Aspects Of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

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Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

By Tezozomoc [email protected] Tuesday, May 23, 2000

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Table of Content Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology ................................................................................................... 1 Table of Content .................................................................................................................................. 2 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 3 Phonemic Inventory ............................................................................................................................. 4 Consonants ..................................................................................................................................... 4 Feature Specifications for Classical Nahuatl Consonants ......................................................................... 5 Vowels .......................................................................................................................................... 8 Assimilation ....................................................................................................................................... 8 Progressive Assimilation ................................................................................................................... 8 Verifying the Assimilations ............................................................................................................. 13

Regressive Assimilations .......................................................................................................... 19 Phonotactics ..................................................................................................................................... 23 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................... 25 Appendices ....................................................................................................................................... 27 1. Appendix A. Consonantal Phonemic Inventory of Classical Nahuatl Based on Manner, Place, and Voicing.

27 2. Appendix B. Consonantal Minimal Pairs for Classical Nahuatl ...................................................... 27 References: ....................................................................................................................................... 30

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Introduction Classical Nahuatl was the language spoken at the time that the Spaniards arrived on this continent around 1519. At that time, Classical Nahuatl was spoken from upper Middle Mexico all the way down to Nicaragua (Tezozomoc, 1997). Currently, in Mexico 30% of the population speaks a native language variety. Since the last census of 1990, approximately 2-3 million people spoke modern Nahuatl, either as a mother tongue or a second language (Tezozomoc, 1997).

Classical Nahuatl was chosen over a modern variety because Classical Nahuatl had minimal Spanish borrowing in the lexicon, syntax, and grammar. An obvious question might be, “Why not study a modern variety of Nahuatl?” Other researchers like Karttunen, Campbell, have looked at some of the varieties of Nahuatl, such as, Tetelcingo, Zacapoaxtla, and Copalillo Guerrero. All of these modern varieties have experienced 500 years of evolution/variability. Nahuatl has adapted new loan words into its lexicon with great consideration to its phonemic inventory. The source of these loan words and analysis comes from the encyclopedic work done by Frances Karttunen and James Lockhart in their work entitled, “Nahuatl in the Middle Years: Language Contact Phenomena in Texts of the Colonial Period (Karttunen, 1976).” Due scope limitations it is not possible to deal with these evolutionary changes in this paper. It is worth mentioning that modern Nahuatl has experienced an increased phonemic inventory as shown Sierra Nahuat. Additional changes in the modern Nahuatl deal with an increased introduction of voiced consonants into Classical Nahuatl’s phonemic inventory. Other changes have include substitution of /l/ and /r/ for /d/. Epenthesis is used to break difficult Spanish loan consonant clusters. Spanish consonant cluster reduction in loan words have been reduced through omission of the first sound, i.e. C1C2 -> C2 or if one of those letters was an /r/; the /r/ would be deleted. There are a number of other changes not covered in this paper. Spanish Nahuatl contact requires it’s on complete analysis and discussion.

If one understands Classical Nahuatl the modern varieties are just a matter of accounting for the evolutionary differences. These developments can be a combination of internal growth, and Spanish contact.

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Lyle Campbell has grouped Classical Nahuatl into the Southern Uto-Aztecan languages. The Southern Uto-Aztecan group is dominated by Pimic, in the North, Taracahitic, below Pimic, Cora-Huichol in the West, and Nahuan in the central South of Mexico. The phonological processes that hold these groups together are spirantization, lenition, nasalization, and gemination (Campbell, 1997).

These processes will be used to re-analyze the work that Andrews presented on assimilations and add clarity to his findings. These processes are defined as spirantization, the process of deriving fricatives from another type of articulation (Crystal, 1997). Lenition is the weakening of an overall strength of a sound. Crystal gives the following example, “Typically, lenition involves the change from a stop to a fricative, a fricative to an approximant, a voiceless sound to a voiced sound, or a sound being reduced to a zero.” Fortition is the opposite of lenition (Crystal, 1997). These concepts are used to account for consonantal changes at stem and morpheme contact in Classical Nahuatl. Nasalization is the process of a consonant having pre or post nasalization due to contact with a nasal consonant (Crystal, 1997). Gemination is the process of consonant hardening (Campbell, 1997).

Phonemic Inventory Consonants Andrew’s work is one of the first concise works on Classical Nahuatl grammar. Up to this point few investigators had presented a phonological survey of Classical Nahuatl of the caliber of Andrews. There have been previous researchers like Horacio Carochi who made some commentaries on Classical Nahuatl in his time, i.e. circa 1570’s. Carochi’s work is limited by the technology of his time, but many researchers still cite him. Andrews addresses this issue himself. I would like to quote him, “An exact knowledge of the sounds of Classical Nahuatl is not possible. One must rely on the scant information provided by the early Spanish and Mexican grammarians of the language. They, unfortunately, were not trained in phonology, and their descriptions are always inadequate and frequently puzzling.” Andrews further clarifies other issues, “A complicating factor in this problem lies in the differences of the various dialects of Classical Nahuatl (this, incidentally, applies to syntax and lexicon).”

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Andrews presented 15 consonants: /p, t, k, kw, h, tl, ts, tS, s, S, m, n, l, w, y/. Two consonants are represented differently, /h y/. In modern International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) the representation of these two consonants needs to be reclassified. In the case of /h/ Andrew’s explicitly calls it a, “A glottal stop” (Andrews, 1975). It should be reclassified as ///, based on modern IPA. Also, /h/’s modern IPA definition is specified as a voiceless, glottal, fricative and disagrees with Andrew’s blanket definition. The second consonant that needs to be reclassified is /y/. Andrews presents it as the same sound as English “yes”. Normally, this symbol is used to represent a [+high], [+round], [-low], [-back] vowel. From the word /yetl/ -> [jetl](bean) /y/ is functioning as a semi-vowel. As I will cover later Classical Nahuatl does not allow diphthongs in the onset. The analysis lead to the fact that /y/ is not functioning as a vowel of the type previously specified. It is functioning as a semi-vowel. Having accounted for these small differences between Andrews’s work and the one in this paper Clasical Nahuatl’s consonantal phonemic inventory will be presented.

Feature Specifications for Classical Nahuatl Consonants Table 11 in Appendix A contains a table with the IPA style consonantal classification based on manner, place, and voicing (Ladefoged, 1993). In Table 1, Roca and Johnson’s feature specification will be used for consonants.

Table 1 Classical Nahuatl Consonantal Phonemic Inventory Feature [p] [t] [k] [kw] [m] [n] [s] [S] [sonorant] [continuant] [voice] [nasal] [lateral] [labialp] [ round] [coronalp] [ anterior] [ distributed] [dorsalp] [ high]

√

-

-

-+ √ +

√ + √

√ +

+ + + √

+ + -

+ -

+ -

√ + -

√ + -

√ +

[/] + -

[l]

[tl]

[j]

[w]

+

+ + + -

+ + + √ +

√ +

+

+ + +

[tS] -

[tÉs] -

+ +

√ + -

√ +

√ + -

√ + -

√

The feature of [round] under the domain of [labialp] is used to distinguish between [k] and [kw](Roca, 1999). The glides (semi-vowels) /j, w/ required the additional feature of [high] under the domain of [dorsalp] (Roca, 1999). From Table 1 an inventory of the following classes of sounds can be produced.

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Obstruents: /p, t, k, s, S, tl, tÉs, tS, kw,//. Notice all the obstruents are voiceless, except for /kw/. Coronals: /t, n, s, S, l, tS, tÉs, tl/

Stops: /p, t, k, kw, //. Similarly, all stops are voiceless, except for /kw/. Nasals: /m, n/ Fricatives: /s, S/ (Andrews calls these silibants.) All fricatives are voiceless. Affricates: /tÉs, tS, tl/. The affricates are also voiceless except the lateral release. Lateral release: /tl/ Bilabials: /m, p/ Glides (semi-vowels): /j, w/ Liquids: /l/ Appendix B contains Table 12, which consists of minimal pairs as proof for the consonants in Table 1.

Proto-Nahuatl (Campbell, 1999) and modern Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat (Robinson, 1969) are examined and compared with Classical Nahuatl. Proto-Nahuatl is a hypothetical reconstruction of what Classical Nahuatl would have been. This was done by using cross-linguistic data from languages from the same family as Classical Nahuatl (Campbell, 1999). There is a distance of about 480 years between Classical Nahuatl and modern Puebla Nahuat. Consider Table 2 : Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat Phonemes. Table 2 Nahuatl in Three different Stages Phoneme

Proto-Nahuatl

Classical Nahuatl

Puebla (Sierra) Nahuat

/p/

√

√

√

/b/

√

/d5/

√

/t/

√

√

√

/k/

√

√

√ √

/g/ ///

√

√

√

/m/

√

√

√

/n/

√

√

√ √

/¯/ /r/

√

√

/R/

√

/f/

√

/s/

√

/S/ /l/

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√

√

√

√

√

√

√

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/kw/

√

√

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√

√

/tÉs/ /w/

√

√

√

/j/

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

√

/tS/ /N/

√

/a/

√

/e/ /i/

√

/ˆ/

√

/o/

√

/u/

√

/vowel length/

√

√ √

√

There are some noticeable differences between Proto-Nahuatl, Classical Nahuatl, and Puebla Nahuat. Puebla Nahuat has borrowed from Spanish the following phonemes:

/b/

Stop, Labial, Voiced

/d5/

Stop, Dental, Voiced

/g/

Stop, Velar, Voiced

/tÉs/

Affricate, Alveolar, Voiceless

/f/

Fricative, Labial, Voiceless

/¯/

Nasal, Alveo-Palatal, Voiced

/R/

Tap, Dental, Voiced

/r/

Trill, Alveo-Palatal, Voiced

Neither, Puebla Nahuat nor Proto-Nahuatl contain the following phoneme: /tl/

Lateral Affricate, Alveolar, Voiceless

Classical Nahuatl does not contain the following phonemes that Proto-Nahuatl does: /r, S, tS, N, ˆ, u/. Campbell does not give an explanation for their absence.

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/l/, ///, have limited distribution when compared to other phonemes. Classical Nahuatl does not permit /l/, /// to be in word initial position. Classical Nahuatl does not permit /m/, /j/ in word final position. These will be covered further in the phonotactics.

Vowels The vowel inventory can be accounted by the following features: [high], [low], and [round]. [round] is used to distinguish the semi-vowels. Table 3. Classical Nahuatl Vowel Feature Inventory Feature [i] [e] [a] [o] [w/u] [j/i] [high] + + + [low] + [round] + In Classical Nahuatl the /ˆ/, /u/ vowels are no longer part of the inventory. Only the semi-vowel counterparts in the form of /j, w/. Modern Nahuat re-acquires only /u/ from Spanish. Assimilation Classical Nahuatl consists of two major assimilation processes, progressive and regressive. The first one is progressive assimilation as shown in Table 4. Andrews makes no attempt to explain why progressive assimilation happens. He merely makes an inventory list of them (Andrews, 1975). Andrews does not present sources for his analysis. There was no access to the data that he used to reach these conclusions.

Progressive Assimilation Progressive assimilation is the process of sound change because of the influence of the preceding sound (Crystal, 1997).

Table 4 Progressive Assimilations of Classical Nahuatl l + tl

l+j

Tezozomoc

= ll

= ll

mil

+ tla/

= milla/

field

suffixes meaning plentitude

field of plenty

pil

+ j½tl

= pill½tl

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= ss

s+j

S+j

= SS

tÉs + j

= tÉstÉs

tÉs + w

= tÉstÉs

tS + j

= tStS

tS + w

= tStS

child/lord

-ness

childness/ lordness

tS½kis

+ jo/

= tS½kisso/

to cry (future)

-ness

to cry (ness)

miS

+ jo/

= miSSo/

cloud

-ness

cloudiness

wi:tÉs

+ jo/

= wi:tÉstÉso/

to come

-ness

to come (ness)

mitÉs

+ w³lmomakilia

= mitÉstÉs³lmomakilia

lion

he gives something hither

lion will give something to him hither.

okitS

+ j½tl

= okitStS½tl

male

-ness

maleness

n¶tS

+ w³ln½tÉsa

= n¶tStS³ln½tÉsa

1st person specific object

to call someone hither

he/she will call him/her hither.

Andrews’s assumptions on progressive assimilation were taken as sound. If this were the case it would show up in the data and in the feature analysis. In Table 5 you can observe that [w] and [j] are lacking a [coronalp] feature and Andrews claims they are affected by the preceding consonant possessing the feature [coronalp]. Aside from the fact that /j, w/ are semi-vowels, Roca covered their licensing as consonants (Roca, 1999), the vowel features of /i, u/ will be used to describe them. In the case of [tl], it is the only consonant possessing the feature of [+delay release] and [+lateral] and when it is preceded by a consonant that possess the [+lateral] feature it drops the delay release. Table 5

[l]

[S]

[tÉs]

[tS]

[w]

[tl]

[s]

[j]

[sonorant]

+

-

-

-

+

+

-

+

[continuant]

-

+

+

+

[voice]

+

-

-

-

+

+

-

+

[nasal]

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

[lateral]

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

√

√

√

√

√

√

+

-

+

-

+

+

+

[labialp] [coronalp] Ant

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Dist

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-

+

-

+

-

-

Delay Release

-

-

+

+

-

+

-

-

cons

-

+

+

+

-

+

+

-

high

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

+

In Table 6 we try to separate the features of /l, j/ and explain what happens in the assimilation [j] -> [l]/[l]+_:

Table 6

[l]

[j]

[sonorant]

+

+

[continuant]

-

+

[voice]

+

+

[nasal]

-

-

[lateral]

+

-

[labialp] [coronalp]

√

Ant

+

Dist

-

Delay Release

-

-

cons

-

-

high

-

+

Here is a possible linear rule to account for this assimilation.

⎡+ sonorant ⎤ ⎡+ sonorant ⎤ ⎡ + sonorant ⎤ ⎢− continuant ⎥ ⎢− continuant ⎥ ⎢ + continuant ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⇒ ⎢+ lateral ⎥ / ⎢+ lateral ⎥ + ___ ⎢ − lateral ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥ + high ⎣ ⎦ ⎢⎣− high ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣− high ⎥⎦ We see that the [+continuant] feature becomes [-continuant], the [-lateral] is changed to [+lateral], and finally the [+high] feature is negated to [-high].

In Table 7 we account for the second assimilation, that of [tl] -> [l]/[l]+_ Table 7

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Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

[l]

[tl]

[sonorant]

+

+

[continuant]

-

[voice]

+

+

[nasal]

-

-

[lateral]

+

+

√

√

Ant

+

+

Dist

-

-

Delay Release

-

+

cons

-

+

high

-

-

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[labialp] [coronalp]

Here is a possible linear rule to explain this assimilation. ⎡ + lateral ⎤ ⎢coronalp ⎥ ⇒ ⎡ + lateral ⎤ / ⎡ + lateral ⎤ + __ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣coronalp ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣ + delay _ release⎥⎦ ⎣

Here, the feature [+delay release] has been added to differentiate between [l] and [tl]. The [+delay release] feature is deleted in this assimilation. The last rule will account for [j] -> [s]/[s]+_, [j] ->[S]/[S]+_, [j] -> [tÉs]/[tÉs]+_, [j] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_, [w] ->[tÉs]/[tÉs]+_, and [w] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_.

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Table 8 contains the feature data for these assimilations. Table 8 [l]

[S]

[tÉs]

[tS]

[s]

[w]

[j]

[sonorant]

+

-

-

-

-

+

+

[continuant]

-

+

+

+

+

[voice]

+

-

-

-

-

+

+

[nasal]

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

[lateral]

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

√

√

√

√

√

Ant

+

-

+

-

+

Dist

-

+

-

+

-

Delay Release

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

cons

-

+

+

+

+

-

-

high

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

[labialp] [coronalp]

⎤ ⎤ ⎡ + consonant ⎡ + consonant ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ − sonorant − sonorant ⎡ − consonant ⎤ ⎥ ⎥ ⎢ ⎢ ⎥ ⇒ ⎢coronalp ⎢ + high ⎥ + ___ ⎥ / ⎢coronalp ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎥ ⎢ ⎢ ⎦⎥ ⎣⎢ − syll ⎢αDelay _ release⎥ ⎢αDelay _ release ⎥ ⎥⎦ ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣ − high ⎢⎣ − high Most of the work that we have done in class has dealt with auto segmental diagrams that only change one feature. That feature has generally been the place of articulation. Classical Nahuatl assimilation requires more than one feature change. The question then becomes how to deal with this in an auto segmental way. From Roca and class discussions, it is possible to setup a [feature node ] in our auto segmental timing diagrams. This is one of the strengths of the auto segmental theory. It allows us to work on a single tier, such as [place of articulation], or a higher level one that contains a tree branch of dependent features. This will be the case for these assimilations. This will allow us to easily have full feature replacement. The following diagrams will demonstrate that process. Rule 1 [j] -> [l]/[l]+_

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[ features ] − − − [ features ] ⎡ + sonorant ⎤ ⎢ + lateral ⎥ ⎡ + sonorant ⎤ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ − lateral ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣coronalp ⎥⎦ ⎣

Rule 2 [tl] -> [l]/[l]+__

[ features][ features] ⎡ + lateral ⎤ ⎡ + lateral ⎤ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎥ ⎢coronalp ⎣ ⎦ ⎢ + delay _ release⎥⎥ ⎣ ⎦

Rule 3 [j] -> [s]/[s]+_,[j] ->[S]/[S]+_, [j] -> [tÉs]/[ tÉs]+_, [w] ->[tÉs]/[tÉs]+_, [j] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_, and [w] -> [tS]/[ tS]+_.

[ features] − − − − − [ features ] ⎤ ⎡ + consonant ⎥ − consonant ⎢ − sonorant ⎤ ⎥⎡ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ − syll ⎢coronalp ⎥ ⎢ ⎥ ⎢ α _ + high Delay release ⎥⎦ ⎢ ⎣ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣ + high

Verifying the Assimilations Now that we have looked at the linear and auto segmental methods of describing the Classical Nahuatl progressive assimilation changes it is important to go back and verify that Andrews’s assumptions correlate with the data. While, Andrews’s original data is not available that he used to justify his progressive assimilations, there is lexical

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data from that period. We have access to Karttunen’s Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl. Her survey of more than 7 primary sources gives a good sampling of the lexicon.

Lets Consider Andrews first assimilation: tl -> l/l+_ 1. [kapol] + [tla/] = [kalpolla/] (place where there are cherry orchards) 2. [kal] + [tlalia] = [kallalia] to set up house keeping. From the data in Table 4, 1 and 2 you can see that the assumptions that Andrews made are correct for this assimilation.

Lets consider the second assimilation that Andrews presents: j -> l / l + __. 1. [tapa/sol] + [ja:n] = [tapa/solja:n] (briar patch).

2. [jo:l] + [jama:nki] = [jo:ljama:nqui] (kind, just) 3. [wel] + [je/wa:tl] = [welje/wa:tl] (the very same one)

4. [tel] + [je/] = [telje/] (but)

5. [niSal] + [jektia] = [niSaljektia] (I purify sand)

6. [ma:cui:l] + [jowal] = [ma:cui:ljowal] (five nights) 7. [akal] + [jakak] = [akaljakak] (the prow of the boat) 8. [kwitlapil] + [jawaltik] = [kwitlapiljawaltik] (having a rounded tail) 9. [tlatol] + [ja:o:tl] = [tlatolja:o:tl] (discord) 10. [wa:l] + [ya:s] = [wa:lla:z] (he/she will come) 11. [ti] + [ja:sque/] = [tija:sque/] (we will go)

12. [wej] + [ja:s] = [wejija:s] (it is going to grow)

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13. [wa:l] + [ja:sneki] = [wa:lla:sneki] (it wants to come) 14. [asel] + [jo:tl] = [asello:tl] (full of nits) 15. [tla:kasol] + [jo:tl] = [tlakasoljo:tl] (gluttony) 16. [tlapetla:ni:l] + [jo:tl] = [tlapetla:ni:llo:tl] (lightning) 17. [tlapoSkawi:l] + [jo:tl] = [tlapoSkawi:llo:tl] (moss) 18. [tlatoto:nil] + [jo:tl] = [tlatoto:nillo:tl] (summer) 19. [i] + [jo/] = [ijo/] (alone) 20. [-tlapal] + [jo/] = [-tlapaljo/] (one’s color) 21. [sitlal] + [jo/] = [sitlallo/] (something starry)

22. [te:mal] + [jo/] = [te:mallo/] (something infected)

First, it was thought this was a simple assimilation; something of the kind: j -> l/l + __. Consider, data 1 – 10 and it becomes clear that it is not. The /j/ is not assimilating the way Andrews’s had predicted. A good question to ask is wether there are any situations where the /j/ does become a /l/ before another /l/. Data 10, 13, 14-18, and 21-22 do show that situation does exist. What is unique about these environments?

The Verb /ja:/ (to go) Data 10-13 deal with the verb /ja:/ (to go). We see that there allomorphic alternations of /ja:/ from [ja:] to [la:]. The trigger for this alternation seems to be the preceding /l/ at morpheme contact. From this data we can see that both of these alternations can exists, giving us the following allamorphy:

/ ja : / [ ja :][la :]

The derivational suffix /-jo:/ and /jo//

Aside from the first 13 data we have already explained there where still other assimilations happening. This includes data 14-18 and 19-22. The derivational suffix /jo:/, which is used to form abstract nouns of the English

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type; -ness, -hood, and –ship (Karttunen, 1983). The derivational suffix /jo// meaning, “things invested with or embodying the noun quality.” (Karttunen, 1983). What is happening here? Sometimes the /j/ becomes and /l/ when it is preceded by an /l/ and sometimes it does not. Karttunen’s work was not able to resolve this. She claimed both exist. It is suspected that these two morphemes may be in transition. Eventually, the may harden and be merely /j/ or they progress to the allomorphy of the verb /ja:/.

Having examined these two assimilations it puts Andrews’s generalizations into question. It seems that he may have over generalized the j -> l / l + __. Lets see if this pattern continues.

Assimilation of j -> s / s + __. Let’s consider the following data listed below. 1.

[tSokis] + [jo/] = [tSokisso/] (to cry (-ness))

2.

[awilnemilis] + [jo:tl] = [awilnemilisso:tl] (lust and debauchery)

3.

[awilnemilis] + [jo:tl] = [awilnemilisjo:tl] (lust and debauchery)

4.

[es] + [jo:tl] = [esso:tl] (bloody)

5.

[mawis] + [jo:tl] = [mawisso:tl] (honored)

6.

[toto:ni:lis] + [jo:tl] = [toto:ni:lisso:tl] (fever)

7.

[a/kalnakas] + [yo] = [a/kalnakasyo] (cornerless house)

8.

[kos] + [jajaktik] = [kosjajaktik] (dark yellow)

9.

[mawis] + [jo:ka:n] = [mawisjo:ka:n] (his place of honor)

10. [ipia:s] + [jo:] = [ipiasjo] (its channel)

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In this data set we see that Andrews’s generalization does not hold. Clearly, /jo:/ and /jo:// continue to present a problem by alternating in an unpredictable manner. This alternation has been found in the same construction: observe 2 and 3. In other instances where /s/ comes into contact with /j/, such as 8; there is no assimilation. Lets consider the next assimilation that Andrews presented: j -> S/ S + __ . There was little data for this one. 1.

[neS] + [jajaktik] = [neSjajaktik] (ashen)

2.

[miS] + [jo/] = [miSSo/] (cloudy)

There were few examples for this assimilation. Clearly, from 1 we know that Andrews’s assumption does not hold. The second data, 2, brings in our troublesome /jo// suffix.

Let’s tackle another one of the assimilations: j -> tS / tS + __.

1.

[okwitS] + [jo:tl] = [okwi tStSo:tl] (manliness)

2.

[okwitS] + [jo:tl] = [okwi tSjo:tl] (manliness)

3.

[i:SinatS] + [jo:] = [i:Sina tSjo] (his seed)

4.

[i:So:tS] + [jo:] = [i: So:tSjo] (its blossom)

5.

[nametS] + [jejekosneki] = [nametSjejekosneki] (I want to test you (pl.))

6.

[telpotS] +[jo:tl] = [telpotSjo:tl] (youthfulness)

7.

[netS] + [jajakatsakwilis] = [netSjajakatsakwilis] (it will confront me)

8.

[a/watS] + [jo/] = [a/watSjo/] (something covered with dew)

Considering 5 and 7 we see that Andrews’s generalization does not hold. Here, our friends /jo:/ and /jo// visit us again. The only data that alternates is in 1 and even here we are able to find its alternation in 2.

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This is the last of /j/ assimilations that Andrews’s presents: j -> ts / ts + __. 1.

[wiwits] + [jo:] = [wiwitsjo] (spiny)

2.

[wits] + [jo/] = [witstso/] (spiny)

3.

[motepits] + [jo:llo] = [motepitsjo:llo] (the hardness of your heart)

Once again we have contradictory evidence against Andrews’s generalization. 1 and 2 is a revisit of our friends /jo:/ and /jo//. Item 3 contradicts the generalization.

The next two assimilations deal with the /w/ being assimilated. Lets begin with the first one: w -> tS / tS + __.

1.

[a/watS] + [wia] = [a/watSwia] (to irregate)

2.

[netS] + [wa:lno:tsa] = [netStSa:lno:tsa] (he/she will call him/her hither)

3.

[amajakatS] + [wa:n] = [amajakatSwa:n] (y’all’s rattles)

4.

[amotSpotS] + [wa:n] = [amotSpotSwa:n] (your daughters)

5.

[kotS] + [wetsi] = [kotSwetsi] (they faint)

6.

[kwitlatS] + [we:we:] = [kwitlatSwe:we] (old bear)

7.

[iokwitS] + [wi] = [iokwitSwi] (her bridegroom)

8.

[mitS] + [wakki] = [mitSwakki] (dried fish)

9.

[toto:tS] + [wa:n] = [toto:tSwa:n] (our rabbits)

Aside from the example the Andrews’s gives, 2, it was not possible to find any other attestations of this assimilation. The rest of the data does leads to the generalization that Andrews’s presented.

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The last of the progressive assimilations is: w -> ts / ts + __. 1.

[mits] + [wa:lmomakilia] = [mtstsa:lmomakilia] (lion will give something to him hither.)

2.

[nimits] + [wa:ltSijas] = [nimitswa:ltSijas] (I will wait for you.)

3.

[mits] + [wetski:tis] = [mitswetski:tis] (she will make you laugh.)

4.

[o:mits] + [wi:tek] = [o:mitswi:tek] (he whipped you)

Apart from Andrews’s example it was not possible find any assimilation of the above type. There is contradicting data in 2-4.

It was not expected that much work would go into verifying these assimilations but in the end the work turned out be worth it. It appears that Andrews made some overgeneralizations. This leads us to make a more detailed look at Andrews’s regressive assimilations.

Regressive Assimilations Andrews presents 7 regressive assimilations. Lets deal with each one separately and explain them in terms of autos segmental phonology. Andrews did not go into any depth as to how and what justifications he used to arrive at these regressive assimilations. We begin with the first one. 1.

/nasal/ + /sibilant/ -> /long sibilant/ I was not able to find other data to contradict what Andrews layouts for this assimilation. He gives the following data: a. [nikim] + [sentla:lia] = [nikisssentla:lia] b. [tikim] + [So:S] = [tikiSSoS] c. [mo:n] + [si/tli] = [mo:nssi/tli] d. [tSiko:n] + [Siwitl] = [tSiko:nSiwitl] e. [san] + [se] = [sasse]

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f. [in] + [si/tli] = [issi/tli]

[ x] − − − − − [ x] An auto segmental diagram of this will look like this:

⎡ + son ⎤ ⎡ − son ⎤ ⎢ − cont ⎥ ⎢ + cont ⎥ ⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥ ⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ − voice ⎥ ⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥ ⎣ + nasal ⎦ ⎣coronalp ⎦ This is a process of spirantization. Here we see that a fricative is being formed from a nasal coming into contact with a fricative. 2.

Andrews states that any combination of the following two phonemes, /s, S, tS, ts/ will result in a regressive assimilation. An attempt to explain these assimilations was made but from the table below we can see something rather obvious.

Table 9 Features

[s]

[S]

[tS]

[ts]

Sonorant

-

-

-

-

Voice

+

+

-

-

Nasal

-

-

-

-

Lateral

-

-

-

-

Labialp

-

-

-

-

Coronalp

Ÿ

Ÿ

Ÿ

Ÿ

Ant

+

-

-

+

Dist

-

+

+

-

Dorsalp

-

-

-

-

All of these phonemes have the same place of articulation. If we accept that there is a tendency of constituent siblings not to have similar places of articulation as presented by Roca. We can adopt the obligatory contour principle (OCP) (Roca, 1999). This will allows us to say that these regressive assimilations are determined more by phonotactics contouring rather than underlying phonological changes. So, the following forms are acceptable. [okitS] + [tsintli] = [okitstsintli]

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[kinetetS] + [saloa] = [kinetessaloa]

[nimits] + [tSija] = [nimitStSija] [ne:tS] + [So: Sa] = [ne:SSo:Sa] This gemination is a result of the OCP.

3.

The next regressive assimilation deals with /w/ + /labial/ -> /long labial/. The data set that we have is: [kwaw] + [ma:itl] = [kwamma:itl] [na:w] + [pa] = [na:ppa] Classical Nahuatl only has two labial phonemes, /p, m/. The semivowel /w/ is realized with a labial place of articulation. So, again we can adopt the OCP and account for this assimilation. The OCP has produced geminates in this situation.

4.

The following one can also be accounted by the OCP. /m/ + /n/ -> /nn/. [o:m] + [no/palli] = [o:nno/palli] /m/ and /n/ both have the nasal place of articulation making the assimilation accountable by the OCP. Once more, the OCP has help to produce this geminate.

5.

The next assimilation deals with obstruents. /m/ -> n /m+[obstruents]. Classical Nahuatl has the following obstruents: /t, k, s, S, tl, tÉs, tS, kw/. Within this group there are two breakdowns. One, those consonants that have the coronal feature: /tS, ts, t, tl/ and two, those that have the dorsal feature: /k, kw/. The first group works in the following manner: [tSiko:m] + [tepe:k] = [tSiko:ntepe:k] [ko:m] + [tla/] = [ko:ntla/] [ko:m] + [tSi:wa] = [ko:ntSi:wa]

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[ko:m] + [tsala:n] = [ko:ntsala:n] Here is an auto segmental diagram to explain this regressive assimilation:

[X ] − − − −[X ] ⎡ + nasal ⎤ ⎡ − nasal ⎤ ⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ − voice ⎥ ⎥ ⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎢⎣ + labial ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣coronalp ⎥⎦ The second group involves the losing of the labial place of articulation and acquiring the coronal one. [tena:m] + [co] = [tena:nco] [cem] +[kwemitl] = [cenkwemitl] The auto segmental diagram shows this regressive assimilation:

[X ] − − − − − [X ] ⎡ + nasal ⎤ ⎡ − nasal ⎤ ⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ − voice ⎥ ⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥ ⎢⎣ + labialp⎥⎦ ⎢⎣dorsalp ⎥⎦ In both of these groups we see that there is an overall operation of lenition between these two consonantal segments. The /m/ consonant is brought closer to the coronal area. This can be interpreted as weakening of the two sound differences. 6.

The sixth rule of regressive assimilation is n -> m / m + __. The data set for this is: [on] + [mopiki] = [ommopiki] [san] + [mojo:llo/] = [sammojo:llo/] The above assimilation can easily be resolved by adopting the OCP. Reminding us that no two consonants should have the same place of articulation. In this case /n/ and /m/ both have the same place of articulation, that of [+nasal]. We see another example of fortition through gemination triggered by the OCP.

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7.

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We are finally done with Andrews’s regressive assimilations. This last one deals with n -> m / p + __. Here is the data that shows the process. [on] + [pe:wa] = [ompe:wa] [in] + [pani] = [impani] This one is a simple one. The labial feature of the /p/ pulls the coronal feature from the /n/. Here is an auto segmental diagram showing this process.

[X ] − − − −[X ] ⎡ − son ⎤ ⎡ − son ⎤ ⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ + voice ⎥ ⎢ ⎥⎢ ⎥ ⎢⎣ + nasal ⎥⎦ ⎢⎣ − nasal ⎥⎦

[coronalp][labialp] The strength of this consonant sequence is its feature distantance. The place of articulation for the /n/ is in the coronal area; in addition, it is a voiced sound. This clearly fits the definition of lenition as given by Crystal. There is a weakening of the voiced coronal sound to the voiceless and non-coronal. These two sounds are closer to each other and weaker than the previous sequence.

Finding contradictory data for Andrews’s regressive assimilations was much harder. Phonotactics Phonotactics deals with the sequential arrangements of phonological units that occur in a language (Crystal, 1999). We use this concept to describe what is phonologically sound in Classical Nahuatl. The inventory of Nahuatl stems does not exceed 3 syllables (Tezozomoc, 1999). These syllables are of the type of (C)V(C). From the syllable

⎧V ⎫ ⎬ ⊃ CV (Roca, ⎩CVC ⎭

implication hierarchy Classical Nahuatl contains all 4 of the syllable variations; VC ⊃ ⎨

1999). In terms of syllable typology, Classical Nahuatl supports (O)N(Cd). Where “O” is the syllable onset, “N” is the nucleus of the syllable, and “Cd” is the coda of the syllable. The N + Cd is also grouped as the Rime (Roca, 1999). Table 10 contains samples of the four different types of syllables.

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Table 10

Syllable Type

Nahuatl

Gloss

V, N

a

little

CV, ON

ka

from

CVC, ONCd

kan

cheek

VC, NCd

a/

some

From the theory of principles and parameters, Nahuatl children have to set certain parameters with regard to syllable structure (McDaniel, 1996). Nahuatl children have to set the parameter that the onset does not branch. Nahuatl does not support consonant clusters in the onset. If the situation arises as in k + polo:nia (He causes him to stutter.), Nahuatl will insert the default vowel, /i/. Thus rendering kipolo:nia. Nahuatl will force a syllable break with the introduction of the /i/, and produce a syllable of the type O + N. Nahuatl children also have to set the parameter that the rime branches. Nahuatl supports syllables of the type N + Cd, i.e. /a//. Nahuatl children also have to set the parameter that the nucleus only supports complexity in vowel length. i.e. a: (water) vs. a (little). Nahuatl does not support diphthongs. In the situation where two vowels come in contact, of different types, in the nucleus area, lenition will come into play. One of the two vowels will be reduced to a zero, i.e. mo + i/.to.a = mi/.to.a, the /o/ is reduce to a zero. So, what used to be ON.NCd.ON.N will be reduced to ONCd.ON.N. Nahuatl children will also have to set the parameter that complex codas are not supported, i.e. o/ + tl -> o/.tl is not supported, the word will be realized as o/.tli (a road(sg)). Again, we see the default vowel /i/ inserted to prevent a complex coda. Classical Nahuatl does not make much use of the sonority scale because consonant clusters are not allowed in the syllable structure.

Classical Nahuatl has the following sequential restrictions. One, /l/, ///, have limited distribution when compared to other phonemes. Two, Classical Nahuatl does not permit /l/, /// to be in word initial position, but does allow them inter-syllabic and in syllable final. I have found the underlying form of the stem [lpi.a] (to bind), but when it

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surfaces it has the default /i/ vowel inserted or it accepts the nucleus of the preceding stem, [il.pi.a] (to bind) and [mol.pi.a]. Third, Classical Nahuatl does not permit /m/, /j/ in word final position, but does allow them in intersyllabic and syllable initial, i.e. /pa.mi/ -> /pam/ -> /pan/. In this data we see that there are three processes involved; deletion, re-syllabification, and nasal reduction. /pa.mi/ -> /pam/ the default vowel /i/ is deleted. We also see that Nahuatl does not prefer to have open syllables in word final position and deletion allows for resyllabification, /pam/. There is still a final process of lenition. The consonant /m/ is reduced to /n/ in the final position. I call this a lenition because the labial place of articulation is shifted to the coronal. The coronal is the least specified. This can be seen as a lenition of the nasal.

In class we dealt with languages that only accepted sonorants in the coda position of the syllable structure. Classical Nahuatl allows for both sonorant and non-sonorant sounds to be in the coda position, i.e. /mo.kwep/ (he returns) and /pan/ (flag).

Lenition comes into play with the following vowel length reduction, V: -> V/_+ /, i.e. /jo:/ + /// = /jo//. When two vowels come into contact lenition will take over and make one disappear. Here, the default vowel /i/ is reduced to a zero, i.e. i -> 0/_+V. Finally, lenition reduces to kw -> k/_#, i.e. /tekw/ -> /tek/.

Conclusion Classical Nahuatl as a topic of phonology, syntax, and lexicon is an immense subject. It is a subject plagued by missing primary sources (Andrews, 1975), linguistic neglect, cultural stigmatisms (Tezozomoc, 1997), and critical analysis. It was not until 1975 that Andrew’s presented a concise analysis of Classical Nahuatl’s grammar. Andrews’s own efforts has allowed for us to see where he had faltered in his analysis of Nahuatl assimilations. This new perspective called auto segmental phonology has allowed us to see where Andrews’s made over generalizations such as j -> l / l + __ . We saw through the application of allomorphy and phonological rules that /ja:/, /jo:/, and /joh/ alternate in different environments. We also found contradictory data to the previous rules. While these observations are particularly small they help clarify Classical Nahuatl phonology.

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The processes of spirantization, lenition, fortition, nasalization, and gemination have been used to explain assimilation processes in Classical Nahuatl. We concur with Campbell in describing Nahuatl as been affected by the above processes. In the regressive assimilations these processes were used to account for the Classical Nahuatl phonological changes.

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Appendices

1.

Appendix A. Consonantal Phonemic Inventory of Classical Nahuatl Based on Manner, Place, and Voicing.

Table 11 Consonantal Phonemic Inventory of Classical Nahuatl Manner of Articulation

Place of Articulation

Voicing

/p/

Plosive

Bilabial

Voiceless

/t/

Plosive

Alveolar

Voiceless

/k/

Plosive

Velar

Voiceless

///

Plosive

Glottal

Voiceless

/ts/

Lateral Affricate

Alveolar

Voiceless

/tl/

Non Strident Affricate

Alveolar

Voiceless

/tS/

Affricate

Alveolar

Voiceless

/kw/

Affricate

Velar

Voiced

/s/

Fricative

Alveolar

Voiceless

/S/

Fricative

Post-alveolar

Voiceless

/m/

Nasal

Bilabial

Voiced

/n/

Nasal

Alveolar

Voiced

/l/

Lateral

Approximant

Voiced

/w/

Glide

Bilabial

Voiced

/j/

Approximant

Palatal

Voiced

2.

Appendix B. Consonantal Minimal Pairs for Classical Nahuatl

Table 12 Consonantal Minimal Pairs for Classical Nahuatl Phoneme

1

Minimal Pairs

English Gloss

/p/

-2pani

to go well

initial

mani

something flat to cover a surface

/p/

w

mok ep

There are no final /p/ morphemes in the infitive form for Classical Nahuat. I consulted several sources and the only form is mocuep. The root is “cuepa”. There is a rule that states that if a vowel is in final position and it can be eliminated without causing a consonant cluster, then go ahead and delete it.

pa/

medicine

final

/p/ 1 2

All nahuatl words are taken from Karttunen’s “An Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl” (Karttunen, 1983). “-“ means that the form has only been found in compound form (Karttunen, 1983)

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initial

ta/

father

/m/

mani

something flat to cover a surface

initial

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to go well -pani

/m/

There is no /m/ final phoneme in Classical Nahuatl. If a morpheme ends in a vowel as in the case of “pami”, it will lose the “i” and then the /m/ -> /n/ at the end of a word.

final /m/ initial /t/ initial

ma/ ta/ ta/ pa/

to hunt (pret) father father medicine

/t/

at

perhaps

final

ak

one

/n/

na:n

mother

initial

ka:n

where?

/n/

-kan

mouth

final

ka/

to be (preterite)

/k/

ka:n

where?

initial

-pa:n

flag

/k/

ka/

to be

final

kak

shoe There is no glottal stop in initial words in nahuatl.

/// initial ///

-tla/

locative compounding element converying abundance

final

-tlan

below

/s/

so:

to pierce onself

initial

So:

element with the sense of “green”

/s/

ja:s

he will go

final

-ja:n

place where something is habitually done

/S/

san

only

initial

-Sa:n

adobe

/S/

a:wi:S

(pret) to be happy

final

a:wi:s

they will go over water

/l/

There are no /l/ initial words in Nahuatl.

initial /l/

Tezozomoc

pil

child

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Aspects of Classical Nahuatl Phonology

final

pin

point

/j/

ja/

to go

initial

tla/

uncle

/j/

There are no words that end in /j/ in Classical Nahuatl. If a word ends in /j/ due to a final vowel deletion the /j/ -> /S/.

final /tl/ initial l

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jaca l

t aca l

nose person

/t /

cat

which?

final

ca/

to be

/kw/

kwa:

to eat something

initial

ka:

to be

w

/k /

te:k

final

te:k

to stretch something (Stem form is te:ka, but reduces to te:k at surface level.)

/w/

wa:l

hither

intial

ma:l

captive

/w/

na:w

four

final

-nal

across, through

/tÉs/

tsik

gum

initial

Sik

belly button

/tÉs/

tepotÉs

back, shoulders

final

tepos

workable metal

/tS/

tSoloa:

to flee

initial

Soloa:

to slip

/tS/

matS

very much

final

mat

to know something

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w

lord

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References: Andrews, Richard James. 1975 Introduction to classical Nahuatl. Austin: University of Texas Press, c1975.

Campbell, Lyle. 1997, American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America, Oxford Studies in Anthropological Linguistics, p. 135, New York, Oxford University Press.

Crystal, David. 1997. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics, 4th Edition, Blackwell Publishers Ltd., Oxford, UK.

Ladefoged, Peter, 1993. A course in Phonetics, 3rd Edition, University of California, Los Angeles

Karttunen, Frances, 1983, An Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl, University of Texas

Karttunen, Frances and Lockhart, James. 1976 Nahuatl in the Middle Years: Language Contact Phenomena in Texts of the Colonial Period. University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1976.

McDaniel, Dana, et al, 1997. Methods for Assessing Children’s Syntax, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Peñafiel, Antonio, 1885, Nombres Geográficos de México, Catálogo Alfabético de los nombres de lugar perteneciente al idioma “Nahuatl”, Estudio Jeroglífico de la matricula de los tributos del códic Mendocino., Oficina Tip. De la Secretaría de fomento.

Robinson, Dow F., 1969, Summer Institute of Linguistics Aztec Studies I: Phonological and Grammatical Studies in Modern Nahuatl Dialects., Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma.

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Tezozomoc, 1997, Revernacularizing Classical Náhuatl Through Danza (Dance) Azteca-Chichimeca, Chapter 7, Teaching Indigenous Languages edited by Jon Reyhner (pp. 56-76). Flagstaff, AZ: Northern Arizona University. Copyright 1997 by Northern Arizona University.

Tezozomoc, 1999, Unpublished list of Classical Nahuatl Morphemes. This work is still in process of being published and reviewed. Roca, Iggy and Johnson, Wyn, 1999. A course in Phonology, Blackwell Publishers Inc. UK.

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