2006 Peace Camp Papers

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CommunityBased Peace Building Conflict Transformation Presented by Beth Galalrdo The Many Lenses of Mindanao Mindanao has been described in many ways as a region of contradictions, land of promise, breeding ground of terrorists, haven of tourists and other such nomenclature depending on what lens one is using. Those of us who work for peace building know the importance of harnessing the varied interpretations and views into a respectful (rather than common as this might not be possible to achieve) understanding of the situation of conflict so that a peace agenda can be crafted. The process of achieving such a level of understanding as equally important. To describe the peace and conflict situation in Mindanao, three groups make it to the landscape as major stake holders, namely: the Moros, the indigenous people and the settlers. The Moros are the Islamized people and the native inhabitants of what they refer to as the Moroland whose population has diminished from majority to minority as a consequence of the colonization of the Philippines to which Mindanao was illegally annexed according to the claim of the Bangsmoro. From its preHispanic constituency of the entire region, there are now only five (Sulu, TawiTawi, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, and Basilan) of the twentytwo (now twenty three) Mindanao provinces with a Muslim majority. Violent conflict has historically marked their struggle to reclaim their sovereignty over the slowly diminishing Muslim population and their own form of government, the Sultanates of Sulu (1450) and Maguindanao (1619) and the Pat Pangampon of Lanao. The more dominant population is composed of settlers mostly coming from central Philippines or the Visayas whose farmers were lured in the early 50s to resettle in Mindanao with assurance of vast tract of lands and the promise of corn" harvest. Government programs in response to the then emerging and still resurgent secessionist movements (from the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM), to the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has caused a radical shift in the demography which saw the population of indigenous peoples (IP) and the Moros being eased out by the migrant settlers. These assimilation and migration policies have resulted to the prevailing prejudices between the IP/Muslim groups on one hand and the predominant Christian migrants on the other hand. Most of the current 1

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political leaders govern on the basis of the interest of class and ethnicity which they share with other leaders from the major languagebased groups such as the Tagalogs, Visayans and Ilocanos. Indigenous peoples refer to the nonIslamized tribes comprising of 18 ethnolinguistic groups in Mindanao which have staked their claim to ancestral land as integral to their life and culture. Their continuing struggle for land has been consistently challenged even with an acclaimed enactment of the IP Rights Act in 1999. IPRA suffers from loopholes and inconsistent policies in land use which afflict the Philippine system dating back to the Regalian doctrine of the Spanish era. IP networks and support groups are currently embroiled in heated conflict(both legal and extralegal) with government whose recent signing into law of the Mining Act is seen as an effort to strengthen business interests to prop up an investmentintensive mode of economic development. At first glance, the conflict of interests is visible in the development paradigms which have been historically pushed by dominant interests(mainly business) which counteract the life system of the indigenous and Moro population. Looking further, we can find a pandora's box of voices and interests wanting to be heard. Conflict has in fact been complicated with the many layers of identities that even the major groups have taken on. Participation as an Issue and a Response Disenfranchised from their lands and cut out from their life systems, the IPs and Moros were not present at all when decisions were signed in the Spanish Treaty of Paris annexing Mindanao to the Philippine Islands, when the colonial government promoted a resettlement program to solve the Mindanao unrest in the early 50s, and when several violent wars were waged against the Moro resistance movements consistent with the military approach of government. At best, government has worked with elite Moro leaders as they tried to craft a solution to the Mindanao problem through electoral politics and governance, economic development and also the signing of the peace agreement with the MNLF in 1996. Still, with all the multidonor program funds poured into the region in line with the miniMarshall Plan package attached to the peace agreement, a intragroup conflict as well as structural violence has festered up to the present time. As an alternative, the growing peace movement in the Philippines has crafted strategies for peace on the need to build a strong peace constituency which is able to 2

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articulate common goals and interests among the major stake holders mentioned earlier. Professor Rudy Rodil, a historian and member of both the GRPMNLF/ GRPMILF Negotiation Panel, posits thus: "In order to establish new relationships among the tripeople of Mindanao, we need to see each other in a new light, look more closely at what we have in common and learn to live with our diversity?. We can only have peace if the peace of one is the peace of all, the lumads, Muslims and Christian settlers, when the vision of one is the vision of all." In this context, participation figures as a very essential principle and methodology which NGOs need to factor into their strategies and approaches in peacebuilding. The CO Multiversity Experience The CO Multiversity is one among many NGOs working for peace in Mindanao since 1999. "Empowered sustainable communities engaged in civil society initiatives towards peace and social transformation" is the vision which has united community organizers who shared a common history rooted in the past 30year tradition of CO training in the Philippines. The CO Multiversity directs its energies towards building the capacities of community organizers and development workers for of urban housing rights, children's rights, gender equality, environmental protection and peacebuilding. In Mindanao , it works with communities who seek to build a culture of peace through organizing of peace zones, education and multistakeholder‘s partnership and capacity development. In its peacebuilding framework, CO Multiversity articulates its belief that peace is an issue of power which is defined as the capacity of communities to participate effectively in processes that shape their lives. Personal Power is the individual capacity to act from one's sense of dignity and truth(from culture of silence and apathy to a culture of participation). Community Power is the integrative ability of groups to transform structures which perpetuate violent ways of resolving conflict (from culture of war to culture of peace). Communitybased Peace Building Processes The basic processes involved in community based peacebuilding include: 1. Understanding Conflict 3

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Understanding CULTURE and how it affects the dynamics of a community Analyzing ISSUES (economic, political and cultural) which people feel strongly about and can unite the various groups in the community Identifying POWER relations which affect the flow of decision making and access to resources which can address community issues Working through history, connections and personal biases to facilitate rebuilding of RELATIONSHIPS 2. Establishing Group Unity 3. Establishing Links with the other Group 4. Arriving at Mutually Agreed Solution 5. Implementing and Monitoring the Agreement 6. Healing and Reconciliation Strategies Undertaken 1. Issue Based Community Organizing which is undertaken through the following step ◆ Integration ◆ Social Investigation ◆ Issue Identification and Analysis ◆ Groundworking ◆ Facilitating Community Meetings ◆ Role play ◆ Mobilization ◆ Evaluation ◆ Reflection ◆ Formation of People's Organization 2. Peace Education for a Culture of Peace focusing on: ◆ Seminars on the Six Paths to Peace ◆ Capacity Building on Peace Zone Building and Advocacy ◆ Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment of CommunityManaged Projects ◆ Conflict Management through Interestbased Negotiation and Mediation ◆ Partnership with Local Government ◆ InterArea Alliance Strengthening 4

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The Report of Aceh, Indonesia Presented by Auguswandi Introduction Aceh is a double disaster zone. While Aceh has been popular as the place Tsunami killed and destroyed over 250 thousand people, Aceh had also been the conflict of a man made disaster, which has been going on for 25 years before Tsunami. The conflict has resulting in the killing at least 15 thousand people. Now Aceh is struggling to recover from both disasters. Reconstruction post Tsunami and post conflict will take long time and continue to require support of the international community. Background of Aceh's conflict The roots of the Aceh conflict can be tracked back to the dictatorship era of Indonesia when central government in Jakarta was lead by military dictator, Soeharto. This highly centralised and oppressive regime built a system which exploited the natural wealth of Indonesia. In the case of Aceh, the government oppressed any opposition and critical voicesin the region. The local culture and languages were to be discouraged or even banned. Nothing could be allowed to get in the way of the economic exploitation of Aceh which is very rich with natural resources. The government along with multinational companies started to exploit gas and other natural resources. Protests and resistance against the government exploded, because despite the resource wealth Aceh continued to be one of the poorest provinces in Indonesia. Instead of addressing the problem, Jakarta sent troops to Aceh and pursued a military solution in the province. The sense of injustice, economic domination, political oppression and cultural repression, have fuelled a sentiment to support the notion of independence for Aceh. The collapse of dictatorship has not entirely destroyed the old failings of central government relations with Aceh. Many problems have not been addressed by the post dictatorship regimes. In fact various military operations have been undertaken in Aceh. They have not solved the greater problem, it has even further undermined the government in the eyes of the Acehnese and bolstered support for independence. Actors 5

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Aceh conflict is a vertical one. It means the vertical between the central government and the Acehnese at large. It is not horizontal between the Acehnese groups. From Aceh the most prominent groups is Free Aceh Movement (GAM), lead by Hassan Di Tiro, based in Sweden. For years before the peace process, GAM's arm movement had been in constant clash with TNI (Indonesian Armed Forces). The clashed of two arm's group, GAM and TNI, has resulted in civilians become victims of the conflict. Indeed, Acehnese civilian had been the majority of daily violence in the province during the intense conflict. However beside GAM and TNI, Acehnese civil society groups for years have been playing significant role in Aceh. Civil society groups have a unique position to advocate armed parties in Aceh addressing Aceh problem in a just and non violence way. Several initiatives have been made since 1998 by students, woman groups, local Ngos to advocate a peaceful solution of solving Aceh's problem. Aceh Peace Process In an historic agreement signed on 15 August 2005, the leaders of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government have finally agreed to a compromise: Aceh will have autonomy but not independence from Indonesia. The success of the present peace process can be relied heavily to the fact Tsunami occurred in Aceh. It is an ironic way of peace making. The present peace accord is not the first one, previously there were peace accord in 2002 and peace process . It was initiated by the Henry Dunant Centre, Geneva based Ngo, who was acting as a facilitator. However, the previous one failed while the present one seems to continue moving in the right direction. However, the strong role of international community in the present peace process, combine with the political will of the central government in Jakarta have overcome many difficulties of making peace for Aceh. Crisis Management Initiative, Ngo based in Finland, was the facilitators. In the current accord, EU and several countries in ASEAN have involved as members of monitoring team. Jakarta's government, especially the vice president, Yusuf Kalla, has played positive roles to contain many nationalist Indonesia who continues to oppose the process. International community at large, mainly because of the presence in the post Tsunami work in Aceh, continues to advocate the peace process implemented.

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The future of the current process, however, is best explained in a cautious optimism. The international Aceh Monitoring Mission, AMM, come to the end of their mandate in 2006, and it is very unlikely to be extended beyond this time. This means peace is without any further direct involvement of the international community. Security arrangements for Aceh without an AMM presence should be prepared now. There will be no more AMM offices for locals to go to in order to report their problems. The building of trust between the Indonesian government and the exGAM is going to take time, and will have to be done without ASEAN or European observers. This year also, prior to the first ever direct local elections scheduled for at the end of this year, the Indonesian parliament and government in Jakarta have to approve the new Acehnese administration draft law that has submitted by the Acehnese. This law is the turning point where an unhappy past can become a hopeful future. It is the outcome of 30plus years of conflict articulated in a single piece of legislation. After thousands of deaths and the wreckage of war, all must be resolved in this draft. After the draft's projected approval, the elections should be next on the agenda for the year. These elections will be, hopefully, the freest even undertaken in Aceh. At this stage the main issue will be whether GAM and Acehnese civil society groups are able to compete in and have involvement in the electoral process, the establishment of local political parties, and the nomination of their own candidates without any intervention by Jakarta. While technically this will depend on whether the new legislation allows this democratic engagement, practically it will depend on how mature the attitude of all the parties to the politics. All in all, soon we will see whether the armed conflict can really be transformed into a political, electoral battle where GAM and other Acehnese groups can compete with national parties at the local level. If things can happen, it will be a landmark of building democracy in Aceh and Indonesia, which might set a good example for the rest of Indonesia. Recommendation Several important works should be done to sustain the present peace process: 1. International community who have worked hard to support peace in Aceh, it is time to continue to advocate a greater autonomy, human rights and democracy in the province.

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2. Capacity building of civil society groups, especially woman, in Aceh should be one of the main agenda. The future of Aceh peace process and development will be in the hand of the local groups. 3. Support to post Tsunami reconstruction should be continued to build a better change for economic recovery in Aceh. Better economic condition for Acehnese is the key for the future peace. 4. Reconciliation and integration of victims of conflict, ex combatants, and many other civilian affected by the conflict is very important to get everybody involve in the future peace building in Aceh.

The Long Road Towards Peace in Aceh Presented by Azwir Nazar Peace in Aceh is after a long journey. It takes a long and tiring process. Eternal peace which has been Acehnese hope, is just the same with that of other people. Acehnese want to live peacefully and prosperously. By having strong spirit, believe and hard work of all component with good international support, finally Acehnese feel peace. Moreover, after the signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between GAM and the Indonesian government 15 August lat year. Peace talk Effort Effort toward peace in Aceh has been taken by many agencies and parties since long while ago. Henry Dunant Center, for example, the International NGO from Geneva, Sweden has worked hard and finally could bring the involved parties to peace talk in the even called "humanitarian pause" or cease fire. GAM representative and people from the Indonesia government discussed future peace in Aceh in Geneva and finally agreed for a cease fire. During the first phase of cease fire process, incident and casualties decrease dramatically. However, then both parties started to have prejudice one party to another. GAM think that Indonesian government is being unfair and so did the government; they believe that GAM has broken the agreement and that they feel to have right to strike back and to protect themselves. GAM also believed that the government is attacking 8

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GAM site and compound. Finally, cease fire only become "casualties delay" by both parties and it become All Inclusive Dialog between GAM and the government with Henry Dunant Center and mediator. However, open gun fight is hard to avoid. On March 9 2001, the Indonesian government has launched the martial law in Aceh to stop GAM. Number of troops is increased and number of GAM member is believed to increase as well. Suddenly, it became horrible battlefield. There were many victims in both sides and from civilian as well. Kidnapping, lost people, slaughtering, and open gun contact happened often. Again, civilian became victims. This has forced civilian to talk. The growth of Civil Movement has given new nuance in Aceh Civilization History. This movement has also supported the transformation of conflict in Aceh to nonviolence crisis, more respect on human right and democracy. On December 2003, by Henry Dunant center(HDC) as mediator, pressure from Europe Union, Japan and World Bank, the Indonesian government and GAM signed the agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities Framework Agreement(COHA). This has been the last hope for peace in Aceh. There was no fundamental difference from the previous peace talk. COHA has opened the possibilities of International country to get involved and it also involved international bodies to observe the result of the agreement. Unfortunately, COHA also failed. GAM representatives were captured. As the last ditch of peace talk failed in Tokyo, finally Indonesian president signed Kepres no.28 (president decision no.28) to implement martial law and allow military operation to fight GAM. Aceh the, became the battle filed under martial law for six months. During the periods, all governmental control stay under military. Martial law did not only effect human right activist prodemocracy and journalist only, but also affected the low class societies. This is because the status has made it possible for an open fight. This also restricted the movement area for people to run their normal daily life. Tsunami The above situation seems to get its answer after tsunami in Aceh. 8,9 Richter scale earthquake following by tsunami has killed up to 200,000 people in Aceh. It hash moved so many heart in the world including the conflict parties. They started to look at the need to have justice and humanity and the need of people above politics. It seems to that people stated to realize that arm conflict should be stopped and time to concentrate on providing aids to affected people in this tragedy of humanity. 9

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This is also has opened access to international community, the access that has been long closed, to all humanitarian workers in Aceh. Tsunami has devastated Aceh with about 200,000 people were killed an d450,000 lost their homes. This condition has forced political Indonesian political approaches towards solving the problems. Condition has forced Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and Jusuf Kalla to start the negotiation all over again in order to stop the arm movement in the conflict province and bring them to eternal end of the conflict. The nature of earthquake and tsunami has forced the president to look at the need of respecting human rights. Aceh then becomes an opened area to any international humanitarian workers. This is in contrast to the are of martial law when all democratic liberality has its borders and people have to listen to ruling military. After tsunami so many INGO and UN agencies coming and want to help ease the pain and suffrage that all Acehnese feel. The government then changed its approach and become soft in handling the movement in Aceh, especially after what has happened. International community has one need to deliver aids as fast as they could to Acehnese people to help them overcome the situation. The Indonesian government and international community drafted the master plan to rebuild Aceh. They have big agenda apart from reconstruction that is to solve the prolonging arm conflict. They expect to have the agenda of arm conflict resolution within the agenda of reconstruction, because every one believe that peace is the key of reconstruction for better Aceh in the future. Helsinki Peace Talk and Reconstruction in Aceh Peace talk in Helsinki has been a great momentum for new process of peace in Aceh. It has been almost 2 years the negotiation process of the two conflict parties was stagnant and deadlock. Even that peace talk in Helsinki is considered informal, that drew pro and contra from many parties in Jakarta especially from the legislatives and some country institutions, but it has proven its formal result. Peace agreement between GAM and the Indonesian government has opened new dimension of reconstruction for future Aceh. Moreover the need of all people participation in this phase is absolutely essential. Peace process then becomes basic condition in reconstruction after the disaster, and they really connect one to another. They have to be done in synergy and run simultaneously. Peace agreement that has been signed on August 15, 2005 in Helsinki Finland has also drawn the needs of two involving parties. They both agree in peace and prosperous

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Aceh. That's why human right points, democratization of Aceh, financial and monetary distribution and sociocultural become the very important points in the MoU. It is very important that Acehnese, The Indonesian government and international community gather to create a successful peace agreement. Community involvement in all the process is also essential to guarantee good process and result. If GAM and the Indonesian government had only involved their people during the process, bad experience in CoHA will happen again; there will be deadlock, long, big debate in demilitarization process will reappear and stop the peaces process itself. This also to stress out that we all should be involve to guide this peace treaty together. In that case then, MoU will not be an ending point, but it is only a starting point that require hard work from all of us to guide all the items mentioned in the MoU. Moreover, after the discussion of RUUPA that has been now in legislatives can be a good starting point to face better and brighter Aceh in the future, Aceh that respect human rights and eternal peace. Conclusion It is clear now what Bill Clinton said, as special delegation of United nation for Tsunami in Aceh, he stated his hope that Aceh can inspire the world that can symbolize expectation and strong will to face the future; so that the biggest humanity disaster can end the 30 year long conflict and become basement of better life in the future. Long and tiring process has made us realize that in fact we are all brothers and we all love peace. Conflict will only hurt us. Difference in opinion that happened all over that world is a blessing from God that we have to cherish. By respecting each other's culture, respect to one's dignity and respect to human rights and democracy, wherever and whenever we are, will lead us to eternal peace life in the world.

Way to Achieve Peace and Stop Conflicts In Timor Leste Presented by Leopoldo Maria & Juana Amaral Month of May is likely have been destined to be as month of freedom. Starting from 1st of May which widely known as Labor day, 5th of May is the day that recorded in United Nations history for mediating Timor Leste's cause of non self governing territory, whereby 1999 both Indonesia and Portugal agreed to give to us our right to determinate 11

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our own future, 21st of May is a monumental day for the Indonesian, the day where huge demonstration that were organized by students in all around Indonesia succeed to overthrow the strongman that already occupied his throne for about 32 years. And of course this date 18th of May, the day that make us to come here today. The day where our brothers and sisters, our heroes have mortgaged their soul, their beloved people and family. Before we start to talk on issues of our country Timor Leste, please let us to pay our highest respect to the victims of the 1980 Gwangju Democratic Uprising and their families. Timor Leste regained its independence in 2002 after hundreds of years of Portuguese colonial rule, a quarter century of Indonesian occupation. During the colonial rule of Portuguese's there were no respect of human dignity of Timorense people by colonialist. That was continuing during Japanese occupation, our own civil war, Indonesian occupation and even after we run our own country. As new nation and third world country, Timor Leste will face a lot problems. Some of those are Human Rights, Conflict among ethnics which could threaten the peace that have been trying to be put in place since we regained our independence. NGOs and other institutions are trying and trying to upgrade the peace and maintain it. One way that we belief could stop the conflict and able to help us to reach the peace is promoting to the people or every one in the country to pay their highest respect to the human dignity and rights. Lack of respect to the human dignity is one of the main problems that causes violence against human rights which is at its estuary will cause the conflict. The newest conflict that recently emerged in Dili could show as the clear picture of things that cause the conflict. It is already for so long conflict is staying not far from people of Timor Leste. Now days, Government, NGOs and society are working according to theirs own roles to stop the conflict. They use different approach to solve the problems. To promote the human rights there are few steps that need to be taken; Strengthening the Judicial System Timor Leste constitution indicates clearly that "the state will be base on rule of law". Based on it NGOs need to put eye or control whether the access of citizens to the

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judicial system are guaranteed or not. Beside that NGOs need to proactive in order to give a kind of education or information to the people that are blind about the system.

Protection of Human Rights Human rights represent a set of rules, values and principles to which all persons are entitled. These constitute the base for the system of the democratic country and that has not been well implemented by our government. The indication is some of prisoners said that they were treated not like human. We can also have a look as well to what was reported by International Amnesty about human rights violation in Timor Leste by the local police. In Timor Leste the protection for the human rights are still far from our dream. There are still a lot of cases of domestic violence, discrimination in every sector, and etc. Our Constitution provides each citizen the right to personal freedom and security and specifies that "women and men shall have the same rights and duties in all areas of family life and political, economic, social, cultural" (Section 17). In particular cases of the children, the constitution says that "children shall enjoy all rights that are universally recognized, as well as those that are enshrined in international conventions normally ratified or approved by the state. Rules of the NGOs are to make sure that all what stated in the constitution will be implemented. But still till now all of that are not put in place yet. Promoting Gender Equality and Empowering Women In this point we would like to say that the progress are good. There have been important gains in strengthening the role of women in East Timorense decision making and public life in recent years. In 2001 in the election for the Constituent assembly, women achieved an impressive 27% of seats. We hope that the effect of this are going to touch all around Timor Leste's women. There are good effort that have been done by government and NGOs in order to promoting the equality and empowering women. We realize that in Timor Leste, NGOs need to do more and more to control and toput a positive pressure to Government and President and Parliament to fulfill their obligation to the country.

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In relation to the present situation of Timor Leste specially after the 28 th of April the situation is going to be normal again, but still civilians are worry to be back to the capital. Government has gave out an order to all the public service servant to in all aver Timor Leste to be back again to their office and working again as normally. This situation was provoked by the dismissal of about 591 FFDTL (FalintilForca Defesa Timor Leste) members two months ago. FFDTL is East Timor military institution. Two persons were reported dead. This is the government version. Some information says that the victims are more than what was said by government. So far, the Prime Minister have stabilized an commission of investigation with mandate to find out about how many victims, who are the actors of violation and etc.

THE ETHNIC CONFLICT IN SRI LANKA: A SHORT OVERVIEW AND CURRENT STATUS Presented by Susirith Mendis Introduction In its history, Sri Lanka has had many streams of migration from the Indian subcontinent; trading for spices that brought Greeks, Chinese and Arabs and during the past 500years three major foreign invasions resulting in a colonial legacy coming from the Portuguese, Dutch and the British occupations. As a result, Sri Lanka is a multiethnic multireligious country today, where people from all the major religions have found refuge in Sri Lanka at different times of our history. The Sinhalas, Tamils and Muslims consist ofthe three major ethnic groups with the Sinhalas dominating with about 72% of the population. The Tamils have been the predominant ethnic group that lives in the Northern Province and form a significant 35% in the Eastern Provinces. The Sinhalas and Muslims consist of the balance 65% of the Eastern Province almost equally divided. 14

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Although ethnic tensions between the Sinhalas and Tamils have been simmering during different periods episodically since Sri Lanka became an independent dominion state in 1948, the turning point came with the ethnic riots that broke out in July 1983. Sinhala mobs went on rampage killing innocent civilians in many part of Southern Sri Lanka in reaction to the killing of 13 Sinhala soldiers of the Sri Lankan army in an LTTE ambush in the North. The 'ethnic conflict' in Sri Lankaas it is currently labeled has its origins from that time. 23 years have elapsed since then and has caused the death of over 65,000 people and cost the nation billions of rupees in the destruction of the national infrastructure and wasteful war expenditure that a poor country like Sri Lanka can illafford. Development of the conflict The conflict polarized the people of Sri Lanka as never before in its recent history, giving rise to a new sociopolitical extremism on both sides of the conflict hat had not existed before. The Sinhalas developed a majoritarian unwillingness to recognize the 'just grievances' of the Tamils and rejected their demand of the 'right to selfdetermination'in Tamil majority areas in the North and the East. The expanding gulf of mistrust between the Sinhalas and Tamils and a sense of frustration of the Tamils especially within the Tamil intelligentsia against the Sinhaladominated Sri Lankan government led the militant youth groups within the democratic Tamil political mainstream to take up arms. The rapid militarization of the ethnic conflict; vacillation on the part of consecutive governments to resolve incipient ethnic issues; unwillingness to officially accept the grievances of the minority populations need to beaddressed; inability to initiate conflict resolution by discussion, dialogue and peaceful negotiations with all stakeholders and internecine rivalry and mutual annihilation of politically, culturally and regionally disparate Tamil groups, caused the crisis to develop into a fullscale civil war. This had its first peak in 1987 when India played 'big brother' and intervened militarily with an Indian PeaceKeeping Force (IPKF) and failed in its attempt to force the LTTE to disarm and the government to agree to devolution to provincial councils. Thereafter there were two periods of a 'fragile peace' during 199495 and 20012005. Bilateral negotiations in the first periodbetween government emissaries and LTTE negotiators collapsed leading to what has since been dubbed by commentators as "Eelam War II". The second period of negotiations took place with Norway as 'facilitator' with international support from the USA, Europe and Japan pledging economic support for 'rebuilding Sri Lanka' 15

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following a successfully negotiated ceasefire or 'absence of war'. The 'Peace Talks' that ensued a series of which held outside Sri Lanka, were successful as long as they lasted stalled after the LTTE refused to continue to attend talks on a weak pretext. Of not beinginvited to attend a donor meeting in Washington. The Ceasefire Agreement(CFA) signed by the Sri Lankan Prime Minister and the LTTE Leader in 2002 which was advantageous to the LTTE and had serious defects where Sri Lanka was concerned, held sincefor nearly 4 years. The increasing violations of the CFA by the LTTE and the inability of the Norwegian facilitators to reign in the LTTE to cease the continued violations were testing the patients of the government and most Sri Lankans. This included many moderate Tamil political paries and groups as well. A serious split in the LTTE where the Eastern Faction under the leadership of 'Karuna' created a new dimension to the conflict added to the instability of the ceasefire and the state of 'nonwar'. It was in this situation that the newly elected President (November 2005) with adequate pressure from the donor CoChairs (US, EU, Japan), was able recommence 'Peace Talks'in February 2006 in Geneva. This too has stalled due to LTTE claims that certain preconditions agreed upon at that meeting have not been fullfilled by the Sri Lankan Government. The Sri Lankan government claims that the LTTE has its own agenda for not agreeing to attend the second round of talks in April/May 2006. As I write this, there are indications that the "Eelam War III"has already commenced. Peace Making by the NGOs Soon after the ethnic riots erupted in July 1983, concerned citizens formed a few civil society organizations. The pioneering organization was the Citizens Committee for National Harmony(CCNH) which included eminent civil society members and religious leaders of all communities. The International Centre for Ethnic Studies(ICES), the Marga Institute(Marga) and the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement (Sarvodaya) which have international recognition and acceptance as credible institutes conducting socioeconomic research, were the threeleading NGOs that took up the important challenge of accumulating a body of knowledge and information, disseminating them in wellcrafted series of academic publications, seminars and conferences attended by delegates and specialists in ethnic studies from the region and outside. Many other NGOs followed suit. Many of them were involved in grassroots awareness programmes. All these NGOs played a crucial role at a time when it was not 'fashionable' to do so of taking up the position that (i) there is an ethnic problem; (ii) there are just grievances of the Tamil 16

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people that need to be redressed; (iii) that a military solution was not the answer in resolving this problem; (iv) a 'peace movement' consisting of moderate elements in all ethnic groups need to be built up to counter the dangers that may emanate from extremist positions; and (v) there was no place for complacency in this endeavour as the country and its economy was literally and metaphorically 'bleeding' from an ongoing war which waxed and waned into highintensity and lowintensity conflicts at different times. If not for this critical intellectual and activist intervention by many NGOs and civil society organizations, the centrestage and public opinion would have been swayed, manipulated and controlled by (i) the 'war lobby' that consisted of several senior members of the armed forces, politicians and arms merchants (often linked to each other); and (ii) radical political groups that wished to make political capital out of false and 'fevered' emotions of 'nationalism' and 'patriotism'. The 'Peace process" being imperative to resolve the Sri Lankan social crisis became the predominant viewpoint of a significant majority of the Sri Lankanpeople in the years since 1983. This was a result of the signal contribution made by the NGOs and civil society organizations in prolonged nationwide campaigns for peace that was initiated and implemented by them with stubborn, but admirable consistency. This contribution to the Sri Lankan polity that created a 'paradigmshift' in the attitudes of the average Sri Lankantowards developing mutual understanding between ethnic groups, has been invaluable. With international funding flowing into Sri Lanka to enhance the civil society 'project' for peace, there was a mushrooming of NGOs dedicated to 'building the peace process'. This created opportunity for vested external interests to use these newly established NGOs and even the more reputed ones to pursue a questionable line. The unwavering commitments to democracy, good governance, absence of prejudice and bias and sometimes even the ethical highground was sacrificed for pecuniary or other gain. The possibility that some NGOs had fallen prey to vested commercial and trade interests of western governments was openly debated. It was alleged thatthe role of Norway as facilitator was changing into a more mediatory role. The impartiality of Norway and the Sri Lankan Monitoring Mission (SLMM) consisting of Scandinavians lead by a Norwegian was being questioned. Some NGOs were openly accused of being 'agents' of the Western powers. The phrase 'international community'took a defamatory tenor. This lead to a greater acceptance among the Sinhalas of the rise in the 'righteous indignation'of nationalist groups against Norwegian facilitation and biases of the 'international community' against the Sri Lanka Republic. The intransigency of the LTTE in resisting shifts from their avowed positions to more internationally acceptable 17

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ones and the unhealthy influences of radial Buddhist monks and political parties on the new Presidency were increasing the mistrust on both sides of the divide. The subtle changes in Indian policy towards the Sri Lankan crisis in the face of its 'new relationship'with the US, was a cause of concern in the power circles in the Sri Lankan government. Slowly, but surely, the NGOs have lost their initiative. Some had even lost their credibility. They have been identified to be 'toeing the line' of their US and European funding agencies and governments to the detriment of the Sri Lankan State. This has been an unhappy evolution of the NGO involvement in the peace process. 'Peace lobbists' and 'peace mongers' have became catch phrases among radical nationalist groups and intellectuals. NGOs were being established to "counter the false propaganda" of foreignfunded NGOs with "hidden agendas". A vacuum has been created in the spectrum of policy positions held by peace NGOs. There seemed to be none who would condemn antidemocratic acts and senseless violence of both the LTTE and the government equivocally. The policy of being the solerespresentative of the Tamil peope, human rights abuses, recruitment of child soldiers and assassination of Tamil intellectuals and political activists by the LTTE were not condemned with the vigour they deserved. At times, such acts were either totally ignored or mentioned in passing reference. The NGOs were thought to have been caught in a 'peace trap'created by their own lack of principle. It is my view that this is a tragedy for Sri Lanka in its present context. It is losing the invaluable voice of civil society that needs to be raised for the suffering ordinary citizens whether they be Sinhalas, Tamils or Muslims; whether they are facing the wrath of the LTTE or the harassment of the government. In short, the NGOs are losing the moral highground. This trend is seen among many NGOs in the developing countries constrained in their activism by the limits placed by the funding agencies. Some NGOs have become elitist enclaves in metropolitan cities alienated from the aspirations of their own citizens. This needs to be reversed and credibility of the peace activists and Peace NGOs restored. If not there will be no voice raised for the voiceless masses of Sinhalas, Tamils and Muslims who will continue to be condemned to face untold suffering and consequences of a ruthless civil war. New dimensions to the conflict Another dimension surfaced with news filtering through about natural resources including oil and gas deposits in significant commerciallyviable quantities being 18

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discovered within the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Sri Lanka that it became entitled to under the Law of the Sea Agreement. This dimension links the Sri Lankan crisis with similar crises in many parts of the world including Iraq, Aceh and East Timor In the context of the complexities of the crises in many developing countries that are linked to powerful nations seeking influence to control over earth's natural resources especially energy and water sources the role of the NGOs in Sri Lanka's 'peace process'have been both inadequate and disappointing. This is not to take away anything from their signal contribution at a critical period in the evolution of the conflict. It is now time that Asian NGOs enhance their capabilities and interests to include the 'larger picture'of ethnic conflict and social unrest in our part f the world. They have to be able to and willing to take up the challenges of meeting the multifaceted dimensions of ethnic conflicts in the Asian region. In Latin America, the people and governments of Venezuela, Bolivia, Brazil and Chile have taken the lead in meeting the new challenges. It is opportune that NGOs and civil society in the troubled and crisisridden states of our Asian region take up the lead in facing up to these challenges and make a clarion call for our governments to stand up and be counted.

The Report of SriLanka Presented by Rohana Nishantha Mr Chairperson, …………………… Representatives from various organizations invited to the International Camp, great people of Gwangju, who keep alive the memory of the Gwangju Uprising for Democracy and Against tyranny and who are constantly alert to safeguard and consolidate democracy, Friends and Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen,

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Allow me to thank May 18th Memorial Foundation for inviting me to this unique event and the opportunity given me to meet with so many like minded colleagues from the region. Before coming to this camp, I tried to read up what ever was available to me on the Gwangju Uprising. The Book "We Saw"and the C.D. documentary of the struggle made me realize what a unique phenomena, the uprising was and how it eventually catalyzed the peoples struggles that eventually overthrew the authoritarian military regimes of South Korea. Equally inspiring is the courage and persistence shown by those who survived the repression and those who lost their loved ones. Their will and strength to insurmountable resist, despite the almost insurmountable obstacles, is rare. As a citizen from Sri Lanka, which has seen unremitting and atrocious repression for decades, I could readily appreciate this quality. I also salute the courageous people and peoples organizations that initiated, sustained the unremitting struggle for human rights, democratic freedoms and peace in Gwangju as well as the whole of South Korea. I am privileged to attend this camp and say a few words and share a few thoughts about our situation in Sri Lanka, specially in relation to the peace effort. In that context I also would like to, very briefly, introduce the organization I represent. People's Action for Free and Fair elections (PAFFREL) as it is known in Sri Lanka was initiated by a small group of committed social activists and professionals in 1987. It was after the worst travesty of elections that people of Sri Lanka has witnessed up to that time referendum to postpone parliamentary elections by 6 years. From that modest beginning PAFFREL has expanded consistently and has observed most of the elections held in Sri Lanka. From 1994, it has observed regularly all the elections to parliament, presidency, local government bodies. Today PAFFREL network of NGOs, CBOs all over the country, are involved not only in election monitoring, but also in various good governance programmes, peace programmes and minority rights issues. I mentioned our activities and interests in the hope, that it would encourage and facilitate linkages with like minded organizations in Korea as well as these of the region invited to this gathering. Let me get back to the specific topic on which I will talk for the rest of my speech. But I would like to show you, at the end of my speech, a short film of five minutes about the, war in my country, specially in the North and East. This short film of 5 minutes is a story about a father and a son, caught in the utterly futile, meaningless and 20

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barbaric exercise called war; War which is sometimes glorified, sometimes justified, sometimes explained in various terms as a patriotic struggle, struggle against terrorism, even a struggle for humanity or as the bounden duty of elected governments to safeguard sovereignty, law and order etc. We, in Sri Lanka have been subjected to the crossfires of armed confrontations and had to endure its impact and effect as civilians, unarmed and unwilling, for more than thirty years, if we count from 1971. In 1971 it was an armed youth insurgency, that was put down mercilessly, with thousands killed. The youth were Sinhalese form the South. From around 1982 it was in Jaffna, in the North and the youth were Tamils. The insurrectionists of the South the Peoples Liberation Front (JVP) regrouped and relaunched in 1987, a campaign of murder and murder, Mayhem terrorizing the people. This was called a patriotic struggle to drive out the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) and the government of the time, who invited the IPKF in the resulting govt. repression more that 60,000 were killed or were missing. Meanwhile the armed struggle for the rights of the Tamil nation and for a separate state, Thamil Elaam raged on. The majority of the armed militant groups laid down their arms after the JR RajivIndoSri Lanka accord and settled for a small measure of devolution in the form of Provincial Councils. L.T.T.E. never agreed and resumed their armed struggle against the IPKF, within one or two months of their arrival. The armed struggle between L.T.T.E. and Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) has been raging from that time, with brief breaks under various governments. The resulting loss of life and property, the trauma destruction and dislocation are unimaginable. The yearning and wish for peace is very high among all the peoples of Sri Lanka, regardless of their race, religion or where they live. But the wish for peace preferably, a just peace, which is the only peace that will last is specially strong in the East and the North. Unfortunately, the space and freedom to show their preference, actually their "thirst for Peace" is limited. It is limited not only by the overwhelming and unwelcome presence of armed forces, but also by the dictates of militant armed groups, among whom the strongest and most feared is the L.T.T.E. I was asked by our host to speak of the peace process, including the past processes through which we arrived at the present situation. It cannot be done within 10 minutes. I would instead, repeat Dr. Sathya Seelan Kadiragama, in his foreword to the novel by Rohini Hensman "Playing Lions and Tigers".

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"The story of Lanka since independence is that of a country that had the best chance to make it in the third world. Far from making it, this paradise isle has become a case study of lost opportunities, tinkering in the most irresponsible way with the constitution, and of ethnic war that destroyed at least a third of the country, creating animosity, hatred and suspicion. There were times when we thought we saw at last the much hoped for light at the end of the tunnel, a glimmer of hope, that was only to be dashed to the ground by men and women who could not see beyond their own obsessions with power and the benefits that accrued to a chosen few, sacrificing long term gains for short term advantages." What is the current situation in the peace talks? The cease fire signed by GOSL and L.T.T.E. in 2002 February has not been officially rejected or broken by either party. Neither has the two sides signed a peace accord. Peace talks faltered in 2003 April and were revived only after 3 years. The government which signed the ceasefire were no longer in power. The new president is perceived as more of a hard liner than the earlier prime minister or the president. The coalition of parties that he mobilized into his campaign to gain the presidency included the Sinhala Buddhist, Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) as well as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) who are opposed to devolution. Yet he, with the assistance of the Norwegian facilitators, the international group of guarantors led by USA, JAPAN and European Union as well as India, was able to revive the peace talks. The 1st round of talks was held in Geneva and a date for the next round was also fixed. And then peace talks ran into rough seas. Peace talks scheduled for April 2006 has not been held. Armed confrontations have escalated so much that it is hard to convince ourself that the ceasefire still operates, though the monitoring mission still functions. This attempt to somehow rescue the so called peace effort and prevent a resumption of all out war is laudable. But the whole process as well as the key players, whether local or international are fast losing credibility. There are two questions that people in Sri Lanka ask. "What prevents a resumption of peace talks and who is to blame?"

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"What prevents a revert to all out war and who has the deterrent power, strong enough to deter armed aspirations? " Almost everybody has answers, depending on where your loyalties lie and how you would like the conflict to end. But what is obvious is that both parties to the conflict ie. GOSL and LTTE still want negotiate. But the negotiation is to either gain or consolidate their military / political advantages. The role and influence of the international mediators and guarantors extend only to the extent that the two contenders are careful not to be branded as being the 1st to break the ceasefire. Its not strong enough to make them negotiate for peace in earnest. Perhaps that is beyond the capacity of any outside third party, unless they are strongly supported by the people and their organizations in the country. Let me conclude my speech by stating what we believe and hence what we strive for. We are convinced that the priority for us in Sri Lanka is to achieve peace, not the quiet of death, the peace of the cemetery and wastelands, left behind after modern was. Hence we do not want the mighty states to intervene with their military might, on either side, but instead, to use their might, the moral, political diplomatic and even economic might to dissuade both parties from resorting to a military resolution of the conflict. Also to allow/create space, opportunities and incentives to sit at the peace table and talk. We believe that the people of Sri Lanka should exercise their sovereign right, to force both parties to the conflict to negotiate and not revert to war in any form, whether it be intense, wide spread all out war or low intensity covert war to refrain from killing and violations of our fundamental rights, guaranteed by the Constitution, but also human rights guaranteed by international covenants to which the govt. has acceded and by which the LTTE aught to be bound, if they claim to be fighting for liberty, dignity and rights of the Tamil people. We believe that a majority of the people, regardless of their race or religion want a just peace, a peace which will safeguard and nurture equality among our diverse people, a peace which will assure the security, honour and dignity of all peoples and a peace which will open the door for prosperity and equal opportunities for all our peoples. We firmly believe that this peace is achievable, that it is within our grasp, but it has to be won by people, led by an enlightened, courageous and dedicated civic leadership, a leadership capable of learning from our past mistakes, capable of strengthening our people, so much, that they are confident enough and compassionate enough to forget the past and look to the future; The future of our people, who are Sinhalese, Tamils and 23

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Muslims, who are Buddhists, Hindus, Islam or Christian, but who are above all humane and civilized. We have to walk some distance to get to this haven. We hope to keep walking and we hope more and more people will start walking with us and when tens of thousands join the March for peace, dignity, tolerance and humanity, then we know, that we are on the right path, that we have almost arrivedhome. We hope that peace loving men and women all over the world specially in our part of the world, Asia, will join in this walk to peace.

Rethinking the Challenge of Peace Building in Nepal Presented by Kapil Shrestha Recent Political Change and Peace Scenario The Himalayan country Nepal, at the moment, is passing through the most exciting and tumultuous times in the contemporary period. After a prolonged phase of despair and hopelessness the overwhelming success of the recently concluded 'peoples movement has fired the imagination and expectation of Nepali people as never before. The recently concluded people's movement for restoration of democracy has proved to be a catalytic and cathedralic experience for Nepal and its people, both in terms of the achievement and its longterm possible implications for the country. Through the spontaneous uprising and unprecedented peaceful movement of millions of people throughout the country, including the remotest corners, Nepalese people eloquently and powerfully expressed their complete rejection of the tyrannical rule of an unpopular King. The way unending waves of thousands upon thousands of peaceful but determined demonstrators tried to defy bullets, beatings, intimidations, torture and arrests of an undemocratic regime stands as testimony of our global society's irreversible march towards freedom, democracy and human rights. As such, for the first time in many decades, Nepali people who were cruelly sandwiched and caught in the crossfire between the security forces and Maoists, are in the position to sincerely address the long overdue problems and challenges in the society and politics.

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Without doubt, one of the most important challenges facing Nepal at the present is peaceful resolution of the more than decade old Maoist insurgency, the burgeoning Maoist insurgency in Nepal has been the case of great concern not only for Nepalipeople but has also caused tremendous worry for Nepali wellwishers and friends outside the country. Now, because of a new democratic opening in Nepal politics who had almost lost any hope of peaceful resolution of this vicious and violent conflict in the foreseeable future, have only again been able to see some light at the end of tunnel. The changed atmosphere has brought the mainstream 'sevenparty alliance (SPA) and Maoists as never before. The ceasefire recently declared by both the newly formed government and Maoist rebels and their commitment to seek solution through dialogue has succeeded in generating a tremendous hope and optimism among the people. Unlike the past, as if to lend more credibility to their intentions both sides have entered into the '12 point understanding' in spite of strong criticisms from within and outside. It is primarily aimed at restructuring of the future political setup based on the principles of democracy, inclusiveness and human rights. Maoist conflict: Its genesis and Implications; The Maoist insurgency which started 10 years ago, has dramatically changed the conventional international image and prevailing political landscape in Nepal. Within a decade of its inception, Maoist insurgency has expanded and escalated isolated from its small remote strongholds in the midwestern hilly regions of Nepal to almost all over the country. The world has been rudeljolted by the awareness of the presence factors giving rise to a brutally violent radical movement in Nepal. Likewise, world has also been compelled to recognize the dreaded, prospect of having another 'failed state' and a humanitarian disaster' in otherwise neither to a very peaceful, tranquil and beautiful country. The horrendous human rights violations and unprecedented acts of terror, violence and destruction committed by both sides in the civil war, viz., the state and Maoists' has also drawn world's attention for quite sometime. Since the beginning of Maoist insurgency which is modeled after the teachings and radical ideology of Chinese leader Chairman Mao, also called the 'people's war' by its supporters, almost 15,000 people have been killed, many more thousands have been injured, tortured and disappeared, hundreds of thousands of people have been displacedfrom their homes and hearths. In addition to this, it has been estimated that hundreds of million dollars worth of both private and public property and infrastructures like bridges, roads, telephone networks haven destroyed looted, mainlyby the Maoists. 25

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These facts and figures related to violence, brutalization and terrorization are, indeed, very shocking and unprecedented for a country, which, until recently not only used to take pride is its proverbial peace, tranquility and natural beauty but also in the fact that it happens to be the only Asian country to ratify all important international human rights instruments at par with the West European countries. For the record owing to the pressure by civil society and Nepal's international partners, three futile attempts have been made in the past to seek the negotiated settlement of the insurgency. However, as neither the state or Maoists had ever approached to peace talks with mutual trust, sincerity, commitment and necessary homework all these socalled 'talks' or 'dialogues' in evitalely ended in fiasco. Instead, every successive breakdown in 'dialogues'or 'ceasefires' between the state and Maoists resulted in more horrific violence and further human rights violations. The continuation of the conflict and seemingly intractability of the problemnot only seriously affected the state of Nepal's newly established democratic system and political stability but it also encouraged the present King Gyanendra and his supporters to shamelessly dismantle the democratic and human rights safeguards of the system. He did not hesitate to arrests thousands of civil society, activists, media persons, professionals, political workers, demanding human rights and democracy For a long period, King his associates even tried to completely ignore to surprise of all well wishers and friends of Nepal the like the strong international condemnations and cencor and motionslike 'Item 19' resolution passed by 61st meeting of UNOCHR in 1961. In particular, very recently during the months of March and April in response to the snowballing protest against the, royal tyranny the government did hesitate to use force and violence to suppress at the peaceful demonstrators, thereby killing almost 2 dozen people and injuring thousands of people, many of whom are children below 12 years.. However, as a result cascading crescendo movement on 24 April 2006 King Gyanendra has been finally compelled to acknowledge peoples demand for the complete surrender of sovereignty to the people, reinstate the dissolved parliament and hand over all power and handover all power and authority to the sevenparty alliance. New political Developments: Issues and challenges of Peace building This sudden change in the political scenario in Nepal has initiated a new dawn in Nepal's history. Once again, the perverse feelings of hope, enthusiasm and euphoria has replaced the prolonged atmosphere of fear despair, anger, and helplessness.

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After a long last, Nepali people are in a position to fulfill their desire to regain a genuine peace. Peace which Nepalese people are looking for is not just a temporary peace or a mere relief. They are fully committed to a just honorable, sustainable and holistic peace which can lead to the fundamental transformation in society by accommodating expectations, sensitivities and demands of all sections of the society, including the Maoists, who have so far felt neglected,excluded and marginalized. Nepalese people are very much hopeful that the changed situation will help them to readdress and rectify the causes of conflict like structural conditions of poverty, inequity, injustice discrimination of women, ethnic groups, exclusion and human rights violations inherent in the society. They are also hoping that peace and reconciliation thus achieved will be able to heal the deep wounds and traumatic experiences sustained during the civil war and conflict. Thus, the challenge before us is to successfully breakout of the vicious cycle of violence and cynicisms and be able to redirect and rechannelize our energy, imagination into the constructive channels. Moreover, we have to prove the prophets of gloom and doom from within and outside wrong by being able to rise from the ashes like the mythical creature 'the Sphinx.' It is obviously a very difficult and dangerous task, indeed. Because, there does not exist any short cuts tablets, or capsules or magic wands which will help us to achieve our goal or mission automatically. But we are hopeful that through a visionary thinking, political will, leap of faith and hard work no goal or target should be difficult to achieve. Hence, all important stakeholders in the conflict, viz., the state, political parties, Maoists, civil society, international donors and, above all the Nepali people should ensure that: ◆ The past mistakes like squabbling among political parties for power and position, as well as the bad governance and neglect of people are not repeated; ◆ Democratic transition and consolidation process is smooth, consensual, participatory and inclusive act; ◆ Public opinion is built against any possible repetition of dehumanization, militarization and brutalization, tendencies by the state and Maoist both; ◆ The ceasefire and peace building process is properly monitored and guided by the civil society, media and other stakeholders; ◆ The perpetrators of human rights violations in the past are not allowed any impunity and immunity from being held accountable for their acts; ◆ Postconflict activities like reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction(RRR) is given the top priority by the government insurgents, donor community and civil society;

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◆ Civil society should act as vigilant watchdog facilitator, bridge builder and confidencebuilder during this most volatile and dangerous period of transition and transformation Let the ideals of peace, humanity and democracy prevail all over the world. Nepal in 10 Years from Conflict to Peace Process Presented by Ms. Shanti Adhikari

Nepal's suffering with Armed Conflict: Never Expected Nepal a small mountainous country with Natural beauty and diverse culture, a land of universal peace ambassador lord Budhha had suffered with a ten years long armed conflict. The peoples' movement in 1990 was successful to establish multiparty democracy jumping from the Panchayat autocracy with direct governing by King. The Nepalese constitution of 1990 have been recognized as one of the best constitution around the world, however it was not able to address the diversity of culture, geological and other major problems that is created by orthodox stereotype social hierarchy. The problem of discriminations, inaccessibility to the power and the gaps among poor and rich, urban and rural community ultimately fostering feudal social hierarchy was sufficient to induce people for the involvement into armed struggle for achieving their rights, respect, dignity and freedom. A group of then United Peoples' Front, who had participated once in parliamentary system with the objective to be critical towards the bourgeois parliament, finally decided to have armed struggle to establish a republican state that can address all the anomalies, perversions and gaps in then contemporary political crisis. The ash of armed struggle raised by the group on the Name of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) in a few years became a serious issue not only in Nepal rather in whole South Asia and Finally A buzz issue around the world. The struggle started from a remote western underdeveloped village of Nepal was successful to cover the whole nation even with presence in capital city, Kathmandu in later days. Major issues raised by CPN Maoist were quite need to be addressed and attractive on the initial days. The issues of cast discrimination, inclusive governance system, women empowerment, the destruction of orthodox feudal structure were quite positive aspect of 28

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the peoples' war they have raised and these are the same issues on which foundation they were successful to raise their movement. Though, Maoist claimed that the success to have nationwide coverage of peoples' war is merely because of their organizations' initiatives, efforts and the political vision they have presented. In fact it is also because of the peoples' increased level of awareness about their rights, freedom, dignity and the power they have gained in democratic period to challenge the feudal social structure. And this scenario is resulted through different social change interventions from government and non government sectors. Conflict is inevitable during the process of social change as every change challenge the stereotype concept. But when it comes about armed struggle in a society where there are three different groups: A group striving to change in a legitimate and peaceful way, a group striving to change with armed forces and a power center trying to resist the change on the power of military forces, the risk of counter result is higher than others. The ten years long armed conflict in Nepal swallowed up live of almost 12000 people, displaced more than two hundred thousand people from their home, the infrastructure worth billions of rupees had been destroyed, children could not attend schools, number of orphans, children worst form of labor and women involvement into commercial sex as well as labor migration significantly increased. The existing political system started to be defunct from local level finally at national parliament and ultimately starting King's direct rule in 2002 with serious autocracy from February 1st 2005. The armed conflict simply can be understood as follows: The armed conflict started in 1996 in Nepal was built on the foundation of discriminatory semi feudal social hierarchy, lead by a political party with victimizing common people and exploited by the autocratic King Gyanendra. Some Special Features of Armed Conflict in Nepal: The ten years lasting armed conflict in Nepal was unique in terms of it's nature and geopolitical reality. Some of the special features of this armed conflict are as follows: ◆ The conflict was a political conflict rather than just a communal or terrorism. ◆ The conflict was built on the foundation of discriminatory social hierarchy.

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◆ The increasing awareness, information flow among rural people due to the democratic system and civil societies' role on empowerment of people has played major role to make people struggling for their rights, dignity and freedom. ◆ The conflict in a very short period was successful to have a nationwide coverage. ◆ Initially appreciated by rural people and neglected by governance system has became in a short period national agenda and condemned by the people. ◆ The conflict starting from periphery has affected severely the center part of every district, zone and the nation itself. Because of it's special features, it was also necessary to have special approach to deal with for the peace process. The Peace Process It was ridicules for the government to underestimate the conflict in initial days with the term "Storm in the Tea Cup". As the conflict exploiting the economic, social and rights gaps have a nationwide coverage then it became a serious issue in Nepal. Thus every spheres of society started to advocate with government to start the peace process. Finally then Prime Minister Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala formed a study commission on Maoist Armed Conflict and Peace Process; though the report was not publicized it was a step towards peace process. Later on when Mr. Sher Bahadur Deuba was prime minister, finally a peace dialogue between government and the Maoist started. To be reminded that Mr. Sher Bahadur Deuba was the team leader on the study commission before. After few days the dialogue broke down, both party blame each other that they are not serious and obliged to peace process, both of them complained that they are trying to betray during the dialogue process. After Royal interference in 2002, Mr. Surya Bahadur Thapa became prime minister and the peace process resumed. But this time also without a result the peace process had broken. Problem was same as before. Not only that the situation worsened and finally King was successful to seize the peoples' power for autocracy in Nepalwhile there was a prime minister from political party and an alliance government of three major political parties of Nepal. The conflict nature was very complex in terms of Nepalese geopolitical and social context. The conflict can be presented as follows: 30

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The triangular conflict in Nepal was totally jeopardizing the lives of Nepalese people however some of the issues raised were beneficial for the people of Nepal. The proclamation in 1stFebruary 2006 pushed political parties extremely against monarchy and finally they get closed to the movement raised by moist. But still the political parties were very clear that they would not accept any armed struggle rather they would continue the peaceful movement. Increasing peoples' pressure, the negative consequences of ten years long armed conflict and the growing international demand for peace and conflict resolution and the convergence of political parties and Maoist on the issues of democratic republican Nepal through peaceful democratic process converted the triangular conflict into two party conflict: Democratic and Autocratic. The division was more explicit after 12 point agreement between seven political parties' alliance and Maoist and directed action with six point agreement among the same parties. The six point agreement gave a hope to the people for peace and democracy and dignity. Similarly the peaceful movement carrier political cadres' accessibility in rural area made people to be involved in peaceful movement for the change that is expected since long back ago. Finally the 19 days peaceful national strike and mass based peoples' movement was successful to reinstate the democratic political system on 24th April with Royal Acceptance of peoples' sovereignty and acceptance of seven political parties' alliance road map on peace process.

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Civil Societies', especially non governmental role during this process was highly significant and crucial to materialize what have been planned for peace process. The NGOs' role was significantly found on international level advocacy and creating international support and solidarity for peaceful movement, to bridge the contact between Maoist and Political Parties and to monitor the Human Rights situation during the peaceful movement. Similarly NGOs' role have become more crucial to aware the current all party government to remind the peace process road map that has been already agreed and the technical facilitation to move ahead on the steps. Similarly NGOs role during this period was highly significant to provide humanitarian aid for conflict victim, to highlight the negative impact of conflict and the right abuse incidents by conflicting parties.Such initiatives ultimately create a peoples' condemn toward conflict and pressure for peace process for both parties. Learning and Recommendations from Nepal Finally the ten years terrible armed conflict in Nepal is towards settlement and the green signal for peace is reopen here. In this last ten years on the one hand Nepal hasto loose so many things and on the other hand learnt a lot on the peace process as well. These learning might be useful for other countries and society as well to start peace initiatives. The learning is as follows: ◆ Before moving ahead we should understand the conflict scenario, it's issues, causes and future perspectives. ◆ Reduce the number of conflicting parties. For this like minded parties can be allied. We should consider following non negotiable condition while trying to allied different parties: Peoples' Sovereignty, Dignity and Freedom Value Peaceful movement Democratic norms and values Universally accepted Peoples' Human Rights ◆ Should develop a concrete vision and plan in post conflict period considering the conflict victim, reconstruction of infrastructure ◆ There should be a signed code of conduct among conflicting parties during peace process. ◆ There should be strong, neutral and active monitoring of the code of conduct and peace process. 32

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◆ Social conflict is inevitable during the change process, but should have peace education so that the conflicting groups can reconcile themselves in future. ◆ NGOs role should be clearly defined specially for monitoring, reminding peace process, peoples' agenda and ensuring Humanitarian Aid. ◆ Civil societies should play significant role not only during the conflict period rather their role are highly valued in post conflict situation.

Three Southern Border Provinces : Globalization Violence Victim Presented by Ahmad Somboon Bualuang Background Three Southern border provinces of Thailand are the provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat. They are different from other parts of Thailand in many aspects as follows: Geography and Territory These three provinces are located at the boundary with 500 kilometers border length of Kelantan and Kedah, northern states of Malaysia. Sankalakiri Mountain and rivers such as Sungai Golok form their boundary. Historical Background It is believed that in the age of ancient times up to the age of HinduismBrahmanism, people in this area were under control of the state of Langkasuka. They had their own tradition, believes, ways of life and Melayu language. Political Change 33

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Three southern border provinces and part of Songkhla province were once under the suzerainty of the Islamic City State of Patani Darussalam in 15001876. These provinces were fully incorporated into the Thai state. They were divided into three provinces by the central government in Bangkok since 1909. In the past, this area recognized in Melayu World was wellknown in shipping trade and center of Islamic studies. Even though these have not much remained at present,local people still have ties with their religion, language, culture and race. Politics cannot separate them from the Melayu World. As a result, more than 80% of people are strong in protecting their identity. Social Mobilization Although people belief has been changed from HinduismBrahmanismto Islam, their structure of language and Melayu culture remain intact. They spread throughout Southeast Asia and remain their identity up to present. Root of Conflict Since 1876, the Islamic City State of Patani Darussalam lost its administrative power. The administration in the area was changed according to national security of the central government. The Thai government under the militant ultranationalist regime of Field Marshal Phibun Songkram adopted cultural assimilation of minority groups with the proclamation of Ratthaniyom (nationalism) policy and renamed Kingdom of Siam to Thailand in 1947. The requirement of Ratthaniyom policy stated that ethnic minority including the MelayuMuslims in the southern border provinces should be designated simply as 'Thais'. The government disseminated the dominant culture mainly through the Thai, national language, to integrate the minority groups into the dominant Thai culture. Here, we must clear to the fact that Thailand is a predominantly Buddhist country. Therefore, its policy based on Buddhism, which was not congenial to harmonious living in a plural society. Since then, culture, language, religion, belief and way of life of the MelayuMuslims in the threedominated provinces were invaded through national policy of the Thai government in Bangkok. The government kept violating local people and did not pay attention to develop the region. In addition, the government changed educational system of Melayu education. Nonlocal government officials handled administration of the southern border provinces. Muslims form a majority (more than 80%) of the population but they were appointed as 34

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government officials only 20%. Most of Thai government officials (80%) were from outside the area. Their culture, religion and language were different from the Muslims. This created misunderstanding between the government and local people. The controlling central state did try to establish mutual understanding and solve problem in the region but it was very slow. Conflict and violence have happened in the past 50 years. The government views conflict situation in the south as separatism due to different belief, religion, language, tradition and same race with neighboring Malaysia. It is problem of conflict. After the September 11, 2001 event, the southern border provinces are one of main targeted of invasion of the New World Order in Asia due to majority are Muslims, who strongly believe in their religion and many further higher education in MiddleEast countries, Indonesia and Pakistan. Unfortunately, after graduation, their degree is not recognized by standard of the Thai education. Most of them majored in Islam because of limitation of quota for foreign students in overseas affects the Muslim students from the south of Thailand. They have no choice to study in other field, except Islamic religion. Furthermore, education system in Thailand is not consistent with Melayu education and tuition fee for other subjects is quite expensive, compared to Islamic subjects. These limit the Melayu students in the south. The Thai government does not pay special attention to improve and solve this problem. The religious graduates are wellrespected from local people. They are encouraged to be instructors in education institute of pondok(religious learning institute and boarding school) and Islamic private school. They also are appointed to spiritual leaders in the Muslim society, for example, Imam (religious leader), Tok Guru (religious scholar), etc. The Muslims are bound with community way. This leads the Muslim society in the three southern border provinces are strong and sustained. All factors mentioned above are always questioned by the National Intelligence Agency and the security office. It creates worriness, fear, untrustworthiness among the local people and the government officials. This raises and causes accusation to the Muslims. As a result, conflict problem in the region would not be resolved. From Past to Present: the Conflict Remains Intact The security situation in the Southern Thailand has been deteriorating when the January 4, 2004 wellorganized attack on the military camp in Narathiwat, where some 400 weapons were taken and four soldiers murdered. Consequently, the government proclaimed martial law and more than 10,000 soldiers were sent to the Muslimmajority 35

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provinces to fight with militants. It created atmosphere of misunderstanding between the government officials and the local people. Originally, the army views the Muslims as separatist bandits or the Muslim secessionist groups. They have never thought that the southern conflict derived from other factors than separatists, who cause problems to the Thai society. The January 4, 2004 event affected the Muslims, particularly the Muslim leaders, spiritual leaders, religious leaders, Islamic teachers, the Muslim students in the region. They were questioned by the army. Moreover, the soldiers searched their house when suspiciousness. Martial law has empowered the soldiers. Therefore, they have the right to search suspected pondok or house. The government has been solvingthe southern problem by referring to law. It has no public participation process for the Muslims to solve the conflict. Many are suspected, in charge and forcedto be scapegoat. Many people were shot, kidnapped and disappeared during the ongoing conflicts. Many clashes and fights challenge the government. In the past 10 years(19932003), violence occurred 748 times (the provinces of Songkhla and Satun included), average 68 times per year. In 20042005, there were 3,546 times, more than 1,765 wounded, 1,175 died. It has been increasing 26 times the amount and most serious in the last 10 years. Who Creates Violence? There are many factors cause the conflict and violence in the south. It can be listed below: The Government The government understands problems in the wrong way and makes mistakes in planning policy. Thus, it regulates unjust problem by solving the strategy regarding education, economy and society for long times. The Proclamation of Emergency Decree The emergency decree is important issue to raising violence. It violates human right and urges the revenge between the government and militants. The Government Officials

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The ones working in the region, do not try to understand multicultural and diversity of human being. They have bias toward the Muslims and create more problem than develop the area. Interest The New World Order empowers the powerful countries to regulate rules for the Thai government to follow their needs. They dominate and take advantage public interest, i.e. national resources, international trade, free market and production monopoly. In the three Muslimdominated provinces, which form 500 kilometers border length of Malaysia, are places where many illegal trade, drug abuse and trafficking. This creates more chance for the ones to corrupt in the government system. It seems many corruptions in the government agency occur. Local People The people are the victims of violence. They can be both problem makers and losers. That is the majority of population in the area are MelayuMuslims, who create their own community according to religious guidance from generations to generations. This raises questions and suspect among the government officials. Mass Media The media intensifies the bad situation in the south. It create the conflicts between the local people and the Thai people in other part of the country. Meanwhile, some medias have created better understanding to the Muslims in the three provinces. This was opposed by the government affecting the conflict and violence in the south. Injustice Process of charging, by arresting suspects and sending them to jail before searching for evidence and witness. Investigation process does not differ much. They accuse and do not open an opportunity for suspects to bail. This is the part of the conflict. Above factors are the parts of directs and indirect conflict. When examining main issue of all the factors, it can be divided into many parts but skipped here. Social Unity and Diversity Unity and diversity are main factors to build strong community. The Muslim society has unique and solidarity. It cannot be found this kind of society in the country. The people are ready to cooperate in social creation process but the government gradually 37

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responds them. They are distrusted. Therefore, there is less chance for them to join in problem solving process. The government proclaims the Order of the Prime Minister Office No.187/2003 pertaining to policy of conflict solving by peaceful means, signed by the Prime Minister Thaksin Shinnawatra. Unfortunately, it does not function because the government has been using violence instead. Peaceful Means Process It is the attempts of nongovernment agencies(NGOs) and the state agency that understand reality of local people in the region. They organize activities and create network in local community, according to their organization nature. For example, small fishery organization, which fight to administer and manage marine resources; women organization remedies family's victims by creating an atmosphere of better feeling than vengeance or revenge. In addition, other organizations also usepeaceful path to reconcile and help local people in many ways. They are the Minister of Justice, National Human Right Commission, Lawyer Council of Thailand, Asia Foundation, Nonviolence Strategic Institute, National Security Council, academic institutes, religious institutes and so on. However, the peaceful means process seems to face an obstacle because local people are afraid of the emergency decree. This makes implementation of nonviolence means slowly and far away from use of violence. Conclusion and Suggestion There are some paths to resolve the southern conflict. That is to give special administration zone as in Bangkok, Pattaya and Chiang Mai. It stipulates in the Constitution of the Thai Kingdom. Development of local administration is necessary to cooperate with government and nongovernment agencies to sustain people's politics. We have to campaign for democracy. Money pay for elections, particularly in local politics have to destroyed. When people's politics is strong and the people understand democratic process. Finally, they win and the people are able to formulate and form society in each community that benefit to the country.

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Presented by Worawit Baru 1. Historical Background The word Pattanirefers to the area of Pattani province or identified by the Thai government according to the provincial system of administration introduced in 1953, while Pattani or Patani refers to a particular area at one time under Malay government control. It then included the area of Pattani, Yala Narathiwat and some parts of Songkhla province. At a certain period, it also included Kelantan and Trengganu: the two northern states of presentday Malaysia. Pattani evidently existed before it wasw governed by Melaka which started at the beginning of the 15th century. At that time, Pattani was a very important trading port on the Malay Penisula. The Pattani government ruled an area of 5,446 square miles, including Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, Chana and Thepa. Patani was so wealthy that it tempted many other powerful states to invade it. In 1605, the Johor government suggested that the Dutch, who had invaded Melaka, should attack Patani and incorporate it into the state of Johor (Suara Siswa 1970:47). Before the 15th century, Patani was known as Langkasuka. Many historians and historical researchers agree that Langkasuka was located on the eastern coast of the Malay Penisula between Kelantan and Songkhla. Its capital was in the present Pattani province (Chirawat 1968:8, and Seynee 1974: 1228). Langkasuka was among the first Malayu governments which achieved civilization and wealth on the Malay Penisula. Langkasuka is not recored in Thai historical documents, but it was recored by many other historians who mention that Langkasuka was established in the first century, between 80 and 100 A.D. (Sheppard 1972: 5, in: A. Bangnara 1980: 23). Brahmanism entered Patani in 200 A.D.; then, Srivijaya's power spread over Patani together with the spread of the Malay language and of Buddhism (A. Bangnara 1980: 4). In 1603, King Naresuan, the great emperor of Ayutthaya Zthe contemporary of the reign of Raja Hijau of Patani) launched the first Siamese attact against Patani. Patani was supported, bot materially and morally by foreigners who were in Pattanithen, especially the Portuguese and Dutch. This time the Ayutthayan army was defeated by Patani (Worawit 1950: 5). After the failure of the first attack against Patani, there was always the rumour of another attack from Siam. In 1630 Raja Ungu attacked Phatthalung and Nakhon Si Thammarat before facing the second attack from Ayutthaya. Phatthalung, Nakhon Si

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Thammarat and songkhla had usually been used as Ayutthaya's army bases when attacking Patani (Saroop 1986: 96). The second attack by Ayutthaya on Patani took place when King Prasat Thong sent this army to Patani in 1632. Coincidentally, at that time the Prince of Johor, together with his 3,000 soldiers, were in Patani to attend the wedding ceremony between Princess Kuning and the Prince of Johor. Patani soldiers and the soldiers of Johor succeeded in defending Patani from that attack of Ayutthaya. The Ayutthayan army went back to Ayutthaya with a second failure. In 1786, during the reign of Sultan Muhammad, at the beginning of the Rattanakosin Period, Siam launched another attack against Patani, with a well prepared army led by Phraya Kalahom Rajasena. This time Patani was unable to protect its sovereignty, and it has been under the suzerainty of Siam ever since. Siam chose Tengku Lamiddin, a raja of Malay race, to be the new raja of Patani. Later, in 1791, Tengku Lamiddin rebelled against Siam. The Patani army attacked Songkhla, and Songkhla was defeated by Patani. The governor of Songkhla fled to Phatthalung. He asked some soldiers from Nakhon Si Thammarat and Bangkok to help him fight against Patani. Patani was defeated by the Siamese army, and Tengku Lamiddin was captured and taken to Bangkok. A number of Patani people were taken to Bangkok as captives, and Siam moved about 300 Siamese supervisor. There were often clashes on political issues between them (Worawit, 1990: 9). In 1809, during the reign of King Rama I, Datu Pengkalan expelled the Siamese from Patani. This caused another war between Siam and Patani. And again Patani was defeated, and a number of Patani people were taken to Bangkok. After the rebellion of Datu Pengkalan, Siam chose Palat Chana of Songkhla as governor of Patani. Palat Chana was the first Siamese ruler of Patani. Siam moved 500 Siamese families into Patani according to the "Assimilation Policy" of King RAma I (Chureerat, 1987: 55) After the death of Palat Chana, his brother, Nai Pai, became the new governor of Patani. The relationship between the Siamese ruler and the ruled Patani people was tense. Thus King Rama II decided to use a "Divide and Rule" policy to weaken the power of Patani (Nanthawa Phusawan 1978: 4; and Chureerat 1987: 5556). In 1816, Patani was divided into 7 provincial sections: Pattani, Nong Chik, Yaring, Saiburi, Yala (Jala), Raman and Rangae. Each of these administrative units had Malay rulers appointed by Siam, except Yaring which was ruled by a Siamese. In 1906, during the reign of King Rama V, the precinct of Patani with 7 pronincial sections was reduced to four as follows: 1. Jala and raman became Yala; 40

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2. Pattani, Nong Chik and Yaring became Pattani; 3. Saiburi; 4. Rangae becae Bangnara. On 19 May 1961 the Thai system of provincial administration changed again: the four pronicial sections of Pattani were changed into cangwat. Thus, those provincial sections continued to exist on as Cangwat Pattani, Cangwat Yala, Cangwat Narathiwat, and Cangwat Saiburi. After the transformation from absolute Monarchy to Democracy in 1932, Saiburi which used to be a cangwat was incorporated as an amphoe (district) into Cangwat Pattani (Nanthawan 1978: 9). 2. SocioCultural Background 2.1 Population Structure The majority of the population in the three southern border provinces of Thailand is Muslim. The overall figure of the Muslim population in three provinces decreased to 79.80% by the end of 2004. Most of the Muslim people in the Southern border provinces use the Malay language in their daily lives. They call themselves Melayu people. The word Melayu, the them, refers not just to their race and their language, but also to Islam and their Melayu culture. Melayu People (orange Melayu) referes to the people who speak Malay, belived in Islam, and live within Malay Culture. On the contary, the Melayu people call those Thai who believe in Buddhism siye. Thus Siamese includes the meaning of someone believing in Buddhism. 2.2 Religion According to d'Eredia's diary written in 1618, islam spread in Patani already in the 10thcentury. The Islamization of Patani has been recorded in the history of Kelantan saying that in 1150 there was a Muslim missionary from Patani who went to spread Islam in Kelantan. This shows that Islam entered Patani two centuries before it reached Melaka, and about a century before the reign of King Ramkhamhaeng, Islam was greatly welcomed by the people of Patani, then, about 300 years later, in 1457, the royal families of Patani converted to Islam (A. Bangnara 1980: 11). Historically, Patani was an important Islamic centre of the Malay Peninsula and it used to be called the "Cradle of Islam" (Surin 1982: 34) in Southeast Asia. Pattani produced a number of Islamic intellectuals. A large number of Islamic books were written in the 41

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Malay and Arabic languages by those Islamic intellectuals. Many of them were published and sold in Malaysia and Singapore, and were widely used all over the Malay Peninsula. In general, all the pople of the Melayu ethnic group in Patani are Muslims, and almost all of them belong to the Sunni Path which is a branch of Islam widely practiced all over the Malay Peninsula. 2.3 Education 2.3.1 Pondok Pondok, here, refers to a traditional private Islamic school which provide purely Islamic knowledge to students, run by gurus, Islamic teachers. This educational institution is purely religious. There is no time limitation, no educational fee and no certificate. The general objective of such an education is to enable students to practice their relition correctly. One who wishes to become a guru will continue his studies until he reaches a satisfactory leve recognized by his guru or his community. A pondokis an influential religious institution inside Muslim society: it is the centre of religion (Islam), culture and conservatism which leads to the world of Malay culture in this region. To the government, the pondok institution appears to be negative, because it is considered to be an obstruction to its "Assimilation Policy". In the opinion of the Commission on National Stability of Thailand, every minority group must have Thai identity despite their different religions and cultures. The commission has a negative attitude towards the pondok: it claims that a pondok establishes Melayuness ratherthan supporting the assimilation policy. The government does not want to preserve the pondok, so it aims to destroy the pondok system (Surin, 1982: 33). 2.3.2 Islamic Private Schools Islamic private schools provide both Islamic as well as general academic knowledge. Most Islamic private schools are derived from pondok. On the whole, to Patani Muslims, general academic subjects are collectively referred to as knowledge (the knowledge of the Siamese). Whereas Islamic subjects may be referred to as knowledge which literally means "religious" knowledge, "Arabic" knowledge, and "Malayu" knowledge respectively. For students in the general academic stream this kind in school provides certificates of level "Matthayomsuksa 3" and, for some schools level "Matthayomsuksa 6". General academic subjects are usually taught in the afternoon using Thai language as the medium of instruction. On the other hand, the Islamic stream provides certificates at the 42

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level of Ibtidai, Mutawassitah and Sanawi which are equivalent to grade 3, 6 and 10. in the morning, Islamic subjects are usually taught in Malay language. Islamic subjects are usually obligatory for students of Islamic private schools, but they may or may not study siyesubjects. Most of the Muslim parents in Pattani tend to send their children to Islamic private schools rather than to general secondary schools. This is because they think that their children will learn both general academic knowledge which is useful for their daily lives, and Islamic knowledge which is necessary for Muslims in order to practice their religion well. However, it is noticeable that the standard of general academic knowledge of students from Islamic private schools is a little bit lower when compared with the standard of students from government general secondary schools. 2.3.3 General Education General education here refers to education in the form of the general school system run by the government or private concerns. This system of education may be divided into 4 levels: A. Preschool Level B. Primary School Level C. Secondary School Level D. University 3. The Conflict of Islamic Culture NonIslamic Culture After Paatani fell under the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Siam, the Thai government managed the ruling system of Patani. However, concerning culture and sentiments, the population of Patani is still attached to Islamic principles and Malay culture. On the bases of religious believes or way of life, Patani culture can be divided into three forms corresponding to three distinct periods: 1. The age of Langkasukawhose culture was based on Brahman Hinduism which was influenced by India. 2. The age of the Kingdom of Srivijaya, whose culture was based on Buddhism which was also influenced by India. 3. The age of the Kingdom of Patani which, after the Islamization of the rajas, became an Islamic state whose culture was based on Islam. However, the influences of Brahmanism, Hinduism and Buddhism did not totally disappear. Some rites of these religions still remain and are practiced unconsciously, 43

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without knowing the sources or origins of the aspect of the culture. On the contrary, these traditions are even considered as being part of Islamic culture. When the Kingdom of Patani was divided into the provinces of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, and some parts of Songkhla province as they are at present, the main traditions of the people in this region were based on Islamic and Malay culture. There are some traditions influenced by Brahman, Hindu and Buddhist rites which are still practiced by the people, for example house building, the beach worshipping tradition, and the paddy's spirit worshipping tradition. 3.1 Islamic Culture Islamic culture refers to the way of life or pattern of behaviour, including any innovations, which are based on the AlQuran and the Sunnah of the Prophet Mohammad. Islamic culture is a very strong cultures because it has the two following important sources: 1. AlQuran The Holy Book for Muslims; 2. Sunnah The teaching ethics behaviour and precedence of Muhammad Since Islamic culture possesses these two important sources, it has not changed according to the social values of the society. Muslim society may beconsidered a closedsociety for the reason that Islam has set up a framework for every aspect of the Muslim way of life. 3.2 Patani Malay and Islamic Culture The people of the four southern border provinces or the former kingdom of Patani are adapting to each other. The Melayu people differ from the Thai majority in five aspects: race, ethnicity, religion, language, tradition, and culture. However, this group of people is only the minority under the powerful majority. The following points deal with the relation between Islamic culture, Muslim Malays and the Thai majority in southern Thailand. 3.2.1 Race and Ethnicity The Muslim of the four southern border provinces call themselves Melayupeople which refers not only to their race and ethnicity but also to other people who believe in Islam as they do, while the Thai majority calls them khaek(guest, visitor). Race, ethnicity, and religion of the people in that region differ from those of the Thai. 44

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Although, later, Patani was included as a part of Thailand, Thai people still call Muslim Malays khak. On the other hand, Patani people like to call themselves Melayu (not Malaysians) and still stick to Malay culture of which the centre is in the south of the Malay Peninsula. In 1949, the Thai government began to abolish the word khake and Melayu, and at the same time the word Thai Islam and Thai Muslim are used as a substitute for the designation of the inhabitants of these provinces. 3.2.2 Religion The concepts of being khakein the opinion of the minority are: first, being Muslim, and second, having different facial appearance from the Thai majority. Therefore, the word Melayurefers to race, ethnicity and Islam altogether, while Thai or Siam refers to the Buddhist population. For this reason converting to Islam is conceived by Patani Malays as converting to Melayu nationality. It may be conducted that being khaek and Melayu refers to any people believing in Islam. 3.2.3 Language Melayunot only refers to Patani Malays who believe in Islam, but also to the language they use in their daily communication. To Malays, Malay language and Islam are almost the same thing. While the Roman alphabet is widely used in writing the Malay language in Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei, Patani Malay people still use the Jawi alphabet which derives from the Arabic alphabet. Patani Malays received Islam through the Malay language. Therefore, studying Islam is called studying Melayu by Patani Malays. The status of the Malay language is the higher language" at the regional level, while Thai language is "the dominant language" at the national level. Peacebuilding in Southeast Asia: Overview, Observations, and the Way Forward Presented by Kamarulzaman Askandar Introduction: Peacebuilding and Peacemaking It is my pleasure to be here talking to you about the subject matter of peacebuilding in Southeast Asia. Before I start I would like to thank the organizer of this meeting, the May 18 Memorial Foundation of South Korea, for the kind invitation to present on this topic. Peacebuilding is important because we live in a world where peace is still considered a luxury. There are still many unresolved conflicts in the world. Southeast Asia is no 45

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exception. There are many lessons that we can learn from peacebuilding activities, not only in Southeast Asia but from other parts of the world where this activity is being done. This presentation will look at some of the observations that can be made about this activity and how we can move forward. The lessons will mostly be learnt from peacebuilding activities especially done by civil society organizations in Aceh and Mindanao, which will be highlighted as examples. Civil society includes all sectors involved nongovernmental organizations of various focuses i.e. human rights, humanitarian, livelihood, etc; academic and scholarly groups; community leaders; religious leaders of various faiths; student organizations; as well as victim groups etc. Peacebuilding is something that does not stand alone. It is part and parcel of the process of "making" peace. If peacemaking is the act of "resolving" or "settling" conflict situations, then peacebuilding contributes to peacemaking by helping build the basic foundation that is needed to bring peoples and groups in conflict together. It helps the conflict resolution process, and this process helps peacebuilding back in return. There cannot be conflict resolution without peacebuilding efforts, and likewise we cannot build sustainable, long term peace without the conflicts being resolved, or at least attempt to resolve it. There have been many situations where conflict resolution has failed because the foundation necessary for peace which could be provided by the peacebuilding process has not been properly laid out. To be a peacebuilder, one must be a conflict resolver too. One must know what one is doing there in the first place. What is the agenda? What are the objectives? One must understand how a conflict resolution process evolves and what are the pitfalls and challenges ahead. One must know how to "map out" and analyse a conflict situation, know the background, identify the problems, as well as all the actors. Building and maintaining trust with the stakeholders is important and part of building the foundation. Lastly, in this kind of work, one must also know how to negotiate and mediate. You'll never know when this will come in handy. And more likely than not, one will have the chance to practice this skill. These are all skills that a peacebuilder must have. It is not enough just to have good intentions, like many of us do there must also be an abundance of knowledge, skill, and attitude. Peacebuilding and Conflict Situations There are universal elements and problems of conflict situations that can be observed everywhere, which must be understood for peacebuilding to be effective. The following

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observations about conflict situations stress the importance of understanding these elements for peacebuilding. Firstly, it has been generally observed that the majority of armed conflicts are in the developing world. This present a double jeopardy scenario for most of these places where they are expected to go through the process of nation building and developing the country, while at the same time solving conflicts which have mostly their roots in the nation's history or at least the period prior to independence for most of them. Two issues have also contributed to this problem development and democratization. Economic development (or lack of it) has been cited as a major problem. Conflict areas are usually the poorest areas in the country. Poverty is usually rife and the divide between the haves and havenots is usually substantial. As for democratization, it can be observed that many of these countries are going through a transitional stage where democracy is a goal but understanding, attaining, and implementing it has presented problems for the countries. Even when democratic institutions have been successfully built, implementation of policies continue to be a problem, and numerous governance issues like equality, transparency, and corruption continue to plague the country, resulting either in a rejection of the state or the questioning of legitimacy, and in many cases increasing the intensity of the conflicts. The second general observation is that most of these conflicts are of the intrastate type, meaning that they are within the boundaries of these states. Many of them however, have been internationalized due to the nature of the conflicts, "outside"interests, and internationalization by one or more of the conflict parties to get international attention and support. Many of these conflicts have also been known to cause regional instability, for a number of reasons. One is the fact that in a small area like Southeast Asia for example, there are interconnectedness between some of the groups in the sense that the groups fighting a rebellion usually have kin groups across the border in a neighbouring country that have been known to help the cause directly or indirectly. These support groups have been known at times to prolong and escalate the conflict. We also see the flow of not only people but also money, and in some cases weapons, as branches sprouted where the displaced peoples settled and there continued a feeling of the need to help the struggles back home. We see parties moving across borders to escape the war in the homeland and inhabiting neighbouring countries as refugees, displaced peoples, or other types of immigrants, causing in many cases, problems with the local communities and strained relations between governments of the countries involved. It can also be observed that many of these conflicts are more related to communal and intercommunal conflicts. Cohesion and identity tend to form within narrow lines and 47

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demands are usually made along these lines, hardening positions and making resolution even more difficult. There also tend to be factionalization and diffusion of power, making it difficult sometimes to determine who are the actual leaders, as well as causing difficulty in assessing the ability of leaders to control actions of their followers. These conflicts tend to be "protracted" and "intractable", and we have to be ready for long drawn battles both on the fighting grounds as well as at the negotiation tables. Victims in this type of conflict tend to experience deep longterm fear and have direct experiences of violence. They are usually vulnerable and are easily manipulated by the major contenders, despite themselves being stakeholders to the conflict situations. Lastly, it is well known that in these conflicts, formal, governmental, and international mechanisms are limited. Governments, in many cases are parties to the conflicts with their own sets of interests. International intervention at peacemaking is largely frowned upon except in cases where the governments feel that it is to their own interests to invite third party intervention from outside. Even then the scope is usually quite limited in terms of mandate and time (and numbers if the action involves peacekeeping operations). This is why peacebuilding is needed, especially peacebuilding involving local civil society organizations. And this is also why peacebuilding needs to involve also tracks two and three, apart from the formal first track. Hence the challenges for peacebuilding: it needs to address conflict situations as they are presented today. It needs to take into account the "protractedness" of conflicts and develop a comprehensive, multifaceted strategy for ending violence and achieving and sustaining reconciliation. It needs to acknowledge that protracted armed conflict is a system that must be transformed by taking a comprehensive approach to the people who operate it and the setting in which it is rooted. It needs innovative ways to transform international culture based on poorly developed mechanisms with commitment to arms production and accepts availability of weapons as legal and legitimate. It also needs to help in the process of conflict resolution by building and sustaining the foundation for peace building trust where none existed; and provide the incentives to prevent newly emerging minor armed conflicts from becoming full scale wars. Peacebuilding also heavily relies on reconciliation of conflicting parties. It involves the human dimensions of conflicts. In many cases the conflicting groups live in close proximity of each other, and in many instances within even the same neighbourhood. The victims usually have direct experiences of violent trauma which is associated with the perceived enemies, and tied to a history of grievances and enmity over generations. Severe stereotyping is evident and the conflicts are characterized by deeprooted, and 48

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intense animosity of the perceived enemy. As such, reconciliation is needed as a way out of the status quo moving away from the issues towards a frame that focuses on the restoration and the rebuilding of relationships. Reconciliation helps promotes encounter between open expression of the painful past and a search for articulation of longterm shared and interdependent future. It provides place for truth & mercy to meet. It is concerned with exposing what happened but at the same time letting go in favour of renewed relationship. Lastly, it recognizes the need to give time and place to justice and peace. These are all activities that civil society organizations can do in peacebuilding activities. We will go now to some of the general strategies of peacebuilding. General Strategies of Peacebuilding First of all, a general "peace inventory" needs to be developed. This can be done as part of the conflict mapping exercise, but it should also entails a more careful look at the "peace" side of the conflict analysis, focusing on the management and resolution of the conflict situation. For example, we need to know who is doing what kind of peace activities, where, and to what degrees of successes or failures. This can be done by doing data gathering, joint research which involves the stakeholders, or by convening a conference (a peace conference or peace "donors" conference) with contributions by all those that have been working on this issue. Then we need to create better channels and coordination, both "vertically" and "horizontally". Trust needs to be established and built upon, information needs to be relayed and shared, and activities need to be coordinated. Many a time we have seen problems of communication and coordination, not only between the parties but also involving the donors and peace "builders". Secondly, strategic resource groups are very important for peacebuilding efforts. If they do not exist, they need to be created. These groups can involve a variety of focus areas like conflict resolution, relief and humanitarian activities, law, economy, development, peacebuilding itself, and postconflict reconstruction. They should at all levels involve the stakeholders including the civil society and representatives of the victims. Linkages must be made between internal and external groups to provide support where support is needed (at the very least moral or emotional support, but hopefully can also involve financial and other resources), and to advice on strategies and activities. These linkages can also contribute to advocacy for peace and to raise awareness at a higher level. The most important thing about these groups is that the roots must be local and must be generated from the soil of the conflict. Capacity building and empowerment of peacebuilders through education, training programs and 49

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so on are very important and must be planned for and implemented. Strategic planning which plans for short, intermediate, and long term programs must also be made. There must also be periodic evaluations of these programs and projects to ascertain their impacts, effectiveness, and continued suitability. Most likely many of them would have to be adapted as time goes by. We must also be on lookout for the availability of mechanisms that might help us or the creation of new ones when and if the needs arise. Basically, it involves asking questions about the issues and making plans to answer these questions, from the crisis period all the way to the future or generational period. Next we will go into the regional specificities of peacebuilding, focusing on the Southeast Asian region. There have been a multitude of peacebuilding activities involving both local and international partners. International peacebuilders have come in to the region through various programs, mostly developmental, humanitarian and relief in nature, but has also involved capacitybuilding, educational or academic, and advocacy type activities. They have also tended to focus on areas and issues of interest to them. The United Nations and its various agencies has been a popular umbrella for peacebuilding efforts. Two notable cases have been Cambodia and Timor Leste. Conflicts areas, where the conflict is still hot and ongoing, like Southern Philippines, Aceh, and southern Thailand have less involvement by this international body, although there are some agencies like the UNDP that have been involved in southern Philippines on a number of projects. It is for this reason that we need to stress the need for the involvement of peacebuilders, especially international ones but working together with local peacebuilders as well as the peacemakers, involved to create a sustainable peace. In general, peacebuilding activities in the region have been active although not really smooth sailing at times. Some major problems have been security issues, and sometimes the lack of willingness of the main parties to resolve the issues. This can be seen at various times in Aceh, Mindanao, and South Thailand. The second is when the parties involved are not sure of what they really want. Those that want to help might be getting mixed signals about the willingness to resolve. Facilitators and mediators, and even peacebuilders, might be fed with the wrong information or not enough information by the parties. Unsure demands always make it difficult for the third party to figure out the real positions of the parties, and to work out a strategy that will help satisfy the interests and needs of the parties. They cannot really work to give something to the parties if that is not what the parties really want. For example, working on limited autonomy as a possible solution when what the party really wants is independence. 50

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The two problems above are further enhanced when you have a situation where there are intraparty dynamics at work which make it difficult to address the situation of who to work or deal with. Or that there are internal rifts within the parties and groups opposing the process may decide not to cooperate or even sabotage the process. All the cases clearly show this difficulty. In both Aceh and Mindanao, all parties had internal problems that affected the peace process. For example, there were rifts between the civilian authority (president) and the military leaderships on how to go about the process. This happened in both areas. This also happens to the other side. The MILF, despite being the largest group fighting in Mindanao, does not really represent all the Bangsamoro groups. There are others, such as the MNLF and the Abu Sayyaf group which have their own interests and agendas. The same with the GAM. It does not represent all the Acehnese. Even within GAM there are factions the local commanders leading the fight in Aceh, and exiled political leaders in Sweden and Malaysia. For Southern Thailand, it is even worse as the militant groups are very elusive and nobody seems to be coming out to claim responsibility for actions, as well as make demands known. For peacebuilders, this presents a major headache. For external peacebuilders, there is an added problem. Who among the local partner should be chosen as the local counterpart? Are they reliable and have the drive and commitment to sustain the activities? In many cases external organization have tended to choose big NGOs as their local partners without realizing that there are other smaller and "localized"ones that can do a better and more effective job. Intra group fighting and competition also adds to the problem. For example, in Mindanao, the major Moro groups have a history of clannishness, and sticking with their own groups like Maguindanao, Meranau, Tausug and so on. In some areas fighting between clans and families is not uncommon. Then is the question of timing or entry into the process. When is the conflict deemed right for intervention? This is a difficult question to decide given a number of factors including national interests and sovereignty; the practices of noninterference and nonintervention; past experiences with intervention and their successes or failures; the seriousness of the conflict; the level of violence; the level of human sufferings; and our "responsibility to protect". Do we wait for an invitation from the parties, or until the conflict has reached a "hurting stalemate", or even until human sufferings have reached an intolerable limit? (by the way, how do we measure the limit?). This also raises a very difficult issue of ethics. If this is difficult, so is the question of when to leave. Many times, there are no clear "exit plan" and the peacebuilding efforts have been affected because of this. The activities are simply not sustainable because the capacity building 51

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process is not completed or that peacebuilders, especially those from outside, have come in half heartedly and have decided to move on to other issues or areas. Other problems from the experience of Southeast Asia include possible excessive meddling on the part of external agencies, including peacebuilders and donors, who come in with their high expectations and a massive bureaucracy. For example, there have been numerous complains about donors wanting to set the agenda and demanding organizational changes before fund is released, as well as the common ones of having to waste their time writing reports after endless reports to satisfy the donors. Local partners are also always wary of the intentions of donors and external partners. For example, they have complained that at times they feel like they are being used by these partners, either as source of information, or for information gathering, or to test out new strategies before they are applied or implemented on the ground. It is common knowledge for them that external partners have their own agenda too and it depends on how both sets of agendas, their's and their partners' can be simultaneously achieved. Local sensitivities thus need to be taken into account. Peacebuilding efforts in Aceh and Mindanao have been going on for a long time. This is owing to the involvement of their civil society which have by and large, been quite strong, especially in Mindanao. The same cannot be said about Southern Thailand though. Peacebuilding activities in Mindanao have included many activities done at various levels by various groups, governmental and nongovernmental. Peacebuilding initiatives in Mindanao can be grouped in at least nine categories. They constitute : (1)peace movement and alliances, (2)peace education and research, (3)relief, rehabilitation reconstruction, and development, (4)truth commissions and investigative missions, (5)grassroots ceasefire monitoring, (6)peace journalism, (7)dialogue and consultations, (8)interfaith dialogue, and (9)arts and culture for peace advocacy. (Abubakar, 2005) (1) Peace movement and alliances: Various organizations, institutions, and groups have come together and formed alliances and networks aimed towards strengthening the peace advocacy and promoting the nonviolence agenda in Mindanao. These involves track 2 and track 3 stakeholders that include churchbased organizations, academic institutions, political groups, sectoral groups, nongovernment organizations and the grassroots community associations or groupings. Unique to Mindanao is its multidiverse constituency from various ethnolinguistic tribes. This consolidation of a peace movement is proudly defined as tripeople referring to the Christians, the IPs or lumads, and the Moros. The Mindanao peace movement is exemplified with the existence of the 52

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Mindanao Peaceweavers that is known as the "convergence of all networks and alliances." Another smaller but significant network is the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society which is also a member of the Mindanao Peaceweavers. (2) Peace education and research: Academic institutions like the Notre Dame University (Cotabato), the Mindanao State University (Marawi), and the Ateneo de Zamboanga (Zamboanga) have installed peace education and conflict studies courses in their programs. Other NGOs have also ventured in this field. (3) Relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development: Many of the NGOs contribute to this effort by providing food and shelter relief services to the IDPs. Rehabilitation and reconstruction of the conflict affected communities, and the general economic upliftment and development of these areas are also slowly addressed. Among the local NGOs and similar organizations, there are also Moroled organizations, namely, the United Youth for Peace and Development and the Bangsamoro Development Agency. (4) Truth commissions & investigative missions: When violence escalates and allegations on conflict parties lead to the deteriorating level of confidence of most conflict stakeholders, the formation of a truth commission and investigative missions by civil society groups become very important in setting the record straight and for exploring the truth. (5) Grassroots ceasefire monitoring and peacekeeping: The ongoing ceasefire between the AFP and the MILF forces is not lacking in occasional violations. This risk has mobilized civil society groups to form their own ceasefire monitoring and peace keeping missions. Besides CSOs, local community members in the conflict affected areas are also included ensuring a more immediate access to vital information on the conflict situation. Some of the more notable groups engaged in this activity are the Mindanao People's Caucus, known for its "Bantay Ceasefire" (literally meaning "ceasefire watch") program, and the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society with its "Task Force Kalilintad" (literally meaning "care for peace") program. (6) Dialogue and consultations: Conflict resolution is not limited to track 1 in Mindanao. This also occurs across the tracks 2 and 3 levels where the civil society is involved through the conduct of dialogues and consultations. The tripeople of Mindanao proactively engage each other and define their own differing and common interests, and generate ideas and solutions to the conflict issues which may be of help to the peace panels. Groups like the Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society, the leadership of the Indigenous People, and the Mindanao People's Caucus continue to engage each other in constructive discussions visàvis their position to the GRPMILF peace negotiations. 53

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(7) Interfaith dialogue: With religion and identity seen by some as factors of the conflict, there is clearly a need to be more educated of each other's religion, belief, and culture. Interfaith dialogues are particularly crucial because it opens more avenues for understanding, tolerance, and acceptance amongst peoples. Groups like Silsilah Foundation and the BishopsUlama Forum help bridge the divide and polarization on religion brought about by the conflict. (8) Peace journalism: Crucial to peacebuilding initiatives by CSOs is the success of "peace reporting"by media practitioners. Amidst the conflict situation, stories of peace efforts by individuals and groups effect greater confidence of the stakeholders on the peace process. Reversibly, the controversial slant on conflict situations reinforce conflict per se and constraints the advocacy for peace and nonviolence. In Mindanao, a group of journalists have decided to form themselves as an alternative media to promote fair reporting and peace advocacy. The result is the Mindanewswebsite taking the role of a mainstream news agency focusing on Mindanao. (9) Arts and culture for peace advocacy: Arts and culture are being used in peacebuilding in two ways: (1) it uses the indigenous arts and culture to effectively communicate to the peoples of Mindanao in advocating for peace (2) education on the indigenous arts and culture becomes a form of "educating for cultural diversity and acceptance"or what the UN declares educating for a "culture of peace". In Mindanao, local artists have suddenly become more prominent as they highlight peace, culture and identity issues in their work. Moro and IP arts and culture have broken grounds and paved their access to the mainstream arts and culture scene not just in Mindanao, but in Manila and in some exhibitions abroad. (Abubakar, 2005) In the context of Aceh, civil groups led and inspired by the students, NGOs, Ulama(religious leader), intellectuals, journalists and other concerned groups have from time to time voiced the values of peace, nonviolence and humanity. Their activities however have been hampered by the nature of the conflict and the continuing seriousness of clashes between the armed parties, the GoI and the GAM. Among peacebuilding activities carried out in Aceh include the raising of awareness and advocacy, especially nationally and internationally; lobbying and pressuring the Indonesian government and GAM to stop the violence; capacity building and education especially in promoting peace including peace education and peace studies; research and data gathering, especially about human rights abuses done by both warring parties; and legal and nonlegal advocacy for the victims of the conflict. Examples of civil society groups

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that are currently active in Aceh based on their primary focus areas include the following: (Kamarulzaman, 2005) ◆ Short term recovery (especially after the tsunami of 2004) People Crisis Center (PCC); Save Aceh (SEFA); Indonesia Menangis (Indonesia is crying) (Metro TV); Relawan Perempuan untuk Kemanusiaan (Women Volunteers for Humanities) ◆ Peacerelated activities Aceh Civil Society Task Force; Institute for Peace and Human Security Studies (Lakasspia); Program Pendidikan Damai Aceh (Aceh Peace Education Program); Aceh Working Group (an umbrella organization for NGOs focusing on peace for Aceh in Jakarta) ◆ Democracy and justice Forum Rakyat (People's Forum); Solidaritas Mahasiswa untuk Rakyat (SMUR) (Student solidarity movement for the people); Front Perlawanan Demokratik Rakyat Aceh (FPDRA) (Acehnese people democratic fight front); Sentral Informasi Referendum Aceh (SIRA) (Aceh referendum information central) ◆ Human rights Kontras; LBH Banda Aceh (Legal aid council of Banda Aceh); Koalisi NGO HAM Aceh (Coalition for Human Rights NGO); Yayasan Peduli HAM Aceh (Foundation for human rights concerns); Perhimpunan Pemantauan HAM (Human rights monitor assembly); Pos Bantuan Hukum dan HAM (Legal aid and human rights post) ◆ Education Muhammadiyah Aceh Yayasan Masyarakat Iqra Aceh Institute; various Dayahs (religious schools) ◆ Empowerment of women Flower; Kelompok Kerja Transformasi Gender (gender transformation working group); Mitra Perempuan Sejati (MISPI) ◆ Corruption and good governance Solidaritas Masyarakat Anti Korupsi (SAMAK) (Anti corruption solidarity group); Aceh Damai Tanpa Korupsi (ADTK) (peace for Aceh without corruption) ◆ Economic livelihood and income generating Suloh; Forum LSM Aceh; People's Crisis Center ◆ Ulama Himpunan ulama Dayah Aceh (HUDA) (Aceh Dayah ulama group); Majelis Permusyawaratan Ulama (MPU) (Ulama Council) ◆ Media Acehkita.com; Aceh Media Watch (Kamarulzaman, 2005) For Southern Thailand, the activities of the civil society have been less active compared to Aceh and Mindanao simply because of a general sense ofinsecurity. There are however initiatives made by national based organizations such as Asian Muslim 55

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Action Network (AMAN) and Forum Asia, as well locally based academic institutions like Prince of Songkhla University and the Yala Islamic College. There isalso a local media and information center that writes, in Thai, about the conflict from the local perspective and highlighting incidences that otherwise might not be covered by the national media Conclusions: Some Reflections and Recommendations for Peacebuilding in Southeast Asia There are still a number of conflict issues around the region that needs resolving. They are of different types and stages, but mostly of the intrastate nature. They tend to be protracted and highly volatile, thus the need for peacebuilding and the involvement of the civil society, including nongovernmental organizations. Examples of these intrastate conflicts are armed communist insurgencies in the Philippines, led by the New People's Army (NPA); the various selfdetermination type movements including in Southern Philippines, involving the government of the Philippines (GRP), the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF); the problem of the Abu Sayyaf group, an isolated rebel group with their own objectives the MalayMuslim selfdetermination movement in the Southern Thailand provinces of Narathiwat, Pattani, and Yala; in Aceh in northern Sumatra, Indonesia, led by Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or Free Aceh Movement (GAM); as well as in West Papua, Indonesia, led by the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (Free Papua Organization). There are also the problems of spillover from the independence of East Timor, especially refugee problems along the border between east and west Timor; communal conflicts invarious parts of Indonesia such as Maluku and Kalimantan; and finally the Muslim fundamentalist threats in Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore, allegedly under the auspices of the Jemaah Islamiah, based in Indonesia but with memberships throughout the region. The conflicts mentioned here are the more serious ones. There are other issues, less serious but with the potential to disrupt the peace in the region, like environmental issues, poverty, governance, human rights, and justice. As a way forward, we should focus on the following areas to improve peacebuilding in the region. Firstly, we must acknowledge peacebuilding as the foundation and an integral part of the conflict resolution process and of peacemaking. We need to look again at a number 56

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of things including the need to start peacebuilding process as soon as possible and not wait for conflict resolution and peacemaking to end before starting it. We must be proactive in our ways. There must be pressures put on the conflict parties to resolve the conflicts and peacebuilding can be the foundation for this. Peacebuilding takes a long time because it involves changing the mindset and attitude of the people, which includes the parties and other stakeholders such as the victims. The context could change but attitudes and behavior does not change as fast making peacebuilding necessary. Integral to this is building trust with the parties. If parties do not trust us, they will not allow us into the process. Trust builds over time and over a number of activities. These activities can either be "sponsoredactivities" or "jointactivities", depending on the nature of the conflict situations and relations between the parties involved. Secondly, and closely connected to the first one, is the need to balance between internal and external interests, and to be sensitive to local ways of doing things. Each one of us has our own agendas and objectives. The challenge is to find meeting points for these agendas. Where they meet, focus should be enhanced and activities intensified. We need to be aware that especially in Southeast Asia, the parties, including those we are trying to help tend to be very suspicious and independent minded in many ways. Thirdly, and following form the second point, the inclusion of all in any type and level of decision making is very important. Everybody needs to feel that they are part of the solution and not merely spectators, or even worse, only part of the problem. Capacity building for the stakeholders, especially for members of the civil society involve in peacebuilding activities is important. Fourth, that peace and justice are both important in the region. Justice is as important as peace (if not more) especially since too much has been lost and too much is at stake. To many people in conflict situations, justice is important, if not peace would not come. The same goes for the question of peace and development. Some conflict groups, especially those fighting for self determination have argued that they fight out of duty; not to get development or material wealth but for peace and justice. To them the important issues are identity, sovereignty, and justice. Fifthly, there are also different schools of thought regarding institutions and institutionbuilding as part of the peacebuilding process. For some, the stronger the institution is, the more functional the process would be, while others think that one should start by empowering the people so that they can participate in nationbuilding. In Aceh, formal institution for peacebuilding is weak and there is also a continuous need for capacity building as well. In Mindanao, they are both stronger but the process has been hampered by lack of coordination and the perceived insincerity of the parties. 57

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Lastly, the question of reform political, institutional, social and economic reforms. To many peacebuilders, this is a necessary outcome of peacebuilding efforts. Such reforms will put in place the foundation to sustain peace in the long term and prevent a recurrence of war and conflict. They are still sorely lacking in the region and must be enhanced. Finally, some specific recommendations on future programs and activities for peacebuilding in Southeast Asia can be made. 1. Capacity building for members of the civil society. Organising trainings in conflict resolution and peace advocacy. 2. Creating "peace studies"centers throughout the region. Joint collaborative work between these centers. Creating a group or network of likeminded scholars and practitioners, and providing them with a platform to exchange ideas. A network of peacebuilders. 3. Promoting peace education and creating peace education programs. 4. Enhancing research on conflict issues, their causes, and conditions for their resolution. 5. Bringing forward local and indigenous ways of conflict management and resolution. 6. Do "conflictimpact assessments"projects in conflict areas to ascertain what the impact of the conflicts has been on the people themselves. And what do they really want. 7. Organizing dialogues between the conflict parties. Especially the second and third level officials. "Problem solving workshops". 8. Organizing "scenariobuilding"workshops for second and third level members of the conflict parties and the civil society. Imagining of the future and alternatives to violent means. 9. Development projects to alleviate poverty which can be a cause of conflict in many areas. "Life skills" trainings etc. 10. Creating early warning systems and "disaster management"bodies. Enhancing capacity of involved personnel and exposure to strategies and mechanisms from other experts. 11. Promoting peace journalism and peace trainings for journalists.

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