294 Brutus' Defense Of Country Against Tyranny

"BRUTUS' DEFENSE OF COUNTRY AGAINST TYRANNY" A SPEECH BY JOHN A. MARTIN Ca. 1856-1857 Transcribed by Ernst F. Tonsing, Ph.D. Thousand Oaks, California July 10,2004 [Within the archives of the Kansas State Historical Society in Topeka, Kansas, is a speech by John A. Martin on certain political figures from ancient Rome. It is a surprise to read this debate by the seventeen-year-old Martin on the justification of the assassination of ancient Rome's ruler. The surprise is in the revelation of the erudition of Martin at this early stage in his life, despite the assumption that the future American Civil War hero and Kansas Governor had only an eighth-grade education apart from his work as a compositor on the Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, newspaper, the Commercial Journal. Few middle-school or high school students today could accomplish what is done in this speech. It can be seen either as revealing the precocity of Martin, or the poverty of our contemporary education. In this document we observe the foundations of Martin's love of literature and poetry, which, when he was settled in Atchison, Kansas, prompted him always to fill the first column of his newspaper, The Daily Champion, with verse and discerning quotations, and to build in his home the largest library in Kansas, private or public. [It is difficult to determine whether the speech is a school exercise or an essay read before the Benjamin Franklin Institute, a literary club which Martin had help organize in the river town of Brownsville, Pennsylvania. The address of "Mr. President" would suggest the latter. Written in a clear, fluid hand with only four paragraph divisions on four and one-half pages, the text reflects a close reading of William Shakespeare's play, Julius Caesar. The title is mine, but the transcription follows the spelling, punctuation and underlining of Martin. [A member of one of Rome's noblest families, Gaius Iulius Caesar conducted a number of campaigns in Gaul, invaded Germany and Britain, but alienated his friend, Pompey. In 49 B.C., Caesar was ordered to return to private life, but, instead, brought his armies to Italy. In the ensuing civil war, Pompey lost his life, the senate gave up its powers, and Caesar assumed monumental command. While he did bring about some reforms to the economy and politics of Rome, his endeavors were ended by his assassination by Brutus, Cassius, and others, on March 15, 44 B.C. Shakespeare's play on the subject, analyzed here by Martin, outlines the idealism and lofty spirit of Brutus, contrasting him with the self-indulgent and pleasure-seeking Antony, and the vain, self-absorbed Caesar. Brutus is the most admirable of the group, and Martin prompts us to admire him despite his terrible deed. -Ernst F. Tonsing]

In examining the question before you this evening, it will be necessary to state the history of the conspiracy, the causes out of which it grew, and the character of the one against whom the conspiracy was formed, and the leader of the conspiracy. It is not my purpose to detract anything from the mighty achievements of Caesar,—I will even go so far as to say, that in his military government, the world has never produced his equal. But the question is not "Was Caesar great," but "was Brutus justifiable in &c." In debating the question then, we will take it for granted that, should we succeed in proving that it was for the good of the Roman Commonwealth that Brutus1 joined the conspiracy—that he was free from envy or hatred, but loved him even while his knife was seeking his heart,-—and that more good resulted from his death than there would from his life, we have gained the question. For a long time before this conspiracy was formed, Caesar had been seeking, by every means in his power, to subvert and destroy the republic of Rome. Even before he had obtained the tribuneship,2 when only 20 years old, Cicero suspected this, and saw deep and dangerous designs in his political conduct. "I perceive," said the orator, "an inclination for tyrany [sic] in all he projects and undertakes." Thus we see, that even this early in his history, the deep penetration of the great orator discovered his ambition, which was, the crown of Rome. "His aim," says the great Greek historian, Plutarch,3 "was sovereign power and authority, which he pursued through inumerable [sic] dangers, and sacrificed everything to obtain. And so neer [sic] did he come to succeeding, that on the very day on which he was killed, the senate, which he had before corrupted, intended ofering [sic] him the crown." And is there one in this assemblage who would not, were a tyrant seeking to establish a kingdom, and convert this republic into a monarchy, raise his hand in its defence [sic], and shed the last drop of his blood in preserving our institutions. If there be such a one, he deserves not the name of an American.4 Brutus loved his country, and sacrificed his love of Caesar for that country. And was he not justifiable. Did he not do right. Is there one in his hall, who, under the same circumstances, would not do the same. But to return to the history, and examine the character of Brutus. Even the partizans [sic] of Caesar ascribed to him everything of honor or generosity in the conspiracy. His mind was steady, and not moved by entreaties. His principles were reason, and honor, and virtue, and the ends to which these directed him he prosecuted with as much vigor that he seldom failed of success. His greatest glory consisted in abhorance [sic] to to [sic] tyrants and their tyranical [sic] measures. In fact, to use the language of the great bard, which he ascribes to Antony. 1

Marcus Iunius Brutus, the tyrannnicide, son of Marcus Iunius Brutus and Servilia, was born about 85 B.C. He joined Cato in Cyprus in 58, and Pompey in the Civil War against Caesar. However, Caesar pardoned him and befriended him. He was respected for his independent spirit and moral earnestness. He committed suicide after his second defeat at Philippi in 42 B.C. 2 In ancient Rome, the tribune (originally chief of a tribe) was a magistrate chosen to protect the individual plebian citizens, thus, a defender of the people. " Plutarch of Chaeronea, was born sometime before A.D. 50, and died sometime after A.D. 120. The wellknown philosopher and biographer, traveled widely in Greece, Egypt, and Italy, but spent the last thirty years of his life as a priest at Delphi. His influence lasted well into the European Renaissance. 4 In a speech December 10, 1856, nearly contemporary with this one, entitled "The Progress of Tyranny," John A. Martin echoes the sentiments of Brutus in pledging to defend freedom against the tyrannical imposition of the institution of slavery by the Southern States upon the North. Later, Martin's service as a Union officer in the Civil War was exemplary.

--"He was the noblest Roman of them all: All the conspirators save only he, Did what they did in envy of great Caesar; He, only, in a virtuous, honest thought, Made one of them. His life was gentle, And the elements so mix'd in him, That nature might stand up, and say to all the world, "This was a man!"5 And that the great bard speaks the language of his enemies, Plutarch bears abundant witness. Even Antony," he says, "has been heard to say that Brutus was the only conspirator who had the sense of honor and justice for his motive." And as Brutus himself wrote to Caesar before the battle of Phillipi [sic], in reply to some proposal made by the latter, "that the destroying of the tyrant was not to secure an empire for themselves, but to deliver their fellow-citizens from tyrany [sic], and they should never forget this great object." In fact, his noble spirit shrunk from everything dishonorable. He was above ambition, and regarded empire only as an idle thing. I suppose it will be asked, why, if he was so noble, did he prove so ungrateful to his friend. But this, Mr. President, shows his natural disposition, and the purity of his motive in its most favorable light, and his abhorance [sic] of Caesar was blended with no other motive. He had no quarrel with Caesar, but exposed his life for the liberty of his country. For the good of the community, though a friend of Caesars, he became his enemy, and though an enemy of Pompey,6 became his friend. His enmity and his friendship arose from the same motive which was justice. Thus, when Rome was divided into two factions, headed by Caesar and Pompey, it was thought he would join Caesar, because Pompey had put his father to death. But here his nobleness of soul again became obvious. He thought it his duty to sacrifice his resentment for the good of his country, and judging Pompey to be the better cause, he joined his party, though before he would not even salute him. To even meditate the fall of Caesar, and not tremble at his dignity, his fortune or his power—nor shrink at the name which shook the kings of India and Parthia on their thrones, showed a superiority of soul, on which ambition could have no influence. He scorned to hear even a gentle servitude, and hated the very name of him, for when Cicero joined the party of Octavius, Brutus wrote a letter to him, reproaching him in the severest terms. "He perceived," he said, "that Cicero was tame enough to hear a tyrant, and was only afraid of the tyrant who hated him. But our ancestors," said he, 5

William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act V, Scene V. Gnaeus (called "Magnus" after 81 B.C.), Pompeius, lived from 106-48 B.C. A senator and military general (defeating Mithrdates), he annexed Syria and Judaea, was governor of Spain, and won many admirers. 7 Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 B.C.) was a Roman statesman and author of noted works of orations, philosophy, poetry and letters. While he was not invited to participate in the conspiracy against Caesar in 44, he greeted the news of the murder with delight. 8 Gnaeus Octavius, a consul in 87 B.C., attacked and forced Cinna, a colleague, out of Rome, thus beginning the war with Octavius. He assumed power, but the Senate opposed him and surrendered the city over his objections. He was killed wearing his consular robe. 6

"scorned even to hear a gentle master. As for the measures of peace or war, he was undetermined, but in one thing he was resolved, which was never to die a slave." He felt proud of descending from that Junius Brutus who destroyed the race of kings and was resolved that while he lived, a king should never rule in Rome. Besides, even the people saw in the acts of Caesar a disposition towards monarchy, and desired his death, for when two persons were condemned for being engaged in Catatine's conspiracy,9 Caesar was strongly suspected of favoring them, and when Cicero took the voice of the senate as to the punishment that should be inflicted upon them, they all gave it for death except Caesar. Whereupon Cato, in a severe speech, declared his suspicions of him; and as Caesar was leaving the senate house, the young men who attended Cicero ran upon him with drawn swords, and looked at Cicero for a nod of approval, but he refused it for fear of the people, and he was afterwards severely blamed for not availing himself of so favorable an opportunity of dispatching a person who had so early shown a disposition to subvert the commonwealth. But Caesar had corrupted a majority of the people, by his shows, and a liberal distribution of money, and he feared them not. But the virtuous part of the community saw his designs, and even even [sic] animated Brutus, by private intimations, and anonymous letters, to rid them of the tyrant. Under the statue of his ancestor, who destroyed the Tarquins,10 were placed inscriptions, with the words, "O! that we had a Brutus now? O! that Brutus were now alive?" And the tribunal on which he sat as praetor,11 was constantly filled with such inscriptions as, "Brutus, thou sleepest! Thou art no true Brutus!" And on one occasion, when Caesar's statues were adorned with royal diadems, two of the tribunes went and took them off. They also found out who placed them there, and committed them to prison. The people followed them, with great aclamations [sic], calling them Brutuses, because Brutus expelled the Tarquins, and placed the government in the hands of the senate & people. The also applied to Marcus Brutus to aid them from the tyrant. Thus we see that, besides his own convictions of right, Brutus was importuned by the people, by the tribunes, by his own private friends, and also by the greatest and best men in Rome, to join against Caesar. They looked up to him as onefittedby nature and application, to lead the conspiracy, and they knew that his name connected with it, would free it from any suspicions of honor. Caesar's course showed that he was desirous of being king, and to show that he was not honest in his designs, and though[t] less of the good of his country than he did of his own glory, it is said that when marching to Rome from Gaul, to destroy Pompey, he halted by the side of the River Rubicon,12 and when he stopped to ponder on what he was about doing and all the horrors of a civil war came before him. "If I pass this river," said he, "what miseries will I bring upon my country. If I stop I am undone." So saying, he plunged into the

9

Marcus Procius Cato (The Younger) (95-46 B.C.), was a Roman statesman and Stoic philosopher. He strongly opposed Caesar and was imprisoned by him in 59. After his death he was even more dangerous to Caesar, in that Caesar's Anticato, a response to Cicero's booklet, Cato, Caesar unwittingly gave respectability to his antagonists. 10 Lucius Iunius Brutus, the traditional founder of the Roman Republic, expelled the central Italian indigenous tribe of Tarquins around 500 B.C. 11 Office of praetor in ancient Rome ranked just under the consul, and oversaw the administration of justice. By 23 B.C., the number was increased until there were eight who served. 12 The river that formed the border between Gaul and Italy. After hesitating, Julius Caesar crossed the stream in 49 B.C., thus causing the Civil War.

river and crossed to the other side. But I know not how to better justify the act, than by the words of the immortal bard, as he supposes Brutus to have justified himself. 'Hear me for my cause &c."13

13

William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act III, Scene II. Martin probably completed the quotation by memory: ".. .hear me for my cause, and be silent, that you may hear...If there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of Caesar's, to him I say, that Brutus' love to Caesar was no less than his. If then that friend demand why Brutus rose against Caesar, this is my answer:—Not that I loved Caesar less, but that I loved Rome more..."