3. Reaction And Revolution - The Growth Of Nationalism.docx

Reaction and Revolution: The Growth of Nationalism QFocus Questions: What were the major ideas associated with conservatism, liberalism, and nationalism, and what role did each ideology play in Europe between 1800 and 1850? What were the causes of the revolutions of 1848, and why did these revolutions fail? Industrialization was a major force for change in the nineteenth century as it led the West into the machine dependent modern world. Another major force forBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey Jay change was nationalism, which transformed the political map of Europe in the nineteenth century.

the Napoleonic wars. Bailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayvBailey JayTo reestablish peace and stability in Europe, he considered it necessary to restore the legitimate monarchs who would preserve traditional institutions. This had already been done in France with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy and in a number of other states, but it did not stop the great powers from grabbing territory, often from the smaller, weaker states.

The Conservative Order After the defeat of Napoleon, European rulers moved to restore much of the old order. This was the goal of the great powers---Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia--when they met at the Congress of Vienna in September 1814 to arrange a final peace settlement after

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The peace arrangements of 1815 were but the beginning of a conservative reaction determined to contain the liberal and nationalist forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Metternich and his kind were representatives of the ideology known as conservatism. Most conservatives favored obedience to political authority, believed that organized religion was crucial to social order, hated revolutionary upheavals, and were unwilling to accept either the liberal demands for civil liberties and representative governments or the nationalistic aspirations generated by the French revolutionary era. After 1815, the political philosophy of conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to

maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based on the idea 2

that people should be as free from restraint as possible. Liberals came to hold a common set of political beliefs. Chief among them was the protection of civil liberties, or the basic rights of all people, which included equality before the law; freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; and freedom from arbitrary arrest. All of these freedoms should be guaranteed by a written document, such as the American Bill of Rights. In addition to religious toleration for all, most liberals advocated separation of church and state. Liberals also demanded the right of peaceful opposition to the government in and out of parliament and the making of laws by a representative assembly (legislature) elected by qualified voters. Thus, many liberals believed in a constitutional monarchy or constitutional state with limits on the powers of government to prevent despotism and in written constitutions that would guarantee these rights. Liberals were not democrats, however. They thought that the right to vote and hold office should be open only to men of property. As a political philosophy, liberalism was adopted by middle-class men, especially industrial middle-class men, who favored voting rights for themselves so that they could share power with the landowning classes. Nationalism was an even more powerful ideology for change in the nineteenth century.

Hungarians, wanted the right to establish their own autonomy rather than be subject to a German minority in the multinational Austrian Empire. Nationalism, then, was a threat to the existing political order. A united Germany, for example, would upset the balance of power established at Vienna in 1815. Conservatives feared such change and tried hard to repress nationalism. The conservative order dominated much of Europe after 1815, but the forces of liberalism and nationalism, first generated by the French Revolution, continued to grow as that second great revolution, the Industrial Revolution, expanded and brought in new groups of people who wanted change. In 1848, these forces for change erupted.

THE RISE OF NATIONALISM Like the Industrial Revolution, the concept of nationalism originated in eighteenthcentury Europe, where it was the product of a variety of factors, including the spread of printing and the replacement of Latin with vernacular languages, the secularization of the age, and the experience of the French revolutionary and Napoleonic eras. The French were the first to show what a nation in arms could accomplish, but peoples conquered by Napoleon soon created their own national armies. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, peoples who had previously focused their identity on a locality or a region, on loyalty to a monarch or to a particular religious faith, now shifted their political allegiance to the idea of a nation, based on ethnic, linguistic, or cultural factors. The idea of the nation had explosive consequences: by the end of the first two decades of the twentieth century, the world’s three largest multiethnic states— imperial Russia, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire—had all given way to a number of individual nation-states.

Nationalism arose out of an awareness of being part of a community that has common institutions, traditions, language, and customs. This community is called a nation, and the primary political loyalty of individuals would be to the nation. Nationalism did not become a popular force for change until the French Revolution. From then on, nationalists came to believe that each nationality should have its own government. Thus, the Germans, who were not united, wanted national unity in a German nation-state with one central government. Subject peoples, such as the

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The idea of establishing political boundaries on the basis of ethnicity, language, or culture had a broad appeal throughout Western civilization, but it had unintended consequences. Although the concept provided the basis for a new sense of community that was tied to liberal thought in the first half of the nineteenth century, it also gave birth to ethnic tensions and hatred in the second half of the century that resulted in bitter disputes and contributed to the competition between nation-states that eventually erupted into world war. Governments, following the lead of the radical government in Paris during the French Revolution, took full advantage of the rise of a strong national consciousness and transformed war into a demonstration of national honor and commitment. Universal schooling enabled states to arouse patriotic enthusiasm and create national unity. Most soldiers who joyfully went to war in 1914 were convinced that their nation’s cause was just.

of national identity, most of the peoples in Asia and Africa lived in multiethnic and multireligious communities and were not yet ripe for the spirit of nationalism. As we shall see, the first attempts to resist European colonial rule were thus often based on religious or ethnic identity, rather than on the concept of denied nationhood. But the imperialist powers, which at first benefited from the lack of political cohesion among their colonial subjects, eventually reaped what they had sowed. As the colonial peoples became familiar with Western concepts of democracy and self-determination, they too began to manifest a sense of common purpose that helped knit together the different elements in their societies to oppose colonial regimes and create the conditions for the emergence of future nations. For good or ill, the concept of nationalism had now achieved global JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey

But if the concept of nationalism was initially the product of conditions in modern Europe, it soon spread to other parts of the world. Although a few societies, such as Vietnam, had already developed a strong sense 5

JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayvBailey JayTo reestablish

peace and stability in Europe, he considered it necessary to restore the legitimate monarchs who would preserve traditional institutions. This had already been done in France with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy and in a number of other states, but it did not stop the great powers from grabbing territory, often from the smaller, weaker states.

The peace arrangements of 1815 were but the beginning of a conservative reaction determined to contain the liberal and nationalist forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Metternich and his kind were representatives of the ideology known as conservatism. Most conservatives favored obedience to political authority, believed that organized religion was crucial to social order, hated revolutionary upheavals, and were unwilling to accept either the liberal demands for civil liberties and representative governments or the nationalistic aspirations

generated by the French revolutionary era. After 1815, the political philosophy of conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps 6

that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

that people should be as free from restraint as possible. Liberals came to hold a common set of political beliefs. Chief among them was the protection of civil liberties, or the basic rights of all people, which included equality before the law; freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; and freedom from arbitrary arrest. All of these freedoms should be guaranteed by a written document, such as the American Bill of Rights. In addition to religious toleration for all, most liberals advocated separation of church and state. Liberals also demanded the right of peaceful opposition to the government in and out of parliament and the making of laws by a representative assembly (legislature) elected by qualified voters. Thus, many liberals proportions.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based on the idea JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey

JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayvBailey JayTo reestablish peace and stability in Europe, he considered it necessary to restore the legitimate monarchs who would preserve traditional institutions. This had already been done in France with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy and in a number of other states, but it did not stop the great powers from grabbing territory, often from the smaller, weaker states.

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The peace arrangements of 1815 were but the beginning of a conservative reaction determined to contain the liberal and nationalist forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Metternich and his kind were representatives of the ideology known as conservatism. Most conservatives favored obedience to political authority, believed that organized religion was crucial to social order, hated revolutionary upheavals, and were unwilling to accept either the liberal demands for civil liberties and representative governments or the nationalistic aspirations generated by the French revolutionary era. After 1815, the political philosophy of conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to

maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based on the idea 8

that people should be as free from restraint as possible. Liberals came to hold a common set of political beliefs. Chief among them was the protection of civil liberties, or the basic rights of all people, which included equality before the law; freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; and freedom from arbitrary arrest. All of these freedoms should be guaranteed by a written document, such as the American Bill of Rights. In addition to religious toleration for all, most liberals advocated separation of church and state. Liberals also demanded the right of peaceful opposition to the government in and out of parliament and the making of laws by a representative assembly (legislature) elected by qualified voters. Thus, many liberals JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey

JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayvBailey JayTo reestablish peace and stability in Europe, he considered it necessary to restore the legitimate monarchs who would preserve traditional institutions. This had already been done in France with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy and in a number of other states, but it did not stop the great powers from grabbing territory, often from the smaller, weaker states.

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The peace arrangements of 1815 were but the beginning of a conservative reaction determined to contain the liberal and nationalist forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Metternich and his kind were representatives of the ideology known as conservatism. Most conservatives favored obedience to political authority, believed that organized religion was crucial to social order, hated revolutionary upheavals, and were unwilling to accept either the liberal demands for civil liberties and representative governments or the nationalistic aspirations generated by the French revolutionary era. After 1815, the political philosophy of conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based on the idea that people should be as free from restraint as possible. Liberals came to hold a common set of political beliefs. Chief among them was the protection of civil liberties, or the basic rights of all people, which included equality before the law; freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; and freedom from arbitrary arrest. All of these freedoms should be guaranteed by a written document, such as the American Bill of Rights. In addition to religious toleration for all, most liberals advocated separation of church and state. Liberals also demanded the right of peaceful opposition to the government in and out of parliament and the making of laws by a representative assembly (legislature) elected by qualified voters. Thus, many liberals JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayBailey JayvBailey JayTo reestablish peace and stability in Europe, he considered it necessary to restore the legitimate monarchs who would preserve traditional institutions. This had already been done in France with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy and in a number of other states, but it did not stop the great powers from grabbing territory, often from the smaller, weaker states.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and

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The peace arrangements of 1815 were but the beginning of a conservative reaction determined to contain the liberal and nationalist forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Metternich and his kind were representatives of the ideology known as conservatism. Most conservatives favored obedience to political authority, believed that organized religion was crucial to social order, hated revolutionary upheavals, and were unwilling to accept either the liberal demands for civil liberties and representative governments or the nationalistic aspirations generated by the French revolutionary era. After 1815, the political philosophy of conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to

maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based on the idea 11

that people should be as free from restraint as possible. Liberals came to hold a common set of political beliefs. Chief among them was the protection of civil liberties, or the basic rights of all people, which included equality before the law; freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; and freedom from arbitrary arrest. All of these freedoms should be guaranteed by a written document, such as the American Bill of Rights. In addition to religious toleration for all, most liberals advocated separation of church and state. Liberals also demanded the right of peaceful opposition to the government in and out of parliament and the making of laws by a representative ass conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for 12

change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based embly (legislature) elected by qualified voters. Thus, many liberals JayBailey JayBailey JayvBailey JayTo reestablish peace and stability in Europe,

he considered it necessary to restore the legitimate monarchs who would preserve traditional institutions. This had already been done in France with the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy and in a number of other states, but it did not stop the great powers from grabbing territory, often from the smaller, weaker states.

The peace arrangements of 1815 were but the beginning of a conservative reaction determined to contain the liberal and nationalist forces unleashed by the French Revolution. Metternich and his kind were representatives of the ideology known as conservatism. Most conservatives favored obedience to political authority, believed that organized religion was crucial to social order, hated revolutionary upheavals, and were unwilling to accept either the liberal demands for civil liberties and representative governments or the nationalistic aspirations generated by the French revolutionary era. After 1815, the political philosophy of conservatism was supported by hereditary monarchs, government bureaucracies, landowning aristocracies, and revived churches, both Protestant and Catholic. The conservative forces were dominant after 1815. One method used by the great powers to maintain the new status quo they had constructed was the Concert of Europe, according to which Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria (and later France) agreed to meet periodically in conferences to take steps that would maintain the peace in Europe. Eventually, the great powers adopted a principle of

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intervention, asserting that they had the right to send armies into countries where there were revolutions to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones.

Forces for Change Between 1815 and 1830, conservative governments throughout Europe worked to maintain the old order. But, powerful forces for change---liberalism and nationalism--were also at work. Liberalism owed much to the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century and the American and French Revolutions at the end of that century; it was based on the idea that people should be as free from restraint as possible. Liberals came to hold a common set of political beliefs. Chief among them was the protection of civil liberties, or the basic rights of all people, which included equality before the law; freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; and freedom from arbitrary arrest. All of these freedoms should be guaranteed by a written document, such as the American Bill of Rights. In addition to religious toleration for all, most liberals advocated separation of church and state. Liberals also demanded the right of peaceful opposition to the government in and out of parliament and the making of laws by a representative assembly (legislature) elected by qualified voters. Thus, many liberals

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