of the vettian. How Kathiramangalam vettian is getting such garland and respect today is a pertinent question. In Kadiramangalam slum area (cheri), there are nearly 40 huts which belonged to Dalit families. It is possible that long back Hindus could have given them this place for dwelling in return for doing the degrading work. Just outside the small village this was situated, connected by a mud road where a cart could just traverse. Kali, Kunjappan and Kaliamurthy were the three who did the job of vettian for caste Hindus. By convention, vettian’s job included beating the drum (thappu) during special days of Hindu households and during temple festival times. On the New Moon days each month they should suitably cut logs of wood as firewood to be used by the Hindu houses. The list included a number of works like the above. For all the above work they will not be paid money or grain as wages. They will be given food or old clothes only according to Manu Dharma Sastra. If the domestic animal of Hindus die, immediately it would be communicated to vettian. He has to rush there and remove the carcass. If any circumstances or poor health prevents him from immediately attending to this work, he could face severe consequences. 8

The punishment will not stop with a severe beating. He could be turned out from his job. The land granted to him could be confiscated. Whatever income he earns during the harvesting time or other agricultural operations would be stopped. There are some instances when his house itself has been burnt. ‘Thappu’ instrument has its main part only from the skin of cow or bull. So the vettians also would not delay in finishing the assigned work of removal of carcass. The Hindus would leave their dying animals near the slums where vettians live. Before the dead animal’s skin is removed, dogs will sense, sniff and assemble there in large numbers! There would also be a crowd of children! Those who want beef would assemble there with vessels. After distribution whatever is left out will be buried in deep pits. Yet within a couple of days the unpleasant odour will thickly cover the entire area. Also, the processing of the skin of the cow or bull will create a stink and the place will have this additional odour as well. So when a cow or bull dies in a Hindu household, the slum will be stinking for several days. When we decided to have a movement of Dalit Youth against the atrocities of the Hindus against Dalits in this area, we first decided that hereafter beating of the drum, thappu, would be stopped. This became the defying gesture and the ground for the Dalits. In the Kadiramangalam village there were a lot of atrocities based on untouchability perpetrated on Dalits. They cannot enter the tea-shops. It is a common thing to beat them up there. When we formed our organisation there many youngsters who tearfully narrated their bitter experience at the hands of Hindus in the form of atrocities. One can say that practically there was no Dalit youngster who had escaped beating from the caste Hindus. So as the first step of defiance we decided to refuse to beat the thappu. We called 9

Kali, Kaliyamurthy and Kunjappan and talked with them. They agreed to this. But they had apprehensions that one acre of land which had been as grant for vettian’s work could be confiscated. We told them that we would give protection for their land. Then they agreed to the decision. In all villages there are land grants to vettians. From time immemorial Dalits have been enjoying this right. We cannot assert as to when it was started. However, we cannot find in any revenue records the names of Dalits till today. They are registered as joint pattas along with the landlords. It is believed that these lands were granted during the times of kings. As according to Manu Dharma Dalits cannot own land, the practice of holding joint pattas probably came into vogue. They had enticed the Dalits by giving these lands. And this practice continues even now. When the Hindus learnt the decision that ‘thappu’ won’t be beaten by the usual trio, they arranged someone from Kunjappan’s family to do the same promising him land, etc. many concessions not enjoyed by vettians so far and got his consent. It is this man who has been garlanded and going round the streets beating the drum before each Hindu house during Vanadurga festival: it is this photo which will be adorning all the shops in the area. In spite of fireworks, singing and dancing, the crowd was not dense as usual. Rumours had spread that Dalits were to be attacked during the festival. As a result, many Dalit youth had not turned for the occasion from nearby villages. The police had also posted a large number for security purposes. There was also a rumour going around that the huts of the Dalits were to be burnt after the festival. We had also gathered about twenty young men who had come from neighbouring places and had armed them for guarding the slum area. To gather information as to what was going on in the festival, we had sent two new persons. After the festival was over, around 2 O’clock in the night, all Hindus sat under the temple pandal and decided that Dalits 10

should not be employed, even those who had been given jobs in the fields must be stopped from working, sheep and cattle will not be permitted to graze on the common land, cutting the grass would be stopped that the Dalits should not gather even logs of wood, and that the land grant given to vettian must be taken back and given to the new one who had agreed to beat the drum. These decisions had to be confirmed by the people who had gathered. The Brahmins, Chettiars, Pillais and Mudaliars wanted some body to do all the slavish works for them, someone to gather cow dung, disposing the carcass of the animals, digging the pits, etc. and queried as to what must be done for doing all these things, there were ripples in the crowd. Then some youngsters of Vanniar caste agreed to do what was till now done by the Dalits and that made the ban on Dalits a certainty. When this news reached us who were in the Dalit dwellings, many expressed their apprehensions about what could be done in the future. The young men there pacified them. It was suggested that those who do not have young babies should leave the place along with their family members and earn living in other places, those with cattle would take them and settle temporarily in their relatives’ places elsewhere and only youngsters would stay on there. They also said they would even sacrifice their lives for protecting the land grant that had been assigned to them. They were highly emotional. In the midst of such repressive measure proposed by the Hindus it was heartening to note the resolve and cheer of these youngsters. The all-powerful Hindus had taken a decision in front of Vanadurgai temple…The very poor and destitute Dalits had taken a decision in their slum! The day dawned with a question as to which decision would eventually win. The decision taken by the youth in the Dalit cheri with great emotion need not be taken as an ordinary one. It must be termed as struggle for rights. Why should these people who are within a particular religious field must be treated 11

for ages with contempt and disgust? How long would they have to wage this struggle for equal rights? This is the meaning of what Ambedkar had said that in each Indian village there are two Indias. Why should the Vanniars who are no different in food habits, in dressing, in the colour of the skin and resemble the Dalits in all respects should cry out to reek vengeance on he latter? The slum area of the Dalits in Kadiramangalam wore a deserted look within a week’s time. The very young babies and the very old people almost were starving. Women who did not have babies to take care of and men folk had left for other places to seek jobs. The cattle had been sold in the market. Whatever animals remained were taken to relations’ houses in other places. All that they depended for sudden and important expenses were just these animals. Now that is also lost. Usually for the marriage of a son or a daughter, they would borrow money from the landlord, signing a bonded slavery deed. Now even the landlord has become an enemy. You can be sure that no marriage would be celebrated in Kadiramangalam Dalit slum this year. Only eleven youngsters belonging to the Dalit movement were living there. They were constantly under the anxiety that any time their huts could be burnt: still they left the place in the morning to neighbouring areas and returned by the night. The Hindus had send messages to people in other places that Kadiramangalam Dalits should not be employed. As a result their going out and earning also came to an end. For refusing to beat the drum, why such a cruel treatment to the Dalits? Not only that. The dalits cannot move about with footwear on. At no public place should they sit on equal terms with caste Hindus. They cannot take out any procession in the main streets. In the tea-shops they cannot enter inside. All these restrictions are imposed even today in many villages. Has any Hindu fought against these inhuman restrictions? Only the Dalits are putting up some resistance. Only they can recognise and identify the enemies. Is Thappu an auspicious Hindu beat or music? No. Among 12

the Brahmin and Vellala families there is no practice of thappu beating. They why should the Brahmins and Vellalas get angry over this? The reason is the instrument thappu, cow’s skin associated with that, the skinning of cow or bull, eating beef, using the skin to prepare rope or cord all create in their minds a sense of disgust. Just like kaus (darppai) and coarse grass (nanal) are considered symbols of higher value, thappu was signified denoting the inferior status of the Dalits. Thappu had been utilised to create noise. Marriages, child births, girls coming of age, ear-lobe ceremony, death, temple festivals, announcements of royal orders, good or bad news communications, announcing war during olden times, raising huge noise to scare and drive away the wild animals – for all these thappu had been used. As kuzhal (flute) and yazh (stringed instrument) had been denied to Dalits, they converted thappu into music and sang and danced. That is how it is depicted in Nandan’s store where there is a description of Pulai street (where Dalits lived). Apart from this, there is no record to indicate thappu was a musical instrument. But there are plenty of literary evidence to show that it was used to create big noise. People then marginalised slums. They avoided the profession done by these Dalits. Practising untouchability they are marginalised those people. Now music and art are also thrown aside. Our friend, an intellectual like Prof.K.A.Gunasekaran want to show that this was Dalit’s music simply because he knows how to play it Similarly because education was denied to them, the Tamil spoken by them which is a flawed one is sought to be given a separate form as Dalit literature and impose it on us by people like Bama who have moved among the Dalits and understood the nuances of such flawed language. If thappu is termed Dalit art, do we not have a right to Kuzhal and Yaazh? If what Bhama says is Dalit literature, don’t we have any right over my sweet Tamil language? When many words have been taken off in dictionaries due to non-use by others but preserved by us through oral transmission, should we be condemned as speaking a flawed 13

Tamil? Stating that there are separate Dalit literature, Dalit Art and Dalit Culture is nothing but marginalisation, discrimination and based on Varna dharma. It seems Ambedkar’s ideas on Equality and Fraternity do not apply to us. So we decided that refusal to beat thappu would stem from the beginning of a base to fight for our rights. We shouted that there was no need to hunt for dead animals to manufacture thappu instrument. The Hindus were irritated at this. And they began to discuss these things. For cultivation in vettian grant lands, seedling for transplantation had been raised secretly in other places. People who had gone out were given information to gather. All the people of the slum put in their efforts and the land was filled with transplanted seedlings overnight! The Hindus would not have expected this development. In the fields where agricultural operations had begun, members of the Movement were guarding. Had Kadiramangalam Hindus come to the fields they would have faced resistance. Kathiramangalam Vanniars were never afraid of skirmishes either. On many occasions they had gone as a crowd and attacked the neighbouring Dalits. There are facing many cases on that account. Dalits never put up a stiff resistance then. Now the position was not like that. As the Dalits had learnt to organise themselves, were prepared to arm themselves and had learnt to seek the help of law enforcing authorities. Besides, Vanniars were doubtful whether Brahmins and Vellalars would give full co-operation to them. The reason was this. The Vanniar youngsters had accepted during the meeting held before Vanadurga temple that they would undertake all the work considered unedifying when there was opposition to Dalits. Thereafter in the big landlord’s house one bull had died. Formerly when an animal died information would be given to vettian. Immediately the Dalits would arrange to take the dead body of the animal to their place. That was the usual practice. Now the landlord instead 14

of informing the youngsters of well-to-do families about the removal of the carcass, had sent word to youth from poor families. This has a created a furore among them. They had asked for a vehicle to carry the dead body of the bill. And then there was also the problem of where to bury it. Also they had asked the landlord to give rupees three hundred towards expenses. These were not liked by the landlord. As a result, differences of opinion began to crop. Now as the Dalits had defied and raised the crops in the vettian grant lands, only Vanniars could go and attack them. So everyone was called in for consultation and it was decided to thrash the Dalits. But when a meeting took place in the verandah of the landlord’s house, it was decided that no good would come out of beating them up and decided to make complaint against the Dalits in the Police and put them behind the bars. On that day at the sunset, the Police entered the area of Dalit dwellings. The way talked looked like threatening the Dalits. They read out the names of Kali, Kaliyamurthy, Kunjappan and seventeen members of the Movement an said these people should immediately report to the Police station. We asked what the complaint against them was. They said that they had received complaint to the effect that these had illegally transplanted crops in the landlord’s fields and were spreading discontent in the village. “They have gone work and not yet returned home. We will bring them to Police station in the morning”, we replied. The Police got angry. They could not identify those three and seventeen others. So they angrily told those who had gathered, “Get into the Jeep. Come and tell the Inspector about this.” The situation became tense. But the Police though angry, just left the place in their jeep. In the next half-an-hour a big Police van came. We became cautious. We asked Kali, Kunjappan and Kaliamurthy to hide themselves; others 15

were prepared to go to the Police station. However, things did not turn up as we expected. Four policemen got down from the van and others had left for the market street. We inquired the four Police constables as to what was happening. They said they were stationed here for security and the Inspector had asked for all the people mentioned in the complaint and the village headman to go over to the station in the morning. When asked about the ten police constables in the van we were told that they were to be stationed in the market street for general protection. The same night we prepared handbills with the slogans, “Don’t confiscate the land of the Dalits! Don’t compel us to do degrading work!, “Down with Untouchability”, “Down with cruelty in the name of the caste!” and had pasted them near Pandanallur Police Station area and near Tiruppanandal Police Inspector’s office. We also wrote a brief account of how Vettian grant lands are under cultivation, and background details pertaining to the same. This we had placed in the market street of Pandanallur. Around 10 O’clock in the morning the Hindus from Kadiramangalam had come in large number to Pandanallur Police station. As arranged by us already, hundreds of Dalits from Pandanallur region had also appeared there suddenly. Now our crowd was larger than the Hindus. Kadiramangalam was about six kilometres away from Pandanallur. Therefore, they could not collect more number of people. If an unsubstantiated civil problem becomes a law and order problem, that itself would become a sold evidence. That is our experience. Now Kadiramangalam Vettian land grant has become a law and order problem. Immediately Tahsildar and Deputy Superintendent of Police were brought into the picture. Additional police forces were requisitioned. The Inspector of Police said five representatives of Dalits and five from Hindus should represent the matter. Both the parties did not agree to this. The situation be16

came tense. Authorities became very cautious. Here we must remember one thing. The Inspector who was here earlier was a corrupt person, stepped in caste feelings who had filed a number of cases against the Dalits. Even though he had been transferred, during the days he worked here had smuggled teak wood from here and had constructed a house in his native place. We had complained against that to higher authorities with proof. The new Inspector was in considerable embarrassment. So he said that this Vettian problem must be resolved by Tahsildar only. The Tahsildar said that both the parties should not enter the filed and after ten days a peace committee would be formed and till then police protection would be posted. As this Peace Committee is generally a ruse resorted by the officials and Hindus to cheat the Dalits, still as the transplantation had just taken place this would have been advantageous to us only. Still we objected to the reasoning behind asking both the parties not to enter the grant land. We said that it is unfair that we should not enter the land which are under our possession for hundreds of years and recently when transplantation work had been done. At this time a quite unexpected thing happened. The big landlord himself came voluntarily and said that he had no objection to us taking care of the land during the ten days. This was agreed to and an agreement signed to that effect. Now we got some proof over the right to cultivate over the land which was under us for hundreds of years without any legal evidence. The Vanniars who had come there did not know this secret. In the agreement it was stated that the Vettian land could be under the care of Kali, Kaliyamurthi and Kujappan till the decision of the Peace Committee was known. The big landlord was an educated person. Very knowledgeable. Vanniars may not know that it would be impossible hereafter to get into the land of Vettian grant. But there was no chance that the big landlord did not know that. He has done this knowing fully the legal position. What is the reason? The big landlord did not want to antagonise the Dalits 17

permanently. At the same time he could not afford to abandon Vanniars either. This was because he had in Kadiramangalam and the surrounding places large tracts of lands. Some of them were benami lands. Here both Vanniars and Dalits, men and women are agricultural labourers. He cannot afford to antagonise one section in one place and carry on his activities smoothly in other places. That will affect his lands and also lands in the neighbouring villages. At the same time if Vanniars and Dalits remain united there would be problems like demand for higher wages, etc. The planned Peace Committee did not materialise. It was just being postponed from time to time. As Dalits were angry with Vanniars they were happy to exult that the Vanniars were also doing degrading work. The fact that Vettian land grant had been retained by them was taken as victory over Vanniars. They did not have anything any grouse against the big landlord. In all the villages our movement began to spread. Problems also cropped up. In more than thirty villages cases under Untouchability Act were filed. In a village called Palakkudi even the big landlord was not spared. He had been charged as the prime accused. Likewise in many villages hundreds of cases had been filed against the Hindus. As the Dalits had been socially organised, politicians struggled to run their respective parties. In this way, landlords, politicians, the majority caste Vanniars all had become the enemies of the Dalits. The Police could not act at the behest of the politicians. Sometimes they were not able even to execute the orders of the ministers. As a result, Hindus began to think that the Dalits must as a whole be suppressed. They had conducted a number of secret meetings to achieve their end. A notable politician in this area supported them. It appeared as if any untoward thing could break out at anytime. As we were also apprehensive about the situation, the members of the organisation were untiringly working hard. Hundreds of educated men and graduates devoted themselves to the task of uniting the Dalits. But the day we feared did come at last. 18

During 1983 the planned, terrible attack of the Hindus fell on us. Hundreds of armed Hindu caste fanatics moved towards a village called Manalur. This place is situated about 3 kilometres from Kadiramangalam. The adjacent villages were Thirumandurai, Kumanathurai and Kanjanur. The last of the four villages was Manalur. One Comrade Chandrasekar had organised a “Tamizha Makkal Munnani” (Tamil People’s Front) in this village. Even though the Dalits had been well organised communist ideology took primacy here. Though communist ideology is not inimical to the interests of the Dalits, Our contention was that people should not be divided on class basis. They failed to appreciate that even the poor and backward classes were against the Dalits in many ways. We felt that unless a defeat is castewise inflicted on the backward castes and they faced severe impact consequent upon that, there would be no Dalit liberation. As a result we did not join hands with Tamil People’s Front. But at the same time we were not against them either. Even though the temple bell is a call for the devotees to have the darshan of the deity, in Manalur it sounded like a demoniac call. The evil doers had gathered together. Just like a King’s forces they proceeded towards the quarters where the Dalits were living. Not comprehending the deception of the marching leaders Tyagi (selfless) Chandrasekar and the District Organiser Tyagi Chandrakumar appealed with folded hands, “No, let there be no ill between us. We have come here only for peace talks.” But donkeys cannot appreciate the flavour of camphor. Pigs do not know the aroma of perfume. Two big banyan trees which had fought for the unity of class untiringly were felled down. Even while the police were watching, the huts of people who struggled for food and clothing and living in the slum were burnt down. Seven sons of the soil were brutally butchered. Even though we had not worked together with the martyr, we had great affection for each other. For Dalit organisations all revolutionary outfits are only friendly ones. Un19

less casteism is destroyed there could be no class unity; besides Hindu poor have always been the servant class of the dominant caste Hindus. Even though we had our differences, out Hindu enemies views us with equal hatred. In fact in a murder case I had been charged as first accused and Comrade Chandrasekar as the 16th accused though we were no way connected with the incident. I consider those days I had spent with Chandraekar as golden days. He used to have a sweet voice. He used to sing songs in praise of class unity and revolutionary spirit which delighted other prisoners. He was working as a teacher in a private school and was living in Manalur, also attending the work of the movement. Manalur village always led cruelties of Untouchability against the Dalits and remained its stronghold. To see Dalits hands and feet bound and beaten up and charging Dalits with some crime and parading them disgracefully was very common there. But as Manalur Dalits had become united, Hindus began to hesitate in inflicting cruelties. During this time there was a split among the Dalits. The Hindus magnified this split. For one section one Mr.Pavadai was the head. But Pavadai could not do much antagonising the Dalit slum dwellers. He approached the Hindus for help. The Hindus who were waiting for such an opportunity used very small incidents to file complaints in the Police station. For petty affairs cases under major sections of Indian Penal Code were registered. The Police was partial and did not take cognisance of the offences of one section at all. As a result the Police, Hindus and the Politicians used the Dalits under Pavadai as pawns in their game. Chandrasekar and his followers were obliged to leave the place. Just a day before this cruel incident, the District President had come along with Mannai Chandrakumar to Tiruppanandal and had stayed in Kakkan colony. Then Chandrakumar alone went to Police Station and requested the Inspector to arrange for Peace Committee and the latter had refused the same. But around 7 p.m. that day Pavadai who was with the Hindus said that there would be a 20

Panchayat and asked myself and Munisami of my street to participate in it. In a way Pavadai was a distant relation of myself and Munisami. When the split came among the Dalits I persuaded Pavadai not to magnify many things and that there must be unity. I said we should not have differences and that they could resolved through recourse to discussions. He did not heed to my advice. But now he came voluntarily and wanted Panchayat to settle the issue. I asked where it was to take place. He said, “In Kudianavar Street”. I told him, “The problem is between us. We can discuss that in our street.” But he said that important people of the place were to speak. And then also mentioned the names of leaders of D.M.K., A.D.M.K., Congress and Communist parties. I asked what decision was to be taken. He said, “Well, every body should live in unity. That’s all.” In Villages, unity means each one must do the duty assigned to the particular caste. If there is a death in the Hindu family, Vettian should wait in burning ground. He must tidy the place up, should have arranged for logs of wood and over them spread out the cow dung cakes. The funeral pyre must be got ready. He must see that everything is in order when the dead body is brought to the burning ground. Then the washerman must go to the house where the person has died. He must cut the bamboos and prepare a bier so that the body could be taken out. When the dead body is being carried, “Nokkar” should sound a bugle and also beat a drum meant for that specific purpose. When the body is brought down at the burning ground, vettian must stay a little away. This is because he belongs to the untouchable caste. The washerman and the barber should help the body to be safely put down. In the meanwhile the barber must also be ready to tonsure the head of the person performing the final rites. If any one of the above makes some mistake or the other, he has to face problems in the village. What type of punishment would be given, depends upon the general circumstances and the attitude of the village in general. This 21

is how the unity of village is preserved. So far more than thirty villages have some types of confrontations. We have not sought to make peace with the Hindus. They have also not called for peace either. But how come in Manalur things are being done differently? I was wondering as to how Chandrasekar trusted those unreliable politicians to make peace with the Hindus. But we did not expect that those wicked people to so easily carry out their long-term conspiracy in Manalur. Why did they do this cruelty? Many non-Dalits with good hearts had done so much for the Dalits. Chandrasekar and Chandrasekar were too like that. Yes, it must be pointed out that both of them were not Dalits. Still the Hindus must have had some compulsion to do something that would terrorise us. As I mentioned earlier Dalit rising has been fairly widespread in this area. In all the villages educational activities were going on. Cash incentives, aids, higher education funds, part-time education and the like were there. A large number of young graduates were serving the people. They fought against the cruelties of casteism in a very intelligent and legal way. If any violence broke out, there was a section to take care of that as well. Dalits had organised in different ways like Women’s front, Youth Front, Headmen’s Association, Government Servants Association. About the same time some revolutionary movements also wanted to establish themselves in the area. We did not attempt to do anything contradictory to their aims In order to win our confidence, some leaders of revolutionary movements inter-married Dalits. Backward classes youth like Devadoss, Gunalan and Gnanaprakasam had given their women folk as brides and taken Dalit girls as brides. All political parties were aghast at this. The officials, particularly in the police department were scared of this trend. We had to file cases under Untouchability Act against the village official, Headmaster of a Higher Secondary School, Big landlord and the likes who were Brahmins or Kshatriyas. At all stages we had been 22

isolated and were still fighting. In fact as the Mutts, temples, big landlords and politicians had all been against us, purely for the purpose of protecting ourselves we had to unite and strengthen ourselves. For admitting students in schools and colleges, admitting patients in the hospitals, disputes concerning land, wages, drinking water, roads, facilities in the living quarters, difficulties in removing obstacles which prevented aids from reaching the Dalits, all had to be carefully handled: we had separate cells for each of the above activity. We took great efforts to see that Dalits live in a unique way and also succeeded in them. We decided that Dalit votes would not be cast for political parties. All political parties wanted to put an end to this. And as Vanniars were leaders in all the political parties, it was easy for them to hold talks. About that time one Paramasivam, a wicked person worked as Inspector of Police. As he also belonged to the same community, political parties used that opportunity well. On November 15th 1982 at 10.00 pm all party leaders, rowdies in the nearby villages and Inspector Paramasivam held a meeting at Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union Office. They decided to put an end to Dalit surge and wanted that to be a permanent solution. The Commissioner at that time was a Dalit. Early in the morning he had sent through a road worker a message to me to be very careful. He had added that weapons had been gathered and kept in the nearby Hindu houses and all rowdies and important people had been sent word. Our place was located 15 km south (north?) of Kumbakonam Chennai Highways. They had decided to attack us on the area covering from a government hospital which was 20 km south of Police station and Theradi, 20 km.north of Police Station. They had decided to kill any Dalit who had entered that area. The next day by 11.00 am. the rioters had assembled. I received the news that bout 10 rowdies with arms were making ruckus in the market street and also get into schools 23

and colleges and warn that any pariah or palla (dalit castes) should run away and that hundreds of rowdies were shouting near the Police station itself. My tailoring shop was at the northern end of the market street. The same place was my office as well. In the shop I had kept in box and bureau cloths given by the customers for stitching and note books of the movement. Also, full details about the Dalits in the 220 villages of this region were kept. I was hoping that enemies would not plunder the shop. About 20 men and women who had not gone work that day had assembled. They were all gathered near the slum entrance on hearing the news of attack on the Dalits. I had just returned after having visited a nearby place early in the morning. They told me how the enemies were abusing the Dalits in the market street, schools, colleges and how they were going about in the buses searching for the Dalits and threatening. They expressed their concern about the possible attack on the Dalits coming to the Market street from the neighbouring street and also boys and girls going to schools and colleges. They wanted to reach the Market street immediately. I told them that the enemies had planned their attack and that it would be unwise on our part to clash with them without more men and arms. The Village Nattamai who was silently observing all these advised that a large quantity of chilli powder be kept ready and also gather plenty of stones. Immediately the women folk there rushed to pick up and gather as many stones as possible. It would be evening around five when our men folk who had gone to work would return. At that time our strength would be great. Knowing that the enemies had opened their offence in the morning itself. I got confirmed from other sources what the road worker had stated in the early morning. Still I was expecting troubles only in the evening. That is why early in the morning I had gone to nearby villages and sent word that our comrades of the movement should assemble in our street in the evening. 24

Now as the enemies had started their offensive in the morning itself, I was perplexed as to what was to be done. In the Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union the Dalit population was nearly one third. But they are scattered over many villages. In the area where I live there are more than 200 families. There were three divisions, people who belonged to the Mutt, people who belonged to the Temple and people who belonged to the landlords. They would never remain united. They would abide to solve even small differences among them by appealing to Mutt or Temple maniakarar or with the landlords. Instead of feeling bad and attempting to rectify over the conditions of their life, they took pride in calling themselves as People belonging to Mutt or temple. This divisive force was much stronger than even the caste feeling. Only after founding the movement, we brought all these people together under one control and brought about a number of reforms. “Don’t go to the houses of Hindus for getting food.”, “Don’t go there during festival days for getting sweets.”, “Don’t go the temple on festival days for getting gruel.”, “If we are asked to do any work, let us demand wages.” –Even for implementing these reforms we had to struggle a lot. Mutt refers to institution founded by Sri Kumaragurupara Swami. Temple referred to that which was owned by Dharmapuram Adeenam. It is said that these two owned nearly 40,000 acres of land. The big landlords were all Saivites. It is said that they were having more than 300 acres. Wherever you step into a place in the village it would belong to any of these three categories. The East street served as entrance to the Mutt; similarly West street was the gateway to temple and served as market street as well. In the South street the houses of big landlords and maniakarars were there. In the north street there are signs that once they were residences of devadasis (temple dancers). Still these people are loyal to the three divisions. History records that Tirugnana Sambandhar and Thirunavakkarasar had come and sung and composed songs on the presiding deity. It is also said that Kungiliya Naya25

nar and his daughter Thatakai had served Lord Siva in this temple. The temple has images of all the 63 nayanmars. There was a restriction on Dalits to bathe in a tank attached to the Mutt. When we organised ourselves as a movement we could put an end to many of these discriminations and activities. Even though the whole control over the lands was in the hands of the Vellalars, the attack on the Dalits were carried out by castes lower in order than them. The backward castes had just functioned as the soldiers. Only they are now rioting in the market street. I had sent word for people who had gone to work in the nearby regions. It was about 1 pm. when they could come. Totally only 22 had gathered. Each one had a weapon with him. They had collected a cartful of stones and the bulls were kept ready to move the cart. About this time a youngster from the neighbouring village hurriedly came to see us. His shirt had drenched in the perspiration. We turned to him eagerly for the news. He said that the rioters had beaten up one Mohan who belonged to our street with an iron rod and blood had been profusely coming out from the head and that on the advice of the Police he had been taken to the government hospital. He said he was not sure whether wounded man was alive or dead. This was how he concluded the message breathing heavily. The person who had been beaten up had gone to Kumbakonam the previous day. Without knowing what was going on the village he had been done in by the enemies. It was very difficult to control people who had assembled there. They all rushed towards market street. The cart driven by the bullocks with plenty of stones rushed out as if driven by a horse. The way it took place resembled a scene from cinema. The market street was a kilometre away. Even though Hindus were living on the way they were not in a position to antagonise the Dalits. They were not considered significant either. So, there was no problem in going through that area. As requested by me, the women did not go to the place where fighting was taking place. But they also prevented me from going there. When 26

they did not stop their only sons proceeding with a sword, they caught hold of both my hands and prevented me from moving. I cannot never forget in my life how they pleaded with tears in their eyes that it was enough if I just stayed back. In a short while the vehicle which had gone with load of stones returned as speedily as it had proceeded. The cartman said one could not say how the skirmish would end and therefore he had come earlier. He also said that the enemies had fled towards Police station when they saw our people gathered. He said that there were nearly hundred people with arms. He requested us to be very careful and then wanted some weapon. A woman rushed to her house and came with an iron rod. He took that and ran towards the market street. When he had suggested that people here must be careful, women were consulting themselves. They divided themselves into two sections, one went towards the northern part of the slum and the other towards the east. I asked one of them as to where they were running. They said, “If the enemies come from different side and burn our houses we will face the problem of whether to put out the fire or fight against them…. Therefore, we are proceeding towards other places for giving protection there.” They did not even wait for my reply and ran fast. Even small boys and some girls actively went about and gathered stones. The collected water in some containers and dissolved chilli power in it. Two women went about and collected kerosene from many houses and now there were two buckets of kerosene. I asked why this was being done. They said if the enemies or police came in any vehicle to attack us, this could be used to burn the vehicle. Though the explanation shocked me, as it was a protective measure for them, I did not say anything. As the Police too had joined hands with the enemies openly, I was awaiting only adverse news. I had decided that in such case, women and children should be carefully evacuated. If in the market street clashes our side is beaten, enemies would rush towards the slum area. In the absence of menfolk women and children would face harassment. I did not tell that to women that just then. They 27

could feel unsafe. Right now without a thought of defeat they are doing things cheerfully. I didn’t want to stop their enthusiasm. We were hearing about the happenings at the market street every now and then. I had sent messages and arranged telegrams to be sent to the authorities who were ten kilometres away in Pandanallur, avoiding main roads and asking messengers to use the path through the fields. But it appears no official had come to the spot till now. That means this attack had been pre-planned. They must have decided to teach a final lesson to us. Whenever Dalits are attacked and put to hardships, there are enough sympathisers from other castes for support. But they never like Dalits retaliating. Now it is 5 O’clock in the evening. Our people who had gone for jobs elsewhere had returned with Dalits from neighbouring villages. Our strength had increased. A messenger came and informed me that our people wanted to attack the enemies crossing Theradi. I firmly said ‘no’ to the request. If we cross Theradi, the Police would resort to firing stating that we had attacked the Police station. Moreover, as the Police support was there, enemies would be emboldened to attack us. There would be considerable loss of lives. Our aim was only to subdue the enemies not cause loss of lives. All the shops had been closed. Buses did not ply through the main road and took a round about ten kilometres extra distance to reach their destinations. This went on from 1.00 p.m. There was no matinee show in the cinema theatre. Schools had been closed at the end of morning sessions. The government offices and hospital wore a deserted look. A Tahsildar who was just about 10 km. away, a Revenue Divisional Officer within 15 km. distance and a Dy.S.P. did not turn up either. Only the constables under the control of Inspectors of Pandanallur and Tiruvidaimarudar Police stations had turned up. The Inspector and the political leaders must 28

have thought that with the help of the Hindus Dalits could be smothered. Now, even at 5.30 in the evening, both the parties did not involve themselves in a direct clash. Their intentions must have been to drag our people nearer the Police station. Then alone they could use that excuse to resort to firing. If the enemies had attacked us with sickles and other weapons, cases must be filed against them as well. But if we are murdered in a Police firing there would be no need to file cases against them. Suddenly people who were in front came in full strength towards the huts. They surrounded me. They said the Police rushed towards them shooting towards the sky and nearly 200 rioters of the opposite camp began to charge with weapons. Our people pretended to retreat and then lunged forward and in the confrontation one Rajendran who was leading the enemy group had been killed and many wounded. There was no loss of life or limbs in our side. Rajendran who had been killed had belonged to the ruling party. He was just 25 but everyone in the area feared him. He was in the list of rowdies in the district. Now my worry was the enemies could kill Mohan who was in hospital. I was thinking how to save him in this critical situation. I could not take any decision and felt bad about it. Now, four youngsters who had participated in the scuffle came a little late. They were perspiring like anything. I asked angrily where they had been. They said that once when Rajendran was killed the enemies were scattering way and utilising that opportunity they had edged their way through the crowd, had gone to hospital, brought Mohan through the back side compound and had put him in a safe place. I was simply stunned. How could they so boldly achieve so much? Still the evening had not petered out. There was fading sunshine but a light drizzle has also started. We could not delay calling Police and higher officials from other places. Till then I asked people to be more vigilant in guarding our street. The drizzle became steady. 29

If we leave the slum area, they would set fire to the huts. There was the fear that nearly two hundred huts would be burnt. Now as there is rain, they will not set ablaze the huts. Youngsters had formed three groups and patrolled the area drenched in the showers. In fact nothing would be known about what is happening in one side of the slum in the other side. I sent all towards a safe place near the agricultural lands. It is eight p.m. now. Still the rains had not subsided. As it is the day following New Moon day, darkness had engulfed the place. As the electric wires to the area passed through the Hindu residence, they had cut off electricity. I had told the youngsters who were guarding to come to a particular place when the police came. Exactly by 9 pm a Police van and a jeep arrived at the entrance point of the slum. The youngsters who were guarding had assembled at the place where I asked them to come. At the other end the high-handedness of the Police had started. Older men and women were being harassed by the Police. The youngsters wanted to know what should be done next. I said that unless I knew what went on the market street, I would not move out of the place. But only a non-Dalit could go there and get information as to what is happening there. At this time two youngsters brought a Hindu who wanted to meet me. He was an acquaintance of mine. But he came with trembling now. Everybody surrounded him. This made him even more afraid. I told my people to leave him alone and then gave him words of comfort. I asked him to tell patiently as to what was going on the market street. He said they had placed the body of the murdered Rajendran on a bench in the verandah of the Police station, had garlanded it and were making much noise. Some big official had come who was driving out everyone: a big hotel nearby was made available for a meeting after sending out people from there. That was to be attended by allparty leaders, some lawyers from Kumbakonam, a retired Inspector of Police from Sirkazhi . It appears that a petition had been given and that I had been made the first accused in the case. He recounted all this very slowly and it took 30

nearly thirty minutes to complete his narration. He also said that he had come to the motor shed fully hoping that no danger would come to him. His tone was very pleading. In reality he was a very good man. Also quite knowledgeable. I told him that no good person would suffer at hour hands and sent him back safely with two persons guarding him. What he mentioned as the big official must have been an I.G or D.I.G. I told the people that none of them should be there in the village and all should come to Aralur village by short-cut. I just took one person with me for help. I did not have the heart to leave the place. At that time a jeep and a motor cycle had circled out street. We were hiding in a nearby place. In the dwelling area there was no movement either. Suddenly electric lights came on. Some ten or fifteen policemen were going round the area. Some were having guns and some lathis. I thought it would not be prudent to tarry there. Whether it was quarrel between children or even cocks, generally everyone will have some peace of mind only after reporting the same to me. Now when such a big danger is surrounding them and I am obliged to leave the place. I could not even see my aged mother, wife or small children. With a heavy heart I left the place. The friend who was with me had been helping me from the morning, giving water, making me to sit calmly and gathering information. Now he is following me. On the way when I saw our people hiding in the field, I told them not to lose heart and be brave and without telling anyone where I was going, started off. If from our street we move about a kilometre via the fields, one could reach a place called Sikkal Nayakkan Pettai. My friend Kanniah’s (now his name is Zakaria) house is there. We reached his place. He had heard full details about the events in Tiruppanandal. I had sent information on that to many friends in the movement by the evening itself. Kanniah was one of the responsible members of the movement. I got a bedspread from him, covered my head with that and in a cycle provided by him reached a village called Ala31

veli with my friend. Dalit youngsters who had participated in the scuffle had assembled there. I made groups of two three out of them and sent them to different places. My brother who was wounded on the leg was also sent to a safe place. To monitor what was going on in Tiruppanandal I formed a committee of youngsters from neighbouring village and entrusted them to the care of Alaveli Asaithampi. By about one in the night a car came from Kumbakonam to take me there. Four youth accompanied me. With the help of a social reformer in Kumbakonam, we reached a place called Kankoduthavanistham. I had the great privilege to see the great heroes who had wreaked vengeance on the wicked Irunjur Gopalakrishnan in that place. We were entrusted to the care of some youngsters who had newly embraced Islam. There were 22 of them. When we went there, all of them were there. They were in Dravidar Kazhagam before that. As Meenatchipuram conversion appealed to them most, along with Ambikapathi, the fatherin-law of Thazhai M.Karunanidhi, they had come to this place and got converted into Islam. They were very happy to welcome us in their midst. Between two rivers there was a thick grove of mango trees. There was a tiled-roof house. It was here that they first began to recite kalima. Now in the village itself a Jama-at has come and they pray there. Therefore the house was empty. We finished our morning food and slept. For a night and then a whole day we had been without food and were constantly in touch with the struggle. The four youngsters now slept well. They were happy to have done the job well. Even snoring noise emanated from them. But I could not get sleep. My mental struggles were not over. People had been working hard by cutting grass, cutting logs of wood for firewood, doing agricultural work for the landlords in the hope that their sons would get education and degree, would get employment and protect themselves and other members of the family and were educating them. Now with murder charges on them, they were sleeping. Now arrangements are to be made to send them to 32

prison. Many Dalit youngsters lose their precious lives in this manner. Because those wicked people had won, these people had to go to prison. If these had been defeated, they would have lost their lives by being killed. I think how their parents had given them weapons and sent them to fight and after the skirmishes were over send them to ensure my safety. If I had been a literary person, I would have written an epic on them. Had I been a writer, I would have written their stories as a novel. But I am neither a great literary figure nor a writer. I am just one of the crores of people who for the crime of having been born a Dalit, struggling to survive. It is not that I alone undergo this suffering. Whoever is born into Dalit families in India, their story has been to lead a life of humiliation and shame notwithstanding their merit and capabilities. I can say boldly that none was born in India in the last century who was so intelligent and capable as the great Ambedkar. Yet he had to face so many humiliations. History records that though Jagjivan Ram had earned crores of rupees, he had to put up with lot of humiliations. My mind was filled with thoughts like this. In our own village there have been reformers. They had been praised as scholars and men of rectitude. But none of them had come forward to help us. They could have been distinguished with even a reformist bent of mind. They could talk in the meetings, write well. But in practice they could not help us. They would be subjected to the hatred and enmity of their blood relations. If they break with their relations and come to help us then none would have any matrimonial relations with their families. That is why even very big reformers who had lived in India could not do any iota to improve the lot of the Dalits. Thick of forests; broken heart; a base life full of submissions to meanness. Why this disgrace? What is it we suffer for? To accumulate wealth and pleasures? Do we ask a share in the wealth of the Hindus or in their houses? No. We are also human beings. If walk with chappals, should we be beaten with chappals? Simply because one smoked, 33

should he be tied up and beaten? Simple because he asks for wages for work, should he be ostracised? Womenfolk to be jeered at and disgraced! If questioned, drive out from the village! How long to endure all these? Even if something perfectly legal is demanded, what justice is there if all other castes join together to ostracise the entire Dalit caste? People who destroy others, who betray their country’s interests to foreign lands, who print counterfeit currency, who have black money, indulge in bribery, people who are crafty and cheat others, gamblers, womanisers and above all wicked are said to be upper castes. But the one who struggles in the soil and produces paddy and cotton, struggle without sufficient food and clothing, they say, should not wear footwear, have an umbrella to protect from hot son or should not take out procession in the main streets! Still for how long these cruelties are to be endured? Periyar said, “Think, reason and lift yourself from degrading condition.” How else can more strongly stress a value to arouse the dignity of an individual? Is a life without respect, a life at all? Even when a dear daughter was born there was no happiness in the heart. Only a feeling that I had produced another ‘untouchable’ life. The mind raced along such thoughts. Also turned towards younger days. I must have been five or six years at that time. Inside the house I could hear my mother crying inconsolably. The village people were outside talking in groups. I went inside. Saw my father stretched on the floor with his head on the lap of my mother. Was consoling my mother in a very low tone. Both talked as if they wanted to control the volume of their speaking. When I saw mother crying, I too cried. Lying there, my father asked me to come near him, wiped out my tears and consoled me. Even though I was very young, I could follow what others were speaking. It seems that father was doing some field work for mutt maniyakarar. After finishing the work, he had taken a bath and had spread the towel over the upper part of the body so that it could dry, father was standing outside the house of maniyakarar. Seeing father with a 34

towel over the shoulders, the maniyakarar shouted at him, “So, you require an upper cloth, you a pariah whore’s son!” and removed his chappal and beat him up. Even now when I think of it my heart burns. Father was very cultured. Even in those days had read Nikandu, the grammar work. Had read Ramayana, Mahabharata, Arappalisathakam, Kumaresasathakam, Seevakachintamani: would recite many verses from those works from memory. The school was in the Hindu street. Grandfather used to carry him and leave him near the entrance of the school. As he belonged to the lower caste, he would not be allowed inside. He would sit under the shade of the Pipal tree and listen to the lessons. In the evening grandfather would take him back. Father seems to have been a good scholar. It seems that mastering Nikandu was a big achievement in those days. When he grew up a little, without the knowledge of grandfather ran away to Burma. After five years there, he came back. But they got him married to mother. Otherwise he would have left for Burma. He would often say that had he continued in Burma, his life would have been well-spent. Father was very beautiful to look at. He used to wear white khadar cloth only. He had small ear-rings. Once in our village Hindus had celebrated a temple-car festival. There was a huge crowd. Generally on occasions like that one Kumbakonam Gurusamidoss used to give music concerts, explaining the great events that are taking place in the country and composing songs himself. He also used to sell books containing those stories and songs. There would be loud-speakers as well. Once he did not have an accompanying singer and requested anyone who knew music to come forward to the stage. My father went to the stage. There was unrest in the crowd. One Hindu shouted at Gurusamidoss “What, you are asking a pariah to get onto the stage?” The singer pacified him and asked my father to stand below the stage and sing. Even though father felt humiliated, he knew the Hindus would be angry if he refused to sing. So he sang. Father 35

had very good voice. Often he used to sing beautifully what Gurusamidoss wrote on Tiruppanandal Singa Kadirvel. The people in the area would gather in a crowd and enjoy the music. Sometimes people in the crowd would shed tears. The songs will be so full of heroism and pathos. Singa Kadirvel was born in Tiruppanandal. Had belonged to Vanniar community. He was working in Tiruppanandal Arunajatesar temple farmlands belonging to Dharmapuram mutt as a supervisor. Once the temple maniyakarar was going round the village. As usual he was following the maniyakarar. When a small canal had to be crossed, maniyakarar got into it and waded through the water to reach the other side. Kadirvel, however, just in one jump crossed the channel. Maniyakarar felt ashamed. After returning to the fields, he shouted at Kadirvel, “You Palli, how dare did you jump and cross the canal while I was wading through it?” And whipped him up. Kadirvel, unable to bear the beating, shouted back. The maniyakarar, to prevent Kadirvel from entering the house, covered it up with fence. Unable to bear the wrath of the temple management, Kadirvel went underground. After some days, the festival of Murgan chopping the head of Surapadman was taking place in a gala manner. Then the Vanniars were carrying the idol of Murgan in a palanquin and the procession was moving forward with maniyakarar leading. Kadirvel who was hiding at the top of a roof-tiled house shot maniyakarar with a gun. After some time, the Police under the British rule shot dead Kadirvel in a place called Panankattankudi near Sirkali. The body was riddled with 22 bullets. Kadirvel’s mother, wife and daughter all had to die of starvation. This is how I had heard the story of Singa Kadirvel sung by my father. My mother used to sing many of these songs when agricultural operations were on. When Kadirvel had gone underground, one day he appeared suddenly in the marriage house of a Brahmin. Everyone was terribly afraid when they saw Kadirvel. 36

They wanted their lives to be spared and begged him to ask for anything. He got some jewels from them and seems to have gone to Pondicherry to get a revolver and wreaked vengeance on those who tried to betray him. (This revolver had been kept as an exhibit in a show organised by Kumbakonam Mahamaham Festival committee, with a note that it was the one used by Tiruppanandal Kadirvel.) In order to construct a fence around Kadirvel’s house only people from our dwellings had been utilised by the Maniyakarar. Therefore our people were shivering in fear that Kadirvel would burn all the huts there. One day suddenly Kadirvel appeared in the place and assured them that he would do no harm to them. Then alone people in the area began to sleep peacefully. The Vellalars had always used Vanniars to punish Pariahs and Pariahs to punish the Vanniars. Vellalars never like people above them to prosper, nor would allow people below them to prosper. But Vanniars were not like that. They will praise those above them and will oppress those castes which they consider are inferior to theirs. They would act as errant men for those above them and even will attack their own people. There are countless incidents like this. As far as our village is concerned, the entire land is under the control of Saiva Siddantha followers. Most of the lands in Thanjavur district are either with the Brahmins or Vellalars. With knowledge in science and modernism Brahmins had moved towards townships and established their control there. Vellalars also similarly adopted modernism through science and captured media as well. When Brahmins left the villages, they sold their lands to other castes. But the Vellalars when they left the place retained lands under their own control. They knew that the so-called inferior castes could be enslaved only by control over the land and accordingly retained them. If a Vanniar crosses a canal by just jumping over it or if an ‘untouchable’ spreads a towel over shoulders, these people are not able to tolerate that. What a twist of life that man had for just crossing the canal by jumping; how much indignities he had to put up with. And his wife and children 37

and dependents orphaned. Even the government had him shot dead. Kalki Krishnamurthy who wanted to depict the cruelties of caste-system, instead of depicting social degradations changed it as a love story or some rubbish in “Kalvanin Kathali”: also made a motion picture out of it. Many writers with their own caste, religious and political base distort history and write as they please. On the fifth morning the gentleman from Kumbakonam who had arranged protection for me came. He said that there was no rioting in the village and that murder charges had been filed against 54 people in the first information report many more added and tar many Dalits who can be rounded up are being arrested and all the members of my family had been included in the report; my aged father and uncle and five aged people have also been arrested and that women folk had been sent to safe places and that my wife and children have been sent to a safe custody; he also gave a detailed account of what was going on in the place. It was surprising to note that the opposite camp did not retaliate in any way. When I asked about that, he said that all party leaders after consultations for four days had come to a good decision. But what he suggested gave me a shock. He said he would take me immediately to meet an important politician and that I should join that party. The arrangement would just last for a month and that my name would be removed from the charge-sheet. He also said that other leaders had agreed to this and on this basis I should see to it that there were no further disturbances. As far he was concerned with a good heart, we wanted me to be safeguarded. Also he did not want any further clashes. As far as I was concerned, I could have been hacked to death in that skirmish itself. When people who struggle for food, clothing and shelter carry on a life or death struggle, this scheme was nothing more than making them slaves of the caste domination. If I join a political party I would just be a slave to that leader. Have we been fighting for so long only for this? Can people who come 38

after me act independently? This caste struggle is not going to end up with me. Even if a thousand years elapse, casteism would not leave this soil. So long as castes are there, inequalities also would abound. Untouchability would also be practised. So long as Untouchability is there, struggles will be there. If struggles are to be succeed, leadership should be there. If leaders become selfish, aspire only for power and position and submissive to caste Hindu leaders, people will not trust any leader then. Is life worth living when there is no self-respect or dignity. If our father of the nation Annal Ambedkar had not fought for self-respect throughout his life, would I ever had this thinking on self-respect? I too would have just lived a slavish life under some landlord. Should I ever step into the place of those caste fanatics? That gentleman from Kumbakonam had just given that advice taking into consideration the difficulties of the people and for myself. He had no evil designs. I told him that I was not agreeable to the proposal. I told him to take me to some court where I could surrender. His face wore a pained look. He said that they also said that I would come only to this decision. But he said in an apologetic tone that under the circumstances that was all he could do. I did not say anything further to him. I told him to make arrangements whereby we could surrender in some court. That night also I could not sleep properly. I was sure he would no go and report my refusal to their plan to them. I was not agreeable to that. And before that information reaches them, I must make some alternative arrangements. Otherwise the enemies would tell the police that I live underground under the support of that gentleman; the police would monitor his movements. If I am caught by the police, to please the enemies they would disgrace me. And my people would feel terribly unhappy about it. So before the dawn I started with the youngsters who had come to give me protection. The local youngsters who had assured our safety were put out. They all had clearly grasped the significance of the teaching of Islam. They said 39

they had been entrusted to protect us and that it was their duty to safely take care of us till he takes us back. Besides the news appearing in the papers are not encouraging. They said it was not advisable to move out at this time. But I pacified them and started. We divided ourselves into two groups and decided to reach Tiruvarur separately. But when we researched we were in for a shock. A C.I.D. inspector working in our area was in Tiruvarur Bus Stand. Even though he had seen us, he just pretended he had not seen us and turned his face in a different direction. But before he could turn his face towards us, we just fled from the place and hid under an old bus which was stationed there. Before he could contact the local police, we left Tiruvarur. But the following day my wife’s sister who was working in a bank in Tiruvarur could not escape the clutches of the C.I.D. He had to face beatings as well. In the end a week after the incident took place, on 23.11.1982 five of us surrendered in Mayiladuthurai Judicial Court. We were sent to Tiruchi Central Prison. 49 persons who were involved in the case had already been produced before the Court and were in Tiruchi Central Prison. In the next few days 7 youth belonging to Radical Youth League and 11 people from Tamil People’s Front had also been added in the list of accused, arrested and were brought to Tiruchi prison. Thiagu who had specialised in the art of destruction had been accused in a murder case and was in prison. There were also Muniraju and Lenin who were in the Naxalite movement. They were kept in a separate cell. Though for 7 years they had been kept in solitary confinement, we were surprised that they had learnt about the activities of our movement. They had met us nearly 10 years back with some dirty clothes and unshaven face. At that time the activities of our movement were going on in full swing. We had gathered a very large number of youngsters. Two youngsters belonging to our street informed us that their father was engaged in gathering cow dung in the cow shed of the mutt and that Maniyakarar had accused him 40

of having stolen rice meant for cow and had tied him and beat him up. That man was all his life doing slavish work in the mutt. I felt very bad that for a few kgs. of rice he had been treated like that. On that day the youngsters who were 18 and 15 stopped Maniyakarar who was returning from the mutt mauled him with cycle chains and then reported it to me. I took them under my safe custody, kept them underground for a while and produced before judicial court. It was at that time the two youth mentioned by me had met me and complimented me on the attack of Maniyakarar. At that time a number of rich people and big landlords had been set as targets for being beaten up by some organisations. Both of them spoke as if they wanted to give great encouragement and inspiration to our movement. But I never believed in violent deed or retaliation. Our principles were just to defeat the caste fanatics and those who indulged in violence. It was never our aim to seek out and destroy. I had told them that people who for thousands of years had been under economic and social oppression must be emancipated through education, awakening and self thinking and must be helped through service oriented activities and that there was no place for violence or destruction. They recalled that incident nearly after ten years in the prison. I could understand how their movement had spread its influence throughout the country and how keenly they were going about their job. The members of our movement were working hard to get bail for us to come out. Nearly people from two hundred villages showed great concern in this. They had also contributed some amount. After three months we came out on conditional bail. I was asked to stay in Chennai and report to Tiruvallikkeni D2 police station daily: others were asked to stay in Thanjavur and sign in the Taluk Police station. The brothers who were in Thanjavur had to struggle for even food. Our lawyer was a social reformer. They were living in their garden, cooked their food and were sleeping in the 41

upstairs of his house. This was a very great help to us. After spending three months on conditional bail like this, I was told not to go to my place but conditions imposed on others were relaxed and they went home. I was staying in Kumbakonam. About this time we received information that there were some problems in a village called Vettamangalam. This village is under the jurisdiction of Pandanallur police station in Tiruvidaimarudur Taluk of Thanjavur district. There are nearly 200 Vanniar and Thevar families living there. There are about fifty depressed castes here. The nearby villages were Thatchulampallam, Kamatchipuram and Kulasekaranallur. For Hindus living in this village to reach Kollidakkarai, it would be enough if they cross Raja canal. This is a little wider and during rainy season water will be full. If there is any death during that time, a float will be constructed and the bier will be taken to the other side and people would be accompanying it swimming. This was the position for the Hindus. For the Dalits the burning ground was at the end of their street itself. In Thanjavur district in most of the Dalit areas things were just like that only. In the district dry lands were limited while wet lands were more. In some part of the ground the Dalits would have their settlements. Usually they were located on the eastern side of the village. In any nearby vacant land there would the burning ground. In the burning ground of the Hindus there won’t be road or water facilities. They have to wade through the canal and even fields. During agricultural season too, when a crowd moves with bier crops will be destroyed but Hindus will not mind it. But they never would permit Dalit dead bodies to be carried through their streets. They have a tradition that a dead body of dalit passing through their streets would bring evil to the place. In order to understand this tradition, I would like to relate to you a story from Hindu Purana. Once there lived a sage called Jamadagni. He had a wife. That lady used to go to river to fetch water for the household. Once a Gandharva Prince was moving along the sky and his shadow could be seen in the river. It ap42

peared that the wife of the sage was much attracted by him. The sage who was in meditation learnt about this. Immediately he called his son Parasurama and told him to cut off mother’s head as she had lost chastity. Acting on the dictum that there was no greater duty than to obey father, Parasurama took his weapon axe and tried to find his mother. Learning that her son was coming to chop her head off, the mother ran away to save her life. But the son followed her. She reached the house of a Vettian. Still Parusurama did not leave her. Despite much entreaties, he chopped her head and brought it to his father. The sage appreciated him much and told him that he would grant a boon to him. The son asked for his mother’s life again. The father agreed to it, asked to son to take back the head and fix it over the trunk and sprinkle water from a crest-like water vessel, usually holy people carry. Parusurama did so and his mother came alive. The son asked her to come home. She said that the moment she, a brahmin woman, had entered the dwellings of Vettian, even then she had died and therefore she was only like a dead body and that she would not come to the house. This is how the proverb “The dead body from slum should not pass by the village” came into vogue. This is the substance of the fabricated story. The Brahmin woman who had stayed in the dwellings of the Dalit people is worshipped as Manicka Nachi. In 1980 the government constructed under NREP a bridge across the Raja canal. The scheme cost one and half lakh rupees. It is said half the cost was taken from funds allotted to Dalits. This bridge was constructed just to reach the burning ground near Kollidakkarai. But the Hindus refused Dalits permission to carry their dead bodies by using this bridge. The distance between the streets of the Hindus and this bridge is about one kilometre. Even though the road was there, the Dalits had to take the dead bodies by wading through Raja canal and burn it in their burning ground. Now as the bridge has been constructed they demand the right to use this bridge. 43

VETTAMANGALAM News reached me about how a person had passed away in Vettamangalam Dalit area and how in order to prevent the Dalits using the new bridge, Hindus had gathered from surrounding areas and are blocking the areas leading to the bridge. It had been two days since the death has taken place and the body has not been disposed of. As I was still under conditional bail, I went to the Revenue Divisional Officer of Kumbakonam and demanded the right to carry a Dalit dead body through a bridge constructed at the government cost. I had also given a complaint that the Hindus who obstruct this must be booked under Untouchability Act. As the Hindus were in large numbers and to avoid any clashes, the Revenue Divisional Officer said that he himself would personally come arrange for the burning of the dead body. But what subsequently happened really pained us. The RDO constructed a bamboo bridge by the side of the cement bridge and had arranged for the funeral procession to go by that bridge. Vettamangalam brothers came and told me at Kumbakonam that even the dead carcasses of animals of the Hindu families are taken via the cement bridge. They were incensed that but even the government by way of insulting us had arranged for construction of a separate bamboo bridge. We condemned the action of Revenue Divisional Officer by having demonstrations in front of his office at Kumbakonam. Now two Dalit political leaders arranged to get letters from two local dalits that it was enough to have bamboo bridge for the Dalits. We carried a placard stating that we would destroy the bamboo bridge. We made propaganda against the action of the government. After a few days a Dalit had died. In his last days I had been to Vettamangalam. His stomach was bloated. He 44

wanted to get up on seeing me but could not do so. People who were nearby managed to make him sit. With great difficulty he raised his hands and greeted me. I was moved to see his condition. He wanted to say something. I bent my head near him and could catch the words. My eyes shed tears. I had horripilation. “Would you arrange to take my dead body through the cement road?” he had asked in a feeble voice. I stood there silently. He did not expect any reply. Slowly putting his head down, he reclined. I thought that he would be alive just for a couple of days. Womenfolk and children had gathered. The ground was very wet. There was tamarind tree nearby with plenty of green tamarind. This tree had belonged a Brahmin. (How an Iyer got ownership of a tree in the midst of the dwelling place of Dalits of over 500 years is a mystery.) Under that tree the placed a plank and asked me to be seated. In a while the headman came. He looked a bit apprehensive. I could understand the reason for the fear. I asked him to sit nearby and asked him about why he signed in the petition stating that bamboo bridge was enough. He said, “I did not know why they had called. They mentioned the name of two Dalit leaders and asked me to put my signature. Because they were our people, I trusted. I did not know that it was mentioned that bamboo bridge was enough. Those leaders had cheated us.” His regret was genuine. Those two leaders belonged to the neighbouring village. They had belonged to one particular political party. The local leader of that party was a caste fanatic. Under his instigation these quislings had done this job. This was shown an agreement and they closed the problem of Vettamangalam. The Hindus and Dalits had become reconciled. The R.D.O. had written to the higher authorities stating that a person by name T.M. Mani involved in a murder case has been magnifying this problem. We prepared a statement that the bridge to Kollidakkarai had been constructed at government cost and that people of all castes had a right to use the same and if anyone prevented the Dalits from taking the dead bridges over it, suitable action must 45

be taken. We also provided the names of people who were preventing and gave that list signed by people living in the area and forwarded the same to all higher authorities. In the next week the person who was sick had died. We immediately communicated the matter to all the authorities with whom we had lodged a complaint earlier, requested for protection to carry the bier and sent telegrams to the authorities. We went to Pandanallur Police station gave a complaint asking for protection. But they said they could give protection only if the body is taken by the bamboo bridge. Throughout the day no official came near the dalit quarters. Around 9 pm when I was in Kumbakonam I heard the news that Tahsildar of Tiruvidaimarudur along with 10 constables was proceeding towards Vettamangalam Dalit slum. The distance between Vettamangalam and Kumbakonam is about 25 kms. Along with some friends I reached Vettamangalam by 11.00 pm. The whole place was engulfed in darkness. Also there was a slight drizzle. Only slight shadows could be seen in the darkness. The jeep of the Tahsildar and a police jeep were stationed at the end of the Dalit street. Nearly ten tall policemen were standing with lathis. Some old people were preparing a pier with bamboos. When womenfolk saw us they began to wail loudly. The Police and Tahsildar were threatening that the body should be removed by the night itself. Menfolk had gone and were hiding near the fields. We had told them that our leader has to come. But they don’t listen. Have asked some old people to prepare the bier immediately. Tahsildar himself has brought new dhoti, garland, incense sticks, camphor and frankincense. This is the gist of what they told me. Usually new clothes are brought only by father-in-law. Camphor etc. will be purchased by headmen. But here Tahsildar himself had brought all these things and is waiting with his people. I went near the jeep. I asked where Tahsildar Machan was. Then shouted angrily in very loud voice. When my voice was heard, people who were hiding near the fields started coming. They had also collected some stout constables from dif46

ferent police stations just to terrorise the Dalits. They spoke something among themselves. One came close to me He was a distant relative of mine. But you cannot expect any consideration like relationship, caste or religion with the Police. We have to be very cautious always. He was a head constable in Kumbakonam. He told me that according to instructions from Revenue Divisional Officer, they had come and that the higher authorities wanted the body to be cremated by that night itself. Even if a goat, cow or a dog dies only the owners decide when to bury the same. What was the crime of these people except that they were born into Dalit caste? Not only the high caste Hindus, but even the officials behave like caste Hindus! Apart from preventing the body to be taken through the Hindus bridge, they want the body to be taken and cremated somewhere even without observing funeral rites and traditions. How is this just? Among the officials only the Tahsildar was the higher ranked authority. Others were Inspectors and men of lesser rank. I told them that let R.D.O and Dy.S.P. come in the morning. Only then would we take out the bier. They replied that to prevent you people from using the cement bridge Hindus have mustered in thousands. There could be riots and even burning of your huts. He said to give protection to us and to solve the problem they had sent him. He also said that Dalits are very poor and depend upon the Hindus for livelihood. That we should not make this prestige issue and take the brier along the bamboo bridge. And in a pacifying tone said that he too was a Dalit and a large number of people who had come with him were also Dalits. I thought only the head constable who spoke to me was a Dalit. Now from what this Tahsildar says it appears that they have selected a lot of Dalits just to threaten and oppress us. Higher officials could easily threaten subordinate officials and get things done. In all departments Dalit officials are used for such purposes. To suppress the Dalits using Dalit officials had been a common feature. While Tahsildar was speaking to me, one youngster called me to 47

speak in private. He said that he had reliable information that Hindus had assembled in very large number near the cement bridge and what the Tahsildar had been saying was true. The street where Hindus lived was nearly a kilometre from this place. Dalits could not possibly know what was going on there. I thought we too should have gathered many people during the day time. I felt that I had committed a mistake. As I was staying in different place under conditional bail, I could not react to the situation correctly. I really was perplexed. I thought of how the person who has died, told me before his death about the dead body to be taken by cement bridge. How degrading it must have been to see that bamboo bridge by the side of the cement bridge. It now seems that I could not fulfil his last wish. If all had to be brought together for consultations, these officials are standing so near. So I thought it would be better if all these were to be moved out. I told the Tahsildar that all the officials should leave the place. He not only refused but said the dead body must be created on that day itself and that was the order they had and therefore the police would be there for protection duty. I told him that unless the left the place immediately we would burn the huts ourselves and announce that they along with the Hindus had done that. The Tahsildar talked with others and they all moved away. The place was free from the officials. I gathered all men an women in the Dalit area and asked for suggestions as to what could be done. An old man suggested that the Hindus had gathered in large number to prevent us doing what we want and that we too must gather people and must go through the cement bridge only. The vice president of the movement in that area said that he had gone to the Police station in the morning to present a petition about the need for police protection and that they wanted the bier to be taken only through cement bridge. The Inspector not only refused to accept the petition but had insisted that they must take the dead body only via bamboo bridge and that was the instruction of Revenue Divisional Officer. If we defy that we could be booked for 48

rioting and would be put in prison. The dead body, that too life having to come to an end after prolonged illness, began to stink. If it was kept in that condition the following day also, the stink would be unbearable, said a woman relative. We should have gathered by now enough people. Now keeping a decomposing body and hunt for people means, Police themselves would interfere on the grounds that general health condition would be affected and remove the body. We did not want that situation to develop. At the same time we did not like the idea of crossing the canal via bamboo bridge either. As there was no other alternative, we dug a pit in the garden and buried the body. His beseeching whether his body would be taken by cement bridge haunted me. Because of poor planning and also having not reached the place on time, this mistake had happened. Those who lead ordinary people should take decisions on time. With guilty feelings I began to leave the place. The day was about to dawn. When I came out of the Dalit dwellings, one revenue official rushed towards me and asked what we were going to do about the dead body. I did not reply to that official. Hindus who were waiting with weapons to attack us near the cement bridge had no idea as to what had happened here. Throughout the night they were making merry. This exuberance did not last for many days. In the next week an old person had suddenly passed away. When the news spread hundreds of young Dalits from neighbouring areas had gathered in Vettamangalam. The opposite camp also had assembled near the cement bridge in full strength. Throughout the night under petromax light there was singing and dancing there. Early in the morning the Dy.S.P. came with a retinue of officials and asked us as to why we had not taken the dead body yet. We said we would go only by the cement bridge. He said that if took that route there could be clashes between the Hindus and the Dalits. We replied that he should take action on those who prevent us from using common bridge. 49

He just stared at us and left in the jeep. A very large number of Police force had been stationed. Around 11.00 in the morning, the District Adi Dravidar Welfare official came. All his subordinate officials had also come in jeeps and vans. Two Dalit leaders also accompanied them. They were not the ones who had given a petition to provide just bamboo bridge in the past. These were contractors under the Adi Dravidar Welfare department. They were putting on their shoulders towels denoting that they belonged to the ruling party. They had come to pacify the Dalits and take the body by the bamboo bridge. They had called people in the dwelling and were promising a lot of good things. They said they would make arrangements for a pucca colony to be built there with individual houses for all. The said milch animals would be provided for each family. There would be construction of cement water overhead tank and water supply for all the houses. Also arrangements were being made so that the next dead body could go by the cement bridge. On the other side the police stood guard to see that the dead body was not taken out. Hindus also stood by them. Around five in the evening all the officials had left the Dalit area. We had prepared handbills stating that the dead body would be taken in a procession and burnt at the Revenue Divisional Office. We had planned to take the dead body by a taxi to Kumbakonam and from Old Palakkarai to take out a procession to the Revenue Divisional Office. But this secret had leaked out and the Police prevented any vehicle or car from entering the area. I was told by a person from the CID that the District Superintendent of Police was coming the following day and see to that there were no violent incidents till then. Darkness engulfed the place. More than three hundred youngsters decided to spend the night in Vettamangalam only. We were apprehensive that Police could forcibly take the corpse. We wanted to prevent such step at any cost. Nobody had taken food in the last two days in the Dalit dwellings. From the adjoining villages people were providing food. We were thinking as to how to feed three hundred 50

people during the night. At that time Manakkunnam Kasi came in three bicycles carrying bags of rice. He gave four measures of rice to each of the 40 houses and asked it to be cooked. Each one’s drumstick tree provided the greens. Rasam and Kuttu (mixture) were prepared. In about an hour’s time each house provided food to 8 and 10 people and fasting was over. The next day also Kasi had done like that. Kasi had arranged to collect from 10 Dalit area, one measure of rice from each house through headmen who sustained the tempo in this front and did a valuable service. (In a few days’ time Manakkunnam Kasi was murdered by the Hindus.) No body slept during the night. Arrangements also were made to collect as many weapons as possible. Dalits were very firm that whatever loss of life is incurred, the dead body must be carried only through the cement bridge. It was decided to carry the bire silently upto bamboo bridge and suddenly force the way to cement bridge and then carry the same through that. To cross the distance of about 50 feet between the two bridges, one may have to face attacks from Hindus and the Police. To see that the bier is not disturbed during this operation, hefty people had been prepared to carry it. If one person carrying the bier were to be injured, there was another person to continue the work. Dalit youngsters were in a frenzy. Similarly the Hindus who had gathered near the cement bridge were singing and dancing and enjoying themselves. Also had collected weapons which were shining. It looked as if to see the atrocity in Vettamangalam even the night had quickly ended its duration. Very early in the morning itself the Panchayat Union Commissioner alighted from his jeep in the Dalit surroundings. Also present were an officer from the general hospital and the Health Inspector. They had for their protection four constables. They inspected the dead body immediately. They said the body had decomposed and it must be immediately removed or there would be general health problems. The Panchayat Commissioner got a certificate to this effect from the Doctor. 51

They will take over the dead body forcibly and throw it somewhere or burn it. That is why this medical drama. Dalit youngsters understood this stood on vigil for nearly a furlong distance from the main road to the entrance of the dwellings. Around 9 O’clock in the morning two CID police came in a jeep. At the entry point they were stopped by the group of Dalit youngsters. They aid that there would be a Peace Committee meeting in Pandanallur Revenue Inspector’s office at 10 a.m. Without dislocating the security arrangements some leaders along with the village headmen went there. In Revenue Inspector’s office a number of Hindu bigwigs had gathered. Myself, Kudanthai Sowrirajan, Tiruppanandal Uthirasu, Alaveli, Asaithambi, Nedunkollai Perumal, Pandanallur Kaliyamurthi, Visarachami, Pappakkudi Kalingarajan, Ramian, Srirngapuram Balu who were are all ordinary folk, younger than me represented our side. In the side opposite to the Dalits, two Dalit leaders were also there. They had come to give evidence on behalf of their masters. In the Revenue Inspector’s office of Pandanallur two sets if seats had been provided each facing the other. Hindus who had belonged to different political parties were sitting in the lower row. Along with them the two Dalit leaders also were sitting. In the upper row we were sitting. The Tahsildar of Tiruvidaimarudur presided over the meeting. From the Hindus side they spoke threateningly. They said that Hindus and Dalits were very close to each other in Vettamangalam like a mother and the child, it had already been decided by the authorities that the Dalits would take out the dead bodies via the bamboo bridge and that outsiders like us are creating tension over it. This was the argument of the Hindus. We said while the cement bridge used by all the other castes to take out the dead bodies, it would be illegal to prevent Dalits alone to use it for that purpose. We also said that in fact construction of separate bamboo bridge for the use of the Dalits was an even greater offence 52

and all these people must be arrested under Untouchability Act. The Hindus were much agitated. From our side Asaithambi told them heatedly that they could do whatever they wanted. Both the sides exchanged harsh words. I asked my side to be quiet. The Hindus had dispersed. The Tahsildar and other officials who had accompanied him tried to seat both the sides for talks. The CID Police said that the District Superintendent of Police was on his way and that we should not disperse and go away. Around 2 p.m. the S.P. of Thanjavur district came. He gave stern warning to the Hindus and ourselves. He also used harsh words directed generally at all. He said if we do not agree to some decision within thirty minutes, he himself would take a decision. He was very angry. The constables were standing erect with the guns. That also frightened both the sides. The way he was critical of both sides irritated me. The Tahsildar persuaded both the sides to resume the seats. They wrote in a note book the those signed agreed to whatever decision had been taken by the authorities. This was considered a resolution , read out and first the Hindus signed it. The authorities would have thought that if the Hindus had signed, we too would sign. But we refused to sign. The Superintendent of Police asked us to meet him separately. We went to the place where he was sitting. A number of police officials and the Panchayat Commissioner of Tiruppanandal were there. An order which had prepared was handed over to us. In order that the readers must fully understand the problems of Vettamangalam Dalits in disposing of the dead bodies, I am reproducing in full the order of the Panchayat Commissioner:

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Panchayat Union Commissioner, Tiruppanandal Date: 11.4.84 N.K.2699/84 B3 Notice: SUB: General Health, Vettamangalam village, Serfoji Rajapuram Circle –disposal of dead body of a deceased person on 9.4.84 –cremation. REF: Letter from Area Inspector dated 11.4.84 One Mani, son faith had died in the Adi Dravidar Street of Vettamangalam village on 9.4.84. The body of the dead person is lying in his elder brother’s house without being cremated till now. There are no efforts to dispose of the body either so far. As three days had elapsed since the death and cremation has not been done, this could lead to adverse general health situation and there is the danger of spread of infectious diseases. Arrangements must be made to dispose of the dead body within one hour from the receipt of this notice. It is notified hereby that otherwise action will be taken under Tamil Nadu General Health law. Commissioner Panchayat Union, Tiruppanandal Special Officer, Serfoji Rajapuram Panchayat To Sivasami, Adi Dravidar Street, Vettamangalam. When this notice was served on us, officials of many departments of government were there. What is the truth in the notice? Readers must think. It is true that as the dead body has been lying uncremated, it is decomposing. But the authorities have stated that the Dalits had not made any arrangements to dispose of the body. Is this proper? Because the Hindus refuse the body to 54

be taken through the cement bridge and the authorities also aided and abetted by them by constructing a bamboo bridge separately for the Dalits, this situation has come about. Is a Hindu dead body superior? Dalit’s dead body inferior? Had the authorities implemented law, would this disgrace have taken place? As if it is not enough to keep us outside the village while alive, now they want to inflict indignities on the dead ones too! When they have the mentality to disgrace us even after death, what relationship could there be between them and us? The talk that all Hindus must be united seems just an empty assurance. The law says that Untouchability has been abolished. Where has it been abolished? How dare this big lie goes about unchallenged? In all the 12 lakh villages of India, the same situation prevails. To give one lakh rupees as prize money for a village where is no untouchability is a fraud. So long as Hindu religion is there, you cannot see such a village. After receiving the notice from the commissioner and perusing the same, we prepared a reply and handed over to the District Superintendent of Police. Sender: Sivasami, Adi Dravidar Street, Vettamangalam. To The Hon’ble District Police Higher Official, Camp: Pandanallur Revenue Inspector’s office. Ref: Notice no. NK 2699/B3 of the Commissioner, Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union. Sub: Taking out the bier through the public bridge for cremation – request for protection – My uncle Mani, son of Vaithi had passed away on 55

9.4.84 after illness. The Hindus of the village and the revenue officials are preventing us from taking out this body via the cement bridge to the crematorium. As a result, as stated in the order cited above, the body which is lying uncremated for three days is decomposing and it is likely to endanger public health. We are obliged to cremate it within one hour. We respectfully submit to Your Honourable Self to kindly make arrangements so that the dead body is taken through the cement bridge near the Hindu street. SD/- Sivasami Vettamangalam The above letter was drafted and submitted to the District Superintendent of Police. He read it and look at us as though he could burn us with his looks. We understood the meaning of his stare and left the place in anger. After a while one official came and showed us the complaint we had written and asked us to add one more sentence stating that we will bind ourselves by what the authorities decide in the matter. We said the authorities are preventing us from taking out the dead body through the cement bridge and therefore there was no question of abiding by the decision of the authorities. We were very firm. He returned without giving any reply. It was about 5 in the evening. The crowds on both the sides had swollen. At the main street a little away, members of our movement raised slogans like, “Down with castes”, “Down with untouchability”, “We will smash the bamboo bridge” and sat on the road obstructing the traffic. Printed handbills also were distributed. As a result there was restlessness. Four constables ran towards the side of agitation. Revenue officials were trying to pacify the crowd. Finding the situation getting worse, the Police Official ordered that all of them should leave for Vettamangalam. When the District Police Officer had ordered like that, the police, revenue and Harijan welfare officials who were in the Revenue Inspector’s office and other places proceeded towards Vettamangalam in jeeps and vans. Nearly 56

500 members of our movement who saw this also followed them. The whole scene resembled as if a piece from a cinema was enacted. The Tahsildar took myself and some leading members of the movement in his jeep. The authorities seemed to complete the process of cremation as early as possible. Our members were even more ardent than them. But all of us were moving in a hurried manner without even having decided whether the bier would go through cement or bamboo bridge. We had decided that it would be via cement bridge. We were prepared to face any consequences on that account. The members of the movement had kept the body in the bier to be carried immediately. The procession started and hundreds of Dalits had surrounded it. Also hundreds were preceding and following the bier. We did not have the heart to ask the authorities as to which bridge must be chosen: nor did they seem to spell out clearly which bridge must be taken. Near the cement bridge, Vanniars had gathered there in large number along with the police. When the bier approached near the bamboo bridge, the armed police showed a little hesitation. Whether they did not know that cement bridge is to be used or we would be forced to use bamboo bridge, it was uncertain. But those who carried the bier, and those who had been surrounding them moved very swiftly like lightning towards the cement bridge and proceeded on it. The whole of Kollidakkarai reverberated with slogans Jai Bhim, Jai Bhim. The Police and Vanniars guarding the entrance to the cement bridge stood transfixed. Probably the authorities must have thought that if their decision to permit the bier to cross through cement bridge had been communicated earlier, there could have been violence. Dalits had to struggle so much for even a right granted under law! When we returned after the cremation was over, constables with arms had lined up on the route. Members of our movement were leaving in batches to their respective places. Myself and some leaders stood at the entrance of 57

Harijan street and asked people to leave the place peacefully. At the end of the street there were women folk standing under a tree. Five or six bricks had been so formed as to give a cone shape in a small raised mud pial. Within that an earthen lamp had been lit. A trident had been placed opposite that. An old woman was distributing sacred ash and vermilion after showing camphor to the lamp from a big plate. Everybody closed their eyes, placed their hands before the mouth as a mark of respect and showed their forehead to the old woman. Some local people who had come with us went and joined in these rituals. We were standing a little away. The old woman brought that big plate towards us. A local member gently turned her away. All the difficulties faced by the Dalits are due to this sacred ash and vermilion. Annal Ambedkar says that this is what brands them as untouchables. Is there none to impart to these people the great truth told by that great man? Are do they not want to cast off that stamp? Which is the truth? What does it matter if a man’s dead body is taken by a particular road? Should there be so much rancour over it? Some reformers advise us that we could have climbed down a little in this matter. But they do not understand that this age-old right has been denied to us from time immemorial. No reformist organisation has come forward to take up cudgels against the daily indignities heaped upon the Dalits. It is said that Dr.Ramadoss stood against Vanniars himself by helping to carry a bier on his shoulders in a place called Kudithangi in Thanjavur district . And it has been widely advertised that to express great appreciation for that, leader of Viduthalai Siruthiar organisation Thol.Thirumavalavan conferred on Dr.Ramadoss of the title “Tamil Kudithangi”. If there are reformers like Ramdoss to fight for the rights of Dalits, and when there are Dalit leaders to chronicle them, there is no need for Dalit leaders like myself or my 58

organisation or others to function at all. But did such an event take place? Was it proper that Thirumavalavan should have bestowed on Dr.Ramadoss the title of “Tamil Kudithangi”? To clarify the matter, I will relate briefly an incident as that had happened in Vettamangalam.

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KUDITHANGI Kudithangi is a place about 10 km. north of Kumbakonam. About half a kilometre north of the historical Tiruppurambiam there is a place called New Colony. People from different places came and settled in this place about twenty thirty years back in what was a fallow land. All of them belonged to Pariah community. From there within less than half a kilometre in the north, Kudithangi colony is located. About 50 Pariah families are living there. From there in about half a km. distance adjacent to Kudithangi in Kollidakkarai about 150 Vanniar families live. At the end of the Kudithangi colony there is the burning ground for the Dalits. People had been petitioning to the government for a long time to allot land for burning ground near Kollidakkarai. About this time to establish our movement there, we had gone to Kudithangi Dalit dwelling area. People there informed us about their petition. After our association was formed there, the first activity was to demand a place for crematorium for the Dalits by holding demonstrations and fasting before the Revenue Divisional Office at Kumbakonam. At that time on 12.1.88 in the Dalit area an aged person by name Ayer had passed away. We submitted copies of our petitions and details about our demonstrations to the District Collector of Thanjavur and Superintendent of Police. They said they would look into the matter. But the Union and town office bearers of the Vanniars Sangam wrongly presumed that we were about to take the dead body to Kollidakkarai for cremation and had assembled thousands of Vanniars through their association and be60

gan to guard near Vanniar street in Kudithangi. A very riotous situation prevailed there. The District Collector called us and said that as we have already a burning ground and if arrangements are made for a new alternative burning ground there could be disturbances and it was possible that they were responsible for the situation and accordingly asked us take the dead body to the old crematorium. Also he said he would make alternative arrangements shortly. The Superintendent of Police confirmed that view. There was reason for both the officials fearing that they could be charged with instigation –both of them had belonged to depressed classes. Even though two top district officials belonged to the depressed castes, we felt very unhappy that nothing could be done for the legitimate demands of innocent people; but at the same time we also thought of the plight of the District Collector Gangappa. If you pass by Kudithangi Kollidakkarai eastwards for about two kilo metres, there is the village Nilathanallur famous for cattle shanty. Near that there is the village called Kavalkudam. In that place a Vettian did not turn up immediately to remove the carcass of a cow in Hindu family. To teach a lesson, the Hindus had burned the huts of six vettians. For the crime of giving a complaint to Police on this incident, hundreds of Hindus had gathered and burned about 40 huts there. Congress leader Moopanar’s right hand Ramakrishna Padayatchi had lead all the above incidents. Even after four days of burning the huts, no action was taken against those who burnt them but they also declared that it was an accident. We met the District Collector Gangappa, told him the details and also gave him the list of people who had perpetrated the offence. He personally visited the spot, took action and provided dwellings for Kavalkudam Dalits near Neelathanallur where a large number of Dalits were living. As Collector Gangappa had belonged to dalit caste, caste Hindu political leaders took revenge and he was transferred to Milk Project department. 61

This could be done to him even though he was an I.A.S. official. He had lose his job as the District Collector. We thought about these things. What is the guarantee that such indignities would not befall on these Dalit officials? Still as we were not inclined to take the dead body to the burning ground, we buried it in the land adjacent to his place and raised a Samadhi there. We continued to press for allotting a burning ground for us in Kollidakkarai by organising demonstrations. At this stage, on 23.8.88 one Selvam, son of Kaliaperumal died in the New Colony. On the previous day for a very big conference of Scheduled Caste emancipation in Chennai we had participated. From Thanjavur we had attended by harnessing 360 lorries. When we returned to the place on 23rd we got the news of the death of Silva. For New Colony people there was already a burning ground in Kollidakkarai. In 1983 when Annappattu, wife of Pattaru of New Colony had died, the body was cremated only in Kollidakkarai ghat. So we made arrangements for immediate disposal of the body. When the brier was being carried, hundreds of Vanniar Sangam members wearing the yellow turban of their identity blocked the road with weapons in their hands. The reason for people who had not objected to the cremation of Annappattu in Kollidakkarai doing so now was that they had formed an association. As there was no other alternative the body was just kept there and people returned to village. When we heard the news, we immediately complained to Sub-Collector, Kumbakonam. We appraised him of the fact that people of New Colony had a burning ground in Kollidakkarai. We also told how the Vanniars are obstructing the proceedings. As it was late in the night, we decided to complete the rituals in the morning. But when we went there in the early morning neither the body nor the bier could be found. The authorities must have taken them and thrown it somewhere. Members of our movement who enraged at this attacked the police who were standing guard there. In fact one Inspector was so severely wounded in the head that there was a danger to his life. 62

Other constables who by now were severely affected, ran away from the place. On 24.8.88 hundreds of armed police personnel entered nine dwellings of Dalits including at Kudithangi and New Colony and indulged in heavy destruction of properties. Old sarees and dhoties were burnt. All earthenware were broken. Case under attempted murder (Sect.307, and other sections were registered against 104 Dalits including 22 women Kudithangi dwellers. Sisters of our movement were taken to Kumbakonam and were tortured. For many months we faced imprisonment and then conditional bail. Many deaths followed and we decided not to use the old burning ground and did not change our course of taking the brier through the common public road. Despite so much hardships we did not recede from our stand. For four years the agitation went on. Many dead bodies were buried in the streets and canals. We also had to face many cases during this period. At this juncture on 14.8.88 Nirappirigai and press people who had come for field inspection stated that there was no organisation in the area with awareness and militancy! Not only Nirappirigai, but for many reformist organisations and reformers probably the name Kudithangi came to knowledge probably on after Dr.Ramadoss arrived there! People who had come for inspection did not take into cognisance the struggles of the people there which were going on for a long time. They were just bent on highlighting the arrival of Dr.Ramadoss there. Did not Dr.Ramadoss know what was going on in Kudithangi for the previous four years? After 82 Vanniars were arrested and sent to imprisonment under Valence Act and brought an end to the problem of burning ground in Kudithangi and exposing thoroughly the duplicity of Vanniars by Kudantai Ramanathan, Polur Varathan and others, and after Chief Minister Jayalalitha ordered that dead bodies could be taken by the main road to Kollidakkarai, only then did Dr.Ramadoss come to Kudithangi to get political mileage out of it. Vanniar women asked him that only his party people prevented the bodies to be taken by that road and why did he come as if to be63

tray them and joining the Dalit slum dwellers. If Ramadoss came along with the Dalits they threatened to resort to road block again. After undergoing many hardships and indignities and finally bringing the matter to an end after four years, our people also hated the arrival of Dr.Ramadoss. The SubCollector also pressed Dr.Ramadoss to leave the place. But the leaders of our movement who had come in the lineage of Rationalism and Self-respect of Periyar and Annal Ambedkar welcomed him warmly, took him in procession to the burning ghat and said that quarrel over must be left behind and efforts made to capture seats in the Parliament. It is this most conscious group that has been called as one without awareness or militancy by Nirappirigai. Is this also not a kind of untouchability? By Dr.Ramadoss’ arrival no good accrued to either party. For the simple reason the problem had been solved even before that. We thought that there would be harmony between the two communities after his arrival. That also did not take place. After a few days both our communities called for a conciliation meeting at R.P.S. Stalin’s house in Kumbakonam and established harmony. Knowing nothing about all these things, Thirumavalavan has given a wrong information that Dr.Ramadoss was one of the people who carried a bier of Dalit and there were thousands of Vanniars assembled. Also, he has conferred on him the title, “Tamil Kudithangi”. Subsequently he calls him as the enemy of Dalits. Both these are unnecessary. As for as Ramadoss is concerned he has to show often that he is not an enemy of the Dalits and accordingly show effusiveness to some Dalit leader. It could be John Pandian or Thirumavalavan, Ezhilmalai, Ponnusami or somebody else tomorrow. This is how he met the attack of leader Ilaiyaperumal. On such occasions we had supported Ilaiyaperumal. But we have never said that Ramadoss was an enemy of the Dalits. At the same time never accepted the leadership of any caste Hindu either. When that research article appeared in Nirappirigai our movement was listed under Naxalites by the Police. At 64

the time of Ariyalur blast, with the backing of Court order my house was subjected intense search by the Police. Intense search meant hundreds of Police and local, outside Dy.S.P.s under the guise of search, the whole of our dwellings had been laid threadbare and people in the area were put under fear. The Police knew that there was no chance of obtaining any document pertaining to the Ariyalur blast with us. But its intention was to intimidate and terrorise us. Even though Kudithankigal research article in Nirappirigai hurt us greatly, we never showed that out. The reason was that comrades A. Marx, P. Kalyani and Ravikumar all wanted to do some good to us.

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MURDER CASE – IMPRISONMENT During 1984 the case involving murder charges against me was taken up for hearing. It was contended that my younger brother and another youngster were holding the murdered person and I used a long Veecharival to kill him. That is how witnesses presented the matter. The principal six witnesses almost verbatim repeated the same story. Thanjavur Ramamurthy argued excellently. He took great pains to see that I was acquitted in the case. Of the 54 accused, the one who really committed the murder was also there. He was just about 18. If his parents were persuaded to make the son accept the crime, probably he could get a life sentence and will come out by the time he is 30. The amount we spend on the conduct of the case could be given to that family. I also could escape the prison sentence. The youngster also had agreed to the suggestion. His family also accepted the same. But I was not prepared to accept it. I did not like the idea of betraying a youngster with a lot of self-respect and dignity. If I did that who would come out for public service? As for as we were concerned the matter was treated as public service only. I said even if I am given death sentence it did not matter. In the end the Judgement awarded me a life term. Six persons including my younger brother were given one year imprisonment. Arrangements were made for getting bail for the six. On November 5, 1984 I was taken to Tiruchi Central Prison. I was given uniform meant for prisoners. Naxalite prisoners who were in solitary confinement had been transferred to some other prison. Ganesan who was an associate of Thiagu (in solitary confinement) gave in writing acceptance of some conditions and was with us. 66

The heroes who murdered those who had put an end to the life of MP Annan Murugian in a planned manner were also with us. One of them, MP’s brother Russia and three others and one from Thevar community were the five involved in that case. A person from Thevar caste had been deliberately included in this group. They had considered that if all had belonged to one caste there would not be ‘realism’ in the case! Therefore, he had been included. Till the end that Thevar was not close to them at all. He was lamenting that they had included him in this case because he was a communist and that he had nothing to do with the murder. Russia also agreed with the contention. He said that he and his brothers did it Thevar had nothing to do with this. Just to make it a political issue they had included him. He also added that they had born all the Court expenses but still that man was complaining. It is true that Irinjur Gopalakrishna Naidu had burnt 44 dalits alive in Keezha Venmani and Dalit youngsters wreaked vengeance on him: it is equally true that M.P. Murugian (Communist) was murdered in a planned manner by the caste Hindus and those wretched people had to face the revenge from Dalit youth. These were caste struggles. But many powers join together to depict them as class struggle. There were many Dalits in prison who were absolutely innocent of any crime. Veppamthattai is a small village in Perambalur district. One Perumal who had belonged to Pallar caste was a primary school teacher in that village. He had inter-caste marriage with a Mudaliar girl. He was an ardent follower of Periyar. He had bought a plot in the area where Mudaliars were living and had laid foundations for constructing a house there as well. This had created great pain and anger to Mudaliars and those who were serving with him. Not only had he married a higher caste woman but wanted to live amidst them as well! How could they tolerate that? It was rainy season. Two higher caste girls who were playing by the pit of the foundation stones had fallen inside and the sand had covered them. Nobody had noticed this. They had searched for two days and then found the bodies of the children in a decomposed 67

manner. The manner in which the children had met with death pained and shocked profoundly the teacher much more than even parents. People in the area who had seen things personally did not have any doubt whatsoever. However, a teaching belonging to high caste with the teacher also was serving as the Correspondent of Malai Murasu. Joining hands with caste Hindus he hatched a conspiracy. The incident of children’s death was published In Mali Murasu with a big heading, “Is this Human sacrifice (Narabali)?” This news appeared on the fifth day after the children had died. Because the teacher had got an inter-caste wife and was living among the Hindus, this served as a good opportunity for caste fanatics to turn things against him. As a result of the efforts made by these wicked people the news item from Malai Murasu was taken up for discussion in the legislative assembly. With the connivance of caste Hindus and politicians, the Police department fabricated a false case. They caught hold of a soothsayer with small drum to swear that the teacher gave children as sacrifice on is advice: also the teacher’s pariah friend in the nearby village by name Palanimuthu was instigating him to give this human sacrifice. The case was conducted and false witnesses testified. Perumal the teacher and his friend Palanimuthu got life imprisonment and were languishing in the Tiruchi central prison. The Supreme which had taken up the final appeal set aside the conviction and also passed strictures on the Police for fabricating the case. One can say that untouchability, indignities of the caste system and hunger were absent in the prisons. As everybody is compelled to be living, eating and sleeping at one place, even if there were mental reservations, they were just kept to oneself. Also as the Dalits were convicted in large number, many prisoners are Dalits and therefore caste clashes are not much in evidence. As I have frequently been put in prison, the punishment has not been felt severely by me. I have also spoken and written much about my experiences in prison on many occasions. Even 68

a prison is like a school to a man. During the times while I was in prison none had been executed. Generally when people look at the place where execution takes place, there is undoubtedly a fear in the mind. When we some very cruel murderers we ourselves feel outraged and want to kill them. I think the government should itself kill those who take the lives of others when they are full of male chauvinism or caste superiority. (I am not referring to encounters.) If the government had killed people like Irinjur Gopalakrishnan, the lives of many Dalits could have been spared. Only the weak are put to death by the strong ones. Only the government could kill such strong people. In free India lakhs of Dalits had been killed. Lakhs of women have been murdered. If Government functions properly and implements law in a strong manner and if punishments had been severe, crimes could have come down considerably. I do not accept some intellectuals who argue that awarding death sentence is also a crime. Election dates have been announced in 1984. We decided to use this for counter propaganda. We selected Tiruvidaimarudur general constituency, placed Sowrirajan who had done field work with us as our candidate and made propaganda. Without handbills and wall posters, men and women conducted street corner propaganda. We talked about how atrocities of untouchability are committed against Dalits throughout the land. We also explained how irrespective of the political affiliations politicians act at the behest of high caste people, mutts and temples and landlords and how the Police also act as their servants; we listed indignities and atrocities against the Dalits. The D.M.K. which had been consistently winning that constituency lost the elections this time. This gave a great impetus to the members of our movement. If only the scattered Dalit leaders are brought together and a political force raised, we thought that could give us a political security. We tried to gather all Dalits, Pallars, Pariahs and Arundhatiars together and have a solid front. This was our first victory. One Scheduled Castes Liberation Front came into being 69

under the leadership of leader Ilaiyaperumal. For this organisation, V. Balasundaram was appointed as the President, Dr.Cheppan as the Treasurer, leader A. Saktidasan as the General Secretary, respected M.Sundasrarajan as Adviser. After conducting small meetings in Thanjavur, Tiruchi, South Arcot, Chennai and sporadically in other places, finally we conducted a big conference in Pandanallur, Thanjavur district on 29.6.86. The meeting which started around 11 in the morning lasted till 2 in the night without any interruption. People sat even without food and listened to the leaders recounting the indignities and atrocities perpetrated on the Dalits. As the Chairman of the meeting I said: “I beg the leaders who are assembled here, even falling at your feet. Save the chastity of our sisters. There are women who had lost their husbands, husbands who had lost their wives, mothers who lost their children, girls who lost their chastity and children who have last their fathers and the like assembled here. I invoke the name of our Father of the Nation Ambedkar. You must all unite and work for the uplift of our people.” Leader Ilaiyaperumal, Dr.Cheppan, leader A. Saktidasan, Venerable Sundarrajan, Dalit Ezhilmalai, all leaders in Tamil Nadu of important organisations and also a number of leaders belonging to smaller groups had participated in the conference. All the leaders who spoke in the meeting stressed the need for unity and even said they could be beaten with chappals in the junction of the streets, if they strayed from the stand. But it was shameful that many left the movement when the next elections were announced. Only a few leaders like Ilaiyaperumal, Saktidasan, Cheppan, Respected Sunderrajan, Kodikkal Chellappa, V. Palanivelu remained with the movement. Others were attaching themselves to some political party or the other. We started a movement called Scheduled Caste Liberation Movement with these leaders. The flag resembled Republican Party with sufficient white background to add a Red Star. A seven member group including myself registered the party. Then came the discussion as to with whom to align during the elections. Before the elections the way many leaders behaved was so disgraceful that I do not want to 70

write about that. They behaved so shamefully. Still our leaders took initiative decided to bring others too and then Scheduled Caste Liberation Front would contest in 18 constituencies. Accordingly 18 persons including Kodikkal Chellappa contested the elections. Of these Thangarasu who was put up Ilaiyaperumal in Kattumannarkovil alone won. Others were defeated. After the results, Chellappa become heart-broken. In 1982 conversions in Meenatchipuram had created a stir throughout India. The Saivite Mutts, Adeenams and RSS outfits raised a hue and cry that Meenatchipuram people were getting converted into different faith for money. They propagated that Muslims give a lot of money to Dalits for conversion. MGR who was the Chief Minister then also had stated that it was wrong change to change one’s religion for the sake of money and had justified the principles stated by Hindutva forces. Almost dailies were publishing reports like this only. That made everyone to speak freely that Meenatchipuram people converted into other faith for the sake of money. This was not only an insult to people of Meenatchipuram but also had the aim of putting an end to Ambedkar’s principle. About this time Scheduled Castes Liberation Front under the leadership of Ilaiyaperumal and Indian Human Rights Party convened state general body meeting and announced that only socially atrocities inflicted on the people were responsible and not money. The Government of India sent the Union Minister of State for Home, Yogendra Makhwana to Tamil Nadu and asked for a report on the Dalits of Meenatchipuram converting to Muslim faith. The Hindutva forces tried very much to pressurise the minister to come out with the statement condemning the religions conversion in Meenatchipuram. At that time Respectable Kakkan, President of Harijan Welfare Movement who had affiliated with Scheduled Castes Liberation Front had prepared Brother Viswanathan for it. But they could not succeed in their efforts. If they had succeeded, in Tamil Nadu a situation would have arisen which would have negated Ambedkar’s policy of re71

ligious conversion. The Scheduled Castes Liberation Front had close relationship with Yogendra Makwana. Not only that, Ilaiyaperumal was the State President of Akil Bharatiya Anususit caste parsast movement, which was run by Makwana. Therefore, when the Minister came for inspection to Meenatchipuram, he and many of us met him at the airport and appraised him about the cruelties inflicted on Dalits in Tamil Nadu and reminded him of gruesome incidents in Villuppuram, Venmeni and Ramanathapuram and stressed that Meenatchipuram conversions were the result of indignities of untouchability. Thereafter in the statement issued by the Home Ministry regarding Meenatchipuram conversions it was made clear that Dalits of Tamil Nadu aspire for social equality and that as they do not get it under Hindu religion, there is religious conversion. As a result all the Hindutva forces were dumbfounded. It must be noted that for this great service Kodikkal Chellappa was largely responsible. Then based on Central Government statement we propagated in favour of Meenatchipuram conversion. A large number of people accepted Islam. There was a great change among people who had accepted Islam newly. Till then they had been subjected to struggles, imprisonment and torture; now Islam was a source of great vigour and strength. They did not think that due to social indignities they had joined Islam but integrated themselves totally with Islam. In two or three years’ time they had become completely merged in Islamic identity. Apart from Change in the place of living, occupation and physical appearance the way matrimonial relations took place also gave a great deal of surprise. Once we were in Madurai Junction retiring rooms with leader Ilaiyaperumal. At that time some railway employees had come to see us. At that time one Abdur Rahman who had belonged to our place also came. Only in the previous year he had embraced Islam. Prior to that he was serving as the secretary in the Scheduled Castes Liberation Front at Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union. During very critical times had worked hard in the 72

movement. Had faced many cases. Also the leader knew him well. Still now the leader c could not recognise him. Only when he introduced himself with his old name, could the leader identify him. The leader just sat transfixed. For a long time he was silent. Then he let out a long sigh. Said those senseless people did not know where the country was going. I asked which senseless people. He said he was referring to the Hindu heads of religious groups and party leaders. Ilaiyaperumal had deep regard for Hinduism. He is maintaining Nandanar Mutt, an institution founded by Swami Sahajananda. When we had supported conversion activities in Meenatchipuram, he did not raise any objection. Now when he saw Abdur Rahman in Madurai and felt deeply about it, it surprised me. In many public meetings he had justified the conversion in Meenatchipuram. He had stressed the correct situation to the Union Home Minister. But probably he did not seem to like people in the movement to change their religion. The Dalits are needed for the communists, politicians, Tamil nationalists, employers, landlords and Hindus. That is why they do not favour conversion. In India the Dalits are considered as a useful commodity. But should Dalit organisations think like that? Unfortunately they do think only like that. The leaders of Dalit Movements, after Ambedkar have not stressed the need for religious conversion. There were two reasons for it. The first one was if Dalits change their religion, the movements would be weakened. Secondly the anger of Hindus would affect the political situation seriously. Ambedkar knew this very well: still he thought that his people’s liberation was of paramount importance and as a role model himself, got converted into Buddhism. (The speech of Ambedkar on 15.10.56 on the day of conversion to Buddhism has come in book form. Readers are requested to read and understand its significance.) He said that to leave Hindu religion itself was a liberation. But today Dalit leaders and movements are hobnob73

bing with Hindutva forces. Brother Abdur Rahman who had come to see us, waited for a while, took note of the silence and then left the place after some time. And the railway employees who were there, who were also Dalits, passed harsh comments on Abdur Rahman. Leader Ilaiyaperumal is a great Dalit leader. No Dalit leader could work so tirelessly for the downtrodden as he has been doing. He did not have any bad habits like smoking or drinking. He hated people who took to drink. He was very familiar with leaders like Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi; besides he knew personally many Presidents and moved with them on equal terms. He could converse in English effortlessly. He was the Chairman of the Scheduled Castes Commission which was appointed by Mrs.Indira Gandhi. The report he prepared made the world aware of the fact that even in Independent India, untouchability was still practised. His report was discussed even in the United Nations. A Gandhian, he pointed out that even in the birth place of Gandhi untouchability was still prevalent. Though a man of great stature, he would personally go to villages even to solve minor fence problems. When Dalit huts are burnt in villages, he would be there even before the fire is put out. Whenever there were caste disturbances he would personally go and bring amity there without bothering the distinction about Pariahs, Pallar or Arundhatiar. In places like Venmani, Villuppuram, Unjanai, Kurinjankulam, Bodi where disturbances had taken place, his services were monumental. When Pallars were severely affected in Bodi, the way he mustered thousands of people belonging to Pariah community and demonstrated before District Collector’s Office in Thanjavur was a classic example for his organising ability. By 1960s Dalits in Tamil Nadu constituted the vote bank for the Congress party. They did not know much about Ambedkar. They revered Gandhi like a God. At that time DMK commented upon Ambedkar and Gandhi, pointed out the different approaches of these leaders, how Ambedkar had made adverse comments on Congress and Gandhi, 74

etc. and tried to gather Dalits to their side. While replying to these charges, Congressmen used to tell that Ambedkar opposed Gandhi due to instigation from Englishmen but still Congress made him the Law Minister. When Congressmen were indulging in such anti-Ambedkar propaganda, Ilayaperumal was an important leader in the Congress. He was very close to Kamaraj also. In 1962 when he opened an Hostel for Dalits in Chidambaram after Ambedkar’s name, he had asked Kamaraj to declare that open. This might appear as a contradiction. But in those days it was used as a tactics not to make much out of the differences between Ambedkar and Gandhi so that Dalits could remain united. I gave some account of leader Ilaiyaperumal history because if that is properly grasped Dalit movement members could learn what type of service they could do for society. But despite his outstanding service and dedication Dalit liberation is still far off. Why? Even in the villages adjacent to his place doubt glass system still prevails. Why? If an answer is to be given to this question briefly, one has to see the historical evidence. The history of Ilaiyaperumal long struggle against untouchability is undoubtedly spread over fifty years. But he was friendly towards Brahmins and Vellalars who were practising untouchability. Anti-Untouchability, Anti-casteism have been there for a very long time. Siddas strongly condemned inequality of the caste system. People like Ramalinga Adigal and Vivekananda were very great saints respected by people. They had pleaded for the abolition of caste and untouchability. But casteism has not been affected even a little. Also, they lived as Hindus. This is an example to know that so long as one is a Hindu all the work he does against casteism and untouchability will only have a temporary effect. Even though the life and service of leader Ilaiyaperumal had been colossal, because he led the life of a Hindu, his contribution could only have been temporary. Though there was no question of his meekly surrendering to other political parties during election time, there were occasions that he had to adjust with the Hindus. 75

It is true that many Dalit leaders in different stages shine today in the stage he had erected for them. But the thinking and living of Ambedkar was quite contrary to this. After analysing thoroughly the conditions of the Dalits, Ambedkar said don’t continue to live as Hindus. He stressed conversion to other religion was the only solution. Having almost showered a torrent of fire against Hinduism finally stressed, To lead a full life, convert to other religion. To organise yourself and unite, convert to other religion. To gain self strength, convert to other religion. To be liberated, convert to other religion. To have happiness in family life, convert to other religion. That was his firm message. He wanted all Dalits to follow him and get converted to other faith. Not only that. He expected reformists and rationalists those who opposed Hinduism and who wanted to destroy casteism in India would follow suit in converting to other religion. But nothing like that happened. The final decision of Ambedkar to get converted to Buddhism shocked the Hindus. Readers know how much the Hindus were put off during the recent Meenatchipuram religious conversion. I have also indicated that in these pages. If conversion of a few families could create so much furore, what would have happened if millions had changed their religion along with Ambedkar? Hindus became very cautious. They thought that if Dalits who constituted one fourth of the Hindu strength changed into some other religion, the strength of the Hindus would receive a great blow. Dalit leaders were compromised. Concessions like seat reservation, job reservation, etc. were offered as a ruse. Those who talked about conversion were totally neglected in politics. The Dalit leaders who became fearful submitted to Hindutva forces. Those who listened to Ambedkar and got converted to 76

other faith were a minority. Those who thought that greater strength could be had by conversion to Buddhism did not succeed much. Examples can be cited for the above in the lives of Respected Sunderrajan, Dr.Cheppn, Saktidasan and others. Now people like V.T.Rajasekar, Prof. Periardasan and others call themselves Buddhists. As individuals they could say that they are no longer Hindus. But who is there to stand by them in life, to have matrimonial and social relations? Is it enough if one were to declare that he is not a Hindu? One has to integrate with the rest of humanity. Change of religion is not just a change in name. It should be helpful to have a meaningful social life. It should not isolate the individual further. Even though for a very long time there have been struggles against inequalities in the Hindu society, nobody before Ambedkar had suggested that change of religion is an alternative. It was Ambedkar who had very firmly made it clear that caste system could not be abolished. He said that the only way get equality was to change from Hinduism. In fact this advice is applicable to all those who oppose inequalities of caste system. But nobody has subscribed to it in practice. Neither Gandhi nor Ambedkar had considered separate electorate as a political problem. The separate electorate was not given to ‘untouchables’ alone. Muslims, Christians and Sikhs also were given that concession. Gandhi did not object to that because they were outside the pale of Hinduism. But the case of untouchables was not like that. They remain Hindus, the base for Hindu society. If the foundations of a fort were to lose strength, what would happen to it? The whole edifice would fall. That is why Gandhi risked his life to retain the depressed classes. Before he was prepared to stake his life even, he said like this: “To give separate constituencies to untouchables is a problem concerning religion. I am not worried about others. 77

But if the so-called untouchables were to be given separate constituencies, they would become different from the Hindus. In that case nobody can prevent the disintegration of Hindu religion.” He also accused that the British Government was preparing to give separate constituencies to the untouchables only for the sake of destroying Hindu religion. What do we learn from this? Separate constituency is not a political problem. We learn clearly from Gandhi that it is a religious problem. His decision to undertake fast unto death defeated the plans of Ambedkar. The decision of Ambedkar to show the Dalits as distinct in law from Hindus could not be implemented. On the contrary the Poona pact which made the Dalits to lead a life dependent on Hindus was signed. While signing on that document, Ambedkar stated that he was betraying the cause of eight crore Dalits. We must first understand that Ambedkar did not want double constituency system. He wanted for Dalits special constituencies as are given to other minorities. During the Round Table Conference he had stressed that only the untouchables were the real minorities in India. That is why the British Government came forward to consider untouchables as minorities and was prepared to given them separate constituencies. But when Gandhi said that if such a policy were implemented Hinduism would be destroyed and that no one should follow a discriminating policy of untoucables from Hindus, the system of voting where they would be placed along the Hindus was offered by the British. As a result the untouchables could vote and contest in the general constituencies. This was not given to other minorities. They will be elected from their own separate constituencies where only their voters were there. But the system of joint constituency would integrate untouchables and Hindus. The British Government said that there was no need for Gandhi to have any such fears. But Gandhi objected to separate voters’ list and joint constituency system. He also began to fast against it. What Ambedkar expected was that 78

the untouchables should be distinct from the Hindus politically. His contention was that those who were elected from special constituencies would serve the cause of untouchables effectively was the second reason. The circumstances for the second reason is no longer obtained in this land. The untouchables have been integrated with the Hindus. Besides election means money power. For the sake of money it has become a routine to abide by the wishes of the Hindu leaders during the election time. Without anticipating this development, Ambedkar had asked for double voting system seventy years back. But that demand was rejected. Today we have to insist and get it. It is false to state that caste will disappear and equality would prevail if dual vote were accepted. The second vote system was devised to integrate the untouchables with the Hindus. We should not forget it. This has merely enslaved the Dalits further. Only those who agree to all kinds of slavishness could succeed in reservation of seats. Only those who agree to do degrading jobs and accept the divisions of Pariah or Pallan and the like could become Panchayat Presidents. If this is the position obtained where they were in a minority, what about those places where they are in a majority? In Chidambaram parliamentary special constituency, Dalits are in majority. The Dalits constitute more than 40 per cent of the population. No other caste has such a percentage. Still during 1999 parliamentary elections, Thirumavalavan who contested from there gave a complaint to the Election Commissioner that in 137 villages Dalits are not in a position to cast their votes. When elections took place in the following month as leader Tirumavalvan had stated information came that in more than hundred villages Dalits were prevented from casting their votes, were beaten up, Dalit booth agents were severely beaten up and nearly a lakh Dalit votes could not be cast. This was stated by a fact finding group which had gone there. On the election day problems cropped up from 7 am in the morning itself and Dalits were threatened that they should not venture out to vote unless they were 79

prepared to vote for the candidate of Dr.Ramadoss party. Leader Thirumavalavan stated that Dalits were intimidate not to go anywhere near the voting booths. Thus the situation of Dalits not able to independently exercise their voting power is widely prevalent. When a Dalit, or belonging to a Dalit movement, unless one subordinates one’s interest to somebody, it is impossible to gain entry into state legislate assembly or parliament. Has anybody tried to unite Dalits in Free India in the last fifty years? Has anybody taught them to lead a life with self respect? Has anyone told them not be slaves of others, try to stand on your own legs which is what Ambedkar had taught? Has anybody stressed them the need to get educated and make progress in life? Helpless Dalit people are obliged to be dependent on others. If somebody compels him to eat excreta, he does so. If someone forces him to drink urine, he does so. To such an extent Dalits have been subjected to cruelties. Regarding separate constituency Kanshi Ram says: I don’t want to waste even a minute for demanding separate constituency. When it was not possible for Babasaheb Ambedkar to achieve it during British rule, how can I achieve it when caste fanatics are ruling the country? This brief sum-up of the problem by Kanshiram as great significance. The present rulers do not have qualification, capacity or power to go beyond what is prescribed in the Indian Constitution. And these were the people who had opposed double voting system. To go and beg them for it would be childish. Besides to state that we can achieve what even the most powerful Babasaheb could do, is also childish. The Indian Parliament and the Constitution have been so designed by the then administrators that the voice of the suppressed and oppressed is not heard in legislatures. When innocent Sikhs who had done no wrong were brutally murdered their voice was not heard in the Parliament. When innocent Muslims are killed in thousands in Gujarat and other places, their voice is not heard in parliament. Every day, why every minute atrocities are perpetrated against 80

the Dalits. They are not heard in parliament. Above all in our country Muslims citizens form almost on fifth in population. But when a five hundred year old shrine of theirs, Babri Mosque, was demolished to the ground, their voice could not be heard in Parliament. Nothing was done to apprehend the culprits who had indulged in that crime. If this is what happens to citizens of a country, no voice is raised in Parliament to protest against that. The purpose for which Parliamentary system came into vogue is not served. As Kanshiram indicated it could be only the rule of caste fanatics. Now all reformers say that in all religions there are flaws. According them there seems to be need for abolition of castes or untouchability. Now you have only one method to destroy the caste system. That is inter-caste marriage. What methods do the social reformers have to promote inter-caste marriages? Will they bring legislation to the effect that there should no marriages within a caste? Or will they fight for such a law? What plans do they have? Manu Dharma is not in vogue now. There is no law which now stipulates that marriages must be performed within the castes. Yet including reformers, revolutionaries, upper castes, lower castes, rich and the poor only go in for marriages within one’s caste. What are they going to break that system? They should not come out with imaginary stories that these would change in course of time. They should not try to escape by saying that the affected people themselves are clinging on to their castes either. Untouchability is India’s common disease. Everyone should come forward to take up responsibility for abolishing it. Reformists have a greater role in that. To say that in course of time caste would disappear is nothing but a fraud. Why should anyone wait till time is ripe? Why should they talk of reforms and still practise Manu dharma? My grandfather faced the cruelties of untouchability. My father too had to face them. 81

I am also being insulted. Why should it continue for my children? How can I trust anybody what I have not been able to accomplish? Such questions get stagnated. When the reformers say that there are flaws in all the religions, then the desire to get converted into some other faith gets blocked. Society does not approve that inter-caste marriages would lead to abolition of castes either. Inter-caste marriages and conversions are allowed by Indian laws. They why not implement what is provided for in the law? Who is to implement the same? The Dalits are there as the most suitable ones for implementing the same. Even though there are inequalities among other castes leading to lower status in the society on that account, they look at the castes which are below them and are satisfied with their position, thinking that they are superior to those who below them. Therefore they do not consider that casteism need to be abolished. Nor do they have to go in for inter-caste marriage to escape from casteism. If by chance there are occasional marriages of intercaste people, they are integrated with the lower caste of the couple. For example if a Chettiar boy and Vanniar girl come together, the marriage is not formalised as other marriages of the same caste. It is conducted according to the lower caste of Vanniar’s rituals. Chettiars do not have marriage relations with Vanniars. They just tolerate such marriages. But the condition of Dalits is not like that. They are considered not only inferior caste but untouchables as well. Any marriage with them is considered by Hindus as a great shameful event. If Dalit women are married to other caste men, they are not accepted or tolerated. Their position is just like a ‘kept woman’. Other caste people do not have marital relations with them. Those women and their children are subjected to untouchability. If Dalit men marry women of some other caste, other castes do not treat them on par either. Most the persons involved are murdered. This usually does not become common knowledge. Either the man or the woman or if possible both would be put to death. To that 82

extent this inter-caste marriage is viewed by the Hindus. In case the bridge and groom shift to other place and are not traceable, the Dalit male’s family and the people in the street are put to untold hardship. The family itself is driven out of the village. Only after many generations, the people who had gone elsewhere could come back to the village. So for Dalit leaders or Dalit movements to say that through the system of inter-caste marriage caste will be abolished is absurd. The reformers say that they would put an end to marriages within a caste and therefore create a new social order. This utterance of Tamil nationalists is nothing but despicable lie. So long as castes are there such compulsory inter-caste marriages are unthinkable. And unless inter-caste marriages become the order of the day, castes cannot be abolished. So Indian reformists are caught in this vicious circle. At no time abolition of caste or untouchability had been the first priority of the reformers. As caste inequalities and untouchability come in handy for their propaganda purposes, they just use it only as such. To become free from British domination, castes and untouchability were hindrances. So there was a propaganda that these were sins. To free the society from Brahmin domination, the Britishers had the tactic of saying that there should be no castes or untouchability. But to save itself from the onslaught of other religions, Hindus required the talk of abolition of caste and untouchability. For fighting against capitalist system also caste and untouchability were obstacles. Therefore these were just projected for form’s sake. Even though the Englishmen were Christians the higher castes among the Hindus inter married with them. As a result one more caste was created and not the abolition of caste system. It is crystal clear that in this land you cannot create a casteless society by having resort to inter-caste marriage. Crores of Dalits have been through the ages subjected to humiliations, indignities and cruelties, women folk raped and such atrocities had taken place and have shed their blood and even lost their lives for gaining rights. Yet even now their position has not improved and they lead a 83

life of degradation and disgrace. Their feelings, hard work and sacrifice have all been wasted. Iringjur Gopalakrishnan who burnt the Dalits was cut to pieces. But even today who are the people working in Gopalakrishnan’s farm? Only Dalits. Who are the people who remove night soil, burn the dead and do all slavish work? Only Dalits. Like this, countless incidents can be narrated. But the basic factor in all these remains as the untouchability. It is not prevalent in some corner some where. This gross injustice is taking place throughout the land. Why should people who accepted the slogan, “Workers of all the countries, Unite”, accept this discrimination against the Dalits? How can they accept a situation where the oppressed Dalits face uniformly uncivilised treatment from the rest of the society ? What yardstick could justify that? How can the Dalits accept any deed which isolates even our Father of the Nation Ambedkar who had worked hard for the emancipation of them? Should those who came up in life due to him isolate him? Should they turn Dalits away from the path chalked out by him? Dalits should deeply about this. This is the time to decided who should be the guide. Movements which gave prime importance to Dalit Liberation turning towards Tamil Nationalism is nothing but a change in the direction and setback in the struggles of Dalits. One thing also must be noted. The sudden love for Tamil of these who want Tamil Nationalism attach themselves with people who were in the opposite poll and had inflicted countless losses to us and the scars of those wounds still haunt us; but unable to give any suitable explanation for this, they drag the idea of Tamil Nationalism to justify their stand. The liberation of Dalits could no where be seen in their idea of Tamil Nationalism. It is an incontrovertible fact. “The whole world is mine, all are my brethren” “Only one people, Only one God.” “There are only two castes.” 84

“All lives are equal by birth.” Like the above, we find many platitudes in Tamil literature. But all these appear as unsubstantiated phoney statements. They were not uttered with any vigour to put an end to caste system. Before the literature of revolutionary man of letters Bharatidasan, that is, before Periyar’s time, all literary authorities carry with them the inequalities of the caste system. Scholars are of the opinion that even Tholkappiam, which is considered a complete classic work, stresses Varna Dharma. Works that succeeded it also stress women’s subordination, the higher and lower orders in the society, etc. which are part of Varna Dharma, according to scholars. Tamil Scholar Maraimalai Adigal takes them as authority and we can take his words as authority. He is accepted by the Tamil society for his erudition. He explains very clearly the nature of the Tamil society , Tamil literature and Tamil Kings. If we go through his writings, we can definitely learn whether Tamil society had taught the principles of equality and fraternity. As from time immemorial Saiva Velalars had given up killing of life and eating flesh, and perform Siva Worship, they do not partake food or move on equal terms with people who kill life and eat flesh. Almost people of all castes would take food in Saiva Vellala homes. But they will not partake food in the households of any other caste. The Aryan Brahmins in ancient times were flesh eater but after seeing the Velalars had given up flesh eating; still Saiva Velalars will not take food in their houses. Those Velalars who have taken Siva Deeksha (initiation), even today will not take food in Brahmins’ houses. From Maraimalai Adigal’s words, it can be seen that Saiva Velalars consider themselves as very superior to all other castes and that is due to their refusal to eat meat and as a consequence non-killing of animals and their worship of Siva. Therefore, he says that Velalars lived a very high life. In order to substantiate that only that dharma is superior which does not harm any living beings, he quotes Tirukkural as the authority: “ªè£™ô£¡ ¹ô£¬ô ñÁˆî£¬ù ¬è ÊH 85

â™ô£ àJ¼‰ªî£¿‹“ (Those who abjure killing of animals, refuse meat-eating will be Worshipped by all other beings.) He also adds: “M¼‰¶ ¹øˆî£ˆ  à‡ì™ ê£õ£ ñ¼‰ªîQ‹ «õ‡ìŸð£Ÿø¡Á” (When the guest is waiting, one should never take food alone Even if it is nectar which confers immortal life.) As stated above in the incomparable Tamil veda, Vellalars were not the ones who would make guests wait outside and they and their kin would take food, closing the doors on the visitors. In case the guests do not follow Saiva way of life, Velalars would make them eat first and then only they would eat. Or they will make them sit by their side, feed them and then simultaneously they too would eat. Even if they do not belong to their clan, in case they have avoided killing lives and refuse meat, Velalars would not hesitate to eat along with them. But now-a-days seeing how the Brahmins behave, some Velalars want to imitate them and keep the guests outside and eat alone. What is left out is served to them; similarly all the left over are not given to pariahs because they think that it would pollute them and therefore they just bury the left over food. These things do take place. Still, Velalars who have the traits of love, sympathy and grace naturally from the very early times should realise that such pitiless, cruel acts are improper and should correct themselves and even if those who do not follow Saivism come, should accord them respect due to their status and behave accordingly without hurting anyone’s feelings. Adigalar who gives such advice to the people of his caste cites the authority of Tolkappiam. 86

“«ñ«ô£˜ Íõ˜‚°‹ ¹í˜ˆî è£óíƒW«ö£˜‚° ÝAò è£ôº‹ à‡«ì” This is clear from Tholkappiam. The meaning of this is as follows: What is applicable to the higher three categories, that is Sacrificial rituals for Anthanar, Arasar, Velalars is equally applicable to the lower eighteen categories. This is how Adigalar gives his interpretation of the life led by the Velars. He also gives an account of people living in Kurunji, Mullai, Marudam, Neidal (Classification of land in Tamil literature) as follows: There are four types of lands classified: based on that the occupation of the people differ and they are under different categories. At the higher level, there are “Melor”, people who do not kill animals nor eat meat and perform teaching, rule over others, perform the functions of merchant, doing agricultural work. There are others who obey their orders, kill animals, eat meat, doing manual work who would be referred to as “Kilor”: This is how two divisions are there. Each one must adhere to one’s intellectual capabilities, moral rectitude and occupations, understand the differences between the high and low: Kilors must subject themselves to the authority of Melors: Melors must carefully protect Kilors under them. In this way the life of the ancient Tamil people’s life was peaceful and orderly.” Then he himself explains how Velalars created castes: “They created a section, Antanars for praying and worshipping God: carved out another section from among themselves who were having the capacity to fight and protect the people and made them rulers. In the olden times there was a king by name Velvevvi who was ruling Mizhalai and who was renowned for his charitable disposition; he was a velalar. Similarly Pari Vel was a Velalar King: he has been acclaimed as one of the last seven great philanthropists, ruled over Parambu kingdom which consisted of three hundred townships, was praised by Sundaramurthy Nayanar, one of the Saivite Nayanmars as, “Even if you call a miser as a Pari, still he does not give at all”—such was Pari’s greatness.” 87

King Irungovan, a philanthropist, who ruled over Thuvarai was also a King originating from Velalars. Karikal Cholan, who had once ruled from Kanyakumari to the Himalayas under the sovereignty of Tamil, had matrimonial relation with Nangoor Velalar; his father Uruvapprer Ilanchetchenni had relations with Velar chief Alundur Vel thus making it clear that the great Chola kings belonged to Velalar lineage. If we have to list out all the Velalar r kings it would be a big one and we are just stopping with the above illustration. The Velalars gave the agricultural produce to the righteous people, sustained Antanars, gave munificently to the saints, entertained guests. And then in order to sell the products justly they carved out a section from themselves who had inherently possessed sweet temperament, established them as Vanigars. Such established vanigars from time immemorial have avoided killing, eating meat and leading a life of great rectitude are called Velan Chettiars. Then they gathered people who are about them with deep righteousness and piety but not averse to killing or meat eating into divisions to help them in various works. That was how 18 categories of professions were identified and created. They were: Vaikkolar, Thachar, Kollar, Kammalar, Thattar, Kannar, Sekkar, Maruthuvar, Kuvayar, Vannar, Thunnar, Oviar, Panar, Kuthar, Navithar, Sangaruppar, Pagar, Pariar. All these people of eighteen divisions engaged in their respective duties and professions under the control of Velalars; helped in agriculture. This can be seen even now in the Velalar villages in Tamil Nadu. It could be thus seen that the first people in Tamil Nadu to have the perspective to do agriculture, avoid killing and meat eating, to have righteousness and a culture based on that were Velalars. These Tamil Velalars created two classes of people who excelled in many virtues among them and raised them to the status of Antanars and Arasars: they occupied a higher status and position. Others who had flawed from righteousness slightly were asked to be in one of the eighteen divisions. This is how Velalars established Tamil civilization and culture from the very ancient times according to Tamil scholar Maraimalai Adigal. 88

Maraimalai Adigal has written the above ideas about the culture and civilisation of Tamils in his book ‘Velalars’ civilisation’. The reasons averred by Adigalar to classify as higher caste and lower caste will not be accepted by any rational person. Still those who pride themselves as Tamils have not refuted the above arguments. Not only that, they have whole heartedly accepted them. Now Dalit leaders should ponder over whether Tamil Society would be useful in getting equality for Dalits in social set-up: whether Tamil society would uplift the Dalits with love and care. The caste discrimination among the Tamils today is the manifestation of Brahminism. Still the truth is that Brahminism absorbed ideas only from Tamil literature to justify caste system. Any talk of reform without abolition of caste is worse than the utterances of a drunken person. Even addiction could be cured some day. But caste has become indestructible, cannot be destroyed. It has not been able to build a casteless Tamil society so far. It cannot be done hereafter either. Maintaining a phony distinction of Saivam and Asaivam (Vegetarianism and Non-vegetarianism), Velalars, Chettiars and Mudaliars consider themselves superiors. But Velalars, Chettiars and Mudaliars who eat meat also identify themselves with the same castes. Man’s food habits are determined by living conditions, circumstances, geographical factors and the like. There are much such factors which influence food habits. A person who has to eat out of left over leaf or beg for food does not do so after volition. A person depending on sea for livelihood naturally takes to fish, one living in mountain consumes more honey, those living in severe cold regions eat processed meat; these are decided by one’s surroundings. Great Saints, who preached non-violence like Buddha and Jesus were meat eaters. Velalars who loudly proclaim that Saivism is great and only Saivites are superior are only like Brahmins without the sacred thread. These are the people who stand by Tamil Nationalism. At the same time they carry out the orders of Brahmins. There is no Saivite who ignores a Brahmin or does not have a Brahmin preceptor. 89

Those who hold sway over Hindu religion like the Sankaracharyas, Saivite Mutt chiefs or Hindutva Political Sangh groups do not assure a society where castes would be abolished. In this context, why not preach to people the ideas, suggestions and advice of Annal Ambedkar and Periyar who had fought against untouchability and abolition of castes throughout their lives? Rather than calling oneself a Hindu among the Hindus who treat the Dalits as beasts and in a land where casteism has its evil grip, why not advise Dalits to accept a religion which would treat them on terms of absolute equality? Ambedkar had stated that you must accept the religion that gives you equality and fraternity. Why not that advice be stressed to people in Pappapatti and Keeripatti. Even if it is not propagated throughout the land should not be told to these people? Rather than live in a disgraceful manner among the Hindus who treat them as worse than dogs attributing ‘pollution’, Dalits can be given advice to follow Islam which gives equality and fraternity and assures them a life with selfrespect and dignity. There is nothing wrong in the suggestion that today Dalits who are in a minority in the villages can ingrate themselves with Islam and reach a majority status. Instead of helping out people suffering untold hardships, to suggest a way out of misery is only proper: to preach him philosophy is not sensible. If they join Islam now, they will be comforted and protected by Muslim friends. Even now they are giving all out assistance and care to Dalits. Ambedkar stated, “Islam appears to be capable of meeting all the political, social and economic needs of the untouchables.” He never said that by casting vote in the elections everything would be had. Moreover he had said that political power would not be a panacea to remove all the ills of the Dalits. “Depressed people can never change their degraded position so long as they continue to be in Hindu religion.”, asserted Ambedkar. “Why do you want to get concessions like reservation 90

for Harijans and continue to lead a degrading life? Will the Brahmins accept such reservations and face unsociability as a price?” queried Ambedkar. In Sivaganga district there is a place called Kantadevi where there is annual temple-festival in the Siva (Swarnamoorthy) temple. The Dalits are not allowed to participate in it. At the end of the festival, Swarnamoorthy and his consort would be placed on a temple car and taken out in procession. (It will be pulled with the help of large, stout ropes.) The Dalits ask for permission to pull the ropes of the cart. Hindus do not allow that. This is just one incident. Dalits after all do not demand equality. Allow us inside the temple. We must be permitted to do Archanas (offer of worship). They do not want the vestment of deity to be tied around their heads (Parivattam) as mark of honour or other special treatment. We are also Hindus. We are also human beings. They do not ask for such things. Had they probably asked like that neither the government nor the courts would have permitted that. The Hindus do not permit Dalits access to all the places in the temple. You can find people of all castes, men and women, assembled during their festivals. But you cannot see Dalits there. This can be verified in village festivals. However in all places Dalits are permitted to pull the temple-car ropes. The reason is pulling the car is a difficult task. Whether sunshine or rain, the heavy-weight car has to be pulled. In course of time it became convenient for Hindus to permit Dalits to pull the ropes. Therefore in all places they are permitted to do so. Dalits in Kantadevi and neighbouring areas ask the caste Hindus why they are not permitted to pull the car in the local festival. The government and the courts also approach the problem with this viewpoint. On behalf of Dalits a case was filed in the High Court to permit them to draw the ropes during the Swarnamoorthy annual festival in Kantadevi. On 17.2.2005 the High courts gives a judgement. It was stated that the constitution of the land permits equality and that the Court would not permit that to be violated. It directed the district administration and the police to ensure se91

curity and conducive atmosphere during Kantadevi festival for the Dalits to participate without any obstruction in the pulling of the temple-car. There should not just be a token permission for a few Dalits. That would be unacceptable. And there should be no invoking of Section 144. The High Court also directed that people of all castes should without any discrimination permitted to pull the temple-car ropes. (Newspaper reports) In this judgement, ‘conducive atmosphere’ is an important phrase. ‘Proper or conducive atmosphere’ implies that old customs would not be broken. That is to say, whatever duties were performed by different castes so far, the same must be observed; only then there would be smooth order in villages. If according to the High Court judgements, Dalits are permitted without any restrictions, there would be bloodshed. Hindus would never tolerate that. Only by enforcing what has been traditionally observed, could there be ‘proper atmosphere’. Newspaper reports indicate that in more than four thousand villages two-tumbler system is in vogue. If this is objected to in any village, there will not be smooth relations thereafter in that place. What our constitution states regarding equal rights for all remains unimplemented and probably would remain so. One can assertively say that there is no village where untouchability is not practised. We already made a reference that the government awarding prize to a village as without untouchability is a sham. It is possible if such a village is having only Muslims and Dalits. Even those non-conformist Muslims do not observe untouchability. But we can clearly see that even in the learned Hindu families untouchability is freely practised. When this is the practical life, if the Judgement based on the constitutional rights were to be implemented, there would be disruption of law and order. To implement this complex judgement, the efforts taken by the authorities are very curious indeed. Arrangements were made just to permit the Dalits to touch the ropes and then leaving the pull the ropes to caste Hindus. Thousands of policemen were brought in and Dalits were cordoned off so that they could just see the festival; people who had come in large numbers were confined to marriage halls in 92

Karaikkudi. And as far as possible the Dalits did not leave their dwellings at all. Some Dalits were picked up and permitted to touch the pulling ropes; thereafter without hurting the sentiments of Hindus, the ropes pulling went on. In truth Kantadevi temple festival is an insult and shame to the Dalits. In the festivals of all places, Dalits are put to shame. But nothing gets so much publicity as this one. What have the Dalit leaders and supporters got to say on the shame inflicted on Dalits at Kantadevi car festival? Let us recall an incident that took place in 1930 here. There is a famous temple known as Kalaram temple in Nasik. Untouchables are not permitted inside here. Ambedkar devises a plan whereby Dalits could enter the temple. Many meetings to consult the depressed classes were conducted. In a meeting where thousands of men and women had assembled, Ambedkar explains: Whenever Ambedkar addressed a meeting thousands of Dalits would gather. One such meeting took place on March 2, 1930. Nearly 15,000 people had assembled. More than 500 women had also gathered. Nasik city was simply throbbing. The authorities had closed the main doors of the temple and had posted heavy security. In those days it was legally a crime for the untouchables to enter a temple. So, the government itself tried to prevent the Dalits entering the temple. In the presence of the officials themselves caste Hindu fanatics attacked the Dalits. Stones and Chappals were thrown at them. But the people gathered were determined to enter the temple and did not disperse. The authorities were not prepared to open the temple. All the doors of different entrances had been closed. God Rama was imprisoned for nearly one month. The people of the movement were also not prepared to give up. Not so much their devotion for God Rama. For restoring their self respect and to break the shackles Hindus had imposed, for over a month they took turns and waited in full strength. The police also stood there armed to prevent the Dalits forcibly entering the temple by breaking the locks of the gates. On 9th of April 1930 the Car Festival had to take 93

place, as happens in Kantadevi Swarnamoorthy temple. Idols of God Rama and his consort Sita had to be placed on the cart and procession to take place. Just like Kantadevi people want somehow to carry on with the procession, Nasik people also found a tactic. There was an agreement that both the parties would peacefully pull the ropes. That was the tactic. It was agreed that one year Dalits and the next year Hindus would pull the ropes. As strong Dalits were behind him, Annal Ambedkar who was considered the leader of one fourth of the people of the land waited to pull the ropes. The pipes and the drums were in full swing. Fireworks were also there. What the Hindus at that juncture did was shocking. They showed their low cunning mentality. Suddenly they attacked Dalits creating great confusion. The fearless and heroic Kadirekar was killed in the very presence of Ambedkar. Ambedkar, a great man of historic proportions, who was adored as father of the nation by 25 crores of people was also attacked. He was wounded. Dalits who came to his rescue were also attacked and lay amidst a pool of blood. This incident took place 80 years back. Till now have the Hindus felt ashamed about this? Did they regret that they had attacked and turned away one of the great intellectuals of the land away from the temple? Untouchability was not illegal then. Those who entered the temple were punished by the courts. But today if any one practises untouchability it is legally a crime. If law is to prevail, what should have happened in Kantadevi? Whoever prevented people from entering Swarnamoorthy temple to offer their prayers should have been arrested under Untouchability Act. Dalits should have been permitted unrestricted access to offer worship and fulfil their vows with proper protection and with proper protection. The court judgement also enabled that no Hindu sentiment was hurt. Many people have misunderstood the equality given to all under the Indian constitution. That each caste would have its rights equally protected for its members, that appears to the substance of the equality in the constitution. 94

This does not give everybody the right to everything. Particularly people of all castes cannot become temple priests (archakas). Nor can they all enter into the sanctum sanctorum. People of all castes cannot become heads of religious mutts. Or for that matter become Sankaracharyas. Whatever role each caste has that will be given. This seems to the equality. This is what has been accepted by all as constitution. It is under this agreement Dalits or others can live here. Slogans like “We will have equality.”, “We will have fraternity”, “We will refuse to be oppressed. Will defy” are all only stages in the public meeting. Nasik Kalaram temple festival struggle was one of the important struggles of Ambedkar. The humiliation and loss incurred by him made him think deeply. On October 13,1935 at the Loyola Conference where lakhs had assembled, he expressed his anguish. “We are deprived of many things in social, political, economic and educational fields. These are all necessary for human development. There is no end to the sufferings of our people in getting due things from society. Though we are members of the Hindu Society, even to get small rights we have too undergo countless sufferings. Particularly in Nasik during our temple entry struggle the Hindus did not even permit our people to fulfil the vows they had made. “They behaved pitilessly, barbarously. Our brother Kadirekar was murdered before my very eyes. They have wounded our hearts deeply. I was also attacked. All our struggles and sacrifices to get even elementary human rights in this society have not borne any fruit. The time, money, efforts and sacrifices we have made so far to get equal rights and equality have gone down the drain. The time has come for us to put an end to all these indignities. You must understand that we are bearing all these cruelties, humiliations and indignities because we remain Hindus.” While addressing the gathering with a bleeding heart, Akbedkar pointed out that it was better to leave the Hindu society which treats us worse than animals, oppressing and degrading us and the only better way was to seek a religion which offers us equality and fraternity. He exhorted the fol95

lowers to leave all Hindu religious traditions and practices. Join some other religion which gives you hope. Does that religion offer you equality and fraternity? Will it integrate you with its mainstream and give you additional strength? Think deeply on these lines and come to firm decision. “All the efforts made by us so far to better our prospects in politics, society and economy like Hindus are spurned by them; they oppose these efforts brutally. They have not conformed to standard of justice. There is no need for us to wait that they would change.” Then he also affirmed that he would get converted to some other faith. He asked his followers not to continue the Kalaram temple entry struggle. Now let us dwell on the implications of Kantadevi Swarnamoorthy temple struggle for a while. There is the protection of law available. There is the Court order as well. Thousands of Policemen are also there. What is the use of all these? Justice was not had by Dalits in Kantadevi. And Kantadevi incident is shows as something of a rarity in the whole of India. If the Dalits pull the temple-car ropes, does that mean equality has been obtained in all spheres? Does that mean all their problems have been ended? When the Temple entry act first came into effect, Ambedkar said that it would not confer any benefit to the depressed classes. He stressed that Temple entry should be under legal compulsions. In that case he said Hindus would directly or indirectly defy that. “The Temple entry law is just like ‘sugar’ written on a paper and asking the Dalits to taste it.” was his observation. A religion could give a man capacity for doing things. Ambedkar who believed in that asked those who praised Hindu doctrines so sky-high the following questions:  Does Hindu religion recognise untouchables as human beings and treat them as such?  Does it stress equality of untouchables with others?  Does Hindu religion extend the benefits of freedom to them? 96

 At least does it promote a sense of fraternity between Hindus and untouchables?  Does Hinduism preach the Hindus that it is a sin o treat the depressed castes as neither human beings nor animals?  Does Hinduism say that they must be treated with dignity and respect?  Does it infuse among the Hindus that there must be friendliness between them and the Dalits?  Does it teach Hindus to love Dalits and should never harm them?  Finally will Hindu doctrines emphasise that the dignity of life for all should observed? No Hindu could give proper and just answers for the above. But all the indignities inflicted on Dalits are permitted by the Hindu religion. When this is the true picture, Ambedkar said Temple entry act would not be beneficial in any way. Time was it was legally a crime for depressed caste people to enter the Hindu temples. One Murugan who had entered a Murugan temple in Chennai was once sentenced to one month’s imprisonment by a Court. Only in 1935 a law was enacted to permit the depressed classes entry into the temples, that only in select temples. The reason was the announcement made by Ambedkar that he would change his faith. In Truth the Hindus did not undergo a change towards humanism. Their intention was to throw open some temples and satisfy the depressed classes and prevent them from getting converted into other faiths on the advice of Ambedkar. As Hindu religious Varna Dharma operates, the three divisions of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas enjoy immense benefits. They exploit the majority of people who are Sudras and Chandalas. The Brahmins alone do not benefit from this Varna Dharma. The intermediate castes like Vellalars, Chettiars and Mudaliars all benefit from that. So these intermediate castes do not like to abolish the castes. 97

There has been this talk of abolition of castes for a very long time. Excepting the Brahmins, if 97% of Hindus had really decided to abolish caste system, the system would have disappeared long back. It is in the intermediate castes which benefited from the caste system that some reformers and revolutionaries also came. Instead of wiping out the caste system they have merely made Hindu religion grow without let or hindrance. What has been really achieved by the reformers in India so far? For one undergoing indignities inflicted by the practice of untouchability, would there be any benefit by talking about other reforms? Stories were spread about God gobbling up Nandan and Lord Vishnu sending a palanquin to receive Tiruppanalwar with great affection. Why did God ask Nandan to walk through a fire? Because he was an untouchable and if he came to temple the place will be polluted. That was why. Therefore a fire was raised and Nandan was pushed into that. Why was Tiruppanalwar taken in a palanquin inside the temple? Was it not just to murder him? Nandan and Tiruppanalwar had belonged to the untouchable caste. They wanted to get inside the Hindu temple to worship God. Therefore, they were put to death. If according to the claims of Hindus God had accepted them, they should have been allowed to live like the rest of Alwars and Nayanmars. Why Gods must destroy these two only? They did not get back after getting into the temple. This was the truth. They thought the temple would be polluted if an untouchable had entered it and did that. These incidents took place a thousand years back. At least this truth could have been told to the people. Don’t go there, there would be danger to your life there. They will disgrace you. You are so downtrodden in your life because you worship Him. Has any reformer told like that? On the contrary they said there was no Brahmin even who was like Nandan in devotion to God. They praised the devotion of Nandan and instigated other untouchables to have faith like Nandan. People who showed the path leading to destruction only 98

have been depicted as reformers and revolutionaries. “The world that runs after meaningless castes and religion”; Having condemned the castes so roundly, how come the reformers who had so condemned casteism asked people to adorn their forehead with ash? What is the significance of sacred ash? That is a symbol of Saivism. What is Saivism? Not taking meat, and saying that those who eat meat are inferior castes, is Saivism. Each human being consumes a portion of blood as mother’s milk. No life can be sustained without killing other lives. Even plants have life. “When I see a crop withering without water, I feel a pang in my heart”. We will admire their love for the plants. But without killing them, could these people live? Those who had the yardstick of food to preach inequalities were considered reformers. Only non-killing and non meat-eating were considered life’s great achievements. Many false ideas like these were propagated to perpetuate caste system and inequalities. They gave a new gild to Hindu religion’s Varna Dharma. To put it in proper perspective can say cultivated a new Hindu faith. Nandan and Tiruppanalwar were revolutionaries. Their sacrifices and struggles should have shown as defying gestures. They should not have been shown as intense devotion. That was a fraud. By adopting such fraudulent means, they suppressed the Dalits who had come in the lineage of Nandan. They strengthened Hinduism. If they had conducted a struggle to enter the sanctum sanctorum it was not to show devotion. It was a movement to defy tradition. They killed the protestors who wanted to enter the sanctum sanctorum. Only that have happened to Nandan in Chidambaram and Thriruppanalwar in Srirangam. Even recently when Dravida Kazhagam members wanted to enter sanctum sanctorum they were attacked and arrested. That could happen because administration and power were in their hands. Could the Brahmins who are just 3% of the population have done this? Who protected the wicked people who had murdered people like Nandan and Tirup99

panalwar? Without a political backing, could the Brahmins have done this? Could they have retained their domination and sovereignty over others? If it were so, which government protected them? Whether before Sang am period or after that, only Cheri, Chula and Panda kings were ruling. Were not these people Tamils? Only under such wicked administrators, these incidents had taken place. It is said that between 3rd and 6th centuries A.D. Calabash ruled the country. Who were they? What language did they speak? From which place did they come? There are no definite answers to them. Still all the remaining periods were ruled by Cheraw, Cholas and Pandas. And we are told that they were great administrations. We were compelled to accept an educational system which preached inequalities, fate or destiny determining our lives and karma, that is, that we are reaping the consequences of the sins committed by us in the previous births. The books that extol the virtues of fate or destiny like Thirukkural and Silappadikaram are glorified. “Tamil Nadu attained great fame by giving forth to the world Tiruvalluvar!.”, “Tamilnadu which wears a priceless jewel called Silappadikaram which takes our breath away!” Whether Tirukkural or Silappadikaram or any other classic, are they against Hindu Varna Dharma? Can you identify a single passage in these works which run counter to Hindu philosophy? When we speak of our literature, our guidelines and life’s norms, these all have been created by Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. These three varnas benefited by Varna dharma. By getting the status of Chettiars, Mudaliars and Pillais they were able to exploit the labour of others and live happily. Ambedkar said that he did not have any faith in such reformers. Hindu reformers grow in the atmosphere of their caste background, marry their own caste spouses and die in that surroundings only. A Hindu has no right to say that he has no caste or change his caste. He can even treat his life as dirt and to many things. But he cannot give up his caste. He has no right to do so. No Hindu has to sign any document or register anywhere for calling himself as belonging to a particular caste. By virtue of having born in 100

a caste, he naturally belongs to that caste. God determines what should be the caste of a Hindu based on the good and bad deeds done by an individual in his previous birth: this is what is stated by Bhagawan Krishna in Gita. Therefore not only before one is born, even before one is conceived an individual’s fate and caste are determined by Gods. Therefore a Hindu cannot escape from the caste system. Annal Ambedkar says about caste system the following: “Caste is a very thorough organisation. It has no inherent weakness. Nobody can voluntarily join a caste. All Hindus remain in the caste in which they are born. The Hindus do not have the right to change their caste. There is no such thing as casteless Hindu. A Hindu can never escape from the system of castes. In some form or other he is bound to obey the caste rules. From birth to death a Hindu is obliged to live according to the dictates of the caste. Like the above Annal Ambedkar lists how caste system is strongly organised and has been retained. Think about the depth in the above sentences. There won’t be an iota of deviation from truth. But the reformers and those who speak of revolution in our country utter lies when they say they do not belong to any caste. This degrading system has been allowed to flourish and sustain till now. Nobody can say only Manu and Brahmins only are responsible for this. There are people who say that they are Tamilians, Dravidians, sons of the soil etc. But they cannot deny that are not Chettiars or Mudaliars or Pillais. That is people of all these castes are responsible for perpetuating caste-system. If you look at the list of those who contributed a great deal(!) towards our civilisation, culture, history, education etc. you can easily understand this: Vedanayagam Pillai Meenatchisundaram Pillai

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Kasi Chettiar Kesavaraya Mudaliar Krishnan Pillai Raghava Iyengar Poornalingam Pillai Srinivasa Iyer Neelakanta Sastri K.K. Pillai Chengalvaraya Pillai Krishnaswamy Iyer Vaidyanatha Iyer Doraisamy Pillai You can go on be writing this. The list of these caste adherents will be lengthening. People take delight in adding the caste names Pillai, Mudaliar, Chettiar, Sastri to their personal names. I did not have to search very hard to find out what were the castes of these distinguished people who had contributed to Tamil culture. They themselves had stamped their caste seal as a sign of pride and honour after their names. Supposing Tamil scholars or geniuses who were equal to them had belonged to different castes like barbers, washermen, pallars or pariahs would they have glorified themselves as Tamil Scholar Sethu Navithar (Barber) Pulavar Duraisamy Vannar (Washerman) Tamil Scholar Thiagaraja Pariah Tamil Tattha (grandfather) Ramasamy Pallar Moodarignar (Senior scholar) Srinivasa Sakkilar (Cobbler) ? Could they have put like that? Or could they have written Vannan (Washerman’s) Tamil Notes, Pariah’s lectures, Pallar’s grammar exposition? Why people belonging to lower castes and scholars like 102

Pulavars or Arignars do not add caste names to their names in their books published by them? Are there no scholars in the list of castes mentioned by me. They do not put the caste names after their personal names because they think that they belong to inferior castes and their books would be simply set aside. Today’s Tamil literature is the product of people who prided in calling themselves Chettiar or Mudaliar or Iyer or Iyengar: this is true of literary works, lectures and other works depicting civilization and culture. In brief, Tamil society rests on the support given by the rulers to these caste-conscious vestiges for hundreds of years. And castesystem has been ingrained in the blood of every Hindu. For thousands of years people have been putting up with this system which has perpetrated inhuman inequalities. People are accustomed to the idea of superior and lower castes. And the literature created by all these caste oriented people in arts, literature and culture is based on Manu dharma. Annal Ambedkar observes on Manu: “The intention of Manu was not only to lay down the norms for Varna Dharma. That has been clearly stated in Gita. Manu’s important work lay in clearly defining who were the people within the Varna Dharma and who were outside.” Whether one belonged to a higher caste or lower caste, according to Manu’s norms he must adhere to what has been stipulated; that is the social compulsion. What plan do we have to destroy this caste system. What educational tools are to be used to give proper guidance to people in the bottom strata? What administration has to implementation? Without finding answers to these questions, there will never be social equality in this country. That is what was stressed by Annal Ambedkar. People dependent on others can never claim or have equality. But Dalits are told that it is possible. Let us see under what legal protection Dalit live here: 1. Dalits should not be compelled to eat inedible food. 2. Nothing that harms health in the form of waste or other materials must be dumped in the area where Dalits 103

live. 3. Dalits should not be paraded nakedly or in any way disgraced and taken in procession. 4. Nobody should be permitted to appropriate lands assigned to the Dalits. 5. Nobody should stop Dalits using water resources. 6. Dalits should not be compelled to become bonded labourers. 7. No one should compel Dalits that they should vote for a particular person. 8. Dalits should not be humiliated in public. 9. Nobody should contaminate the water resources used by the Dalits. 10. None should prevent them from using public roads. 11. Dalits should not be compelled to leave their homes or villages. This is the substance of Untouchability and Violence Abolition Act, If Dalits are treated in any way listed above one would face imprisonment for many months and also pay several thousands of rupees as fine. It is under such legal protection Dalits live here. Is there any part of the world where a section of the citizens have to love under such protective laws? If a law like is required, it means such things are taking place. Who gives them such treatment? Christians or Muslims or Sikhs do not inflict such cruelties Only Brahmin culture and Brahminism are responsible for these indignities but they do not directly perpetrate them. People who call themselves Tamilians or Tamils perpetrate these acts of indignities. Is it not a disgrace to live with those who perpetrate these inhuman acts? That is why Annal Ambedkar said that such a shameful life is not necessary and suggested a way out for liberation. He preached that only getting out of the clutches Hindus could Dalits have equality. As far as he was concerned he had dismantled the depressed classes movement. 104

Because people fear that they would lose their livelihood if this system is destroyed, Dalits are still obliged to put up with this caste system. Ambedkar instructed his followers to preach Dalits that must aspire for liberation. But none of his lieutenants came forward to carry that out. The politics which he swept aside is now being taught to the Dalits. It is falsely taught that mere voting in the elections would lead to a higher status. For the last years they have been casting the votes. Thousands of M.P.s and M.L.A.s have appeared in the scene and then disappeared. The degrading aspect of society has not disappeared. London B.B.C. sent an investigating committee to analyse the position of Dalits on 5.2.06. We also went along with that group to some villages in Thanjavur district. Aralur, Kolathur, Kodialam, Kattuveli were some of the villages we visited in Thanjavoor district. Dwellings with thatched roofs, slushy roads, dark roads without electricity, men and women with unkempt hair, shrunken cheeks surrounded us. One of us asked those people who had surrounded, “We have come here to learn whether you face any problems.” They all remained silent. Then one said calmly, “No, We do not have any. We all live so intimately as a mother and the child.” There was some hesitation and fear in his reply. Looking at their appearance and fear, the correspondent repeatedly questioned them and then learnt the truth. There is a Siva temple there. Dalits are not permitted inside. There is a tea shop nearby. Dalits are given tea only in separate containers. If the higher caste people enter, the Dalits must respectfully give them precedence and passage. Whatever the higher caste people command, Dalits must unconditionally carry them out. If there is any remiss, their fields would not be permitted to be irrigated. For grazing the animals, or cutting the grass or gather logs of wood Dalits would not be permitted. Burning the dead bodies, removal of dead cattle, cleaning up during special occasions are the works assigned to them and the list goes on. As these works of slavish nature have been attended to by the Dalits they are fully accustomed to the routine. 105

When the correspondent asked whether they experienced any difficulties doing these, they replied negatively. When we left the place, in Aralur and Kattuveli, they represented that their streets are not getting electricity connection and the roads are not metalled or tarred and that the big landlords obstruct such conveniences. The reason was landlords claim their dwelling land belonged to theirs. There are cases pending in courts of law. The landlords were threatening to dismantle the houses and they asked these committee members to help them. The poor condition of these people is not known to Dalit leaders or those from among the community have come in life after getting education. They live so far away from these downtrodden. The oppression faced by the Dalits are so severe: no other castes are subjected to such oppression. They are not permitted to enter the temples. But they compel that Dalits must worship only those gods. They have been led to believe that those gods are their gods. Is not this a form of mental violence? If is against these frauds that Annal Ambedkar and Thanthai Periyar fought. They told Dalits to boldly tell the caste Hindus that what they tell as truths are nothing but lies and that what they tell as lies are truths. But this great truth has not reached the Dalits. There is nobody to teach them. That is why these slum dwellers continue to be slum dwellers. They go about silently carrying on their shoulders the unjust tag of ‘untouchables’. The Dalits have to beg and get acts of sympathy and concessions from the high caste people. Some times they fight and get too. To receive some political concessions thrown out as charity, Dalits have to beg with both the hands. They want to capitalise on the tag of untouchability. They never even dream that ideas like equality, liberty and fraternity preached by Ambedkar belong to them. All these, when world advancement in science, technology and civilisation have reached India. Dalits living in Aralur, Kattuveli had requested BBC correspondents to help them out. But there are thousands of Dalit dwellings in similar plight. What solution Dalit leaders and Dalit intellectuals have for these people? 106

The Tamil Nadu government has brought a law that people of all castes could become temple priests. This is just an idea of Ambedkar and Periyar. This is only kind of religious reform. There is a village called Kattur where Dalits are in a majority. Next to their number there are Vellalars. The Tamil Nadu Government declared this village as one where was no practice of untouchability and awarded a prize money of one lakh rupees. When we hear this we may be tempted to believe that this village has equality, liberty and fraternity. But burning the dead bodes, removing the carcass of animals and such degrading works are done only by the Dalits here. They live only as slaves of the landlords. All the provision shops, tea-shops, petty shops and money lending shops all belong only to higher castes. The burning grounds and temples are separate for Dalits and others. Even the place where depressed castes live is a little away from the main village. There is one K.P.Naganatha Kurukkal living here. He is a very poor man. For his livelihood he is working as a priest in Mariamman temple in the Dalit area. The people there give him monthly salary. In the same village there is a Siva temple in the place where high caste people live. Once Kumbabhishekam (a religious rite to purify the temple) took place there. Vellalrs prevented the above Naganatha Iyer from participating in the rites. “You perform poojas in a slum temple. Go away from here.” They told him. “You Brahmin, you are doing rites at the pariah temple. You have no business here.” So saying they took away the water container which was carried by Naganatha Iyer and drove him away. Naganatha Kurukkal himself had said that. He sent petitions to many officials regarding this. But there was no action. The result of sending a petition was the religious endowment department took away even the job he was holding. Naganatha Iyer says his family is starving and some help should come forth. 107

On humanitarian grounds I sent the lawyer of our movement to investigate the matter and has promised to help him. What I want to impress on the readers is that there is no such village as free from the evil of untouchability. If such a village is there, that must be a place where Dalits and Muslims alone live. Laws or plans or empty talks cannot abolish untouchability. Dalits who live in villages are enslaved to the landlords and lead their lives. Similarly Dalit leaders are obliged to accept the leadership of higher caste leaders and conduct their political activities. This is not only the fate of Dalit politicians but also the fate of officials as well. Recently two Dalit I.A.S. officials were not assigned any work. Both of them were very popular with the Dalits of Tamil Nadu. Brahmin dailies like Dinamalar want to wreak vengeance on these two officials. Under such circumstances they are not assigned any work. What was their crime? One translated into Tamil the Untouchability Abolition Act and arranged all Dalits access to the law. Also called a meeting of fellow Dalit officials and stressed the need to implement reservation quota in full. This is in conformity with the stand of the government. The purpose of law is to abolish untouchability. From Gandhi’s days till the present leaders, everybody speaks and writes on this topic. There is also an “Abolition of Untouchability Week” observed by the Government. Then why should Brahmin dailies like Dinamalar get angry? There is a reason behind this. They consider that it is dangerous for Dalits to say that untouchability must be abolished. What Gandhi said on untouchability and what Ambedkar said on untouchability were different things. In fact contradictory to each other. Gandhi’s view encouraged the growth of Hinduism. Ambedkar’s view would weaken and destroy Hinduism. There is another I.A.S. official was in charge of recovering Panchami lands. Panchami lands are those that were assigned by the British to the Dalits two hundred years back; they can be used only by the Dalits. Caste Hindus should not use them. Only to those who get 108

patta (assignment for that land) could enjoy fruits from that and then pass it on to their successors. Others cannot buy or sell the same. This law is still in force. When this law came Hindus fought hard against that. Because according to them the untouchables cannot own land on the basis of Manu Dharma, which was in vogue those days. That is why they opposed it. According to historians Mudaliars in Kanchipuram were particularly against the law. Still the Britishers brought the law into force Even though the government had assigned the land, Hindus prevented Dalits from using it. Therefore these lands lay follow. After the Hindus came to power (after independence), land documents were suppressed and one can see even big houses of Hindus in these Panchami lands. These are the lands which were sought to be recovered by that I.A.S. official. Many educated Dalit government servants throughout the land have taken cue from him and are planning to recover Panchami lands. Sometime back in Karanai area, in the process of recovery of Panchami lands, two Dalits were killed. This recovery of Panchami lands is not against Hinduism at all. To support this view it may be cited that on 18.3.2006 Viswa Hindu Parishad conference it was stressed that Panchami lands must be recovered and assigned to the Dalits. This resolution alone is enough to understand that recovery will not confer any benefits on the Dalits. Man commits crime primarily for two reasons. One is need or greed and the other is anger. Stealing, indulging in prostitution, raping, drinking liquor, all these crimes take place due to greed. Murder, setting fire to a place (arson) and destructive activities are due to anger. But the Hindus who commit the crime of untouchability do not come under either category. According to him it is no crime at all. For him practising untouchability has been laid down by his religious precepts. Give milk to snake; give a rice ball to crow; give milk to cats and dogs. Be kind to the animals. That is what his religion teaches him. Therefore, on Friday he fasts and pours milk in the anthill of the snakes. He calls 109

out for crows and feeds them. On Thursdays waits sometimes for hours to have the glimpse of white-headed kite (Garuda). Like a Hindu who shows love for all beings, why should he condemn a fellow human being to ‘untouchability’? He ignores Dalits, rejects them. A person who believes that cow is holy, its dung and urine are sacred; why should he consider a Dalit as untouchable and that his presence ‘pollutes’ the place. We must understand the basic reason for this. His religion preaches that there is holiness and sanctity even among animals and birds. Even a dog and pig are conceived by him as having divinity and he carry such idols over his shoulders. Takes out a procession of such idols. Other Hindus also worship such icons. Bathe those idols, performs poojas for them. A Hindu does not do these things of his own will. His religion preaches him to do these things. Having a faith in his religion he does these things. But the same religion teaches him that a Dalit is untouchable and unholy. The reformers argue that in Hindu religion there is no authority or sanction for untouchability. They say that true Hindu spiritualism does not accept untouchability. This is something like trying to hide a pumpkin in a morsel of food. A saint said that he wanted to perform a Yaga (Sacrificial rite) and prays to Lord Siva that he should come and accept the holy food offered at the rite. God Siva agrees to it but stipulates that He should be welcomed and given the holy food in what form He comes. The saint agrees to it. The Yaga was conducted grandly. But an incident takes place which was about the destroy the Yaga itself. This was not tsunami or gale or rains or earthquake, something that would destroy things. This ‘atrocity’ was nothing by a pariah going by that path. The ascetics and priests shivered at the sight. The reason was it was considered that his sight could pollute the entire place and the entire yaga would be ruined by his look. Everyone gathers the material used for yaga and hide them so that he could not see them. The saint who performs the yaga prays to God Siva to save the yaga. Siva appears, protects the yaga and then accepts the 110

prayers of the saint. Also gets ‘haviz’ the holy food offered to Him. What is sought to be conveyed by this story? An untouchable’s presence and his looks are enough to ruin the sanctity and holiness of any place. This is what they want to say. (When Ponnambala Adigalar says that in Hindu spiritualism, there is no authority for untouchability, what is this? Has this nothing to do with spiritualism? Is not this a stress of untouchability? Harishchandra was respected by Hindus and even Gods as one who had ruled the land justly and without telling any lie. Rishi Kausika gives him many obstacles but he overcomes them all and emerges victorious. Gods appear and shower encomiums and blessings on him. Siva himself asks him to rule the kingdom again. But the King Harishchandra refuses to take back his kingdom again. He gives the reason that as he had been a slave to a puliah (pariah), he had become unfit to rule again. Even when God presses him to be the King again, he refuses. He considers the authority of religion as sacred. God also accepts his argument but proves that Harishchandra did not do any puliah work nor did he serve under a puliah, because all these were only hallucinations. Then alone Harishchandra assumes Kingship again. There are plenty of such stories which preach untouchability in the Hindu religion. These can be seen in book forms or sculptures. This is what Hinduism has to its followers. One need not go to school to learn one’s mother-tongue. He learns it through mother and father . “For a Hindu, untouchability and caste discrimination are like a mother-tongue.” If someone were to be told that he should not speak his mother-tongue, else would face punishment, he might not speak mother-tongue for sometime. But would he ever forget his mother-tongue? The Tamil Nadu Government has enacted a law which states people of all castes could become Archakars (priests) in the temples. Hindutva states that in all the coming births 111

also Vashistar alone should continue to be the preceptor. But Rama who is considered as holy and God by the Hindus says, “Not only in this birth, but in all the coming births too, you who are a Brahmin, must be my preceptor.” It is said that even the marriage of Rama was celebrated under the direction of Vashista. So, if you are a Hindu, you must accept a Brahmin as a Guru, preceptor. People who say that they are not Hindus but Tamil or Dravidian, also for a long time accepted a Brahmin as Guru. In Silappadikaram, a Tamil literary work, it is stated that the marriage ceremonies of Kovalan and Kannagi were performed only by Brahmins. It is averred therein that as the Brahmins conducted vedic proceedings, the couple went round the fire and the marriage become complete. Silappadikaram relates a story that took place two thousand years back. So for thousands of years Brahmins have been accepted here as Gurus and people have lived accordingly. No higher caste Hindu would bring a priest of a lower caste person and accept him as his Guru. The manner in which the Kshatriyas had maintained over political authority had been broken and all castes take part in politics these days. Similarly the authority of Vaisyas over trade and commerce was broken and everybody is doing business now. The Sudras are participating both in politics, business and agriculture. But the Brahmin’s control over the hierarchy has remained unchanged over 4,000 years. This domination is being attacked under the new law enacted by the Tamil Nadu government’s order. Though the Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra professional monopoly had been broken, their caste system did not break away. Each caste had protected its order. Similarly even if Brahmin’s professional priestly authority has been eroded, their caste system remains intact. Nothing will disturb the order of caste system. But the Brahmins who went unto Supreme Court to claim exclusive privilege to enter the sanctum sanctorum of the temples are now humbled in that. This is a historic act. The manner in which Sankara112

charyas who claimed they were world preceptors were put in prison and the change that the Brahmins were no longer the repositories of Agama brought about by Jayalalitha in giving that right to all castes, and the monopoly right to priestly taken away from the Brahmins by Karunanidhi must be thanked in profusion. We should be happy that these changes came about in our own time. For sowing the seeds of such a revolutionary change Periyar must be remembered with gratitude. But we should not even dream that as a result of these, caste system would collapse. Annal Ambedkar says about priestly functions: “We must put an end to the priestly right enjoyed by the Brahmins as a monopoly and have that function democratised. An examination must be conducted and any Hindu who passes that must be permitted to do purohitam (priestly function). Along with that the number of priests also must be reduced. By doing that Brahminism must be killed and Hinduism saved.” When Ambedkar said that all castes when qualify to perform Archanas must be enabled to do so was just an idea for the Hindus to save their religion. That was something like giving medicine to one who is seriously ill. The suggestion did not mean that if the priestly functions were made accessible to all Hinduism would become very great. Father Periyar also spoke along these lines. Just because anyone could perform priestly functions, that does not mean casteism would end. The basic structure of Hindu religion itself rests on inequality. Those factors are permanent. They would perpetuate non-unity and encourage only conflicts. Brothers killing each other, cousins murdering each other, a devotee attempting to kill God, God killing a devotee all these are depicted as Hindu Dharma. Even if people of all castes become priests they must preach such dharmas. Ambedkar pointed out in Narada Smirti it is stated that if lower caste person attempts to sit on equal terms with a high caste person his waist must be scarred with hot iron and then he must be sent out of the land. Today it is not permitted to such branding or turn him away from the coun113

try. But people of lower castes do not attempt to sit with higher caste people on equal terms. Even in buses such a situation prevails. As for hundreds of years people had practised what is stated in scriptures and vedas, they are accustomed to such living. Even among Brahmins and Vellalars frictions would come on this account. Once when Sankaracharya came to the Saiva Mutt in our place, the seats of both were of equal height. The Brahmin youngsters were enraged at this and without participating in the function, walked out. Mahadevan who is concerned with the Mutt case now belongs to our place. He told me about this incident. According to tradition if Sankaracharya and Mutt head were to participate in a function, the seat for Sankarcharyas must be placed at a raised level. But on that day in the Mutt incident, the seats were of the same height. He said they questioned the Saivite youngsters and there were exchange of words and that 22of them had left the place. He said we should help them in case of any attack from Vellalars. As the Saivite youngsters were in a majority and were friendly with other caste Hindu youth, Mahadevan said that it was possible that they could be attacked. I told him if there were any violence we would help them. A member of the Dravidar Kazhagam, Rajappa confirmed the incident mentioned by Mahadevan and was very happy about it. Though this took place twenty years back, Sankaracharya did not visit the Mutt again. True rationalism does away intermediaries between God and men. If any set of people had practised a life where there has been no intermediary between them and God, it is these Dalits only. That is they are having some faith in God but without intervention of a priestly God. They have been doing it for a very long time. Now only after Periyar’s teaching a rationalist group has come into being which ignores priestly class. But for hundreds of years the class which ignored priests and led a life of rationalism, that is depressed people, how did they become polluted? Untouchables? There is no answer to this question. No researcher has written about this. No his114

torian has written a lesson on this. No reformer talks about this. Even Dalits who are well read and are in good official position are without this rational approach. Simply because they have not bothered to read Ambedkar’s rational lessons. Had they read them, they would not tolerate these inequalities. Referring to such people Annal Ambedkar described them as third-rate Brahmins. Ambedkar and Periyar uttered similar ideas. But those who accepted Ambedkar did not accept Periyar. Those who accepted Periyar did not accept Ambedkar.This is the power of caste system. Caste cannot be wiped out. It is ingrained in the blood of the Hindus. It strength is still growing. Even those who sacrificed for others and revolutionaries have not been spared by that. The reason is it constitutes blood bond among people. Thanthai Periyar who wanted to abolish caste system was supported by all Naickers: Annal Ambedkar wanted to abolish Brahminism but the Dalits in RSS Hindu front give whole hearted to support to him: these are all due to the pernicious effect of caste system. Two great leaders who wanted to abolish caste system but they are divided by caste affiliation! There is a village called Tuhili in Thanjavur district. A respectable member of Dravidar Kazhagam was living there. Though born in a Chettiar family, he was a great rationalist. I have great respect for him. He told me that was planning to have the statues of Thanthai Periyar and Annal Ambedkar in his place. He asked that I should cooperate with the members of my movement. He also showed a handbill regarding that. I told him that we would come whenever he called us. Usually no statutes of these people are placed side by side even though they preached identical ideas. It so happens that one set of people give precedence to Periyar and push Ambedkar into the background while others give prominence to Ambedkar and push Periyar into background. If this is not a caste indignity, what else could be said about this? In the recent times some Dalit leaders spoke about Periyar unfavourably. Those who called themselves Periyarists retorted by degrading Ambedkar. 115

This had come in news papers. Leader K.Veeramani very aptly called both the groups as “half-baked people”. In fact they are half baked groups only. Both these great leaders stood firmly together in their principles till the end of their lives in unswerving way. Because I thought that statues for both would be a fitting tribute, I agreed to Tuhili gentleman to cooperate fully in his task. After a few days when I met him he said that only Periyar’s statute would be opened. He was very much put out when he talked to me. He said that for the opening of the statue of Periyar even some mutt heads and big shots were prepared to come forward and bear important expenses. But if it is opened along with Ambedkar’s statue they had said they would not cooperate. I asked why Ambedkar was marginalised like that. I asked what reason they give for such an attitude? He said that according to them Ambedkar was an enemy of Hindu religion and got converted into different faith and therefore he was not a Hindu. I asked him whether Periyar was also not an enemy of Hindu religion. He said though he did not accept their contention, the function which had to be got ready by spending several lakhs had to be carried out only with the cooperation of such people. He said that accordingly he had decided to open the statue of Periyar first and somehow afterwards to open the statue of Ambedkar nearby later on. That was what was done. What he had stated could be true. The Sudras also faced some discrimination but they were within the varna dharma of Hinduism. But the untouchables were not like that because they did not come under Hindu fold. In the four varna system the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras were there with different status but all are recognised under the Hindu system according to Manu dharma. Those within the varna dharma enjoy according to their status some rights. But those outside the Hindu fold do not have such rights and even for minor offences severe punishments are inflicted on them. It is specifically laid down that if an untouchable person deliberately pollutes the upper castes within the fold 116

of varna dharma he could be given death sentence. Now according to Hindus Periyar seems to be within the fold of Hindu religion and Ambedkar outside its fold. Even though Periyar had called Tamils as Fools, Dishonest people, Thieves, Barbarians, etc. people love him. But Annal Ambedkar never used such harsh words. Though Ambedkar did not stress the idea of “There is no God” as much as Periyar did, still the Hindus and Tamils who accept Periyar do not accept Ambedkar. That is why Hindus or Tamils or Dravidians who were prepared to cooperate for opening up the statue of Periyar did not give such cooperation for unveiling Ambedkar’s statue. By saying this I don’t want the readers to think unveiling statues would solve all the problems. I have never shown much interest in the installation of statues. Both the leaders had same doctrines, were friends throughout their lives, were unruffled even when those whom they raised to great heights ignored them, till the last stood steadfastly adhering to their principles. Periyar says about this aspect: “We were not have identical ideals in the abolition of castes alone. We had similar views on Hindu religion, Hindu sastras, what the Hindu epics said on Hindu gods, devas etc. Not only that. Just as I was very firm and steadfast in upholding my opinions and principles, so also Ambedkar was very firm in maintaining his convictions.” So Thanthai Periyar himself had known about how steadfast both of them were in holding on to principles. Can anybody deny this? I mention this that inspire of their devotion and conviction to noble cues, caste differences had their impact on them as well. A few days after Tuhili gentleman met me, i.e., on 15.6.1990 under the chairmanship of Venerable Natarajan, Thanthai Perrier’s statue was opened by leader Veeramani and speeches made. But Dalits in the villages were not represented in the meeting. In the same Tuhili village a statue of Ambedkar was opened. Venerable Natarajan did not participate in that function. 117

Do you see how powerful caste feelings are? Even the mighty ones are not spared from its impact. It is true that all men are pursued by death eventually. But caste pursues a person even after his death. When such is the position in the land, how can there be reforms or revolutions or modernism? The government is very firm that there is no need for any change in the present caste structure. Apart from countless castes like Brahmins, Vellalars, Chettiars, Mudaliars, Vanniar, Kallar, Thevar, Nadar, the government also desires that there must be separate washermen, barber, vettian, thotti castes as well. In the villages caste groups like Vettian, washermen, barbers, carpenters, smiths and the like who do the lowest types of works have got lands assigned to them from time immemorial. But government has kept it under its control. The situation is that if they cooperate with the upper castes and do the work assigned to them only, they would be permitted to irrigate the land and get the fruits thereof. That is the lower castes could irrigate their own lands only when permitted by the higher castes. There have been reformers who wanted to bring together all people who have been oppressed together: but their efforts have all been in vain. There are people who put forth the argument that all religions have some flaws or other. And these people carry on their shoulders the weight of a religion which permits exploitation and looks with distain the exploited ones! They have not been able to bring about an iota of change in the caste working. Still they say all religions have some defects or the other. Even those reformers who advertise for marriage alliance for their children stating that caste or religion is no bar state that it would not apply to depressed and tribal classes. The reformers must note this. Even those families whose heads were eminent public writers or speakers condemning caste system could not come out of the circle of caste system. “There are no castes, dear child” was sung by Bharati; “Still there are people who say that there castes” poured forth in anger 118

Bharatidasan. Yet both their families are encircled only in the caste system. Even Ambedkar who was a towering personality championing the cause of oppressed castes, who raised the banner of revolt among the depressed people and Thanthai Periyar too are pursued by the evil of caste system. What to talk of the plight of other reformers?

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AMBEDKAR One can assert that none took as much efforts as Ambedkar did for the abolition of caste system. But many have not learnt deeply about him. It is said that he attempted to write autobiography but did not succeed. In his own life time one Dhananjaikar, a Brahmin wrote the first biography of Ambedkar. It must be noted that he was a follower of R.S.S. Ambedkar has integrated his personal desires and opinions with history itself. Though Dhananjaikar faithfully recorded the fire-like lashes at Hinduism of Ambedkar, he has not forgotten to mention about other religions in his account. But he was the first one to write comprehensive, full biography of Ambedkar. When we praise him for that, let it not be forgotten that he also wrote a biography of Gandhi. But we are not able grasp the full personality with the help of Dhanajaikar’s biography. Nor has it been possible to gauge the true personality from the historical accounts published by Maharashtra government. We know how a government publication would be any way. There were only very few books published by him during his lifetime. We have been able to form our estimate of him based on those works. Now some works are being passed of as research papers dealing with Ambedkar’s life. When we read some of them we are only reminded of the story of blind people trying to describe an elephant after they touched different parts of the elephant’s body. There were times when he burst out like volcano. There were times when had bursts of tears. I am not familiar with the full details of crises he faced. But I have been following the path chartered by him for the last fifty years. On December 6, 1956 myself and my uncle were stand120

ing at the market street of Pandanallur, a neighbouring town. In the radio it was announced that Dr.Ambedkar who was a former Law Minister and Chairman of the drafting committee of Indian Constitution had passed away. When my uncle heard the news he lamented loudly and cried beating his head and chest with his hands. I did not know who Ambedkar was. My uncle was five or six years older than myself. I was about 12. My uncle was studying in Kumbakonam Government college. Seeing my uncle crying, I also started to cry. Those who were nearby surrounded us and curiously look on. Even after coming to our house my uncle was still crying. He called youngsters of his age in the village and told them about Ambedkar to the best of his knowledge. In the next few days he visited a number of neighbouring villages, visited Dalit dwellings and told about Ambedkar to the Dalit youngsters there. Even when I was very young, I used to with my uncle everywhere. Some days passed by. The youngsters were keen to know about the life and work of Ambedkar. We had heard that one Jegadeesan of Chennai had written and published a book by the title “Peak of Intelligence (Arivin Sikaram)” on Ambedkar’s life. We wrote him a letter. In 1957 on Dcember 6th we conducted the first anniversary of Ambedkar’s death. Even though I was very young, I contributed a lot to the conduct of meeting. Some followers of Dravidian Movement cooperated with us. The writer Jagadeesan had been invited to this meeting. This took place in the market street of Cholapuram. About thirty youngsters and children were there in the meeting. Jagadeesan spoke about the indignities suffered by Ambedkar and the struggles he undertook to ameliorate the conditions of the untouchables. The youngsters who attended the meeting wept aloud on hearing the hardships undergone by Ambedkar. After the meeting was over we bought hundred books from the author. Each book cost only Rs.2/-. Children of my age hired bicycles and sold the books in many Dalit areas. Often we would go without noon meals and used to 121

wander about. I can never forget how my friends used to pick up mangoes and ate them: and how the owner or watchman of the grove used to abuse us harshly dragging the name of the caste. Myself and other youngsters used to tell other youngsters and children many incidents from Ambedkar’s life and also about his teaching. We stressed that we must fight against untouchability and that we must prepare ourselves for all the struggles. We decided that we must remove many shortcomings we had. We also decided that all of us must have education. We understood that only if we work hard as Ambedkar we could come up as good human beings. And progress in life. We explained many ideas of Ambedkar. There was good response to these. Youngsters welcomed such ideas. But the elders literally shivered when they heard such ideas. They had accepted the idea that were low caste people. In temple, tanks, tea-shops, even where water is freely distributed they would go to places separately marked for us. Even if they go to outstation places, they will be much afraid and find out the places earmarked for them. If they did not do like that youngsters were attacked. Higher caste youngsters indulged in such inflicting such atrocities. The incidents I narrated just did not happen occasionally here and there. In all the villages such cruelties occurred in large number. Young girls, that if they are beautify, considered themselves always to be in danger. The Hindu elders used to sexually harass and assault these hapless girls. Dalits were in a pitiable condition of falling at the feet of the close relatives of those who had misbehaved with their daughters for getting justice. Many higher caste people had an innate feeling that such gross misbehaviour of sexual harassment to Dalit women was not a serious crime. Reformers who spoke of class unity viewed the oppressor and oppressed on equal terms. When Dalits are attacked or made subject to sexual assault, these people tried to pacify and suggested peaceful co-existence. They argued that within a class there was no untouchability. The imagined that there was a poor class as such . To those Dalits who shed tears of blood, these people preached 122

class unity. They refused to see that there should be retribution for wrong deeds and falsely wanted peaceful relations at all costs. Separate tumbles in tea-shops, separate place for bathing in tanks and lakes, refusal of entry into temples, separate burning grounds, separate roads – reformers asserted that all these things would disappear in course of time. Everything must be peacefully discussed and resolved, they insisted. What a fraudulent approach? This approach is diametrically opposite to the golden words of Ambedkar who said: “Create fear of life in the minds of those people who practise untouchability on you.” How it is justified to tell a person who has been oppressed, dominated, exploited and enslaved that he should follow love and non-violence? Self-respect, liberty, equality and fraternity – are not these important for a man? Ambedkar said instil these values among the Dalits. Is there any philosophy in this land to lead a life of equality? No. Such principles were emphasised by Annal Ambedkar and Thanthai Periyar. Periyar stress that one should deeply think about his position and remove his low status has a deep purport. Same thing was said by Ambedkar. Stressed that there must be revolution in thinking. Both of them preached that all changes must emanate from the fundamental thinking process. A man who refuses to think cannot achieve any thing. Therefore, we accepted the principles of Ambedkar and Periyar as fundamental. Even during the life time of Periyar we accepted his thoughts and propagated them along with Ambedkar’s. If the slogan, “Down with Brahmin” is justified because he dominates over all other classes, it is equally justified to raise the slogan, “Down with Vellalar”, “Down with Chettiar”, “Down with Mudaliar” because these castes also dominate over Dalits. Periyar’s principles have are not obstacles to this. Even though we accepted Periyar’s principles, we could not join Dravidar Kazhagam. Even though we accepted Karl 123

Marx, we could not join the communist party. Though we accepted education through mother-tongue we could not accept Tamil literature and Tamil Nationalism. The reason for all things was there was casteism in all these things. Ambedkar had said, “So long as the arrogance of caste and its cruel clutches remain, no reform is possible in India.” Similarly Periyar’s thought, “Only the abolition of caste system is the key to all reforms.” is a great pathway to Dalit liberation. We explained to the Dalits that Periyar’s thought that so long as Hindu religion was there caste system cannot be abolished, and Ambedkar’s idea that so long as one was a Hindu, Caste will never go away are identical. 1. Dalits should not accept Hindu Sastra traditions. 2. They should not accept the Puranas and other scriptures of the Hindus. 3. They should not accept the worship of Hindu religious idols. 4. Camphor, frankincence, ash are all used,. Pongal is only a Hindu festival. Therefore Festivals like Deepavali, Pongal and should not be observed.

Adipperukku

5. Earlobe, Rites connected with death, Rites connected girls attaining puberty etc. Are Hindu rites: should not be performed. 6. Fate, destiny, Rebirth are all superstitions. One should not believe in such things. 7. Drinking, gambling and prostitution are crimes – should not be resorted to. 8. Rational education is very important. These ideas were placed as our movement’s fundamental ideas. They were presented to youngsters. There was good response from them. In nearly 200 villages our movement functioned very well. Around this time in 1968, December 25, 44 Dalits in124

cluding Pallars and Pariahs were burnt in a village called Venmani in Thanjavur district by the higher caste people. Such a cruel act was only reported in the dailies the following day. There was not much reaction to it. The criminals were supported by the government and the ruling party. Dalits throughout the country were terribly afraid. In all the places where we conducted our movement, caste Hindus warned us citing the example of Venmani. We were intimidated. They threatened whether we also wanted a treatment as in Venmani. The DMK government functioned as the backward class government. They tried to prevent the spread of our movement and gave many pressures. In each village we were compelled to make Dalit youngsters armed for self protection. As a result in many places there were skirmishes and disturbances. In many places backward caste people joined together and attacked the Dalits. The Police merely subordinated themselves to the ruling party. So we decided to raise disturbances against the police force. In many places demonstrations were held against the police. Therefore we were depicted as Extremists or terrorists by the police. We concentrated on Dalit youngsters getting degrees. The number of graduates increased manifold. Apart from conducting the movement based on solving the problems we also stressed the importance of the alternative culture as stressed by Annal Ambedkar and Thanthai Periyar. At this juncture I would like to remind the readers one important thing. In 1931 Gandhi said: “In all villages the depressed people live at the mercy of the caste Hindus. If separate constituencies were reserved for them, higher caste people would become angry and will wreak vengeance on depressed people. To prevent such atrocities only I am stating that separate constituencies should not be there. I oppose that. I am ashamed to say this. But this is the truth.” In all villages the same conditions prevail even now. That is why Annal Ambedkar said that Dalits must change the place of living, for saving themselves. If Dalits were to 125

be liberated from the evils of untouchability and other indignities, change of religion was the only way, he stressed. They must not continue to do any degrading work which they have been doing for long under compulsions from Hindus. Change of religious belief, change of place of residence and change in occupation were the three cardinal principles of Ambedkar. About conversion to different faith, Ambedkar was very clear. Changing religion is no joke. Nor a childish exercise. The purpose of religious conversion is to make one’s life a successful one. Without knowing how many people were prepared to leave the Hindu faith, he said he could not plan for large scale conversion. He arranged for many meetings to spread the idea of conversion to a different religion. A big conference was also called so that he could hear the views of all people. He said that it should function as a movement. He raised many questions to thousands of Dalits who had assembled in the conference. “You should not have any relation with people who preach that God is everywhere but treat the fellow human beings worse than the animals. People who give sugar to ants to show their devotion to God, prevent men from drinking water: when they resort even to kill you, there is no need for you to have any relation with them. A religion which permits people to touch and worship animals, says a section of mankind is untouchable and it will ‘pollute’ others. Such a religion is not a religion at all.”  A religion which prevents equal relation ship among its adherents is no religion at all.  When you are degraded at all stages, why do you continue to be in that religion?  Why should you remain in a religion when it refuses entry to you in its temple?  Why should you continue to be in a religion which refuses to allow you to have good drinking water? 126

 Why should you continue to be in a religion which does not treat you as a human being?  If you want your family life to be blessed with happiness, change your religion.  If you want to be liberated, change your religion.  If you want to acquire strength, change your religion. If you want to be respected as a human being, convert to some other faith.  If you want to organise yourself under one structure, convert to some other faith.  Religion is only to help man: not man to help religion. This was how he exhorted his followers firmly to convert to some other faith. There were people who doubted the wisdom of leaving one’s old religion and joining a new religion. To them he replies as follows: “Simply because our ancients followed or we have been long associated with this –saying such things and continue to be in Hindu religion is appropriate only for the fools. No sensible person would put forth such an argument. Probably such argument is applicable to animals, not to human beings. What is the difference between the animals and human beings? Man progresses. Animals cannot. Without change, there would be no progress. Changing one’s religion is also a kind of a change. Without converting to other faith, you will not have any progress. For a man who wants to progress in life, his ancestor’s religion is an obstacle. Reformers who argue that instead of fighting against injustice to escape from it by changing one’s religion is cowardice, Ambedkar retorts: “These reformers live within the surroundings of their own caste, marry within their castes and die in their own caste: but merely make empty slogans to fool people.” 127

If we must have equality then we have to fight against Hindu religion and uproot it. That is not possible. You cannot succeed if you make any such effort. But there I an easy path. That is get converted to some other religion. Hindus treat Muslims on equal terms. They treat the Christians also on equal terms. So if you become Muslims or Christians, they will treat you on equal terms. There is no need for you to struggle against them. They do not permit Christians or Muslims into their temples just as they have excluded you. They do not intermarry with them either. Still they have cordial relations with both the religions. What is the reason for this difference? Because they had left the Hindu religion there was no need for any struggle. When that simple path is available, why should you show hesitation to get equality? Religion conversion alone is the proper path for attaining liberation. In the ultimate analysis conversion of faith is not an escape route for the Dalits. Nor a coward’s path. It is the path of an intelligent person, says Ambedkar.

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CONVERSION TO A DIFFERENT RELIGION Some people argued that conversion to a different religion would not bring much change, no great benefits would come by that. Ambedkar dubs such people as lacking in intelligence. There are Sikhs, Muslims and Christians in India who were all once Hindus. Majority of them were Sudras and untouchables once. They left Hindu religion and joined in those religions. Can anybody say they have not progressed? The Sikhs, Muslims and Christians lead a comfortable life than the Dalits. You can never have economic progress unless you get converted into other faith. For those who are apprehensive that they would lose many rights and concessions like reservation in jobs etc., Ambedkar advises as follows: “I am not unaware of the political rights obtained by the untouchables. Nobody had suffered as much as I did to get those rights. “Still it would not be proper just to rely on them. It is not permanent. The Britishers gave us certain rights only for 20 years. In Poona Pact mention was not made about that. So we can assume that they would be permanent. One has to think what would happen if they are taken away. “What will happen if political rights are taken away? What will be our position? We have to rely on our social strength. Where do we have this social strength? Only by converting to other faith it can be retained. “If you become Muslims, you will get those rights as129

sured to the Muslims. If you become Christians those rights can be yours. Even if you become Sikhs that is the position. Political rights are based on the composition of people. “In any society that group which has a majority will have more political rights. Don’t make the wrong calculation that if we leave the Hindu religion, those seats will go back to Hindus. Wherever we go these rights will follow there. “If we become Muslims the percentage of seats allotted to Muslims will be increased by 15%. Similar is the case if we become Sikhs or Christians. But there is no guarantee that if we remain Hindus these will be permanent concessions for us.” Anything is given an estimate based on its final composition. Intermediate transitions cannot be taken into account. A plant is not judged by its nascent growth or leaves or by unripe fruits. Only when the final fruit comes and its taste known, it is given an estimate. Same is the case with Scholars, Saints, Geniuses and Scientists. But people judge things by analysing Ambedkar’s life. His life began with opposition to Hinduism. His final years also ended with opposition to Hindu religion. Right from the beginning he was advocating people to leave Hindu religion. He gave a number of ideas on the need to conversion. “I want that religion which gives man norms for proper living, proper duties and at the same time gives him liberty, equality and fraternity: that religion which defines on these bases the relationship between man and God.” That was his firm conviction. Ambedkar who lays great emphasis on conversion also stresses the need to change one’s living place. “There should be separate colonies for the depressed castes, far away from the Hindu settlements.” was how he put the things in a different perspective. If it is asked why the Dalits have been living like slaves, farm hands for the big landlords, having the status of untouchabe status, it was because the village life in India has 130

that base. There are nearly seven lakh Hindu villages throughout India. In each village a portion is set aside for the untouchables to live separately. Often their number is limited. There has been no opportunity for economic improvement in their lives. They do not have any wherewithal to make progress in life. Mostly they are without any lands. They cannot sell anything. The high caste people will not buy anything from the untouchables. As they are dependent on the Hindus for their livelihood, they have to live like that only. Almost live begging. For petty wages they barter away their hard labour. This is how you must understand why the untouchables lead a degraded life for hundreds of years. In Hindu villages Dalits cannot show any type of opposition to Hindus. This is how Indian village structure has its base. Under such circumstances, the Dalits have no scope of improving their social and economic position. Because of this they have imbibed an inferiority complex from which they can never free themselves so long as they continue to live there. Therefore, this village structure must be demolished. They must break the shackles which bind them as slaves to Hindu domination and get liberated. This is the only way out for them. Having said that, Ambedkar also gives details of his plans. But today nobody speaks about religious conversion or change in place of residence. Whether Dalit movements or Reformers or Reformist movements, none speak about Ambedkar’s ideas on these. What is the reason for it? When Ambedkar was preparing to get converted to Buddhist faith in his closing years, he told his party followers who came to discuss the plans for election. “I am deeply thinking about conversion, you are clutching Poona Pact” said Ambedkar angrily reports his biographer Dananjaykar. 131

Gandhi went on fast to press that seat reservation (constituencies) should not be given to Untouchables as political right. This brought great pressure on Ambedkar. As a result he had to give up political rights. The Poona Pact was such an accord between Ambedkar and the Hindus. When he signed that document Ambedkar said that was stabbing at the back of eight crore Dalits (At that time the population of Dalits was eight crores.) Thus Poona Pact was nothing but that destroyed the rights of the Dalits. Today’s Dalit leaders and Dalit movements refer to this as political rights. When he had the opportunity to make all the provisions of the Poona Pact as rules of Indian Constitution, he made them all laws. Also he made it clear to his followers that they could get liberated only by religious conversion and change in the place of residence. But leaving aside all these points, Dalit leaders mislead or cheat Dalit people that they are political rights. When in the reserved constituencies Dalits can never win without the support of the Hindus, how can that be termed as political rights? For nearly forty years we have conducted our movement under the guidelines shown by Ambedkar. Amidst so many difficulties and tragedies, we had carried on with our service for the Dalits. Tens of thousands of youngsters had fought against untouchabilities and other indignities inflicted on Dalits; there are many people who lost their education, jobs, livelihood and even lives in this cause. Tens of thousands of women had participated in these struggles and had faced imprisonment. At no stage did we think of entering the state legislature or national parliament at the mercy of others. Our movement members had never wanted petty gains made out of these struggles. At the same time we had given stress on religious conversion and change of place of residence. All the struggles that we had done in the past are in reality struggle to abolish caste system only. What are the struggles for taking water from common tanks, right to enter the temples, free movement in public streets, redeem 132

the lands that have been appropriated from us, demand for wages consistent with our hard labour, facing imprisonment and fight for changes in our degraded existence except struggles for the abolition of caste? Still those reformers and revolutionaries who have been talking so much about the abolition of castes for so long, had never come to our assistance. Can any reformer or revolutionary or reformist movements or revolutionary organisations reply to my above question? Or can they say that all the above struggles were mere caste clashes? When so many humiliations and indignities were imposed on us and to root them out we struggled against, shed tour blood, got imprisoned, lost many lives – are all these mere caste clashes. But they were viewed as such by many. For protecting ourselves when sometimes we had to fight against other castes, mostly backward castes, they viewed those also as mere caste clashes. They insulted us by stating that there were caste clashes. Leaving aside this, it has to be mentioned that many Dalit members who were with us when we waged our struggles, had also ignored us when they got education, and then government jobs. They cannot join us in the struggle against abolition of caste system. If they do so, they will lose their jobs and like us will have to struggle for existence. Those who stand for elections in our reserved constituencies and become members of state legislature or national parliament do not care to look into our needs. They do not join us in our struggle for just causes. If they do like that perchance, they would be routed in the next elections! From the slave class, competent people must be found out and integrated with the ruling class. Then only there will be no revolution or change. This is the tactics of ruling class. Poona Pact made us the sacrificial lambs for this tactic. Those who benefited by Poona Pact have become part of ruling class now. That is why Annal Ambedkar wanted Poona Pact to be torn to shreds. This Poona Pact is considered by ruling class and dominant class as a very big weapon. But Ambedkar threw one 133

last weapon: that is favoured religious conversion. That can never be stopped by the ruling class. There are nearly 25 crores of people in this country who are caught in the cruel clutches of untouchability. But they all want to hold on to the rope called Ambedkar to lift themselves from the mire. They all worship Ambedkar as god. They worship the statue of Ambedkar as god. This is a rare honour not had by any other leader in this country. If all these people begin to follow the path shown by him, the dominant castes will collapse. It that time were to come, every untouchable should release himself from the bondage of Hindu religion. Should practise the principles of Ambedkar. In the past due the propaganda of our movement a large number of Dalit friends got converted to Islam or Christianity. They could not become Sikhs or Christians. Because there are facilities available here to change to those religions. If one becomes a Muslim, he could be integrated with Muslim community. If one gets converted to Christianity, he becomes integrated with Christian community. One can have matrimonial relations with all there. But if they become Sikhs or Buddhists they would be isolated here. It is true that those got converted into Christianity still face untouchability. But those who have accepted Islam alone have merged totally into the casteless Muslim congregation. The scars and memories of their past life have disappeared. Just like water drops totally merging in Ocean. Following those friends, I too have integrated myself with the path of Islam. I have accepted the all powerful one Allah. The caste system which had given untold miseries and hardships and humiliations and indignities has been destroyed. Assalamu Alaikkum.

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