Tombulu Kinship Terminologies

TOMBULU KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES

SKRIPSI

Presented at English Education Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of “Sarjana Sastra”

By: EMMOR H.N. SUJADI NIM. 03 300 293

MANADO STATE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF LANGUAGE AND ARTS ENGLISH EDUCATION DEPARTMENT 2007

Chapter I INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of The Study Quoting a most well known quotation, “homo homini socius”, which means “human is social being”, gives us a notion that human cannot be separated or even be far from the society. “When we study human language, we are approaching to what some might call the ‘human essence’, the distinctive qualities of mind that are, so far as we know, unique to man”, said by Chomsky (Fromkin, 2001:2). The need of every person to express something through a media to do the transferring action is a language. Language occurs in a society. To communicate something or to express idea people use language as the tool. It is also used to build a relationship among members of the society. Being spoken among members of the society is a requirement for a language. Thus, the essential usage of a language will appear, as a tool of communication. Indonesia, with its diversity, encloses with many different ethnics who speak different languages as well. This is supported by the amount of islands which is scattered the people into some regions. As an example, the Java Island is inhabited by many ethnicities which are different from the Borneo’s island.

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The ethnic language serves to support the national language therefore, they should be preserved. The role of the ethnic language is very important for the development of the Indonesian language and its national culture, since the ethnic languages are part of the living culture of Indonesia. As what stated by Nababan (1993:50) that the culture of Indonesia cannot come into being without language. That is why the existence of Indonesian culture determined by the languages spoken by ethnic groups. As every ethnic has its own distinctive language, it also becomes their pride to speak it. Outside the national language, Bahasa Indonesia, tribesmen speak in his own language in order to maintain a close relationship with others. Samsuri says that “pemakaian bahasa pertama (bahasa daerah) menyebabkan kemesraan yang lebih mendalam” (Samsuri, 1987). Intimate relationship can be obtained with the use of the local language among the members of a society who speak the same language. Minahasa is one among many ethnic groups in Indonesia. It takes place at the northern part of Celebes Island. It is between 0°51’ and 1°51’40’’ North Latitude and between 124°18’40’’ and 125°21’40’’ East Longitude. Minahasa comprises about 4786 km2. On the northern part bordered with Mindanao islands (Philippines), the

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southern part with Sulawesi Sea, the eastern part with Maluku Sea, and the western part with Bolaang Mongondow. People of Minahasa speak about 8 different languages following their own sub ethnic groups. According to the separation in Watu Pinabetengan, they are as follow (Rattu in Turang et.al., 1997:80-121): 1. Tonsea with the Tonsea language spoken by those people who inhabit the north-eastern part of Minahasa which is now known as Kabupaten Minahasa Utara. 2. Tombulu with the Tombulu language spoken by those people who inhabit the north-western part of Minahasa. 3. Tountemboan with the Tountemboan language spoken by those people who inhabit the southern and (some) central parts of Minahasa. 4. Toulour with the Toulour language spoken by those people who inhabit Lake Tondano and the eastern part of Minahasa. 5. Tounsawang with the Tounsawang language spoken by those people who inhabit the middle-southern Minahasa or Tombatu. 6. Ratahan with the Pasan language spoken by those people who inhabit the middle-southern of Minahasa or Ratahan. 7. Ponosakan with the Ponosakan language spoken by those people who inhabit the south-eastern of Minahasa or Belang.

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8. Bantik with the Bantik language spoken by those people who inhabit the north-western of Manado. Each one has its own characteristics but still has similarities. Tombulu, as one of Minahasan languages, is spoken among the people who settled in the northwestern part Minahasa region (Lalamentik et.al., 1986:6). It is divided into six cultural areas which all are spoken Tombulu language, as Pakasaan Tombulu (2007) described: 1. Tou Muung/Tomohon group. They are: Talete, Kamasi, Kolongan, Paslaten, Matani, and Walian. 2. Sarongsong group. They are: Tumatangtang, Lansot, Pinaras, Pangolombian,

Lahendong,

Tondangow,

rurukan,

and

Kumelembuai. 3. Kakaskasen group. They are: Wailan, Kayawu, Kakaskasen, Kinilow, Pineleng, Tateli, Sea, Koha, Agotey, Kali, Lota, Warembungan,

Suluan,

Rumengkor,

Kembes,

Tombuluan,

Kamangta, Sawangan, and Koka. 4. Tombariri group. They are: Lolah, Lemoh, Ranotongkor, Tanawangko, Senduk, Poopo, Teling Kumu, and Mokupa. 5. Tikala Ares group. They are people who settled in the area of Tikala now, but they are presumably not speaking Tombulu anymore.

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6. Kalabat Bawah group. They are people who settled in the area of Kampung Wenang (Kampung Cina, now) which presumably don’t speak Tombulu anymore, Paniki Bawah, and Wusa (still speak but only the elder people). Tombulu people use their language to interact among them. They are using it as a means of communication to cope with the members of their families and their society. As the tool of communication, Tombulu has the position to serve as a symbol of pride of the people who speak it; a symbol of identity; and also as a means of communication. It cannot be denied that a number of speakers of Tombulu language are diminishing. This is due to the fact that people, particularly the younger, prefer to speak Manado Malay than Tombulu. Another indication also shows that elderly people do not use the language when they speak with the younger and even do not motivate them to learn and speak the language. Such conditions threaten the existence of the language. As these problems arise, the writer attempts to make an encounter towards these phenomena. He is eager to do a research in Tombulu language, especially on its kinship terminologies. People of Minahasa are well known of their family associations. As stated

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above, local language is a tool of communication which reflects intimacy, he assumes that Tombulu language also occurred in the same way. In other words, the intimacy between family members can be seen in the form of the utterances and addressing. With this research, he hopes that the language will be preserved. Fischer in his work said that, “Kinship is one of these more complex systems of culture. All human groups have a kinship terminology, a set of terms used to refer to kin”. Furthermore described, Kinship terminologies constitute a culture's kinship (family relationship) vocabulary, a catalogue of the names that are assigned to relatives, e.g., father, mother, uncle, grandson (Schwimmer, 2001). Different societies of course use different labels to designate their kin; “uncle” is “oncle” in French, “paman” in Bahasa Indonesia, and “om” in Manado Malay. The society of Tombulu use “ina” /Ina’/ to address mother and “ama” /ama’/ for father. Many researchers have done some studies dealing with the kinship terminologies in some foreign languages as done by Joost Zwarts on Endo language (Kenya) in 2002 and Mark Turin on Thangmi language (Nepal) in 2003; also a study of M. Yahya Mansyur entitled with “Sistem Kekerabatan (kinship) Masyarakat Aceh Utara dan Aceh Besar (1982). What comes in the mind of the writer is that, “Why don’t we have our own research on kinship terminologies in our

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own language?” So, to answer this kind of question, he intends to conduct this research in order to give a clear understanding about Tombulu kinship terminologies. 1.2 Research Questions From the explanations above the researcher formulates these research questions: -

What are the kinship terminologies used in Tombulu language?

-

How do these kinship terminologies fill the categorizations of consanguinal and affinal relatives?

1.3 Purpose of the Proposed Study The purpose of this study is to identify and to describe the kinship terminologies used in Tombulu language. 1.4 Scope and Delimitation of the Study The study is delimited to the use of Tombulu kinship terminologies by Tombulu language speakers who lived in Tomohon city. The writer only delimits the generation between one up to five generations above ego and below ego, because the assumption is that the people who are classified in the next generation (6th and the rest) already dead or not exist anymore. It gives only small chance for them to have a terminology.

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1.5 Significance of the Study Besides giving a broader and advanced thought to the writer, this study is expected theoretically, to give a contribution to the forthcoming research for the development of language studies. This also directly gives contribution to the amount of written materials dealing with Tombulu language studies. 1.6 Explanation of the Symbols and the Terms Used

-

Ego: Latin for ‘I’. In kinship charts, the point from which one views.

-

Descriptive terms, which include relatively small numbers of types, preferably having unique referents (only one type of relationship).

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-

Classificatory terms, which include a relatively large number of biological kin types (many types of relationship).

-

Consanguinal relative means “blood” relatives.

- Affinal relative means relatives by marriage. -

Lineal relative means kin in your direct line of descent (e.g., parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren); in other words, a vertical relationships, it can be ancestors or descendants.

- Collateral relative is a biological relative who is not a lineal such as brother, sister, father’s brother, etc.; in other words, a horizontal relationships.

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Chapter II REVIEW OF LITERATURE

It is undeniable for us to claim that language influences our lives as human beings. When we communicate something to other people, language is used to transfer the ideas. Language touches every part of human interactions, formal or informal, big or small communities, family or interpersonal communications. When we speak about the language and the use of it in a scope of society, we are dealing with sociolinguistics, a subfield of linguistics. As declared by Cippolone et.al, (1998:5), “sociolinguistics is the study of the interrelationships of language and the social structure, of linguistic variation, and of attitudes toward language”. Moreover, Holmes (2001) explained that sociolinguistics is the study of the relationship between language and society. It is interested in explaining why we speak differently in different social contexts, and concerned with identifying the social functions of language and the ways it is used to convey social meaning. Stated by Fishman (1976:3), “sociolinguistics seeks to discover the societal rules or norms that explain and constrain language behavior and the behavior toward in the speech communities. It is also seeks to determine the symbolic value of language varieties for their speaker”. This is supported

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by Suwito (1985:5) which stated that “sosiolinguistik memandang bahasa sebagai sistem sosial dan sistem komunikasi serta merupakan bagian dari masyarakat dan kebudayaan tertentu”. Another assertion about sociolinguistics is that what has been stated by Downes (2005:9) that “sociolinguistics is that branch of linguistics which studies just those properties of language and languages which require reference to social, including contextual, factors in their explanation”. That means sociolinguistics also gives concentration on the social factors where the language is spoken. That is why we should know first who is speaking and to whom we are speaking, where the talking happens, what is being talked, and why are we speaking. As what have stated above that the relations of language and society is studied in sociolinguistics, it also has connection to the culture of the language speakers since it has become their system of communication. A language study which given an emphasizing on the use of language in a specific culture to describe the familial relationships is called kinship terminologies.

2.1 KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES Kinship terminology refers to the words used in a specific culture to describe a specific system of familial relationships. Kinship terminologies include the terms of address used in different languages or communities for

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different relatives and the terms of reference used to identify the relationship of these relatives to ego or to each other (Wikipedia, 2000). Wardhaugh said that “kinship system is a universal feature of languages, because kinship is so important in social organization” (Wardhaugh, 1986:219). Moreover, he argued that some systems are much ‘richer’ than others, but all make use of such factors as sex, age, generation, blood, and marriage in their organization. His statement is held up by Zwarts (2002) who noted that kinship terminologies could be traced through the line of consanguinal relatives and affinal relatives. It is so obvious that kinship occurs in every society. What makes them ‘richer’ one to another, is that one can serve a terminology for different age and generation, but the other one has its own terminologies for each age or generation. In example, English kinship referred siblings sons as nephew and siblings daughters as niece; in Tombulu, siblings children are only referred as pahanaken. In this case, English has more terms to describe cousins which makes it ‘richer’ than Tombulu. But, in some cases Tombulu might come up with more terms to show the kinship relationships. Since kin terms are fundamentally arbitrary categories, different cultures can potentially group their relatives into a widely varying, indefinite number of classifications. Louis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family identified six basic patterns of kinship terminologies:

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•

Hawaiian (also referred to as the Generational system): the most classificatory; only distinguishes between sex and generation.

•

Sudanese (also referred to as the Descriptive system): the most descriptive; no two relatives share the same term.

•

Eskimo (also referred to as Lineal kinship): has both classificatory and descriptive terms; in addition to sex and generation, also distinguishes between lineal relatives (those related directly by a line of descent) and collateral relatives (those related by blood, but not directly in the line of descent). Lineal relatives have highly descriptive terms; collateral relatives have highly classificatory terms.

•

Iroquois (also known as Bifurcate merging): has both classificatory and descriptive terms; in addition to sex and generation, also distinguishes between siblings of opposite sexes in the parental generation. Siblings of the same sex class as blood relatives, but siblings of the opposite sex count as relatives by marriage. Thus, one calls one's mother's sister "mother", and one's father's brother "father"; however, one refers to one's mother's brother as "father-inlaw", and to one's father's sister as "mother-in-law".

•

Crow (an expansion of Bifurcate Merging): like Iroquois, but further distinguishes between mother's side and father's side. Relatives on

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the mother's side of the family have more descriptive terms, and relatives on the father's side have more classificatory terms. •

Omaha (also an expansion of Bifurcate Merging): like Iroquois, but further distinguishes between mother's side and father's side. Relatives on the mother's side of the family have more classificatory terms, and relatives on the father's side have more descriptive terms. (Adapted from Schwimmer, 2001) Here are some examples of kinship diagrams which will help to

make easy the descriptions of Tombulu kinship terminologies. These diagrams are used to represent the kinship system of a language, in this case, Tombulu language appears following the model of lineal kinship terminology.

Chart 01

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Lineal kinship terminology is a parental generation kin terminology with four terms: one for M, one for F, one for FB and MB, and one for MZ and FZ. The terminologies variations occur only to the close relatives. Chart 02

Generational kinship terminology is terminologies with only two terms serve for M, MZ, and FZ, and the other for F, FB, MB. Chart 03

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Bifurcate collateral kinship terminology employing separate terms for M, F, MB, MZ, FB, and FZ. Each member of the family (differentiated from father and mother sides) has his/her own terminology. Chart 04

Bifurcate merging kinship terminology provides same term for parallel relatives (M, MZ, and F, FB) but different terms for cross relatives (MB, FZ). (Adapted from Schwimmer, 2001)

2.2 SOCIO-CULTURAL BACKGROUND Tombulu as one of the ethnic language in Minahasa has become a communication apparatus among the members of the Tombulu society. It was a result of the culturization when they started to build their community, which now known as Tombulu. It was started hundred years ago when Minahasa divided into several sub-ethnics in Pinawetengan un nuwu

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ceremony. At last, some of the descendants of Toar and Lumimuut, which called mayesu group, moved to the foot of mount Empung. they settled at the valley which lodged by many bamboo clusters. This is the pioneer village of a new community known as Kinilow Tua’. Through the time, their name gradually changed. They called themselves as ‘tou um wulu’ which means people from/who lived in bamboo clusters. They stretched their community to the surroundings and built new villages to be inhabited. Some went northern and opened Talete, Kamasi, Paslaten, and Kolongan. Other went west and found Kakaskasen, Wailan, Kayawu, Woloan, and Taratara. Because of their needs of salt, they went to the sea shore and made salt. For the sea shore was far enough from their first settlement, they initiated new villages near the sea shores. That was how Tombariri and Tikala Ares were settled. Other reasons of shifting inhabitance were the natural disaster such as earthquake and flood; wars between clans for an area; need of a new place of farming. At the result, Sarongsong was settled and Kalabat Bawah, as well. (Retold by: H.B. Palar, Pakasaan Tombulu, 2007) For the reason of making salt people from Kinilow Tua’ went down the mountain to the sea shores. They were heading east where they can find shores of Sulawesi sea. When they went back home, they found that it was already too dark to proceed their journey as they arrived at the foot of mount Lokon. Then, they started to build huts as their shelters from

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darkness and rain. As the time went by, they found that many people had making a move to settle the new place. They lived in the valley between two steep cliffs which they called katingolan or narrow place. It was chosen because they want to defend themselves from Bantik clan who at any time attacked them. The village was then moved to the place where we can see now as Woloan, because of a great earthquake. In 1850 they opened the new area which full of wolo trees. That is why they called themselves as Woloan which means places where grew wolo trees. They were led by a leader called dotu named Tingkulengdeng. The village then divided into three villages as the requirement of the government system. Since 1978, they become Woloan 1, Woloan 2, and Woloan 3 village. (Retold by: J.B. Ngala, Lurah Woloan 3, 2007) Until now, people of Woloan still speak Tombulu in communication among them and they have the same language ability between youngers and elders.

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Chapter III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design Bogdan and Biklen, (1992:30) stated that “qualitative research is descriptive. The data collected are in the form of words or pictures rather than numbers. The written results of the research contain quotations from the data to illustrate and substantiate the presentation”. In conducting the research, the writer uses a qualitative approach as the data will be described in the form of words. 3.2 Data Collection 3.2.1 Subject The subject of this study is Tombulu language spoken by the Tombulu ethnic. The sample were the Tombulu language speakers who lived in Woloan Tiga village. The writer takes some informants to collect the data. As adapted from Nida (1960:190), the informants are chosen to fulfill these criteria: 1. They are native speaker of Tombulu; 2. They are adult; 3. They can speak and understand Bahasa Indonesia well; 4. They have no speech defect; 5. They are socially accepted.

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3.2.2 Instruments for Collecting Data The writer uses some instruments in order to collect the data. Tape recorder is used to record the conversations, as well as notebook and pen. A word lists is also used to collect data. 3.2.3 Research Events This research is conducted with the writer among the speakers community, doing some conversation with them. It is possible to the writer only to take field notes while doing conversations and also taping. Besides it, writer makes a personal interview with some samples to have a clear understanding. 3.3 Data Analysis The collected data are analyzed through the procedures of qualitative analysis suggested by Bogdan and Biklen (1992): 1. Activity of unitization In this activity, the data were collected and put into units. After that, they were given codes for easy controlling. 2. Activity of categorization In this activity, the data were classified on the category of consanguinal and affinal relatives. 3. Activity of explanation

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In this activity, the data were analyzed with explanation based on the first and second steps. The explanation was based on the theories pointed out in the review of literature. 4. Activity of interpretation In this activity, the data were interpreted for conclusion of the findings.

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Chapter IV ANALYSIS

4.1 TOMBULU KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES Over time, certain modes of representing kinship relationships have emerged as de facto standard, raging from the taxonomical tree-like model with circles and triangles to a list or glossary full of abbreviations (Vinding in Turin, 2001:6). The writer will represent the Tombulu kinship relationships in a list of glossary which describes the terminologies and in charts which describe relationships. The table given below shows the common abbreviations used for referring to kinship relationships. Abbreviations may be combined to indicate complex relationships. Table 01 Female

Male

Neutral

Mother

M

Father

F

Parents

Pa

Sister

Z

Brother

B

Siblings

Si

Daughter

D

Son

S

Child

Ch

Wife

W

Husband

H

Spouse

Sp

Step

St

Elder

e

Younger

y

ex-

x

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In example, a FyZ as father’s elder Sister and SpDH as spouse’ daughter’s husband. An X2 means the same thing as XX. The formula F3B should be read as father’s father’s father’s brother. The writer has collected the data from the informants and found that the Tombulu kinship terminologies are various. The terms are: Table 02 No.

Terminology

Gloss

Formula

1.

ama’

father

F

2.

ina’

mother

M

3.

tu’a

parents

Pa

4.

koki’

children

Ch

5.

piniara tuama

son

S

6.

piniara wēwēnē

daughter

D

7.

łołoateken

step child

StS

8.

piniara tu’a

eldest child

eCh

9.

taweng

youngest child

yCh

10.

kaka’ tuama

elder brother

eB

11.

kaka’ wēwēnē

elder sister

eZ

12.

tuari tuama

younger brother

yB

13.

tuari wēwēnē

younger sister

yZ

14.

mahkarepes-tina’i

siblings

Si

15.

ito’

uncle

FB

16.

mui

aunt

FZ

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17.

tua’

Father/Mother older siblings

FeSi/MeSi

18.

pahanaken tuama

nephew

BS

19.

pahanaken wēwēnē

niece

BD

20.

oki’-nē-mahtuari

cousin

FBCh

21.

puyun

grandchild

SCh

22.

puyun kazua

great grandchild

S2Ch

23.

puyun katelu

great great grandchild

S3Ch

24.

tētē

grandfather

FF

25.

nēnē

grandmother

FM

26.

katarēimopo’

great grandfather

F3

27.

kumaruaimopo’

great great grandfather

F4

28.

kasēndē’

wife

W

29.

kaawu

wife

W

30.

katēndē

wife

W

31.

mahayo

husband

H

32.

oki’ tuama

son-in-law

DH

33.

oki’ wēwēnē

daughter-in-law

SW

34.

ipag

brother-in-law

SiH

35.

susi

sister-in-law

SiW

36.

mahnuang

parents-in-law

WPa, HPa

37.

penigien

parents-in-law

WPa, HPa

38.

kasungkul

children’s spouses’ parents

ChSpPa

39.

kawulēng

spouses’ siblings’ spouse

SpSiSp

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40.

tina’asa

ex-spouse

xSp

41.

mahnuangē

ex-parent-in-law

xW/HPa

42.

paipagē

ex-siblings-in-law

xW/HSi

The Tombulu language differentiates kin on the basis of generation, age, sex, and marriage relationships. To show the relationships, the writer will separate the explanation into two parts; first, with consanguinal relatives, and second through affinal relatives.

4.2 REPRESENTING KINSHIP 4.2.1. Consanguinal Relatives Consanguinal relatives are relatives that are related in descent. Murphy (2001) defines consanguinal as a relationship by blood (i.e., presumed biological) ties. A consanguine is a relative by birth (i.e., a “blood” relative), as distinguished from in-laws (“affines”) and steprelatives. Zwarts, in his 2002 work on Endo language, gives more addition that consanguinal relatives can either be lineal (ancestors or descendants) or collateral (related through a sibling relation). Based on the theory given above, the writer will analyze the Tombulu kinship terminologies in both relations. 4.2.1.1. Lineal Relatives Tombulu uses ama’ ‘father’ and ina’ ‘mother’ or tu’a ‘parents’ to refer the generation directly above ego and piniara ‘child’ or koki’

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‘children’ for the generation directly below ego (only distinguishes by the sex, piniara tuama ‘son’ and piniara wēwēnē ‘daughter’). The terms tētē ‘grandfather’ and nēnē ‘grandmother’ are used for the second generation above ego and katarēimopo’ ‘great grandfather/great grandmother’ for the third generation and after that there is kumaruaimopo’ for ‘great great grandfather’ and then for great great great grandfather only called by opo’. For the second generations below ego, puyun ‘grandchildren’ is used for both male and female. Numerical terms are used for the next generations below, such as: puyun kazua (#2) for great grandchildren, puyun katelu (#3) for great great grandchildren. Chart 05

ego

children

piniara tuama

grandchildren

piniara wēwēnē

puyun

puyun kazua

great grandchildren great great grandchildren

puyun katelu

puyun kaepat

great great great grandchildren

Tombulu kinship terminologies for offspring

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Chart 06 great great great grandparents

= opo

great great grandparents

= kumaruaimopo’

great grandparents

= katarēimopo’

=

grandparents

nēnē

tētē

= ama

parents ina

ego

Tombulu kinship terminologies for ancestor

The distinctions of sexes are very contrast. Tombulu speakers differentiate their children by including their sexual referent in addressing. That is why an ego will call his son as piniara tuama and his daughter with piniara wēwēwē. Parents will call their eldest child with piniara tua’ and the youngest one with taweng. The differentiation of sex is also occurred on the addressing of the grandchildren. The elder people – not all – address their grandchildren with the distinction of their sexes only to confirm that they are speaking or referring to the right one.

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We can assume the following elementary rules for assigning terms to basic kinship types: F Æ ama’ M Æ ina’ Pa Æ tu’a S Æ piniara tuama D Æ piniara wēwēnē Ch Æ koki’ FF, MF Æ tētē FM, MM Æ nēnē F3, M3 Æ katarēimopo’ F4, M4 Æ kumaruaimopo’ F5, M5 Æ opo’ ChCh Æ puyun There is exception in addressing the generation above grandparents. Speaker of Tombulu prefer to call them opo’ rather than using the longest one. So, in this case there is a reduction rules for a distant generations. The third generation and the forth ancestor (assumed that they might have dead already) are called by the same term for their distant relations: PaPaPaF Æ PaPaF, PaPaPaM Æ PaPaM Æ opo’ This is why a great great grandfather and a great grandfather can have the same term as called opo’ in Tombulu.

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To show another closest relationship between brothers and sisters, a terminology was exposed to cover. Term mahkarepes tina’i is used to show that they are coming from one intestine or from one womb. In addition, the writer found that Tombulu language has terminology for addressing parents’ step descendant. A step son will be called a łołoateken by his parents and a daughter as well. Table 03 Lineal kinship terminologies Generations

Male

Female opo’ kumaruaimopo’ katarēimopo’

+5 +4 +3 +2

tētē ama’

+1

nēnē ina’ tu’a koki’

-1

piniara tuama

piniara wēwēnē puyun puyun kazua puyun katelu puyun kaepat

-2 -3 -4 -5

4.2.1.2. Collateral Relatives Collateral relatives are relatives that are related through a sibling relation. We need to distinguish between parallel relatives and cross relatives. Roughly speaking, parallel relatives are linked through a relation involving siblings of the same sex, otherwise we are dealing with cross relatives.

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Chart 07

= mui

ito’

ama’

ina’

oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari kaka’ (e) tuari (y)

pahanaken

ito’

mui

kaka’ (e) oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari tuari (y)

pahanaken

pahanaken

pahanaken

Tombulu collateral kinship terminologies

Ego distinguishes his/her siblings with an emphasizing on the age, older or younger. An older sibling is called kaka’ and a younger one is tuari, and also distinguish as tuama for male sibling and wēwēnē for female. The term pahanaken is used to address siblings’ children (SiCh). There are no distinctions between ego’s brother’s and sister’s, they all called by the same term. In addition, they are not differentiated by their sexes. An ego will call his/her parents siblings with ito’ ‘uncle’ and mui ‘aunt’. We found that in Tombulu language there are no differences between parallel and cross relatives because they all are addressed by the same term. That is why ego calls father’s brother and mother’s brother (FB, MB) with ito’ and father’s sister and mother’s sister (FZ, MZ) with mui. An exception found that the term tua’ is addressed to an older sibling of either

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father or mother. Then, ego will call father’s elder siblings (FeB, FeZ) and mother’s elder siblings (MeZ, MeB) with the term tua’. This exception shows that the differentiation happens not only on the gender side but also on the age side. There are no parallel or cross cousins also in Tombulu kinship terminologies. Either father’s siblings’ children (FSiCh) or mother’s sibling children (MSiCh) are called as oki’-nē-mahtuari. This term is classificatory because it refers to many types of relationships. The same categorization also occurred on the term pahanaken. It is not only used for ego’s siblings’ children but also for the cousins’ children from both father and mother sides. We can construct the basic kinship formula of the collateral relatives as follow: FB, MB Æ ito’ FZ, MZ Æ mui FeB, FeZ, MeZ, MeB Æ tua’ eB, eZ Æ kaka’ yB, yZ Æ tuari BCh, ZCh Æ pahanaken FBCh, MBCh Æ oki’-nē-mahtuari FZCh, MZCh Æ oki’-nē-mahtuari FSiChCh, MSiChCh Æ pahanaken

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We can clearly see that each nuclear family relationship has each own terminologies, and to more distant relatives they are grouped into general categories. The group of distant relatives has come to a process called collateral merging where all of the parents’ siblings’ children are having the same term and the generation below them as well. PaeBCh, PayBCh, PaeZCh, PayZCh Æ oki’-nē-mahtuari PaeBCh2, PayBCh2, PaeZCh2, PayZCh2 Æ eBCh, yBCh, eZCh, yZCh Æ pahanaken We can also notice that collateral relatives terms are determine by generation, age, and sex, as shown in the following table: Table 04 Collateral kinship terminologies Generations +5 +4 +3 +2 +1 0 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5

Male

Female opo’ opo’ opo’

tētē

nēnē tua’ (e)

ito’ mui tuari (y), kaka’ (e) tuari (y), kaka’ (e) (tuama/wēwēnē) (tuama/wēwēnē) oki’-nē-mahtuari pahanaken (tuama/wēwēnē) puyun (tuama/wēwēnē) puyun puyun puyun

Up to this point, we can identify consanguinal relatives terminologies which only serve on lineal kinship (ama’, ina’, tu’a, koki, and piniara) and on

32

collateral kinship (ito’, mui, tua’, tuari, kaka’, pahanaken, and oki-nēmahtuari). For terms like tētē, nēnē, opo’, and puyun, are used in both lineal and collateral.

4.2.2. Affinal relatives A relationship between people who has married to each other and get their own terms is called affinal relatives. In other words, an affinal relative is relativity by marriage. This relativity serves on both relationships, whether lineals (e.g., son’s wife) or collaterals (e.g., sisters husband). We will trace the Tombulu kinship terminologies through those relationships and find more understanding or clearance on the affinal relatives of Tombulu language. A relationship such as marriage shares some terms for their way of addressing to their spouses. In Tombulu, a male ego addresses his wife (W) with kasēndē or kaawu or katēndē; and a female ego address her husband (H) with mahayo; and in pairs, they are called as sanasēndē or sanaawu or sanatēndē. The explanation about these various terms in referring spouses is very cultural. These terms contain with the cultural value that describe a gathering between a man and a woman together in one. Tombulu language specifies the terminologies for lineal relatives such as the term mahnuang for parents-in-law, oki’ tuama for son-in-law, and oki wēwēnē for daughter-in-law. These terms occur on the basis that

33

every one still has a relationship through blood with our siblings. In contrast, Tombulu speakers diverge the person’s gender by emphasizing on the term tuama and wēwēnē. That is resulted ego has to call his/her fatherin-law (HF, WF) as mahnuang tuama and mother-in-law (HM, WM) as mahnuang wēwēnē. The terms of different sexes are also occurred on to the terms for son-in-law (DH) and daughter-in-law (SW). These given terminologies appear on both sides without any distinction for male or female ego. In many cases of communication, Tombulu speakers tend to use another term to refer their parents-in-law to show much respect at them. The term penigien is used for both parents without differencing their sex orientations. There are generalizations among the generations above and below ego. As they are married, a male and a female ego will call their grandparents-in-law (HFPa, HMPa, WFPa, WMPa) as tētē and nēnē following on how their spouses address their grandparents (SpPaPa). For the second generation below or grandchildren, ego (either male or female) will call their grandson-in-law (ChChH) or granddaughter-in-law (ChChW) as puyun, the same term with a consanguinal terminology for grandchildren. Up to this point, we can see that there is a reduction for a more distant relative. The formula can be put together as follows:

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-

a distant relatives above ego HPaF, WPaF Æ PaF Æ tētē HPaM, WPaM Æ PaM Æ nēnē

-

a distant relatives below ego ChChH, ChChW Æ ChCh Æ puyun We find that affinal relatives on lineal relationship of Tombulu

kinship terminologies don’t serve to differentiate age of the family members but only to the sex and generation. Chart 08 =

= tētē

tētē

nēnē

nēnē

= mahnuang mahnuang wēwēnē tuama

= mahnuang mahnuang wēwēnē tuama

= kasēndē kaawu katēndē

mahayo

= oki’ wēwēnē

= oki’ tuama

=

=

puyun

puyun

Male and female affinal relatives in lineal relationships

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Table 05 Affinal relatives in lineal relationships Generations +3 and above +2 +1 0 -1 -2 and below

Male

Female opo’

tētē

nēnē penigien mahnuang tuama mahnuang wēwēnē kasēndē, kaawu, mahayo katēndē oki’ tuama oki’ wēwēnē puyun

Through collateral relatives, we can trace that Tombulu speakers used different terminologies to every collateral members of the family. The term ipag is applied to address brother-in-law (ZH) and susi to sister-in-law (BW). It is no evidence that Tombulu kinship terminologies serve any other terms to be occupied on to the people of different ages (eZH, yZH, eBW, yBW). All of them generalized into those two terms above. That makes a male ego will call his brother-in-law as ipag whether he is a husband of elder sister or younger. It is also occurred on a female ego at the same way, as well. The writer found that there are terms which used among the two joined families to refer each other. One’s parents (either husband’s or wife’s) addressed sibling’s parents with the term kasungkul (HPa, WPa). This term used only restricted to the nuclear family. No other relatives will

36

use this term outside the family, except the children who are married each other and the parents. The other term of referring member of the in-law families is kawulēng. This term used among siblings-in-law (BW, ZW). If an ego’s spouse (e.g. wife) is a sister of a man’s wife, then they both are connected through these two sisters. Both ego and the man can call each other with the term kawulēng. The term interchangeably used for both male spouses and female spouses and without making a differentiation to the siblings sexes. In this marriage system, the divorced family members are referred with some terms. A special term is given to a divorced spouse (xW/xH) which will be called by the term tina’asa. In using this term, the speaker and the addressed person aren’t differentiated by the sexes; it can be husband or wife. The term mahnuangē serve for the people who once were someone’s parents-in-law. An ego (male or female) will call his former father-in-law (xWF, xHF) with this term and the former mother-in-law (xWM, xHM), as well. Another term is applied to former siblings-in-law. When ego is divorced, one will use paipagē to refer to the ex-brother-in-law (xHB, xWB) and ex-sister-in-law (xHZ, xWZ). In the case of divorced family member, Tombulu speakers do not give emphasizing on the genders but only on the marriage relation itself. It is also occurred only to very restricted members of the family (spouse, parents, siblings).

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Chart 09

=

= kawuleng

kasungkul =

= =

Joined family relationship

Chart 10 = tina’asa

=

mahnuangē

=

= paipagē

Divorced marriage relationship

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Chart 11 = tētē

=

= ito’

mui

ito’

mui

nēnē

= mahnuang mahnuang tuama wēwēnē

= pahanakēn

=

=

= susi

ipag

susi

= pahanakēn

= mui

ito’

mui

= = = = oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari

= = = = oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari

ipag

= ito’

mahayo

= kasēndē kaawu

ipag

= = oki’ wēwēnē oki’ tuama

= puyun

= pahanakēn

= puyun

Affinal relatives for male ego 39

= susi

ipag

susi

= pahanakēn

Chart 12 = tētē

= mahnuang mahnuang tuama wēwēnē

=

= ito’

mui

ito’

nēnē

mui

= pahanakēn

=

=

= susi

ipag

susi

= pahanakēn

= mui

ito’

mui

= = = = oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari

= = = = oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari

ipag

= ito’

mahayo

= kasēndē kaawu

ipag

= = oki’ wēwēnē oki’ tuama

= puyun

= pahanakēn

= puyun

Affinal relatives for female ego 40

= susi

ipag

susi

= pahanakēn

There is no special term given to cross relatives, they are occupied with only one term. Relatives from father’s (FSi) and mother’s (MSi) are generalized to be addressed as ito’ and mui subsequent with how ego’s spouse addressing. What we can clearly see here is that they also serve a bilateral relationship which shows no distinction is made between patrilineal and matrilineal relatives. The same occurrence also happens on cousins and niece and nephews. The terms which are addressed to them are oki’-nē-mahtuari and pahanaken. Based on the explanation above, we found that Tombulu lineal terms are extended to apply to the parallel relatives. This can be explained by a rule called the merging rule (Foley, 1997). As we can see that the speakers of Tombulu call their spouse’s family members as what they are called by his/her spouse. This process is called collateral merging. We can simply describe the rules as follows: HFB, HMB, WFB, WMB Æ FB Æ ito’ HFZ, HMZ, WFZ, WMZ Æ MZ Æ mui HPaSiCh, WPaSiCh Æ PaSiCh Æ oki’-nē-mahtuari HPaSiChCh, WPaSiChCh Æ SiCh Æ pahanaken From the explanation above tells that the distant relatives of Tombulu kinship terminologies are grouped together to be called by the same term on the basis of collateral degree. Whether, members of the nuclear family acquires a different term for each other.

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Finally, we can see that terminologies like kasēndē, kaawu, katēndē, mahayo, oki’, ipag, susi, mahnuang, penigien, kasungkung, kawulēng, tina’asa, mahnuangē, and paipagē are used particularly only in the relationship of affinal relatives. The other terminologies, ito’, mui, pahanaken, oki-nē-mahtuari, tētē, nēnē, opo’, and puyun are served the affinal relatives as the same as they served to lineal.

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Chapter V CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION

4.1 Conclusion Tombulu kinship terminologies exemplify the principles of Eskimo terminology. It can be explained as follows: 1. The system is bilateral We found that relatives from father’s side and mother’s side do not occupied with different terms, but rather share same terms. We discover that a father’s brother share the same term with mother’s brother which is called ito’. This is clarified us that there is no distinction between father’s and mother’s relatives. 2. The distinctions mark differences in sex, age, and generation. Egos call their parents differently by separating father (male) as ama’ and mother (female) as ina’. Another emphasizing on sex, is that the appearance of the term tuama and wēwēnē. It shows to differentiate addressing like children or grandchildren terminologies. Individual term is used to address people with different ages. An elder sibling is called as kaka’, whether the younger one is called as tuari. Furthermore, parents’ elder siblings are called by a special term which is not possessed by the other parents’ siblings. Terms

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like ito’ and mui is addressed to younger siblings while tua’ used for elders. We clearly see that for each generation has their own terminology. The distinctions are noticeable on the term of children as piniara tuama and piniara wēwēnē and grandparents as tētē and nēnē. 3. Each nuclear family relationship receives a distinct term. Terminologies used inside the nuclear family serves only to the members. Ama’, ina’, piniara tuama and piniara wēwēnē are the terms which can not be found on the addressing of other relatives. The same way also occurs on the terminologies of affinity. In a nuclear family, a husband is called as mahayo, a wife as kasende (or kaawu), and a son-in-law as oki’ tuama. 4. More distant relatives are grouped into general categories. Relatives from both father’s and mother’s sides are addressed with some classificatory terms. In evidence, the relationship of parents’ siblings are all called by the term ito’ for males and mui for females from both sides; all cousins share a term for oki’-nē-mahtuari; niece and nephews with pahanaken. As additions, Tombulu language specifies terminologies for the relation among the joined families in marriage system and for the divorced marriage system. They all serve only restricted to spouses, parents, and siblings.

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4.2 Suggestion This analysis is examined through the study of sociolinguistics. But, the linguistic aspects are many and it will give more chances to other investigations to be carried out to reveal another fact about these Tombulu language terminologies. The more we observed a language, then it will be preserved longer. The writer suggests that we have to preserve our own language especially the ethnic language because it shows the existence of the people who use it, describe the characteristics of them, and the uniqueness of the language itself. With a good effort from us as researchers, we can encourage others to do the same as what we have done, a research on language. Moreover, we have to speak and apply the language in our own daily life so that the language will not be vanished, in fact it will be preserved. We may have our own way to do the preservation, but all basis to the capability that we are able to do it. At last, let’s work shoulder to shoulder to support every effort of preserving a language for the sake of our next generations.

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Nababan, P.W.J. 1993. Sosiolinguistik: Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta: PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Nida, E.A. 1960. Morphology: The Descriptive Analysis of Words. New Jersey: Ann Arbour. Rattu, A.B.G. 1997. Bahasa Daerah di Minahasa., in Turang, J. Profil Kebudayaan Minahasa. Tomohon: Majelis Kebudayaan Minahasa. Roufs Timothy G. 2006. Cultural Anthropology. University of Minnesota Duluth. (21/11/06) Samsuri. 1987. Analisis Bahasa. Jakarta: Airlangga Schwimmer, Brian. 2001. Kinship and Social Organization: An Interactive Tutorial. University of Manitoba. (21/11/06) Suwito. 1985. Pengantar Awal Sosiolinguistik: Teori dan Problem. Surakarta: Henary Offset. Turin, Mark. 2003. Thangmi Kinship Terminology in Comparative Perspective. Article. Wardhaugh, Ronald. 1986. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Ltd. Wikipedia. 2006. Kinship Terminology. (21/11/06) Zwarts, Joost. 2002. Endo Kinship Terminology. Paper.

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