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7

Verbalisation

7.1 Typology and structure

The formation of verbs utilises a limited number of suffixes.1 Whereas noun and adjective suffixation involves an open inventory of suffixes, subject to expansion and discarding as new elements are introduced and others relegated, the verb-forming morphemes are linúted, well defined, and operate in this particular function and not across categories: a) líder batalla peligro

- liderar - batallar -peligrar

c) prisión - aprisionar flaco - enflaquecer cabildo - acabildar

b) cotilla - cotillear esclavo - esclavizar santo - santificar d) bailar - bailotear dormir - dormitear cantar - canturrear

e) atrás - atrasar adelante - adelantar lejos - alejar These examples contain the complete repertoire of productive verb-forming suffixes - -ar, -ear, -ecer, -ificar. Since .these morphemes mark a particular accidence of the verb - the infinitive - they are conventionally categorised as inflectional rather than derivational. However, since they are very frequently used, as in the examples quoted, to generate lexemes of a different syntactic category from their prinútives, their function may also be viewed as derivational. Synchronically, productivity is restricted to -ar, -ear, -ificar, and -izar; -ecer is productive in generating verbs from standard adjectives, but only in established, lexicalised, forms, while neither second morpheme -er nor the third tion -ir the appears in conjugation synchronic derivational morphology . conjuga.e

a. o

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The bases of verb derivations are usually nouns, frequently adjectives and occasionally, as in e) above, adverbs. d) illustrates the 163

Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish possibility of verbs being generated from other verbs, within the framework of emotive suffixation or infixation procedures , although this pattern shows limited productivity. c) gives examples of the frequency in verb derivation of parasynthesis, where suffixation must simultaneously be accompanied by prefix attachment in either a- or en-. The phenomenon of parasynthesis, as opposed to simple suffixation, appears not to be conditioned by morphophonological considerations, and so to be arbitrarily applied, although it is most commonly predictable in deadjectival verbalisation.

7.2 Taxonomy of suftlxes -ar a) tapón almacén asfalto

-+

taponar almacenar -+ asfaltar

b) gordo largo claro

c) óxido sulfuro platina

-+

-+ oxidar

d) música -+ musicar explosión -+ explosionar orquesta -+ orquestar

-+

sulfurar -+ platinar

-+

engordar

-+ alargar -+

aclarar

-ar formations are often equivocal as to whether they are instances of immediate derivation of noun to verb or of back formation of verb to noun. a) above are clear examples of immediate derivation on material bases; b) offers examples of parasynthetic formations, very frequent with -ar derivations, both on adjective bases, as illustrated, and on noun bases (tilde -+ atildar, caudillo -+ acaudillar); c) shows the current vigour of -ar derivations in the technical and scientific lexis, while d) shows the ability of this morpheme to form modero verbs of a neologistic nature. 2 The main characteristic of -ar formations , as opposed to those using rival suffixes, is their particular amenability to material noun bases. However, the examples of f) below are ambivalent: f) conjura

tueste trueno

.e

conjurar tostar -+ tronar -+

-+

In trueno -+ tronar either the verb or the noun could be the base, but tueste -+ tostar, with the modero -e morpheme in the noun would appear to be a case of deverbal nominalisation. Many vowelending derivations are equivocal in this way (cf. costo/costar or cuento/contar).

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Verbalisation -ear

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a) agujero agujerear banderilla - banderillear mariposa - mariposear

b) párpado - parpadear relámpago - relampaguear chinchín - chinchinear

c) discurso hombre fanfarrón e) amarillo

d) gilipollas - gilipollear gandul - gandulear badulaque - badulaquear f) gol - golear

discursear hombrear faníarronear amarillear

calvo - calvear negro negrear g) balbucir/balbucear blandir/blandear barrar/barrear

whisky - whiskear boicot - boicotear h) conga - conguear Celestina - celestinear Barcelona - barcelonear

-ear is the most productive verbal formative in contemporary Spanish, as the many examples quoted above suggest, mostly on noun and sometimes on adjective bases. lts connotations are often iterative as in b) or pejorative as in c) and d), where the bases themselves are censorious designations of humans. 3 The adjectival bases of e) generate inchoative verbs, where the function of -ear overlaps with that of -ecer (cf. amarillear/amarillecer, negrear/ennegrecer ). lts productivity is apparent in its greater amenability to foreign bases than its rival suffixes, shown in f) and in whimsical or proper name formations as in h). In g) examples are given of its frequent clashes with standard verbs based on alternative infinitive suffixes. -ecer

.e

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a) lánguido pálido flor

- languidecer - palidecer - florecer

c) rico loco viejo

- enriquecer - enloquecer - envejecer

b) húmedo agrado fuerte

- humedecer - agradecer - fortalecer

The formations of -ecer are strongly lexicalised, as opposed to the frequently non-lexicalised formations of -ar or -ear. The bases are many of the most common adjectives, as in c). The nonparasynthetic derivations are usually intransitive, as in a), echoing their origins in the Latin inchoative verbs in -escere, but they may also sometimes be transitive, as in b). The parasynthetic type, very

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Descriptive lexical morphology of Spanish common with -ecer and illustrated in c) is basically transitive, but is often also used intransitively (cf. me han envejecido las penas que he sufrido/tu vecino envejece con los años). -ificar a) santo - santificar puro - purificar simple - simplificar

b) gas - gasificar ácido -+ acidificar resina -+ resinificar

c) pacificar I apaciguar verificar / averiguar rarificar I enrarecer This suffix is characterised by its strong choativity. Its expansion in modero Spanish reflects its international status, especially in the scientific and technical lexis, illustrated in b), where the bases are material.4 Its productive vigour is also seen in c) where it generates terms which duplicate or supplant existing derivations based on other suffixes. Morphologically, -ificar formations are unique in the verb group in their resistance to parasynthesis. -izar a) obstáculo -+ obstaculizar vapor - vaporizar señal -+ señalizar

b) impermeable -+ impermeabilizar occidente - occidentalizar visible -+ visibilizar

c) Sanford - sanforizar d) protagonista - protagonizar Macadam - macadamizar simpático -+ simpatizar Mercer - mercerizar garantía -+ garantizar e) luna tierra trono

.e

- alunizar - aterrizar - entronizar

Like -ificar, -izar is strongly choative and very productive in neologising, including the technical and scientific lexis.5 It attaches to noun bases as in a), or adjectives as in b) and is very amenable to proper name bases, illustrated in c). In e) examples are given of parasynthetic formations in which -izar is morphologically linked to the prefixes a- or en-. In d) the derivation involves the substitution of an existing suffix in the base, so requiring a truncation adjustment.

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Verbalisation 7.3 Verbs from verbs a) llorar

- lloriquear correr - corretear morder - mordisquear

b) picar - picotear

tirar - tironear parlar - parlotear

c) forzar - forcejear apretar - apretujar pintar - pintarrajear The bases of these formations, invariably in -ear, are standard verbs. An infixed element, usually corresponding to an emotive derivational morpheme, appears between the stem and the infinitive morpheme . In a) the formations have a diminutive, frequentative connotation; in b) an augmentative frequentative sense is conveyed, while in c) the implication is pejorative and frequentative. This procedure is strongly lexicalised , associated with particular bases, and represents a morphological device of semantic nuancing with relation to sorne common human actions. These verb derivation patterns confinn the weakness of the second and third conjugation, which are unproductive in this particular area. The morphology is fairly regular, but with sorne instances of the truncation principie at work. Again, the system is inconsistent in promoting different suffixes for exactly the same purpose - overlap between -ificar and -izar is particularly strong, while in the common procedure of verbalising standard adjectives , there seems to be no predictability in the derivational morpheme chosen (cf. gordo engordar, triste - entristecer, dulce - dulcificar, profundo profundizar . . .). The parasynthetic tendencies of verbalisation are

very strong, but no clear principie of application emerges, such as might be meaningfully incorporated into a set of lexical morphological rules. This group of suffixes offers a striking example of the general movement within the system, with the relegation of sorne traditional morphemes such as -er and -ir and the enthusiastic promotion of modern ones, namely -ear, -ificar, and -izar. Finally , the internationalisation of the Spanish lexis is very strong in this category through the adoption of the morphemes of the scientific, technical, and commercial language of the modern developed societies.

.e

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