Unity & Struggle No 08

UNITY & STRUGGLE no.8

Autumn-Winter 2000

Workers of all countries, unite!

Unity & Struggle Organ of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations

Unity & Struggle Journal of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations. Published in English, Spanish, Turkish and Portuguese in the responsibility of the Coordinating Committee of the International Conference. Any opinions expressed in this journal belong to the contributors.

This version was created in August 2009 by the “Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 191855” with use of the texts found in the web page of TDKP (Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey).

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CONTENTS Introduction International Conference Present day imperialism Report of the Regional Conference in Latin America The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in Europe Report of the Regional Conference in Europe Report of the Regional Conference in the Middle East and the Balkans A brief evaluation of the conferences Conference Resolutions: For a combative May Day Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and the people of Tunisia Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE Solidarity with Francisco Caraballo Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark (APK)

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Introduction The collapse of the Berlin Wall, the disintegration of the former USSR, the collapse of socialism in Albania, the failure of many revolutionary processes, all this led to the development of an extensive anti-communist campaign. With its political and ideological essence, this attack had a profound effect on communists, the parties of the proletariat and the international Marxist-Leninist movement. We all have been affected and weakened by this wave of attack, but not annihilated. Imperialism, reaction and opportunism chanted cries of victory and declared the end of history and of all ideologies. They forgot about the scientific validity of Marxism-Leninism and the soundness of the ideology of the proletariat. They missed out the nature and the revolutionary tradition of the working class and the oppressed peoples. They forgot about the existence of the proletarian communist parties and their devotion to the revolutionary principles. They left out of account the determination of the proletarian revolutionaries, their resistance and decisiveness in keeping up the struggle. They overlooked the existence of the objective and subjective reasons forcing for change and giving way to revolutions. They forgot the fact that the history of humanity always developed in a spiral form, and that the retreats were the zigzags of the uninterrupted march of the proletarian social revolution. The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations is a revolutionary platform of the communists. We exist and struggle in our countries; we work for the unity and strengthening of the international communist movement. We are the followers of the Paris Commune, the October Revolution and the Communist International. In the revolutionary struggle we are guided by the proletarian ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. We are based on the proletarian internationalism and the internationalist tradition of the communists of all countries. In the course of the International Conference, our aim is to study seriously the old and the new problems of the revolution and socialism; to conduct a continual struggle against the bourgeois ideology, proposals and distraction; to keep up the fight against revisionism and opportunism; to consolidate our line and unite the struggle of the workers and peoples in every country an on the international scale. We have made some advances, but it is a long way, and we are determined to go to the end. For the International Marxist-Leninist Commun-ist Movement it is of vital importance to achieve the ideological and political unity of the communists and their parties on an international scale through revolutionary practical and theoretical debates. This will also contribute to the growth of the parties of the movement and their organisational re-building. The only way of making advances in the path of organising and realising the revolution is to link Marxism-Leninism with the life and the struggle of the working people. In order to enrich the theory and practice of the revolution we must continue to make profound analysis of the new problems of the revolution, without forgetting that we have Marxism-Leninism as our guide. We insist on the communist tradition of having open and sincere debates in order to identify and resolve the problems and to struggle. We are determined to undertake our responsibilities and fulfil our tasks accordingly. The debates held during the sessions of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations prove the necessity of further deepening the discussions about the important problems of the revolution. With the intention of making the militants of our parties and organisations, other revolutionary organisations, our friends and sympathisers part of this discussion, we have decided to publish the documents presented to the Conference held in Germany in April 2000.

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In this issue of Unity and Struggle we publish the documents with ideas and proposals not agreed by all the parties and organisations. These documents were written by different parties and organisations designated by the Conference. The opinions expressed in them belong to the contributors, thus they should not be considered as collective documents of the Conference, unless stated otherwise. These documents are as follows: “Present day imperialism” by the Red Flag Party of Venezuela and the M-L Communist Party of Ecuador. “Evaluation of the Conferences” “The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in Europe” by the Workers Communist Party of France and the Communist October Organisation of Spain. “Report of the Regional Conference in the Middle East and the Balkans” by the Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan), the Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy, the Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey, the Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece. In addition to these documents we are publishing some decisions of the Conference. These are: •For a combative May Day •Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and with the people of Tunisia •Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV •Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE •Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo •Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark Publishing these materials is important for they show the level of unity among our parties and organisations, and that there may be differences in the approach of the Marxist-Leninists to different problems. In any case, the journal Unity and Struggle manifests that we are the communist parties and organisations in action, fighting for the revolution and socialism.

The Coordinating Committee October 200

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International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations Germany, April 2000 The new plenary session of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations took place in Germany. It was attended by 16 parties and organisations from Africa, Latin America, Asia and Europe. The Communist Labour Party of Dominican Republic could not participate due to visa problems but expressed its adherence to all the resolutions of the Conference. Some other parties and organisations did not attend because of the police repression, like the Tunisian party, and others due to financial difficulties. The Conference had important items on its agenda which were dealt with in an atmosphere of unity, comradeship and openness which allowed to make important advances in the process of construction of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. The Conference reviewed the expressions of the present day imperialism, the crisis that corrodes it, the important manifestations of the organisation and the struggle of the workers and the peoples, of the revolutionary and communist movement. It drew attention to the events in Yugoslavia and condemned the aggression of North American imperialism and of the members of NATO, which manifested serious inter imperialist contradictions. It discussed about the problems of the Middle East. The Conference dedicated a good part of its work to the debate on its own reality, the experiences of the process of its formation and development, as well as its limitations, shortcomings and mistakes that it suffered. It affirmed the validity of the revolutionary proletarian organisation in each country and on the international scale. It emphasised that in the international order we represent the interests and the cause of the proletariat, of socialism and communism, that other expressions claiming to be communist and Marxist-Leninist continue to be immersed in confusion and eclecticism. It established once again the responsibility of more intense work facing it, and the forging of new Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations, as well as the fortification of its members in each country. The Conference knew the unfolding of the revolutionary struggle in Burkina Faso and Ecuador. In Burkina Faso, as of the last quarter of 1999, great popular mobilisations developed and put the reactionary regime to a halt. The workers, peasants, teachers, youth and the democratic movement were involved in these mobilisations. In these actions, the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta played a leading role which has allowed it to grow and acquire great experience and political influence. In Ecuador a great popular uprising took place in January, which led to the overthrow of the proimperialist government of Mahuad and the establishment of a few hour long Council of National Salvation. The workers and the people of Ecuador, particularly the Indian people, played an outstanding role, and advanced to understand their newspaper as a result of their responsibilities and political conscience. The Conference emphasised the newspaper of the PCMLE.

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In analysing the development of these processes, the Conference assumed a new stage in terms of its existence and responsibilities, and opened the way for the concrete analysis of the situation to advance the theoretical discussion about the old and new problems of the revolution. The Conference saluted the accomplishment of the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark, which was being held simultaneously with the Conference. It approved a resolution on Burkina Faso and undertook the task to spread still more its struggles and saluted the activity of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta. It has given its support to the revolutionary process in Ecuador and the PCMLE. The Conference condemned the reactionary political repression of the Tunisian government, and showed its solidarity with the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia and its leaders. It resolved that the solidarity campaign demanding the freedom of Francisco Caraballo, First Secretary of the Communist party of Colombia (M-L), should continue. The Conference decided to impel an international campaign for material support to the PCMLE. It was proposed that the publication of the international journal Unity and Struggle should become regular. It called for the doubling of the efforts for the accomplishment of the Anti-fascist and Antiimperialist International Youth Camp to be held in August in Venezuela. It supported the achievement of the International Seminar on the “Problems of the Revolution in Latin America” to be held in July in Quito. It resolved the publication, on the part of the parties, of Lenin’s work “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”. The Conference closed its work with the balance sheet of the fulfilment of the tasks and resolutions set forth in the previous meeting in 1998 in Caracas and chose the new Co-ordinating Committee. This plenary session of the International Conference constitutes an important step forward in the process of construction of the International Communist Movement. It means in itself and its resolutions an operating reality, and in the perspective, a potential force that will fulfil its responsibilities. It still has questions to resolve, difficulties to surpass, but there exist the grounds and the conditions to fulfil these in a mediate term. The proletarian internationalism, the international revolution and the revolutionary processes in each country are fortified. New tasks are raised, and the conditions and the positions exist for fulfilling them. Participants of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations: Communist Party of Benin (PCB) Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action) Communist Party of Colombia (M-L) Workers Communist Party of Denmark (APK) M-L Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE) 10

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Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF) Communist Party of Germany (KPD) Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece Labour Party of Iran (Toufan) Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy Communist Party of Mexico (M-L) Marxist-Leninist Organisation Revolusjon of Norway Communist Organisation October of Spain Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP) Red Flag Party of Venezuela (Bandera Roja) Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (PCRV)

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Europe

The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in Europe This analysis is based on the war waged by the US and European imperialism in the Balkans. I. Inter-imperialist contradictions 1. Some points on imperialism Before analysing the situation in the Balkans, in other words Nato’s attacks on Yugoslavia, we believe it is necessary to mention some criteria which constitute the basis for a common stance for our M-L parties and organisations and a guide for our analysis. These criteria can be found in Lenin’s work “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”. One of the characteristics of imperialism is uneven development which changes the economic balance of power between various imperialist forces and which brings about a re-division on the basis of this new balance of power. On this issue Lenin says:

“Finance capital and the trusts do not diminish but increase the differences in the rate of growth of the various parts of the world economy. Once the relation of forces is changed, what other solution of the contradictions can be found under capitalism than that of force?” (Lenin; Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism; French edition, p.115) And later he continues: “... for any other basis under capitalism for the division of spheres of influence, of interests, of colonies, etc., than a calculation of the strength of the participants in the division, their general economic, financial, military strength, etc., is inconceivable. And the strength of these participants in the division does not change to an equal degree, for the even development of different undertakings, trusts, branches of industry, or countries is impossible under capitalism.” (ibid., p.143-144) In addition he says: “... an essential feature of imperialism is the rivalry between several great powers in the striving for hegemony, i.e., for the conquest of territory, not so much directly for themselves as to weaken the adversary and undermine his hegemony.” (ibid., p. 108) In the “Political Economy Textbook” which synthesises Lenin’s analysis on imperialism, it is stated that: “The relation of economic forces among the imperialist powers changes with unprecedented rapidity. (...) The changing relation of economic and armed forces comes into conflict with the old distribution of colonies and spheres of influence. This inevitably gives rise to a struggle to re-divide the already divided world. (...) The unevenness of the development of the capitalist countries causes a sharpening of the contradictions in the imperialist camp and makes armed clashes inevitable, which results in the imperialists weakening one another.” (Political Economy Textbook, French edition, p. 288-289) For that reason we have analysed the crises of imperialism in Europe and particularly the military conflict in the Balkans in the light of Lenin’s principles. 12

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On the other hand, this analysis, in accordance with the doctrine of dialectical materialism, aims to bring into light what is new and open to development, although they may seem to be insignificant or secondary at the time. What is dominant today is the hegemony of US imperialism. What is new and open to development is this hegemony being challenged firstly by Germany these days and maybe later by imperialist powers such as China. 2. The changes that took place in Europe after the collapse of the USSR regime We need to re-examine what is called “the collapse of the Eastern Bloc” in order to understand the imperialist attack on Yugoslavia. After the collapse of the USSR regime, which was described as social imperialism by Marxist-Leninists, enormous changes took place in the whole world and especially in Europe. The Eastern Bloc regimes, which were part of the Warsaw Pact, Comecon and the “Sovietic” bloc, collapsed one after another in the period before and after these events. The weakening and the partial collapse of a power such as the USSR has changed the relations of power between countries of the Soviet Bloc and those of the Western Block. This has created for imperialist forces an open arena in the Eastern Bloc and the Balkans. With the disappearance of a bi-polar system, US imperialism has become the dominant power in the world. However, this reality does not diminish the significance of the presence of and the fight between other imperialist forces. The contradictions among them are always increasing and sharpening. One cannot predict from today how or in whose favour these contradictions will develop, or what kind of alliances will be formed. It is important to highlight what Lenin said about this issue: “... alliances, no matter what form they may assume, whether of one imperialist coalition against another, or of a general alliance embracing all the imperialist powers, are inevitably nothing more than a ‘truce’ in periods between wars. Peaceful alliances prepare the ground for wars, and in their turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other, giving rise to alternating forms of peaceful and non-peaceful struggle out of one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within world economics and world politics.” (Lenin; Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism; French edition, p. 185-186) The German imperialism, with what is called the unification process, has gained strength by swallowing East Germany, and thus held a position which has given it the power to prioritise its own interests within the European Union. It has benefited from the weakening of the Russian hegemony in the region. It has extended and strengthened its economic hegemony in Hungary, the Checz Republic, Slovakia, Croatia and Slovenia, also sharing the economic hegemony in countries such as Poland with the US. In other words, it has strengthened its hegemony in the industrialised countries of Eastern Europe, being less influential in Bulgaria and Romania where industry is weaker. There is a history of the war against Yugoslavia in the Balkans. The German imperialism has played an active role in the secession of Slovenia and Croatia. The military occupation of various imperialist powers in Bosnia explains the different interests of the present forces in the region. 3. The war in Yugoslavia The war in Yugoslavia, which took place last spring, was a manifestation of the conflict between different imperialist forces and a measure of the balance of power between them. a) Why an intervention in Yugoslavia?

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This intervention for which the US imperialism gave the go-ahead, was a reminder of the economic and military leadership of the US on the world scale as well as a preventative measure against the spread of German imperialism in Central Europe and the Balkans. Previously the US imperialism confronted with German imperialism in Bosnia against Germany’s plans to divide Bosnia into two regions: one under the control of Croatia and the other under the control of Serbia. The US opposed the idea which would have resulted clearly in favour of German imperialism. For this reason, although not quite stable, a plan was put into practice, taking into account a balance of interests of the forces in the region. In order to understand this region and the US intervention at this time, it is necessary to look at how it was related with other developments. It is important to remind that this intervention coincided with the US celebrations for Nato’s 50th anniversary and with the period of integration of Poland and the Checz Republic into this military organisation. The intervention started just a couple of weeks before the European elections and at the time of the debates about the European Defence Force and the introduction to the Single European Currency which was described as “a declaration of war against the dollar” by the directors of big German banks. The US military intervention was a threat to the interests of German imperialism in the region. It was also aimed at encircling Russia which was undergoing a deep rooted crisis with prospects for social explosions. b) Tactics indicate differing interests of different powers in the region In Kosovo, the contradictory interests of the US, Germany and Russia have become apparent. Despite their sharp conflicts, the US and Germany did not keep away from jointly destroying Kosovo and Serbia with other interventionist forces. Russia’s interest was to preserve the status quo, that is supporting Milosevic and keeping Kosovo within the Serbian territory, which was the least harming solution for Russia. The changes that took place in Albania (the advent of the social democrats who have intimate relations with German SPD, replacing the US favourite Salih Berisha), the Kosovans’ desire for secession and the possibility of playing the UCK card up to a point, all paved the way for the German imperialism to mobilise and increase its influence in the region. With its support for Rugova, the US was for a solution through negotiations, which would have weakened Serbia, hence Russia, and which would have prevented Germany from taking advantage of this situation. The reason for US imperialism using the card of war was to prove once again its might and to prevent any possible secession which would favour German imperialism. The German imperialism, right from the beginning of the intervention, wanted to use its diplomatic relations with Russia and China. (The US bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade three days before Schroeder’s visit to China!) The peace agreement that was signed after the bombing of Yugoslavia, although it included a significant conciliation with the US in terms of Kosovo’s secession, is in fact a document which proves Germany’s increasing influence. Kosovo was not going to remain, at least in formality, as part of the Yugoslav Federation. Germany partly accepted the support of Russia in order to achieve this result. (It was Germany who ensured the stationing of the Russian forces in the region in spite of US opposition).

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At present, DM is the official currency in Kosovo and the most valued currency in Albania. Whereas, just a few years ago, after the collapse of socialist Albania, the valued currency was the dollar! None of the three main powers that were battling in Kosovo could realise their plans fully: the German imperialism could not openly and clearly bring about the disintegration of Kosovo. Russians could not preserve the pre-war status quo. Nor could the US keep Kosovo under its control alone. And the result here is again an unstable balance which has to take into account the contradictory interests of these three powers. 4. The inter-imperialist rivalry within the EU Although the US imperialism is the dominant imperialist power in the world, its hegemony in Europe is being challenged by German imperialism which has an increasing influence within the EU. Germany is consolidating its strength in its fight with other imperialist forces in Europe, especially the French and British imperialism. The US imperialism is using these contradictions to its advantage to divide its rivals. Britain, whose interests are tied with the US imperialism, is playing an important role here. France is trying to defend its interests against its rivals by using its former colonial imperial influence and its military might, making alliances with different imperialist powers at different times as it can no longer fight alone with the German or the British imperialism. The formation of the EU under the leadership of Germany has not been developing on a straight line. It affects and is affected by the developments in the world. The intervention of Germany in the war in Yugoslavia, militarily for the first time, has shown not only its desire for but also the presence of a military might which enables it to defend its economic interests. The recent merger of Aerospatiale and Dasa, aimed at creating an armament monopoly on a world scale, should be considered from this angle. There is a growing trend of sharpening contradictions between the EU led by Germany on one hand and the US on the other. Since the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the developments that have taken place are in favour of German imperialism which has an increasing influence within the EU. The European imperialist powers who are involved in the process of unification and the single currency are not yet in a position to oppose the US imperialism, alone or collectively. However, the process they have undergone is pushing them towards this opposition, whose signs can already be seen on various issues (e.g. the fight over marketing the genetically modified food). On the basis of common interests, the German imperialism is trying to win over other countries (such as Japan and China) as allies in other parts of the world as well as its partners and rivals in Europe. Under the present conditions, this rivalry results in unstable conciliation in every way (economic, political, military, and diplomatic), as is seen in the war in Yugoslavia. Before concluding this part we can state the following: - The US imperialism, being the most powerful and dominant power in the world, has to strengthen its economic, political and military power all the time in order to maintain its position. This is the reason why it is so aggressive. - The German imperialism which is getting stronger economically is striving to weaken the hegemony of the US in Eastern Europe, the Balkans and even in Western Europe where the formation of the EU is going in line with its interests.

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- The sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions and the crisis of imperialism in Europe is particularly affecting the African countries where the European imperialist powers and the US have contradicting interests. This situation manifests itself in bloody military conflicts in many African countries. II. The war in Yugoslavia and the stances of different political forces 1. On the teachings of Marxism- Leninism and historical experiences about social democracy and revisionists Social democracy has maintained its reactionary orientation since Lenin's period. In countries such as ours, it has gone completely along with imperialism. Capitalist oligarchies in different European countries are not keeping away from bringing social democrats to governmental positions in order to carry out their tasks. Social democrats, either alone or in coalition with classic right wing parties or other forces, are in power in France, Germany and Britain today. In Spain, after providing years of “good and honest service”, they were replaced by the right wing party a short while ago. Having insisted on reforming capitalism for years, they have now become the best defenders of the system. As is witnessed in the Balkans, they did not refrain from being involved in the war in order to defend the interests of imperialist monopolies. The revisionist agents of the bourgeoisie within the working class movement have also gone through a process of evolution. However, the labour aristocracy, or in Lenin’s words “the class stratum whose life style has become completely like the petty bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie”, has continued to be the social basis of this current. They have been bought off as a result of immense profits made out of exploitation of the colonies and semi-colonies. For this reason, in our imperialist countries, they have become the main basis of imperialism within the working class. The deep crisis that has shaken the imperialist system has divided and weakened the revisionist forces and sharpened the contradictions among their ranks. It is our responsibility to use these contradictions for the interests of the working class. We want to emphasise once again that these forces are not homogenous, they have frictions and conflicting attitudes and interests in their ranks. We can work with some sections of this group on the basis of conjectural and concrete problems, without loosing our awareness or leaving the arena to the opportunists. The Spanish comrades are carrying out such an activity within the “Izquierda Unida” (Left Unity), which is dominated by reformist and revisionist sections. 2. Different political forces’ stances on the war In Germany: Different right-wing parties (CDU, CSU) were generally in support of the intervention, but with a close look one could see the differences among them. Voices were heard that this war was an American one and that one should not involve in it. The Social Democrats in the government and their coalition partner, the Greens, were for the war by 95 per cent, with the argument that “this war which defends the human rights is a compulsory one”. The majority of the people were against the military intervention of Germany in this war because of its history and the role it played in the Second World War. This psychology was even echoed in the military. However, in order to prove that it was not expansionist, the German imperialism needed a reason, and this war was going to give them the opportunity to conceal its real interests, by hiding behind the defence of human rights cause. The Social Democrats and the Greens played this role. 16

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With the constant propaganda machine, the war against Milosevic who was identified with Hitler was presented as an anti-fascist war. The left wing of the social democracy and the revisionist parties (SPD, DKP) formed a bloc and became dominant on the strong anti-war tradition of Germany. These forces supported Milosevic and Russia. According to them, the problem started with Nato’s intervention in Kosovo! They were arguing for negotiations with Russia, and denying the right to self-determination of the peoples such as the Palestinian, Kurdish and Kosovan. According to them, these kinds of movements would lead to division and the establishment of small countries which would not be in the interest of the people! This led to strong polemics. This anti-war opposition bloc worked in close collaboration with the Serbian nationalist movement in Germany. On the other hand the Maoist party MLPD, Trotskyites and the KPD formed another bloc to oppose Nato’s attacks on Yugoslavia, in order to expose Milosevic’s politics and to defend the Kosovan people's right to self-determination. Activities were carried out mainly within the trade union movement and discussions were held around petitions. The main tendency among the trade union movement, although not with a clear basis, was the opposition to the war. In Spain:

The right-wing parties and the social democrats in the government (Javier Solana, a leading figure among the social democrats, was the spokesmen for Nato) supported the intervention. All social democrats, especially Felipe Gonzales, compared the Nato intervention with that of the International Brigade in Spain. In order to justify Nato’s intervention they also compared Milosevic with Hitler. Revisionists and other left forces together with other critical sections, despite some differences, opposed the war. While the CPS and the circles it has direct influence opposed the war on the basis of supporting Milosevic and the “remains of socialism”; the majority of “formalists”, the majority within the Workers Committee (CCOO) and the far right of the Trotskyites together with Izquierda Unida (Left Unity) opposed Nato’s attacks as well as Milosevic. However, considering the period when they started to take this stance (during the most intense time of the bombardment) and their insistence in trying to show Milosevic as the sole responsible person for the war shows that they became the instruments of the “humanitarian” sections of social democrat politics. Gradually they concentrated on secondary problems and left to one side the actual subject: opposing the imperialist attacks on a sovereign state. The revisionist leadership of the “Left Unity” made a "popular" start by declaring Solona as a war criminal. When social democrats attempted to establish historical parallels with the anti-fascist war, the revisionists called upon all popular forces to take side with Milosevic in order to defend “socialism” against the present day Hitler, American imperialism! Marxist-Leninists took the same approach as that of the sister parties in other countries: to oppose the war in Yugoslavia on the basis of it being an imperialist attack, but at the same time to reveal the character of the Milosevic regime and the oppression on the Kosovan people. A general ignorance among the masses was observed and the anti-war movement did not turn into a mass scale one. In France:

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The Chirac-Jospin administration and the majority of the “left” in parliament supported the military intervention, in which the French military was also part. Although support was given to the policy of French imperialism, this does not mean that there was total harmony among the left and the right. For example a number of prominent figures of the right stated their hesitation in this intervention which was obviously led by US imperialism. These were the representatives of a current in the right (also in the left), who still wish for France to take decisions independently. The Greens complained about the intervention not being fast and extensive enough, and argued that a ground attack was necessary to protect the people from Milosevic’s barbarity. In the CPF (the French Communist Party) there was as many diversity as in the candidate list for the European Parliamentary election! There were those like Herzog who supported the intervention, and those like Hue who opposed the war but refused to discuss their partnership in the government. In fact, as expressed by Hue, one can talk about differences in the approach to the intervention rather than opposition to the war. The “official” line of the CPF was for peace keeping, in defence of the UN and diplomacy, and for Russia having a say in this matter. This stance was not in contradiction with that of the government. It was in fact in line with the interests of French imperialism which wanted to play the diplomatic card by relying on Russia and by taking advantage of the interimperialists contradictions. Opposition to Nato’s military intervention soon faded out with the campaign for solidarity with the Kosovans. Under these conditions where the public opinion is shaped by the media, what was left for the CPF and other left forces was to run this campaign. Under these circumstances, our party carried out an informative campaign around these issues: who are the targets in the war, the aims of different imperialist forces, the interests of the people (Sebian, Kosovan) involved in the war, and the interests of the people of the aggressive imperialist countries. This activity was based on the workers’, the trade union and the women’s movement. Despite the strong pro-war propaganda, it helped the manifestation of a conscious and pro-people opposition. III. The interests of the working class and people in this war We need to see where the interests of the working class and the people lie in this conflict and what should the stance of the communists be.

1. In opposition to the imperialist aggression on Yugoslavia If we agree to call this war an imperialist one, created by the imperialist powers for their interests, then, it is obvious that the peoples of Yugoslavia, of Europe and of the world as well as the working class in general had no interest whatsoever in this war but to oppose it. Since this was a war of redivision of the spheres of influence among the imperialists, the parties and organisations of these countries which joined this attack had the responsibility of revealing the participation and the aims of their country’s imperialism. In our opinion, up to a certain point, independently of tactics and taking common actions with other forces fighting against the war, our parties should explain the aims of the war in their propaganda, they should refuse to rely on one imperialism while fighting against the other, and should not leave any doubt about the reactionary character of the Milosevic regime.

2. The Kosovo question Where did interests of the Kosovo people and its working class really lie in? The Kosovan national ethnicity, which represents the majority in the Kosovo region of the Yugoslavia Federation, has been subject to the oppression of the Belgrade regime for years. This oppression, among other things, led 18

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to the emergence of a resistance and the Kosova national movement represented by the UCK (which is not the only one). The UCK was established by the forces who claimed to be the “advocates of Enver Hocha”. Its attitude was of a character of progressive national forces. It was pointing at the Serbian chauvinism as the enemy. Despite being a small group at the beginning, it obtained an important position among the Kosovan people in a short time. It was the only power who called for armed struggle against Serbian atrocities. (During this period Rugova instead went around the capital cities of Europe to beg for money). This rapid development of the UCK led to the initial small group loosing control and other forces leaking into the movement. From this point onwards, the quality of the organisation has changed and the imperialists started to show a closer interest. This was because, although this organisation was not against imperialism, it could have functioned as a barrier before the implementation of the regional plans of imperialist powers. For this reason, it needed to be kept under control. American imperialism did this by opening military training camps for the UCK. At the same time, this organisation owed its development to the tolerance of the German imperialism. It was supported financially and logically by the Kosovan immigrants in Germany (and Sweden). Without the approval of the German imperialism, or at least by its turning a blind eye, trucks full of guns could not have passed through Germany. In our opinion, the Marxist-Leninist stance in this situation should have been: Before the war -opposing Milosevic’s tyranny against the people of Kosova; -defending the legitimate national demands of the Kosovan people, and their right to selfdetermination, including and up to the right to secession from the Yugoslavia Federation and the status of republic; -supportive work among the progressive forces of the Serbians and other peoples living in Yugoslavia for UCK’s national demands. During the war All the progressive forces of the Yugoslavian Federation, including the people of Kosovo, the peoples of Europe and the world and the working class should have taken a stance against the imperialist intervention. The right to self-determination for the Kosovans at the time could not have been brought forward on the agenda as a practical issue. This was because, under the bombardment of the US, France, Britain, Germany, etc. and under the imperialist protectorate what kind of a right to self-determination could have been talked of. On this point not all the parties and organisations of the Conference took the same stance. While some saw the stopping of the bombardment and the Kosovo people's right to self-determination on equal footing, others supported the UCK. The stances of different parties were shaped in accordance with the development of incidents and the amount of information they had.

3. Spontaneous movement against the war and its characteristics; some analysis and results People’s spontaneous movement against the war, at least in our countries, was rather weak compared to the one during the war against Iraq, namely the Gulf war. Why was it so? 19

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It is obvious that the masses have been subject to a wide and powerful ideological propaganda once again. The aim of this ideological campaign was to justify this war by drawing historical parallels with the Second World War and by slandering the Milosevic regime associating it with that of Hitler. On the other hand, the horrendous situation of the Kosovans and continuos images and reports of their migration, stories about the injustice and insults carried out by Serbian paramilitaries, etc. led to a general acceptance of the principle of “humanitarian intervention” which was presented by imperialism and its branches within the popular movement. Although the ideological and media propaganda during the Gulf War was used as effectively, this could not stop the masses from taking actions in a stronger form. This was because, during the attacks on Iraq the real aims of the war (control over petrol sources and transport routes) were more clear, whereas now, the imperialist aims were not seen as clear cut. Furthermore, violation of human rights was a real problem experienced in Kosovo (it was not an artificial problem created by imperialism). Particularly the comrades in Germany felt that they had to express their opposition to the Milosevic regime and their support for the Kosovo people’s right to self-determination before they made any statement about their stance in relation to the war. Considering the characteristics of this complicated situation, the spontaneous movement could not comprehend on its own the real reasons of the war. Consequently, the responsibility to explain this was left to the Marxist-Leninists despite their limited resources in their countries. IV. Our parties’ evaluation of criticism and self-criticism. Lessons to be learned for future actions

Our parties in three countries took the stance in line with the interests of the working class and the people, and aimed to reveal the reactionary character of this war. In response to the intervention of Nato they joined the anti-war movement through their analysis. They tried to raise the consciousness of the working class, take the movement along the right stance and get them connected with the progressive trade union currents in Yugoslavia. However, it is obvious that our parties have limited possibilities that cannot be compared with that of the media in the service of imperialism. The actual question in this war was to explain and reveal the aims and interests which provoked the war in the beginning. In fact, the most open minded and conscious sections of the working class should have been the initial target group for our informative activity in order for them to understand this complicated situation. Imperialism used the defence of human rights and the humanism weapon rather well in order to win over, or at least make neutral, the petty bourgeois sections who are very responsive to such problems. Only a determined class stance which has the support of the sections who can represent the working class, could have saved the petty bourgeoisie from this imperialist propaganda. For our parties this points to the importance of working within the working class and a political activity based on revealing imperialism and the war. Why did not the parties of the Conference take a clear and common stance about this war? When we look back, if our organisations (the three parties), which are closely connected with this war and which took similar stances against it, had taken a common stance, this would have had a positive influence on our work and given us a greater authority (and maybe formed the basis for a 20

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statement to be undersigned by other parties and organisations). This stance could have assisted other parties of the Conference with their analysis. It is rightful of the other parties to have such an expectation, considering the location of the intervention and the imperialist powers involved. Not taking a common decision in such a situation can also be a sign of different opinions among the Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations of the Conference. If it is so, these problems need to be discussed and a common answer to the basic problems of the popular movement still needs to be developed. It is not a secret that when responding to different problems, different opinions can exist in terms of experience, development and as a result of different levels of organisation. However, since we act on the basis of a presumed common ideological basis, our differences have to be discussed openly and in an environment of internationalist fraternity. Another issue is the Co-ordinating Committee becoming non-functional and not fulfilling its responsibility of co-ordinating. The aim here is not to blame the Committee or to avoid personal responsibility, but to put down everything as they are. It is necessary to identify and draw the lines of the responsibilities of the Committee. The Conference cannot be silent in a serious situation like the war attacks on Yugoslavia. This situation has shown that the Conference can only get stronger with the contribution of all parties, and that it does not replace bilateral or multilateral work between the parties, on the contrary, it must encourage this. For this reason, the International Trade Union Meetings and other initiatives in this field are of great importance. These meetings give our parties and organisations the opportunity to create the current of class based trade unionism, educate the workers on the basis of proletarian internationalism, and develop a common line of struggle to stop capital’s exploitation policies; therefore these meetings need to continue and be developed. These meetings help us understand the conditions of the working class of the participating countries, build mutual confidence between the participating forces, and help our parties' activities. In fact, these can help develop a communist organisation in those countries where there is no Marxist-Leninist organisation in real terms. In conclusion, if we are to start with the analysis of the aims of this war in terms of the imperialists, the German imperialism as a rising power is trying to gain strength against the working class and the peoples of Europe and the colonial and semi-colonial countries. On the other hand, it is obvious that the US imperialism will follow more aggressive policies against the workers and peoples of the countries dependent on it, but mainly the American working class -including the Latin American- in order to continue with its hegemonic position in the world. This war is the indication of future wars as it has signs of the intensifying inter-imperialist contradictions. The three main contradictions of the imperialist epoch are also intensifying: the contradiction between labour and capital, between peoples and imperialism, and between the imperialists themselves. In response to the intensifying class struggles, the revisionist and reformist parties and currents will be forced to go more openly onto the side of imperialism, which is their feeder. And this will bring along internal disputes and contradictions in their ranks. In every opportunity the Marxist-Leninists make use of these contradictions in order to organise activities with progressive forces and sections. We do not avoid to see the organisational weakness of the Marxist-Leninists, especially in Europe, and we see this as an additional reason to make use of and benefit from the contradictions of the mass organisations under the influence of the revisionists and reformists. With the aim of standing up against capital's open attacks as well as raising the anti-capitalist, antiimperialist, revolutionary and internationalist consciousness, our parties must strengthen their activities in order to organise the resistance of the working class and the working people. It is only in this struggle that they can benefit from the crisis of the revisionists and reformists, and develop both quantitatively and qualitatively. January 2000 Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF) Communist Organisation October of Spain 21

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Regional Conferences:

The Middle East and the Balkans Report of the Regional Conference Our parties came together in September 99 and discussed the preparatory work carried out in the region for the next General Conference. In this framework, alongside with other topics, our regional conference had debates about “imperialism, the working class, peoples’ struggles and the tasks of the communists” and came to the following conclusions: I. Since our last regional meeting, imperialism’s many-sided attacks through its organisations such as the IMF, WB and EU and in the name of “structural adjustment programmes” have continued and expanded. These attacks are still continuing though at different pace because of the fight back of the working class and people in the countries of the region. International capital has not yet achieved all its objectives, nor have the working masses succeeded in repulsing this wave of attacks. If we leave to one side the criteria for the statistics of the bourgeois governments of the region under the name of “economic growth”, in terms of the lives of the working class and working peoples we see the following developments which took place in the last three years: - increasing unemployment, falling real wages, growing tax burden on working people, and an increasing absolute and relative poverty incorporating broader sections of masses both in the urban and rural areas of the regional countries; - a hastening process of liquidation of democratic rights and gains, increasing nationalism and chauvinism, and a more tense international relations, with new elements of conflict. To sum up, since our last regional meeting, we have witnessed wider class differences with sharper contradictions and growing struggles. In the meantime, international agreements such as the MAI (Multilateral Agreement on Investments) and MIGA have shown the imperialists’ attempts to push our countries into a process of colonisation. These developments have also helped our working peoples who have been subject to immense attacks to realise the fact that the present governments especially in underdeveloped countries are in the service of international capital and its collaborators. The character of these attacks and the position of different classes in the struggles fuelled by these attacks have shown once again the leading role of the working class in the fight for our countries’ independence and their liberation from imperialist plunder. II. The conflicts and wars that have taken place in our region in the last three years have proven correct our analysis that “we have entered a period of new conflicts and wars” in our region which has been the scene for the most intense and the most evident inter imperialist rivalry and dogfight for the redivision of the world. At present, in the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle East, we are witnessing wars or war conditions incited by or with the participation of imperialist states. Also, elements of conflict in the region are increasing as in the case of the recent tension between Iran and Turkey. The US imperialism has been successful to a certain extent in its attempts to enforce its positions and bases in the Middle East through the Turkey-Israel Co-operation Agreement and through the support given to Egypt. However, on the other hand, it has continued to gain the hatred of regional peoples because of its continuing bombardment, together with Britain, of Iraq, and its direct or indirect threats on Iran. The humiliating impositions and sanctions on the people of Palestine in the 22

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framework of the “Israel-Palestine Peace Process” presented by the US as a blueprint for the Middle East “peace process” have shown to the peoples of the region the meaning of “Pax-Americana”. While the Anglo-American alliance has become apparent in the imperialist dogfight in the region, especially the Middle East and the Balkans, other imperialist powers such as Germany and France have not been sitting idle. They are continuing to fight for the control of the oil reserves in the Middle East and the Caucasus, and making greater efforts to take Iran on to their side and not to leave Iraq to Anglo-Americans. The turbidity created by the propaganda about the “New World Order” is clearing up, and the peoples of the region are becoming more and more aware that the conflicts or wars in Iraq, Kosovo and Daghistan, no matter who seems to be the parties and no matter what excuses they put forward, are being incited and waged by the US and other imperialist powers in order to expand their spheres of influence in these regions which are of great economic and military-strategic importance. Another important change that has taken place in the last three years is that the religious reactionary forces in the region have begun to lose credibility. Their influence on broad masses is weakening both in Iran and Turkey. The fact that the religious reactionary parties and currents in our region have been losing their power of controlling the struggle against imperialism and capital creates new opportunities for our parties and other progressive and revolutionary forces. We must also highlight the fact that a diplomacy based on threats and the threat to use military violence, punishment and war have become more widely used instruments by imperialist powers both in their inner fights for spheres of influence and in their relations with underdeveloped countries. This has brought about two important developments: 1. Especially the war in Yugoslavia has revealed that, despite being in the same military organisation, the US and Britain on one side, and the European imperialists, mainly Germany and France, on the other, are fighting for hegemony, and that this fight has intensified with new dimensions. This war has frightened the peoples of Europe who had been under the illusions of “dialogue”, “peace” and “co-operation” created especially by the propaganda about the “New World Order”. And these illusions have been replaced by scepticism and concern. 2. The bloody and destructive burden of these imperialist conflicts and wars is put on the peoples of the region. These wars are being “justifed” by use of peoples’ sensitivities, aspirations and demands, as was the case with the Kosovo-Albanians. The peoples and ethnic minorities of the Balkans have been made enemies. However, the biggest obstacle for them to practise their right to self determination is the very imperialism itself which has militarily occupied the region again. They are not yet aware of how imperialists make use of their demands and aspirations, but this does not change the fact that imperialism has drawn itself into an impasse. Mass anti-war actions in Italy and Greece prove that our peoples are becoming more concerned about imperialist aggressions and incitements. It is important that this concern has become a growing tendency again. This is because our countries are continuing to be the subject of inter-imperialist struggle for the re-division of the world and they have been practically drawn into being the controlled spokespersons of imperialist aggression. Under these conditions, withdrawal from the existing imperialist alliances like NATO and the EU has become a current demand in our countries which are part of these alliances. We must also emphasise that in a period when imperialism has incited nationalism, especially in the Balkans, and when nationalism and chauvinism have gained significant positions in Turkey a short while ago, the solidarity of the peoples of the world, especially of the region, with the earthquake victims in Turkey has expanded the grounds for the consolidation of fraternity amongst our peoples. The earthquake has shaken the prejudice and distrust created between the peoples of advanced and underdeveloped countries based on the hierarchy of the “New World Order”. It also created an atmosphere of hope and fraternity which the peoples have always aspired for. 23

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III. In the last three years, despite not being able to repeal the attacks of the imperialists and the collaborating monopolist bourgeoisie, the workers’ movement in the regional countries has scored achievements which cannot be overlooked. Most importantly, the working class and working people in general have manifested a clear stance against international capital’s attacks implemented through bourgeois governments. Certainly, these stances and struggles have sometimes resulted in defeat and sometimes in victory. In Turkey, the exemplary struggle of the power and paper workers against privatisation, or more recently, the 500 thousand strong general strike of 24 July 1999 against international arbitration and new regulations in social security; the student demonstrations and workers’ local strikes supported by the working people of Iran; the ongoing strike, general strikes and boycotts against privatisation and the EU directives by the workers, the rural and urban working people and the youth in Greece, etc.; all this indicates that the opposition of the workers and working people of our countries is getting stronger, and that they are not putting up with the decisions and attacks of capital and their governments. In the last couple of years, the “left” government in Italy has played a restraining role in terms of the workers’ movement. For this reason, in the last European parliamentary elections, the “left” lost 3.8 million votes. The D’Alema government is now preparing for further attacks on the working people and pensioners, in line with the IMF directives. The contradictions within the trade unions are getting bigger, while general opposition and acts of protest are increasing all over the country. With the movement of the unemployed, students and peasants, and anti-war demonstrations, the mass basis of the struggle is broadening. This rise of the movement is taking place out of the control of the revisionists and the trade union bureaucrats. In Greece, public workers, especially in the electric, mail and banking-finance sectors, are continuing with their struggle against privatisation. University students are opposing the government’s plan for privatisation. Secondary school students carried out a several months long struggle against a planned education reform. They organised boycotts, occupations, and mass demonstrations all over the country. Pensioners held demonstrations against the government’s pensions policies and received the support of the workers. Workers from different sectors protested against the fragmentation of the social security and the increase of the retirement age. The Greek peasants organised demonstrations, including setting up barriers on motorways, against the agricultural policies of the government and the EU. The workers’ struggles during the war waged by the Nato imperialists against the peoples of Yugoslavia turned into anti-war demonstrations with an anti-imperialist character. In Iran, the working class revolted with a political general strike in 1979 against the Shah regime, the servant of imperialism, and played a determining role in its collapse. The Iranian working class joined the revolution in order to achieve their economic, social and political demands. However, the Islamic government did not only omit these demands but also took away all the basic gained rights in its 20 years in power. According to official figures, the inflation rate is around 26 per cent, and 22 per cent of the economically active workforce is unemployed. In the last 20 years, the GNP has decreased by one third, and the crude oil production has dropped from 6 million barrel to 3.5 million. In the same period, foreign debts has reached 30 million dollars. The reduction of the crude oil prices and the spread of corruption in the society since the beginning of the 90s have led to the deterioration of the living conditions of the working people. The economic and fascist political attacks have led to a growing discontent among the people. The workers held strike actions in the main industrial centres, including the oil refineries. They demanded an increase of wages, backdated payments, and the establishment of independent trade union confederations. They also expressed their opposition against unemployment and privatisation. The struggle of the working class gave courage to other sections of society. The six day long student actions which started in Tehran spread all over the country. These actions were the expressions of the anger of the past 20 years. * * * 24

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Despite its weaknesses, the workers’ movement is experiencing a growing tendency to organise itself and to reclaim the existing mass organisations. The mass movement, in spite of its spontaneity and retrogression, is accumulating experience and strength, developing and bringing out its dynamic forces and leaders. This period creates greater opportunities for our parties, but also puts more responsibilities and tasks on us. For example, there are greater opportunities to fight against the de-unionisation attacks of international capitalism and to gain new positions. Collaborationist policies of trade union bureaucracy have increased contradictions with and oppositions from the rank and file. In order to rebuild the workers’ movement, whether unionised or not, and to gain new positions, different tactics have been developed in different countries. This is of particular importance in imperialist countries. The international trade union conference organised in our region has been a concrete proof of this. Unless our parties rely on this tendency of the workers’ movement and overcome the weaknesses which restrict their ability to utilise and expand the opportunities presented by this tendency, their assertion to win over the working class leaders and to rebuild themselves as real parties of the proletariat will be a hollow one. This is the way forward for the workers’ movement to organise as a party and for our parties to become the main body of this movement. Independently of the present situation of our parties and organisations, the conditions and opportunities exist for this. Declaration The threat of war and tension in the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus is continuing. This region is known for its strategic importance in the struggle for world hegemony and for its natural resources. It is a region of sharp contradictions which are open to manipulations and which lead to capitalist fights. With the aim of strengthening the imperialist control and hegemony, big imperialist countries, particularly the USA, Britain and Germany have disintegrated Yugoslavia, pushing the peoples of the Balkans to turmoil and creating enmity between them. This continues to be one of the most significant developments of the present day and causes new fights. The imperialist rivalry facing the Middle East and the Caucasus is in a sharper state today. Contrary to the claims of the top bandits of the world reactionary forces, the elements of fight and rivalry have not been diminished but grown. The US imperialist bourgeoisie proves that it does not work for ”stability in the region” or ”co-operation for development”, but leads the imperialist attacks and the fight for greater spheres of influence, strengthening its position in the Middle East through the Turkey-Israel Co-operation Agreement, and striving to maintain the ”order” through the creation of a Turkey-Israel-Egypt-Jordan and Saudi reactionary front, and through forcing Syria, Iran, Iraq and Libya to kneel down to threats and siege. Russia, in proportion with its economic, political and military power, and the British and French imperialists, the former colonialists in the region, exploit every opportunity and accumulate power to strengthen their influence on the countries of the region. The turmoil and national slaughter in the Caucasus, with the interference of imperialists, is continuing to escalate. The imperialists show their presence in the region as something inevitable and imperative ”for peace in the region”, plundering the resources and keeping the peoples of underdeveloped and dependent countries under their yoke. Those who provoke the Serbian-Bosnian, Serbian-Albanian and Armenian-Azarbaijani conflicts, who played an active role in the Chechnian ”rebellion”, and who armed the Afghan tribes in order to incite enmity, want to spread the illusion that all this was done for ”peace” and ”in defence of common values of humanity”. The imperialist bourgeoisie and their army of propagandists call this the ”New World Order” which is supposedly free from

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contradictions. In fact, it means capitalist slavery of the world proletariat and peoples as well as subordination of underdeveloped countries. This ”order” has proved to be out of order, with sharpening contradictions causing two grave wars, on Iraq and Yugoslavia, which pulled in all ”big powers”. Sharpening contradictions and the state of being out of order prepare the grounds for new wars and attacks. All these developments require our peoples to have greater alertness against imperialist bourgeoisie, imperialist aggression and the countries of our region being wrecked in blood for the interest of international monopolies. The working class and peoples cannot kill each other for the interest of imperialist and the collaborationist bourgeoisie. They must live in fraternity, freedom and peace. The only way to achieve this is to raise the struggle against imperialist reactionary forces. It is inspiring to see a new rise in the struggle of the working class and peoples against the economic and political attacks of international capital in spite of the bourgeoisie’s attempts to demoralise and divide them through chauvinist provocation. This struggle has to develop and expand in order to put an end to these regional fights, national slaughters and imperialist attacks which give peoples nothing but blood, grief, poverty and destruction. The growing anger against imperialist reactionary forces in the ranks of the proletariat and working people and the acts of protest attended by hundreds of thousands in some countries prove the possibility of developing and broadening this struggle. Considering the particularities of our region and the trend of the events, our parties believe that for the future of our peoples and for them to live in friendship and fraternity, it is vital to fight for the following demands: - an end to the occupation of Kosovo, and withdrawal of all foreign and imperialist military forces from the Balkans and the Middle East; - an end to the embargo on and the bombardment of Iraq; - withdrawal from imperialist military alliances such as Nato and the WEU, and dismantling of the military bases of such aggressive organisations from our countries; - withdrawal from the EU which is based on the exploitation of our peoples and which is an instrument of the hegemony of monopolies; - refusal of the colonialist agreements such as the MAI and MIGA imposed by the WTO under the directives of big imperialist states; - refusal to pay the economic bills of imperialist wars, mainly the war in Iraq and Kosovo; - unconditional defence of the oppressed peoples’ right to self-determination, including the right to independence. Being aware of our increasing responsibilities in advancing the organised struggle of the working class and the peoples, we call upon all the workers and peoples of the region to take up the struggle for these demands. Labour Party of Iran (Toufan) The Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)

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A BRIEF EVALUATION OF THE CONFERENCES At a time when the proletarian movement had the most advanced positions in its history and challenged imperialism on every front, the struggle against modern revisionism gained a new dimension with the stance taken by the parties and organisations adhered to Marxism-Leninism in line with the PLA led by Enver Hoxha. This happened immediately after Stalin's death when the Khrushchevite clique took over the CPSU through every possible insidious method and betrayed the party line and Marxism-Leninism. With the task of furthering the principles of Marxism-Leninism, the historical gains of the proletarian movement and the working class's march forward, the stance of these parties from the 1960s onwards encouraged the formation and advancement of new M-L groups and parties with ever increasing numbers and influence, which went through specific processes in different countries. These M-L parties, with the line they followed in their countries, have given particular importance to eliminating the influence of revisionism and reformism over the workers and working masses. As a current they have also been the defenders of the general line of the International Communist Movement. Each party and group, within its own capacity and understanding, has tried to advance the unity based on ideological and theoretical principles, and develop the grounds for material and organisational unity. Modern revisionism, led by Gorbachev, joined together with the counter-revolutionary so-called "liberalisation" and "globalisation" campaign carried out internationally since the early 1980s by the imperialist and reactionary gang led by the US. It dropped its socialist mask and openly became an accomplice of capitalism. This was followed by the collapse of the revisionist powers. All this inflamed the attacks on the historical gains of the proletariat and Marxism-Leninism on an international scale with unprecedented dimensions. With the help of provocations, this wave of attacks was followed by the cowardly stance of the leadership of the PLA who, instead of resistance and struggle, chose to submit and accepted the defeat without a fight. This was in no way in line with the practice of Enver Hoxha or the history and combative tradition of the people of Albania. This stance led to the disintegration of socialist Albania. In the face of these developments, the liberal and opportunist tendencies which emerged in the mid-80s in many parties of the international Marxist-Leninist movement and led to the liquidation of some fraternal parties, took an orientation which threatened the existence and the future of the movement. The relations between fraternal parties weakened, and uncertainties and a chaotic situation emerged in the ranks of the international M-L movement. Subsequently, the M-L parties were faced with a new test in encountering the attacks and undertaking their historical tasks. The question posed was whether they would enter a path of new doubts and distrust with regard to the universal principles and theses of Marxism-Leninism, abandoning their objectives and reasons for existence with no belief in their legitimacy; or whether they would accept and declare the fact that the betrayal which began with Khrushchevite revisionism has created its natural consequences which this in itself has given a new meaning and importance to their reasons for existence, legitimacy and responsibilities. That they were ready to shoulder every responsibility in preparing the working class for new struggles in accordance with their historical tasks and objectives for the advancement and the future of humanity as a whole. The former would inevitably pave the way to submission to the bourgeoisie, to hopelessness and to a tendency towards liquidationism; while the latter would indicate an orientation towards more 27

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advanced struggles with a higher level of consciousness and organisation, renewing and strengthening the hope and confidence of the working class in their future. The 1992 Congress of the Brazilian Party created the grounds for openly expressing the liberalopportunist tendency within the international M-L movement. The open stance taken against the opportunist tendency at this Congress, and the call for an international meeting in Dominican Republic fuelled the revolutionary tendency in our movement to reorganise itself. The March 1993 meeting in Dominican Republic was called by six fraternal parties and attended by nine. It was an evidence of the tendency within the M-L movement towards uniting their forces and taking their responsibilities to fulfil their historical tasks for the working class and the oppressed working masses. This meeting marked the first step in declaring the fight against the reformist tendency within the movement, and it was followed by other meetings. Another meeting was held later that year in Europe. It was attended by 13 parties which discussed international developments and the state of the Communist Movement and declared their adherence to their ideological, theoretical and historical foundations. It decided to organise the next meeting on the subject of the organisational platform of international M-L movement, and set up a preparatory committee to enable participation in line with its objectives. The 1994 Quito Meeting, attended by 15 parties and organisations, expressed in its final declaration the common determination not to abandon "our effort and work until we fulfil our historical mission" and to "keep high the flag of Marxism-Leninism, to fight for its implementation, and to turn our parties and organisations into political, social and organisational alternatives nationally and internationally". It also took the minimum organisational steps to strengthen the ideological, political and organisational bases of the International Communist Movement and to meet its needs: it decided to establish certain instruments and organs, among which were the institutionalisation of the conferences, the setting up of the Co-ordinating Committee, and the publication of an international journal. With its decisions and the stance it represented, the Quito Meeting has marked a significant turning point in terms of our M-L movement regrouping itself and shouldering its historical tasks and responsibilities with a higher level of consciousness. In this way, international M-L movement has entered a more advanced path since 1994, namely the period of "Conferences". With the fight the movement has waged since 1991, this step has ensured the failure of the distorting / time consuming attempts of the liberal-opportunist tendency which tried to drag the movement on to its platform of petit-bourgeois socialism. With its ideological and theoretical platform as well as the minimum organisational steps it has taken, the M-L movement has become the only current which could shoulder the responsibility of the working class. This was at a time when the workers of advanced countries, the most conscious and experienced sections of the working class, have begun to wage the most advanced struggles of the last 20-30 years. Particularly in 1995, the workers of France inflicted the first serious blow against the attacks and the demagogic campaign of imperialist bourgeoisie. This led to a new mobilisation of the struggles of the workers in many underdeveloped and dependent countries.

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Our Conferences since Quito The M-L movement has held its conferences regularly with the set framework. In line with the tasks set forth in the general conferences; regional conferences, international youth gatherings and trade union conferences have also been held. The Conference has re-established links with some of those fraternal parties who had lost contact with the M-L movement. The journal has begun to be published in more countries. The expression of the relations between fraternal parties on the Conference platform the responsibilities of which have already been set, has improved mutual trust and the level of utilisation of experiences. The agenda of our conferences has evolved towards discussions on the practical problems of class struggle and towards establishing an international tactical line from these discussions. The steps taken and the work done have strengthened and given courage to the struggle of our individual parties. While the currents which distanced themselves from Marxism-Leninism have entered a process of disintegration and dissolution on the platforms of bourgeois parties, our fraternal parties have gained new positions in the struggle. These positions have improved their selfconfidence and have given strength and prestige to our M-L movement as a whole. In other words, on one hand, the creation of the minimum organs and instruments of our movement since the Quito meeting has mobilised and encouraged the struggle of our individual fraternal parties, and on the other, the gains achieved by our fraternal parties in their own countries have strengthened the foundations of our M-L movement. Present developments consolidate internationally the legitimacy of our movement as a current which has historical roots and a history of struggle, and give our parties the right to carry on their path with more courage and confidence. However, if we take into consideration the developments in the international workers' movement; the experiences, requirements and tasks derived from these developments; the shortcomings which emerge in the functioning of the existing organs of our ML movement -as was stated at the Venezuela Conference; it is true that we are faced with the question of expanding the scope of our work and of strengthening the ideological, political and organisational bases of our unity, and that each party is concerned about this question. There is no doubt that the problems we are facing today are not a result of retrogression or disintegration. On the contrary, they are a result of historically significant developments that have been taking place internationally in the working class movement (particularly since 1995). They are a result of a progress and development, of our M-L movement becoming more important and encountering with more concrete tasks and responsibilities. This is because during this period, although the workers' struggle experienced some kind of stagnation from time to time; in general, some concrete signs of a flow, of fundamental changes and renovation have emerged. Our parties have tried to utilise fully the possibilities created by the expanding struggle and organisation as a result of these developments. The experiences they have gained from the struggles in their own countries have also contributed to the International Communist Movement in general, consolidating and developing the previously taken steps. In other words, the unity that emerged in 1994 on the basis of the defence of the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism against the imperialist-revisionist demagogic campaign and against their liberal opportunist reflections in our ranks, is at present faced with the question of progress towards the ideological, political and organisational problems of the international workers' movement. 29

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It is for this reason that one of the main preconditions for our development and for the accomplishment of our historical tasks and responsibilities for the emancipation of humanity is to study the general conclusions of the struggles that have taken place since 1995 for the international workers' movement -without overlooking the different forms and characteristics they have taken in different countries. This is also necessary for our fraternal parties and our M-L movement to become more aware of the process they are going through, to utilise and evaluate their own experiences with a wider perspective, and to concentrate their energy on the most vital problems.

Developments in class struggle since 1995 and some conclusions The events and the facts of the present period have shown that since 1991 not only in former socialist countries and people's democracies but in the imperialist system as a whole, a period of many sided disintegration, contradiction and sharpening has begun. We witness this in the relations between imperialist countries; between the monopolies; between the imperialist and dependent, colonial and semi-colonial countries; between the capitalist bourgeoisie and ruling classes on one hand and the working class and popular masses on the other; shortly in class relations as a whole. In connection with this, the actions which spread in 1995 against the attacks of the imperialist bourgeoisie and reactionary forces led to significant developments both for our parties and for the international communist movement: Ideologically, vivid developments in class struggle and their manifestations have become concrete proofs which consolidate the theoretical foundations of Marxism-Leninism. Ideological-theoretical struggle has expanded its sphere of influence, joining together with the concrete developments emerging as a result of the practical movement and according to its requirements. As a result of these developments, old revisionist parties have begun to make an effort to renew their platforms. The pressure from the working class movement has fuelled internal contradictions in the ranks of these parties, and in some countries it has led to the emergence of "left" fractions at different levels. In some parties which broke away from the ranks of M-L movement there has emerged -even though ambiguously- a tendency to break away from and to struggle against the liberal opportunist line. The orientation of popular masses in former socialist countries towards the struggle against unbridled capitalist exploitation and plunder has upset the illusions spread by the revisionist demagogy. Thus, internationally, with more direct and clear manifestation of class contradictions, the demagogic bases of revisionism which have become a part of the imperialist campaign claiming the end of the historical revolutionary role of the working class, have weakened. Politically, as a natural result of the sharpening imperialist contradictions, we see a rising struggle against the many-sided attacks on the rights achieved by the working masses in almost every country. In the majority of underdeveloped countries as well as in capitalist countries the ruling classes have conducted these attacks through "national" coalitions consisting of bourgeois "left" parties such as social democrats and socialists as well as "communist" parties. As a result of this, the role of bourgeois left parties as an extinguisher of the workers' struggles has further weakened. The workers and working people in general have begun to distance themselves from these parties and to orientate towards new alternatives. The pressure of these developments has begun to shake the trade union bureaucracy and strengthen the tendency among trade unionists towards a struggle against the bureaucracy. It also led to a tendency within the middle and lower sections of trade unionists towards a break away from left parties such as ex-revisionists, social democrats, etc. Within the trade union movement, the tendency 30

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towards solidarity and co-operation has improved on an international scale. This is a tendency that the Trotskyist and ex-revisionist currents are trying to take under their control by trying to reorganise. The working classes of advanced countries, with the ability of organisation and consciousness that they have gained from their historical experiences, have re-orientated themselves towards strikes, general strikes, acts of resistance and demonstrations as different forms of struggle, in other words, towards "schools of struggle", which the bourgeoisie is trying to erase from their minds. This has inspired and given courage to the struggle of the workers in other countries with a relatively poor history of struggle. Especially the events that took or still are taking place in many underdeveloped countries such as Ecuador and Burkina Faso have proved that the working class in these countries can play a more solid vanguard role in social struggle. The objective/material bases for solidarity and co-operation between the working class of advanced countries and those of underdeveloped countries have widened as never before and gained a mutually strengthening role. In this way, the influence of "anti-imperialist, petit bourgeois revolutionary" currents, the majority of which have moved towards reformism in underdeveloped countries, has gradually weakened, and the working class has proved to be the most consistent defender of anti-imperialist demands in these struggles. As a result and an element of all these struggles, the most significant phenomenon which has a determining character for the workers' movement and its future is the fact that in many countries where the working class has orientated towards struggle at this or that level, especially in advanced capitalist countries, there has emerged, out of the struggle, a new advanced section of workers, who are in the forefront of the movement, and who, with their practical actions, distance themselves from ex-revisionist or bourgeois left parties. Their number and influence vary in accordance with conditions and from action to action, and they do not yet have any ideological-political unity in the real sense. It is obvious that, under the present circumstances, the main reason for the emergence of this advanced section of workers, is their stance in daily struggles against capitalism and the positions they have gained through their experiences in the struggle. What proves the importance of the role of these sections in class struggle is the capacity they have shown since 1995 in the struggles in advanced countries like France, Germany, the USA, Russia and in many underdeveloped countries in unifying some sectors of the working class. These sections also play a significant role in the trade union movement, and our fraternal parties in different countries come face to face with them in different forms. Under the present circumstances, the question of organising these advanced sections -going through different processes particular to each country- in the revolutionary working class party is the main condition for re-uniting the workers' movement around a revolutionary line, advancing its struggle and overcoming the destruction caused by revisionism. In the forthcoming period, it will also be the focal point of the fight against the attempts of the out-of-the-class "left" currents at reorganising themselves and dividing the movement. Of course, at present, this question manifests itself under particular conditions in which the working class unity in action and in practice and their experiences have a special meaning. For this reason, the approach of our parties and our ML movement to this question has a particular importance in terms of facilitating the advanced workers taking their future into their own hands with courage and confidence. Every success in this field will serve the unity of the M-L movement also in the form of international unity of the workers’ movement. It will help them to head towards revolution and socialism, and enrich their agenda with the experiences of this struggle. For this reason the M-L Movement must concentrate all its attention and effort on this vital question with which our parties have been engaged for some time. It must expand its agenda to the daily 31

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practical, political and organisational problems of the struggle against the capitalist-bourgeoisie and imperialism. Also, without ignoring the historical and social characteristics of every country, it must develop a style of work which will help develop a common approach to common problems, and it must form the necessary mechanisms to do that. What does this mean? First of all, it means bringing onto the agenda of our Conference the problems in every country, the forms of struggle and organisation that have emerged, the tactics of political and trade union struggle, and the negative or positive experiences gained from them. It means drawing the maximum common results on the basis of which each individual fraternal party could utilise its own experiences with a wider perspective. Subsequently it means having a lively accumulation of experiences which will serve the unification of the international workers' movement around a common line, and deepening and strengthening our ideological-theoretical discussion and unity on the concrete tasks of the movement. Secondly, it means that we must evaluate and make a self-criticism of our journal in order to make it an instrument of the ideological-theoretical struggle which will serve the common objectives and concrete tasks we have set forth. It means that the call to improve the journal must be considered as an essential task and responsibility rather than a "recommendation". Thirdly, it means that we must make the "Regional Conferences" more systematic and efficient, and renew and improve the internal functioning of the Co-ordinating Committee and its relations with Regional Conferences and with fraternal parties in accordance with the concrete tasks of our General Conferences. Fourthly, we must get to know more closely those parties and groups which are trying to establish links with the M-L movement, share the experience and collective knowledge of the historical process that was gone through with them, enabling them to claim that process as a common basis of the M-L movement, and help them develop and participate in the Movement at a more advanced level. We are aware that more advanced forms of organisations require a more advanced level of unity of will and action, uniting the international workers' movement around a common line. They have to correspond with the level of development of the Movement itself and the level of influence of our parties on this movement. However, on the other hand, to the extent that our Conference draws concrete and general conclusions from every development in the movement and sets itself tasks and responsibilities accordingly, it can influence and advance the movement. This is the meaning of "being in front of the movement". And our movement consists of parties which have proved, even in the hardest times, to be more courageous and responsible and ideologically and theoretically more equipped than others in order to be "in the front".

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Conference Resolutions

The Appeal of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations to the workers and all working people of the world:

For a combative May Day The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations, meeting in plenary session, appeals to the workers and peoples to celebrate this May Day in a combative fashion. It is necessary to mobilise our forces and ceaselessly raise the level of our struggle against capitalist exploitation and oppression. Contrary to what they want us to believe, imperialism is in a deep crisis. We are faced with the task of inflicting blows on "our" reactionaries and the whole gang of opportunists who are playing their game. Reaction is placing on the shoulders of the peoples, especially the workers, all the burdens of its crisis and its consequences, its policies of plunder, aggression and war. We have to confront numerous problems, such as unemployment, poverty-level wages, discrimination against women, marginalisation of the youth, reactionary education, etc. The bourgeoisie and capitalism are increasing their brutal hegemony and oppression. We, the communists, are fighting against all this, and it is for this reason that we are the main target of reactionary forces. We have received serious blows and suffered setbacks and losses. However, the communist spirit and ideals continue to be strong and valid. Confronting the obscurantism of reaction, against pessimism and the spirit of capitulation, we must raise higher the banner of progress, of freedom of peoples, and of the revolution. The future belongs to us, but it is necessary to go forward to win it. Our banners of struggle are also banners of hope. Our enemies are trying to divide the people, and turn one against the other. They stir up racism and xenophobia. We must fight with determination against this as well. Neither the colour of one’s skin, nor one’s language, nor cultural differences can justify confrontations among peoples. On the contrary, class unity against our oppressors, fraternal solidarity among the workers and peoples should always be present in our struggles. Today more than ever our slogan remains in force: "Workers of the world, unite!" On this May Day, our Conference salutes the popular movements and the struggles that are taking place in Ecuador, Burkina Faso, Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Indonesia, South Korea and many other countries. In the world today, in spite of the reactionary forces and the undermining work of the opportunists and the reformist trade union bureaucrats, popular struggles against the yoke of capital are growing and developing. We are in solidarity with the peoples, countries and nations, who are victims of imperialist barbarism, such as Iraq, Cuba, Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Chechnia and many others. Our era is not one of the "end of history" or of a "single thought", as reactionary forces claim. On the contrary, we are in the era that Lenin defined as that of decadent imperialism and the proletarian revolutions in motion. It is for this reason that this May Day, the international day of the workers of the world, we wave the red flag of the proletariat and of the struggle for national liberation in our countries. We call on the peoples to mobilise themselves, to develop their struggles boldly, to dare to confront national and international reaction. The proletarians and peoples have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Long Live May Day! Long Live International Solidarity! *****

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Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on solidarity with Hamma Hammami and with the struggle of the Tunisian people for freedom and democracy:

Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and the people of Tunisia The treacherous dictatorship regime of Tunisia has been conducting a savage campaign of terror over this country’s democrats, progressive forces and communists for many years. In spite of signing basic international conventions which secure individual and collective liberties (self expression, media, right to protest, etc.), Bin Ali and his clique, ignoring the protests of international human rights organisations and public opinion, has been continuing to arrest and torture those who show the courage to oppose the system. Hamma Hammami, who is a leading figure of the political movement in the country and the spokesman of the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia (PCOT), after exposure to torture in prison for years, is now being pursued by the police of Bin Ali. The rulers are implementing repression on the family members of the comrade, and doing everything in their power to liquidate the Party. In response to this, a solidarity committee has been established in Tunisia, led by the historian Mohamed Talbi, in order to inform international public opinion and for the comrades return to normal life -in other words, for the search warrants and sentences to be dismissed. This committee has been receiving the support of different sections of the Tunisian society as well as of international circles. The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations meeting in Europe in April 2000 and considering the practices of the Bin Ali regime towards comrade Hamma Hammami and the difficulties experienced by our fraternal party in Tunisia: - condemns the oppressive criminal policies of the Bin Ali regime, which is the guardian of the interests of French Imperialism and the Tunisian bourgeoisie; - salutes and encourages the Hamma Hammami solidarity committee in its struggle for the recognition of individual and collective liberties; - calls on all parties and organisations to support and show solidarity with comrade Hamma Hammami and his party PCOT in all fronts.

*****

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Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on the Revolutionary Process in Burkina Faso and the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta

Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV As throughout the world and particularly in Africa, Burkina Faso is undergoing a many-sided structural adjustment crisis -an economic, political and institutional, social and moral crisis. The horrible assassination of the progressive journalist Norbert Zongo and his three friends on 13 December 1998 in Sapouy (100 km. from the capital city Ouagadougou) by the authorities of the IVth Republic is one of the factors that has revealed this crisis. It has also been the trigger of a vast popular movement ("Enough is Enough") against exemption from punishment and for winning political liberty which, under the leadership of the Collective of Mass Democratic Organisations and Political Parties (CODMPP), has been shaking the country for more than 16 months. The platform of the Collective takes into account the democratic aspirations of the people of Burkina Faso and their desire for a qualitative political change in their favour. Faced with this unprecedented powerful popular movement, which has undergone a burst of patriotic energy for national liberation, the authorities of the IVth Republic -with the mafia clan of Blaise Campoar and his party-state, the Congress For Democracy (CDP) at its head- supported by imperialism, especially French imperialism, has done everything in their power to stifle the legitimate aspirations of the people of Burkina Faso. It has unleashed barbarous repression against the leaders and members of the CODMPP and against the people as a whole: arrests, tortures, assassinations, death threats, administrative sanctions, shooting on demonstrators with real bullets, sham trials, organising fascist-type militias, etc. At the same time, by using delaying tactics and dirty political tricks (creation of numerous phoney commissions whose work continue aimlessly, inadmissible pressure on the judicial apparatus, crude frame-ups against democrats, revolutionaries and communists, etc.), it is trying to gain time to divert the people, to lead the popular movement astray in order to eliminate it. Despite all this, the people are increasing their mobilisation every day, they are gaining confidence, organising themselves better, reinforcing their determination and their will to win their just demands, supporting the CODMPP, which is proving more and more each day to be the real representative of the country. The political consequence of all this is the deepening of the chasm which separates the rulers from the ruled in Burkina Faso, where the course of events has signs of an approaching revolutionary situation. All this indicates that Burkina Faso is ripe for a revolution. Thus, the International Conference of M-L Parties and Organisations met in April 2000: - denounces and condemns the fascistic, reactionary and treacherous authorities of the IVth Republic who have transformed the neo-colonial state of Burkina Faso into a mafia and mercenary state; - denounces the manoeuvres of imperialism, especially the French imperialism, which is trying to prevent the emancipation of the people of Burkina Faso in order to continue to keep them under their yoke; - firmly supports the just struggle of the people of Burkina Faso for their emancipation; - salutes the decisive role which the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (PCRV) is playing in the present struggle of the people of Burkina Faso; firmly supports them in their efforts to set up a Provisional Revolutionary Government (GRP), the convocation of a Constituent National Assembly (ANC) and for the realisation of the National Democratic and Popular Revolution (RNDP); - calls on all Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations to give their internationalist support to the 35

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people of Burkina Faso and to the PCRV in their struggle for the advent of a democratic and popular government in Burkina Faso.

*****

Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on the uprising in Ecuador and the work of the PCMLE:

Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations held a discussion about the developments in Ecuador and the experience of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE) in this process. With the analysis of these events, the Conference came to the conclusion that the revolutionary struggle in Ecuador was developing positively. This manifestation of the revolutionary struggle constitutes a great source of joy for the international Marxist-Leninist communist movement, and it means taking greater responsibilities in order to prepare the grounds for the revolution in our countries. The mass mobilisations in Ecuador are concrete indicators of rising movements in all continents. The workers and people of Ecuador smashed the bourgeois institutions and toppled the Mahuad government, which was a servant of imperialism, through a big popular uprising. What happened there was neither an ordinary action, nor an attempt for a coup d’état, or a show of might between the bourgeois cliques. On the contrary, it was a popular uprising which has shaken the Ecuadorian society, which has constituted a leap in the consciousness and organisation of the working class, and which has given strength to other peoples, mainly to those who live and struggle in Latin America. The crisis that is jolting the Ecuadorian society; the profound discontent of the working people; the conflicts within the bourgeoisie itself; the lack of trust in the institutions, governments, parliament, judiciary organs and political parties; the friction within the armed forces; the actions and organisations of various social layers; the social and political actions of the indigenous people; the place and struggle of the left forces, principally of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party, in the actions... All this constitutes the reason for and the essence of the events in Ecuador. Undoubtedly, the political crisis was overcome in a way that imperialism and the bourgeoisie desired for. The same policies as those of the past are in function with a new mask. Noboa represents the continuation of the imperialist and bourgeois hegemony. His government is a reactionary one and the working masses and the people of Ecuador have no doubt about this. Both the social movement, the proletarian revolutionaries and the democratic and patriotic forces on the one hand, and the bourgeoisie, imperialism and the opportunists on the other are faced with a new situation. The economic crisis is deepening and affecting, as usual, mostly the urban and rural working people. The labourers and peoples are being subject to capitalist exploitation and oppression; the search of the bourgeoisie and imperialism, on the other hand, for ways to get out of this crisis is proving to be a failure. One must also add the division within the bourgeois armed forces. Revolutionaries have suitable conditions to go forward. What is needed is an immediate action. The PCMLE has fulfilled its responsibilities in this process, thus has become the main target for the attacks of the bourgeoisie and its apparatus. However, the party did not take a step back in the face of the assassination of Haime Jurtado and his friends, turning suffering into strength and clinging tighter to its responsibilities

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towards the workers and the people of Ecuador. It came out of these events with determination in order to arm itself with experience, overcome its problems and weaknesses, and to rise to a level that is required by the conditions. The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations, shares fully the analysis of the Ecuadorian comrades that “the north-west region of Latin America, where Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador is situated, is one of the weakest links of the chain of imperialism”. It declares its determination to do whatever in its power to weaken further this links and to give full support to the CPC(ML) of Colombia, the PCMLE of Ecuador, and the Red Flag Party (BR) of Venezuela. We undertake the engagement for spreading information about the struggles and victories of our comrades, for renewing the campaign for comrade Francisco Caraballo to regain his freedom, and for showing solidarity with the PCMLE with the slogan “a revolutionary paper for Ecuador for the revolution and socialism”. The process developing in these countries requires the engagement of the labourers, peoples, patriots and progressive forces. We consider it our task to raise the revolutionary struggle and to develop the solidarity and support of the communists of different countries.

*****

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Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations drew up the balance sheet of the aims it had set up. Despite the activities of the fraternal Colombian Party and of various parties and organisations, the collaborationist reactionary government of Colombia still keeps comrade Francisco Caraballo, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Colombia (M-L), in prison. Our Conference will continue to raise the international campaign for the release of comrade Caraballo. All revolutionaries and communists, progressive and patriotic forces should do everything in their power and express their solidarity with the comrade. We must call upon the Colombian government, the International Red Cross Organisation and all Human Rights organisations for the release of this communist who was imprisoned for his activities and beliefs, and whose trial has been continuing for long years. We must also carry out this campaign particularly among the workers’ movement, among the peoples and revolutionary organisations, joining it with the struggle of the Colombian comrades. Francisco Caraballo has been in prison for six years. The struggle of his party, of the Popular Liberation Army (EPL), of the workers and the people of Colombia is advancing. Therefore, comrade Caraballo’s release is of greater importance today. *****

The message of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations

To the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations salute the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark, which is part of the International Communist Movement. The success of this Congress is our success, and the strengthening of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark means the strengthening of our movement. Comrades, we wish you success in your Congress. Your participation in the International Conference with the objectives and tasks you have undertaken will make stronger the Conference and the International Communist Movement. The struggle of the working class of the world and the exploitation they are subject to require the communist vanguards to consolidate their positions nationally and internationally. We believe that this will only be achieved through the political and organic unification of our parties with the working class and labouring masses. This is how we can fulfil the task of seizing the political power by leading the masses and of building socialism on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. We express our trust in the Danish comrades that they can accomplish these objectives demanded by the proletariat and by the future of humanity. Long live the First Congress of the Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark! Long live the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations! Long live Marxism-Leninism!

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