Baker - Family Of Secrets (2009) - Synopsis

UFPPC (www.ufppc.org) — Digging Deeper LXXXIV: June 8, 2009, 7:00 p.m. Russ Baker, Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, the Powerful Forces That Put It in the White House, and What Their Influence Means for America (New York, Berlin, and London: Bloomsbury Press, 2009 [publication date: Dec. 18, 2008]). [Thesis: George H.W. Bush has “led what amounted to a double life” (492; he is a lifelong CIA asset involved in orchestrating many of the scandals of post-WWII American history, particulary with respect to the Bay of Pigs (161) , the JFK assassination (1963), and Watergate (1972), “not a Nixon operation at all, but a deep, deep covert operation against Nixon” (236).] Ch. 1: How Did Bush Happen? This book “chronicles the evolution of both the Bush clan and the powerful interests it represented over the last century” (5; 1-6). Ch. 2: Poppy’s Secret. In 1985 Joseph McBride noticed a Nov. 29, 1963, memo to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover identifying “George Bush of the CIA” (7-9). In 1988 George H.W. Bush denied it was he; the CIA identified a different George Bush (who also denied) (9-12). In 1996, another CIA memo came to light, linking George H.W. Bush to the CIA’s Thomas J. Devine, Zapata co-owner (12-15). Bush’s connections to intelligence derive from the intelligence community’s own origins in the Anglo-American financial establishment, especially Brown Brothers Harriman (Prescott Bush had become close friends of Roland “Bunny” Harriman in 1916 at Yale and in Skull and Bones; Prescott joined W.A. Harriman in 1926, which merged with Brown Brothers in 1930) (15-17). George H.W. Bush worked in an aerial intelligence program as a WWII pilot, where learned the importance of secrecy (18). The various accounts of Bush’s actions when shot down in a torpedo bomber on Sept. 2, 1944, are inconsistent; Bush’s version was challenged by tail gunner Chester

Mierzejewski in the New York Post in August 1988 (18-21). Ch. 3: Viva Zapata. Yale, where George H.W. “Poppy” Bush went in 1945, joining Skull & Bones, was a prime recruiting ground for the CIA (22-23). He worked for Dresser Industries, an oil industry services firm bought in 1926 by W.A. Harriman (23-25). Poppy went to Odessa, TX, and California, working for Dresser (25-28). The Dulles brothers exercised “effective control” over U.S. policy, a matter of indifference to Eisenhower; Bush clan also had great influence (28-31). Speculation about Allen Dulles’s motives in recruiting Poppy (31-32). That G.H.W. Bush asserted his independence from the family by becoming a Texas oil man is a deliberately propagated myth that ignores the Bush family’s long-standing ties “to the very top of the oil industry” (32; 32-34). Zapata Offshore was used by the CIA, particularly in connection with Cuba (34-37). Poppy’s real interest was politics (37-38). Bob Gow, who worked for Zapata (38-43). “Whether Zapata was partially designed for laundering money for covert or clandestine operations may never be known” (42). Ch. 4: Where Was Poppy? Kennedy was fighting the CIA (44-47). Sen. Prescott Bush (R-CT) announced he would not run for reelection in the spring of 1962, as Poppy Bush became more involved in politics (48-49). A tip to the FBI minutes after JFK’s assassination giving a false lead on the assassination may have been designed to give the impression that G.H.W. Bush had not been in Dallas on the evening before the

assassination of JFK, as he in fact was (49-66). Ch. 5: Oswald’s Friend. George de Mohrenschildt, from a Russian émigré family involved in Baku oil, was a family friend of Bush (Poppy Bush roomed at Phillips Academy with the stepson of George’s brother Dimitri) who pursued various oil interests in the Dallas area while maintaining CIA connections (6784). Jack Crichton, a military intelligence figure involved in oil company intelligence (81). Ch. 6: The Hit. The record on G.H.W. Bush is characterized by a “sustained fuzziness; what appears at first glance to be unexceptionable details turn out, on closer examination, to be potentially important facts that slip away into confusion and deniability. Little is ever what it seems” (87; 85-87). Kennedy had made many enemies (87-89). Texas was particularly hostile (89-90). The Kennedys attacked the oil depletion allowance and had many enemies, including Clint Murchison, Robert Kerr, Lyndon Johnson, Everette DeGolyer, and George McGhee (91-95). Doubts about the official JFK assassination theory (9597). Lee Harvey Oswald’s early life (97100). George de Mohrenschildt’s extraordinary interest in helping Oswald (100-03). Speculation that de Mohrenschildt’s later meetings with officials about a coup in Haiti were a cover for discussions of an assassination plot (103-09). The Texas School Book Depository, actually the name of a private corporation whose officers were anti-Kennedy (109-13). Other coincidences (113-17). Summary so far (117-18). Ch. 7: After Camelot. Jack Crichton again, “connected in petromilitary circles at the highest levels” (120; 119-22). Crichton arranged for Ilya Mamontov to interpret for Marina Oswald, apparently in an effort to link Cuba to the

assassination (121-22). “Virtually everybody on the [Warren] Commission was a friend of Nixon’s or LBJ’s—or both” (123). Albert Jenner, assistant counsel to the commission, was an anti-Kennedy corporate lawyer with no experience in criminal investigations (123-27). De Mohrenschildt had connections to the family of Jackie Kennedy (128-29). Poppy Bush elected to Congress in 1966 from a new Houston district (129-30). Possible Bush CIA activities while in Congress: overseeing the Phoenix Program in Vietnam; connection to Felix Rodriguez (130-31). LBJ connections to the Bush family (131-33). Ch. 8: Wings for W. George W. Bush, early years (134-37). National Guard service (137-41; 143-45; 147-57). Relationship with Inge Honneus (141-43). Enabled girl friend Robin Lowman to get an abortion (145-47). Harvard Business School (157-58). Ch. 9: The Nixonian Bushes. NixonBush family connections: mutual favor trading (159-74). Ch. 10: Downing Nixon, Part I: The Setup. Nixon suspected that Watergate was a CIA operation in which he was the target (175-79). Nixon’s efforts to find out what the CIA was doing during the last days of the Kennedy administration were stonewalled by the agency (17982). Nixon was in Dallas on the morning of Nov. 22, 1963; in fact, “[t]hree future presidents of the United States were all present in a single American city on the day when their predecessor was assassinated there” (184; 182-84). Pepsi CEO and the national bottlers convention that coincided with the JFK assassination (184-89). Bush cultivated the image of a Nixon loyalist (189-91). A “prelude” to Watergate, the “Townhouse Operation” to fund 1970 congressional candidates, seems to have been designed as a set-up to get Nixon (191-97). The Watergate burglary was designed to be discovered

(197-201). The Ellsberg break-in was designed to generate a police report (201-02). Three recent books have concluded that Watergate was designed to set up Nixon: Jim Hougan’s Secret Agenda (1984), Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin’s Silent Coup (1991), and James Rosen’s The Strong Man (2008) (203-04). Washington Post journalist Bob Woodward denies it, but he had a background in top-secret Navy intelligence and it is plausible that he was working for the CIA (204-08). The Post (including Carl Bernstein) also reported on CIA penetration of the media (208-09). George H.W. Bush was national chair of the Republican Party at the time, where he hired Harry Dent and Tom Lias, who had been supervising the Townhouse Operation (210-11). Sen. Lowell Weicker’s participation on the Watergate Committee (211-13). Perhaps Bush’s inside informant at the White House was his old friend Richard A. Moore, another Skull-and-Bonesman with a background in intelligence (213-15). White House counsel John Dean frustrated Nixon’s desire to come clean and actually helped inculpate Nixon by transmitting a request for hush money (215-19).

devastating for Nixon” (228-29). Dean and Weicker became friends (229-32). An apparent Bush set-up of Weicker was really meant to goad him on (232-33). Alexander Butterfield seems to be have been CIA, and revelation of the taping was engineered by Woodward and Dean (234-35). Bush’s attack on Carmine Bellino on Jul. 24, 1973, was selfprotective (235-36). Speculation on Leon Jaworski’s role (236-39). Contradictory evidence is interpreted as pre-planned cover (240-42). In 1967 Richard Harwood of the Washington Post established the extensive CIA connections of Texan figures associated with Bush (242-43). Nixon’s Justice Dept. was investigating many in the Bush crowd for possible antitrust violations (interlocking directorates) (243-44). Jeb Magruder, who falsely testified against John Mitchell, had as a college adviser Skull-and-Bonesman and CIA veteran William Sloan Coffin (244-45). Through the media, the Watergate story was spun —thus “Deep Throat” never really existed but most believe otherwise—and a false image of a monstrous Nixon has been created (245-49). Bush became ambassador to China (250-52).

Ch. 11: Downing Nixon, Part II: The Execution. A visit from Ed DeBolt, Republican national committeeman from California, spurred Weicker’s anti-Nixon activity (220-21). Bush exhorted Nixon to speak about the scandal (221-22). Gleason provoked Weicker to reopen the matter of the Townhouse Operation (22223). John Dean’s background (223-25). Surmises that Egil Krogh, who pushed to get Dean into the White House, worked for the CIA (225-26). Post-Watergate reporting has established that Dean initiated many aspects of Watergate, including the DNC break-in itself and Haldeman’s discussion of obstruction of justice (226-28). “[George H.W. Bush and John Dean] appear to have been skillfully engineering a series of crucial events whose only outcome could be

Ch. 12: In from the Cold. The Rockefeller Commission concluded that the CIA had no involvement in the JFK investigation (253-54). The Church Committee and the Pike Committee (25456). In November 1975, an administration reshuffle served to “reempower elements of the securityintelligence elite that had been shunted aside by Nixon”; Bush became CIA director (256-72). De Mohrenschildt’s last years and (alleged) suicide (272-79). Ch. 13: Poppy’s Proxy and the Saudis. Jim Bath and the Bush connection to the Saudis, setting up a “secret intelligence partnership that would come to rival that between the United States and Israel” (281; 280-98).

Ch. 14: Poppy’s Web. First International in Dallas (299-301). BCCI (301-04). Carter as a threat to the CIA’s influence (304-09). The 1980 presidential campaign and the Iranian hostages (309-12). Partnership with Jim Bath working with Saudi money continued operations while Bush was vice president (313-18). Ch. 15: The Handoff. Speculation about George W. Bush’s work in Alaska in 1974 (319-23). Life after Harvard Business School (323-28). Arbusto, Jim Bath, and Saudi money (328-32). Lucky Chance Mining board (332-35). Ch. 16: The Quacking Duck. The mysterious Harken Energy affair, involving Harvard and a long-established oil exploration firm (336-57). Ch. 17: Playing Hardball. George W. Bush’s career as Texas Ranger owner, paid $200,000 a year to come to games (358-69). Ch. 18: Meet the Help. Karl Rove met George H.W. Bush when he was national Republican Party chair, and went on to guide George W. Bush’ political career (370-89). Ch. 19: The Conversion. Doug Wead as “religion coach” for the Bush’s, education them to enable them to get the vote of the religious right (390-406). Ch. 20: The Skeleton in W’s Closet. The handling of George W. Bush’s National Guard service in the 1994 Texas gubernatorial campaign and later management of the issue (407-22). Ch. 21: Shock and . . . Oil? Review of Bush’s presidency, with Cheney in charge (423-40). Ch. 22: Deflection for Reelection. Attempts to report on George W. Bush’s avoidance of military service and John

Kerry’s Swift-boating demonstrate the triumph of “the forces of disinformation” (464; 441-65). Ch. 23: Domestic Disturbance. Authoritarian attempts to further secrecy and control information (466-74). The Bushes seek to profit and then cover their tracks (474-76). Hurricane Katrina revealed mismanagement of FEMA (47790). Ch. 24: Conclusion. “Poppy . . . led what amounted to a double life” (492). Baker had to overcome media-induced fear of being labeled a conspiracy theorist to write the book (492-93). “Deception resides at the very center of our national psyche” (493). But there is hope for reinvigorated constitutional government through new technologies of communication and the pursuit of the truth (493-94). Author’s Note. Urges reader to see www.familyofsecrets.org for advances in this “work in progress” (495). [The site is primarily promotional, however.] Acknowledgments. Agent, editor, publisher’s staff, assistants, archivists and librarians, Strand Bookstore, Notes. 60 pages. Index. 19 pp. About the Author. Russ Baker is an investigative journalist who has published widely and who has been contributing editor to the Columbia Journalism Review. He is the founder of WhoWhatWhy/the Real News Project. [Additional information. Baker holds a B.A. in Political Science from UCLA and an M.S. in Journalism from Columbia. Family of Secrets (#818 on Amazon on Jun. 6, 2009) is his first book. —]

[Critique. Baker’s writing style is breathless, clunky, clichéd, portentous, journalistic. Substantively, his narrative is often fragmentary and incoherent. Most arguments amount to insinuations or supposed probabilities, and there is no “smoking gun” anywhere in the book. Baker’s chapters are undigested collections of anecdotes, background information, and musings, accompanied by feeble attempts to put them in perspective with bland generalizations. While many of the books details are intriguing, and the general thesis of George Herbert Walker Bush’s deep connections to the world of secret intelligence is persuasive, Baker’s particular claims are unproven. Characterizations are crude and make the actions alleged appear, in general, extremely implausible. At the level of plotting, the book the level of implausibility is often extremely high. Ultimately the book fails to prove anything definite. Critics of Family of

Secrets have not been kind. Though Roger Morris blurbed it as “faultlessly measured in its judgments,” the Washington Post’s Book World review by Jamie Malanowski rejected the book’s thesis outright—“by trying to explain everything, to create a unified field theory of American tragedy that has the Bushes as the key actors and beneficiaries, Baker exceeds his grasp”— and Tim Rutten of the Los Angeles Times was vituperative in his Mar. 22, 2009, review, calling the book “disgusting,” “preposterous,” a “tissue of innuendo, illogical inference, circumstance, and guilt by tenuous association,” and a classic of the “paranoid style” in American politics. “By Baker’s reckoning, there seem to have been about as many people involved in the plot as there were on Omaha Beach. With that many people involved in the conspiracy, it’s a miracle it remained a secret long enough for Baker to ‘uncover’ it.”]