Rudolph Giuliani: Vulnerabilities

INTRODUCTION:

In 1993, the man we now know as "The President of 9/11" was just plain old Rudolph, Giuliani. He is a weirdo, a crook, a wannabe warmonger, and a profiteer off the tragedy of 9/11. But back then, he was just a weirdo, a crook, a cousin-marrying draft-dodger, and a racist. He knew these facts about himself, and commissioned some folks to write a study which would spell out some of his vulnerabilities that might be exploited by his political opponents. That report arrived in our email inbox just yesterday, and we're making it available for you now.

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RUDOLPH W. GIULIANI VULNERABILITY STUDY PREPARED FOR GIULIANI FOR NEW YORK APRIL 8, 1993

“The art of war teaches us to rely not on the likelihood of the enemy’s not coming, but on our readiness to receive him; not on the chance of his not attacking, but rather on the fact that we have made our position unassailable.”

Sun Tzu, The Art Of War

Prepared By: Christopher M. Lyon Ronald A. Giller

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This vulnerability study was completed to assist Rudy Giuliani, his campaign staff and consultants in their preparations for his 1993 campaign for mayor of New York City. The analysis focuses on the former federal prosecutor’s political, professional and personal weaknesses in order to point up areas of vulnerability that, in all probability, will be exploited by Mayor David Dinkins’ campaign. The readers of this vulnerability study are urged not to dismiss or take lightly any of the negatives discussed in this document. Taken together, the negative issues presented in this study offer a compelling argument against electing Giuliani mayor. Rudy Giuliani has plenty of “inoculating” to do on several fronts. Most notably, Giuliani is vulnerable on his Republican Party affiliation, his participation in the police rally, his flip-flops on various issues, the reversals of many of his major convictions and his reputation for overzealousness. This study is tough and hard-hitting. It pulls no punches. It is not intended to shock or offend, but to prepare the candidate and his staff for the kind of no-holes-barred assault they should expect starting in earnest in September. Unlike the Democrats, however, this study examines another aspect of Giuliani—his positive accomplishments. This study is not wholly negative. Each vulnerability outlined in this work is followed by a rebuttal strategy. The rebuttal strategies contained in this study offer suggestions for answering the attacks of the opposition— and more. Many political opportunities created by Giuliani’s record are presented as part of the rebuttal strategies. Maximizing these political opportunities is the first step in defining Rudy Giuliani and defending against attack.

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REAGAN REPUBLICAN

CHARGE: RUDY GIULIANI IS A REAGAN REPUBLICAN. HIS RIGHT-WING REPUBLICANISM MAKES HIM PHILOSOPHICALLY AND TEMPERAMENTALLY UNFIT TO GOVERN NEW YORK, A CITY RAVAGED BY THE REACTIONARY REPUBLICAN POLITICS ORIGINATING IN WASHINGTON.

CONTEXT: David Dinkins never discusses Rudy Giuliani without mentioning his Republican Party affiliation. In 1989, according to Dinkins, Giuliani was a “Reagan Republican.” Now that Ronald Reagan’s been gone for over four years and Democrat Bill Clinton is in the White House, Dinkins’ partisan attacks are more general: “Giuliani was a tool of the reactionary Republican administrations that ravaged cities and urban centers.” Rest assured, the Dinkins re-election campaign will continue its attacks on Giuliani’s partisan affiliation. In a city were Democrats outnumber Republicans by about a five-to-one ratio, they’d be foolish if they didn’t exploit this vulnerability. Giuliani is a lucky man, though. He has John Kennedy on his side. According to Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. in his book on the Kennedy presidency, A Thousand Days, JFK once said when discussing a particular Massachusetts political race: “Sometimes party loyalty asks too much.” Kennedy offered even harsher criticism of the Massachusetts Democratic Party of that time, “Nothing can be done until it is beaten—badly beaten. Then there will be a chance of rebuilding.” Before the 1992 presidential campaign really started, George Bush foolishly said he would do “whatever it takes” to win re-election. Throughout the campaign, the Clinton people used this quote to inoculate the Arkansas governor against Bush negativism. The Giuliani campaign similarly should use the words of JFK to blunt the Dinkins campaign’s appeals to party loyalty. Instead of allowing the electorate to think Giuliani is a “Reagan Republican” the Giuliani campaign should encourage the feeling towards David Dinkins that ”sometimes party loyalty asks too much.” (See Appendix F-7). REBUTTAL STRATEGY: There is not a minute to waste in inoculating against the Reagan Republican moniker. If you assume everything has remained equal since the 1989 campaign, then Giuliani needs only to convert small numbers of liberal voters to pick up the two-percent he must win to get over the top.

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The rebuttal to the Reagan Republican charge must follow these guidelines: JFK’s comments about party loyalty and the Democratic Party should be used repeatedly as an inoculation device and rebuttal to Republicanism attacks. If the Giuliani campaign does its job correctly, David Dinkins’ appeals to party loyalty should backfire; translating into a pro-Giuliani message—“sometimes party loyalty asks too much.” The Giuliani campaign should follow the example of John Lindsay’s first campaign for mayor. Like Lindsay’s campaign—Fiorello LaGuardia for that matter, too—Giuliani is ”fusion” candidate for mayor, not the Republican candidate for mayor. In 1965, Lindsay faced the same problems Giuliani does today with his enrollment in the Republican Party. Like Dinkins, the Democratic candidate for mayor that year, Abraham Beame, tried to exploit Lindsay’s Republicanism. However, Lindsay answered this charge well. Since Lindsay had also received the Liberal Party endorsement, his campaign always referred to his campaign as the “fusion campaign” and Lindsay as “the fusion candidate.” No Republican candidate has won the mayoralty in the Twentieth century without fusion backing— Giuliani should not attempt to become the first; such arrogance only makes a difficult task (overcoming a 5-1 party registration disadvantage) even harder. The Lindsay campaign never used the word Republican in any of its public statements or media releases. The Giuliani campaign should follow this model. If the Giuliani campaign wins the Liberal Party nod again this year, “fusion” should replace “Republican” in every possible instance. The Giuliani campaign should begin an outreach program to Democratic elected officials. Democratic elected officials crossing party lines to endorse Giuliani will drive a stake through Dinkins’ calls for party unity and loyalty. Giuliani’s success in winning over Democratic elected officials also will show marked improvement from the 1989 campaign when Giuliani received few Democratic endorsements. The Giuliani campaign should emphasize its candidate’s independence from traditional national Republican policies. Especially useful in this strategy is Giuliani’s role in overturning a Reagan administration attempt to throw disabled people off the Social Security rolls, his prosecution of Republican elected officials—especially his authorization for calling his boss, Attorney General Edwin Meese III, a sleaze, and his un-Republican views on many social issues of concern to New Yorkers, like abortion, gun control and bias protection for homosexuals. The Giuliani campaign should also emphasize its candidate’s role in cleaning up the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. When Giuliani initiated a civil RICO action against the mob-controlled union, many said Giuliani couldn’t win. By 1991, organized crime had been run out of the Teamsters and the first democratically elected Teamster president, Ron Carey, a Queens reformer, had been elected. Another result of Giuliani’s taking the Teamsters away from organized crime and giving it back to the rank-and-file members: in 1992, for the first time in forty years, the Mafia-free Teamsters endorsed the Democratic candidate for president. Just think, all these good things – done by a ”Reagan Republican”… Giuliani’s Teamsters action also connects him to his early political hero, Robert Kennedy. Kennedy began what the media labelled the Justice Department’s “Thirty Years War” against the Teamsters. Kennedy started it. Giuliani finished the job. And when Giuliani announced the Teamster action, he paid homage to Bobby Kennedy’s crusade. The Teamster case should be a centerpiece of Giuliani’s For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

campaign for mayor in 1993. Ron Carey, who has been kind to Giuliani in the past, should be contacted by the campaign about a possible endorsement, etc.

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ANTI-WOMAN

CHARGE: RUDY GIULIANI IS ANTI-WOMAN. HE CANNOT BE TRUSTED TO PROTECT A WOMAN’S RIGHT TO CHOOSE. CONTEXT: Rudy Giuliani’s difficulty with the abortion issue four years ago was among his greatest missteps during the mayoral campaign. After the Webster decision, abortion became a cutting-edge issue—and Giuliani started out on the wrong side of the blade. By the time Giuliani got it right on abortion, it may have been too late to win back the women voters offended by Giuliani’s earlier pro-life issue. Now that Giuliani has been consistently pro-choice for at least four years, the abortion issue should not present the same degree of trouble it did in 1989. However, the campaign should expect David Dinkins to raise doubts about Giuliani’s commitment to protecting abortion rights.

REBUTTAL STRATEGY: Simplicity is the best response to questions about abortion. Giuliani’s answer to abortion questions should always be succinct and to the point. Giuliani is pro-choice. He supports public funding for abortion. He will continue city funding for abortions at city hospitals. Nothing more, nothing less. In 1989, Giuliani stumbled on the abortion issue because he felt it necessary to explain to people how his abortion position was different than Mario Cuomo’s. Nobody cares. He wanted to tell people how he came to his position on abortion. Nobody listened. Instead, most voters seemed to think all the explaining by Giuliani meant he was just another pro-life male politician trying to explain how he wasn’t anti-woman. This time, Giuliani should do much better. All indications are Giuliani has learned the abortion lesson from 1989. However, this much more he can do to win over undecided pro-choice activists. The most effective way to make conversations on the abortion issue is to present Giuliani’s record as a prosecutor. When Giuliani was U.S. attorney, he prosecuted an abortion clinic bomber. The bomber went to jail and Giuliani helped to keep abortion safe and legal. Secondly, the campaign should make every attempt to emphasize Giuliani’s pro-choice position during the campaign. David Dinkins will not be able to raise questions about what Giuliani will do about abortion if there is no question in voters’ minds that Giuliani is pro-choice. In fact, if the campaign effectively explains Giuliani’s pro-choice position on abortion to voters, attempts by David Dinkins to distort Giuliani’s record could backfire on Dinkins.

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ANTI-WOMAN

DEFENSE: GIULIANI IS PRO-WOMAN AND PRO-CHOICE. HE FIRMLY SUPPORTS THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN, INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO AN ABORTION. HE ALSO SUPPORTS PUBLIC FUNDING FOR ABORTION. HE POSITION ON THIS ISSUE IS VERY CLEAR. ANY ATTEMPT TO DISTORT GIULIANI’S ADVOCACY OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS OR REPRODUCTIVE ISSUES IS UNFAIR AND HAS NO PLACE IN THE CAMPAIGN.

Giuliani’s position on abortion has been consistent. “Giuliani’s position on abortion may be unpopular, but it’s a bad rap to accuse him of being inconsistent.” -Newsday, 7/14/89

“See, I don’t equate abortion with murdering a child, which I guess puts me in conflict with the teaching of the Catholic church. Catholics in public office often make the mistake, a subtle but important one, of saying they agree with the teaching of the church, but because I’m in public office, I have to put conscience aside and enforce the law. They haven’t thought out the implication of what they’re saying. If you agree with the church, there’s no difference between murdering a one-year-old and eliminating a fetus—it’s the same act. There is a moral consequence to the elimination of a fetus, but it’s not the same thing as murder.” -Rudolph Giuliani, New York, 5/25/87

The 1989 abortion defense—it’s a non-campaign issue and an attempt to frighten women.

“But Charles Perkins, Giuliani’s spokesman, said Giuliani would continue the abortion funding despite his personal beliefs. Said Perkins, ‘The mayor is spreading disinformation[sic] to try to heighten the fears of women.’” “Abortion, he said, ‘is not a mayoral issue.’” Associated Press, 7/7/89 “The mayor has no power in such areas abortion and the death penalty, but candidates’ positions on these issues have been viewed as a litmus test by interest groups and political parties in this campaign.” -Newsday, 7/13/89

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“’He will carry out the law,’ Perkins added, and not just the letter of the law. ’The intent of the law is to make abortion available to women and he will continue to provide the funding.’ “But Giuliani will not lobby the Legislature one way or another on abortion, Perkins said. “He wants to lobby the L;egislature[sic] on issues the mayor has some control over, that directly impact his job as mayor, such as crime and corruption. He does not want to go lobby about at an issue that is a very personal issue and a moral issue,’ Perkins said.” United Press International, 7/5/89

In 1989, Giuliani was firmly pro-choice.

“’I made a terrible mistake on abortion last time,’ Giuliani allowed. ‘I should have said I was prochoice and stopped. But I spent so much time explaining the ideology and theology of how I reached my position, nobody understood what I was saying.’”

Jack Newfield, New York Post, 3/3/92

“He has a cosmopolitan view of abortion, opposing it personally but saying that politicians should not impose their moral views on others.” Spy, November 1988

Giuliani prosecutes abortion clinic bomber. (See Appendix F-11)

“A 37-year-old fireworks expert was sentenced yesterday to seven years in prison for his role in the bombing of abortion clinics in New York City. “In a two-hour hearing the man, Dennis J. Malvasi, said he would not take part in such bombings again because of his loyalty to the Roman Catholic Church and to John Cardinal O’Connor. ...Elliott B. Jacobson, the assistant United States attorney who prosecuted the case, said Mr. Malvasi often brought small handguns for himself and other ‘individuals with records’ and supported himself by committing robberies. “’God knows how many he has committed,’ Mr. Jacobson. “Judge Griesa, who reported receiving many letters advocating a harsh sentence, said he had considered several factors, including ‘a clear effort and intent to avoid killing or harming other people’ and Mr. Malvasi’s strong religious beliefs.”

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New York Times, 9/3/87

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MARRIAGE/DIVORCE

CHARGE: GIULIANI’S PERSONAL LIFE RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT A “WEIRDNESS FACTOR.” GIULIANI WAS MARRIED TO HIS SECOND COUSIN FOR FOURTEEN YEARS. ALTHOUGH THE MARRIAGE LASTED A LONG TIME, GIULIANI HAD THE UNION ANNULLED ON THE GROUNDS THAT HE DID NOT GET PROPER DISPENSATION FROM THE CHURCH FOR THE MARRIAGE. WHEN ASKED ABOUT HIS PERSONAL LIFE, GIULIANI GIVES A WIDE ARRAY OF CONFLICTING ANSWERS. ALL OF THIS BRINGS THE SOUNDNESS OF HIS JUDGMENT INTO QUESTION—AND THE VERACITY OF HIS ANSWERS.

Rudolph Giuliani’s marriage to his second cousin (the daughter of his father’s cousin) Regina Peruggi, has been raised in the media as an extremely bizarre event. In reviewing the news stories describing this event and others in his private life, there are numerous inconsistencies and questionable circumstances about how long the two were married, whether Giuliani knew he was marrying his second cousin, whether he dated other women while still married, and ultimately, how consistent he has been about his personal life. The Dinkins campaign, understanding the problem its candidate may have with character issues, might leak negative personal information about Giuliani early in order to neutralize the issue. The Clinton campaign was effective using this strategy, leaking damaging personal information about President Bush, in order to pre-empt GOP criticism of Clinton’s personal life. (See Appendix F-18 and F-19). He grew up with her, vacationed with her, married her, then divorced her and had the marriage annulled. “After law school graduation in 1968, Giuliani married Regina Peruggi, a woman he had known since childhood. She was the daughter of his father’s first cousin and they had shared vacations as small children at a summer house his grandmother rented in South Beach, L.I.” “After eight years of marriage, he and his wife had decided on a trial separation. (Neither Giuliani nor his wife would discuss the marriage or separation.)” emphasis added, Newsday, 10/22/89 Despite their time together building sand castles out on Long Island, Giuliani claimed, first, he knew, and then didn’t know, Gina was his second cousin. The confusion about the degree of their relatedness allowed Giuliani to get an annulment in 1983. “We were second cousins. We’d never gotten the proper dispensation when we got married. So under church rules, we were able to get it annulled.”

Rudolph Giuliani, New York, 5/25/87

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“Giuliani had filed for a legal separation from his first wife on Aug. 12, 1982. At the end of 1983, he obtained a church annulment on the grounds that he and his first wife as second cousins had not received a proper dispensation from the church when they were first married. Giuliani has said that he had thought at the time of his first marriage that he and his first wife were third cousins, and therefore, did not have to request a dispensation.”

emphasis added, Newsday, 10/22/89

“And if parity is in order, why, The Amsterdam News, a black weekly newspaper, asks in an editorial today, has the ‘white press’ rummaged through Mr. Dinkins’s personal life and financial records, while overlooking questions about Mr. Giuliani’s private life, such as the annulment of his first marriage to a second cousin? ‘Giuliani’s life must be laid out before us, as he has demanded the exposure of David Dinkin’s,’ the editorial says.”

New York Times, 10/26/89 Is this plausible?

“But one friend who remembered the blood relationship between Giuliani and Regina is Alan Placa, now a Roman Catholic priest. ‘She was always the little cousin. ”’She was only a few years younger than us but she was always the little cousin. I dated her before Rudy,’ Placa was quoted as explaining in a story in the New York Post that appeared on May 2, 1989.”

Amsterdam News, 10/28/89

Because of disparate newspaper accounts, the length of their marriage has come into question.

“His first marriage ended before he was 30 after six years, ‘through my overwork,’ he says.” Hong Kong Sunday Morning Post, 3/9/86

But by other accounts... “Q: How many years were you married the first time? ”A: Let’s see. ‘68 to ‘82 ... twelve to fourteen years.” For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

New York, 5/25/87

and...

“While it’s nice that The New York Times announced the appointment of Regina Peruggi as the new president of Marymount today, what they failed to mention was her relationship to Rudy Giuliani. She was his first wife and second cousin. You know - the one he was married to from ‘68 to ‘83.” Newsday, May 1, 1990

Giuliani would soon afterward settle down with current wife, Donna Hanover. On April 15, 1984, Giuliani and Hanover, an anchorwoman on WPIX-TV in New York, were married in a Catholic ceremony at St. Monica’s Church on the Upper East Side. They moved into an apartment in the neighborhood and now have two children. His mother lives next door.” emphasis added, Newsday, 10/22/89

Again, news accounts report different dates for a Giuliani wedding.

“In December, Rudy will wed WPIX-TV reporter Donna Hanover, whom he met while she was working in Miami and came to interview him.” emphasis added, Barron’s, 10/24/83

However, he appears to have been still married when his courtship of Donna began.

“Friends said Giuliani’s divorce or annulment of his marriage to ‘cousin Regina’ was not finalized when he proposed to his present wife, Donna Hanover, a television correspondent with whom he has two children.” Amsterdam News, 10/28/89 For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

By some accounts Giuliani may have engaged in extramarital affairs. Renee Syzbala, a young associate working at Patterson, Belknap, Webb and Tyler when Giuliani arrived, tells the story of a wild evening out she, Rudy and another partner had...while he was still married.

“She had been out late at a disco with Giuliani and another partner from the firm. ‘The next morning, Rudy did not show up to work and it was kind of a macho thing to get into work in time,’ Syzbala said.” Newsday, 10/22/89

This raucous social life eventually raised the concern of the Attorney General.

“His personal life too caused acute discomfort in the upper ranks of the department, where rectitude was the order of the day. Giuliani had divorced his wife shortly after being appointed. Then he had begun dating his secretary in the department, a subject of much gossip. He was now engaged to a television personality. By contemporary standards, it was pretty innocuous stuff. But it deepened the gulf between him and his more staid superiors. ‘Smith worried that Rudi[sic] was out of control,’ recalls one of the Attorney General’s aides at the time. ‘He thought that Giuliani was going through some kind of mid-life crisis.’

”Giuliani says he never had the slightest indication from any of his superiors that his personal life was the cause of any concern. He confirms that he dated his secretary, as well as other women, during the three years between his divorce and his engagement.” emphasis added, James B. Stewart, The Prosecutors, pp. 131-132.

Three years? There would appear to be only ½ years between his marriages (August 1982 and April 1984).

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MARRIAGE/DIVORCE

DEFENSE: ANY ATTEMPT TO QUESTION THE LEGITIMACY OF THE OF GIULIANI’S FIRST MARRIAGE OR HIS FIDELITY SHOULD BE DEFLECTED AS A SHAMELESS ACT OF NEGATIVE CAMPAIGNING BY A DESPERATE CANDIDATE UNWILLING TO DEFEND HIS OWN RECORD OF PROFESSIONAL MISMANAGEMENT AND PERSONAL IRRESPONSIBILITY.

The facts are, Giuliani was married to his second cousin, once removed, for 14 years. As he has done in the past, it is recommended that Giuliani refuse to discuss this issue out of respect for Regina’s privacy and because it is highly personal and has already been discussed at great length in the media. Note that in undertaking the ”personal defense” strategy, the campaign will find it exceedingly difficult to attack Dinkins with personal charges of their own.

The previous Giuliani defense: “’I will not respond to your question because it is personal,’ Giuliani told Dominic Carter.” “’This is something I keep private because Regina does. I have great respect for her and I care about her a lot,’ said Giuliani in published reports.”

”The Republican candidate continued, ‘Regina is a very private person and she hasn’t want[sic] to talk about our 14 year marriage and it seems to me I should respect her wish.’” Amsterdam News, 10/28/89

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DRAFT DODGER

CHARGE: GIULIANI RECEIVED SPECIAL TREATENT FROM A FRIENDLY FEDERAL JUDGE TO AVOID MILITARY SERVICE DURING THE VIETNAMWAR WHEN THOUSANDS OF LESS FORTUNATE PEOPLE WERE DYING. THEN, AS A MEMBER OF THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT, HE HYPOCRITICALLY PROSECUTED DRAFTDODGERS.

While many of his classmates and friends were risking their lives on foreign soil, Giuliani used his connections to obtain an occupational deferment. After serving in the ROTC until being rejected for physical reasons, Giuliani sought a deferment in 1968 and was rejected. A year later, the draft board received a letter from federal Judge Lloyd MacMahon, and Giuliani received what experts consider a rare occupational deferment. (See Appendix F-18)

“’The appropriate answer is no military service,’ Giuliani said.” New York Post, 6/11/89

The history:

June 1963 -- Received 2-S classification for a student deferment. Oct. 1963 -- Received 1-D, while in Manhattan College Air Force ROTC. Mar. 1967 -- Reclassified 2-S, while at NYU Law School. Oct. 1967 -- Received same deferment. July 1968 -- Graduated law school, received 1-A, “available for military service.” Nov. 1968 -- Received another 1-A. Mar. 1969 -- Received 2-A classification—civilian occupational deferment from an Appeal Board. Mar 1970 -- Reclassified to 1-A, received number 308, not called.

“Giuliani did not attend the war in Vietnam because federal Judge Lloyd MacMahon wrote a letter to the draft board in 1969 and got him out. Giuliani was a law clerk for MacMahon, who at the time was hearing selective service cases. MacMahon’s letter to Giuliani’s draft board stated that Giuliani was so necessary as a law clerk that he could not be allowed to get shot at in Vietnam.” Jimmy Breslin,Newsday, 10/1/89 For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

“Until 1968, Giuliani had been able to obtaineducational deferments while he attended college and law school. “The Post said federal records showed Giuliani was then classified as ’available’ for military service and applied to his draft board for an occupational deferment. “Such deferments were granted in the main topeople in essential jobs such as police officers and public officials. ”The local draft board turned him down, but Giuliani, who was 24 at the time, appealed the decision, the newspaper said.” United Press International, 6/11/89

And of course the letter was destroyed.

”Selective Service records that would include the letter of Judge MacMahon wrote for Giuliani have been destroyed, according to the Selective Service System in Washington. “And Perkins, who insists it was common for federal judges to write letters to draft boards for their clerks, said Giuliani no longer has MacMahon’s letter.” New York Post, 6/11/89. So while Giuliani kicked back in his Lay-Z-Boy... “The special draft status came in a year in which more than 14,500 American servicemen lost their lives in Vietnam.” United Press International, 6/11/89

While Giuliani avoided military service, others his age died. His excuses are just that—excuses! “’Judge MacMahon wrote a letter for all the clerks in his office. Ask other judges - they all did it.’

”But former Manhattan federal Judge Marvin E. Frankel, who was on the bench during the Vietnam era, flatly contradicted Perkins. “’Not by any means was a law clerk automatically deferred,’ he said, ‘I don’t remember ever writing a letter for any of my clerks.’ “Asked if it was common practice for federal judges to write letters to draft boards for their law clerks, Judge Frankel said: “’Not so far as I know.’” For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

New York Post, 6/11/89

“That statement was utter nonsense and also was delivered with the kind of haughtiness that gets you maimed in anelection. “The halls of justice sure wouldn’t have collapsed if Giuliani took two years for military service. At that time, at age 24, he would have been taken quickly. Many were being killed in Vietnam - 14,589 Americans died in 1968 alone. “Giuliani himself has never said anything that would cause question about the deferment to disappear. Let me be the first to tell him: The judge’s letter is brutal, if you want to be mayor.” “In 1969, the first year David Dinkins didn’t file his tax return, Rudolph Giuliani filed a letter from a federal judge that kept him out of the service during Vietnam. Giuliani then went to a job in the Justice Department in Washington at a time when there was a great crackdown on Vietnam War resisters.” Jimmy Breslin, Newsday,10/1/89

“Giuliani had been turned down in his bid to obtain an occupational deferment for his work as a law clerk before the judge wrote to the draft board in 1968, the newspaper said. “Spokesman for the Republican mayoral candidate told the Post such occupational deferments were routine, but experts informed the paper they were almost never granted to law clerks.” emphasis added, United Press International, 6/11/89

Giuliani’s draft deferment: A “one in a million occurrence.”

“But more than a dozen draft experts and lawyers knowledgeable on the Vietnam-era draft told The Post an occupational deferment for a law clerk in 1969 was almost unheard of. “One leader of a veteran’s group called it a ‘one in a million’ occurrence.” New York Post, 6/11/89

Ironically, after avoiding the fighting, Giuliani worked in a department supposed to punish others who did the same.

”The Justice Department is preparing to prosecute young men who fail to register for a draft, toplevel officials disclosed Tuesday. "The government has formulated guidelines for prosecutors to use indeciding who should be prosecuted. The guidelines will be sent to local U.S. attorneys around the country for their use. “’The attorney general made the decision that we are going to prosecute these cases. Now it’s a question of how we are going to prosecute,’ Associate Attorney General Rudolph Giuliani told United Press International. For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

”’Our intention will be quite clearly to enforce the law,’ the official said.” emphasis added, UPI, 9/8/81

“Six years after Judge MacMahon wrote his letter, Giuliani took a top-level Justice Dept. job in which he helped carry out the strictest part of President Ford’s policy on dealing with suspected Vietnam draft-dodgers.” New York Post, 6/11/89

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DRAFT DODGER

DEFENSE: GIULIANI DID NOT AVOID MILITARY SERVICE. IN FACT, HE JOINED THE AIR FORCE ROTC PROGRAM, BUT WAS PROCESSED OUT BECAUSE OF AN EAR PROBLEM. GIULIANI WAS SERVING HIS COUNTRY WHEN HE RECEIVED HIS DEFERMENT AND WHEN HE FINISHED HIS WORK AS A LAW CLERK HE ENTERED THE DRAFT LOTTERY.

“I was in the Air Force ROTC, but I got washed out of flight training because when I was young, I punctured two eardrums. It caused a minor hearing problem. I was very disappointed because I wanted to fly. I had student deferments during school, and then when I entered the draft lottery, I pulled number 300, 306, something like that.” Rudolph Giuliani, New York, 5/25/87

The campaign defense in 1989:

“Giuliani’s campaign spokesman, Charles Perkins, called it ‘a standard deferment that was automatic for law clerks.’” Jimmy Breslin, Newsday, 10/1/89

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ANTI-GAY

CHARGE: LIKE A LONG LINE OF REPUBLICANS BEFORE HIM, GIULIANI SUPPORTS A RANGE OF POLICIES THAT ARE INSENSITIVE TO THE CONCERNS AND NEEDS OF THE GAY COMMUNITY.

CONTEXT: In 1989, Rudy Giuliani was repeatedly called anti-gay by gay groups and Mayor Koch, primarily because of his opposition to Koch’s order to give paid bereavement leave to homosexuals and his opposition to licensing gay marriage. Giuliani was also attacked because of his association with individuals—like Bob Grant and Roger Ailes—considered insensitive to gay concerns. This time around, while openly courting the gay vote, Giuliani will be vulnerable for his participation in the St. Patrick’s Day Parade and the distribution of free needles.

REBUTTAL STRATEGY: Giuliani already has done much to soften his image with the gay community. The outreach strategy initiated by the campaign seems to have borne results. This type of activity needs to continue. Giuliani is pretty good on most issues of concern to gay and lesbian New Yorkers. Gay marriage really is the only issue where Giuliani opposes the gay agenda.

The campaign needs to finesse the Rainbow curriculum issue. Many gays incorrectly view Rainbow as teaching tolerance in public schools. The campaign must make clear its interest in teaching tolerance, but that tolerance is not the real purpose of Rainbow. Politically speaking, the campaign should utilize Massachusetts Governor William Weld as a surrogate on gay and lesbian issues.

Like Giuliani, Weld is a former federal prosecutor, Justice Department official and liberal Republican, committed to increasing the civil rights and legal protections of gays and lesbians. Ultimately actions speak louder than words. Dinkins’ support for gay and lesbian issues merely amount to rhetoric. During the campaign, Giuliani should look for the opportunity through his actions to show that he will be an advocate for tolerance of all people.

RUDY GIULIANI: PRACTICING THE POLITICS OF RACIAL POLARIZATION

CHARGE: RUDY GIULIANI IS A RACIST. HE RAN A RACIST CAMPAIGN AGAINST DAVID DINKINS IN 1989. HE IS THE RACIAL POLARIZER WHO PARTICIPATED IN THE COP RALLY WHERE OFF-DUTY OFFICERS VICIOUSLY ATTACKED THE MAYOR. AS U.S. ATTORNEY HE FAILED TO BRING CIVIL RIGHTS CASES AGAINST BRUTAL POLICE OFFICERS AND RUTHLESS VIGILANTES. For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

CONTEXT: Rudy Giuliani is vulnerable to charges of insensitivity toward racial minorities. On the most basic level, any white candidate running against the first African-American mayor in the city’s history is going to have problems in the minority community. But as a Republican and a former prosecutor, Giuliani’s difficulties are even more acute.

Look for David Dinkins to drive deep wedges among minority voters over Giuliani’s leadership of the Reagan Administration’s Haitian detention policy. Giuliani’s campaign for mayor four years ago was viewed as racist by many in the minority community. Giuliani’s exploitation of the Dinkins-Jackson relationship in the Jewish community was viewed by many as racist.

Dinkins may also take Giuliani to task for racial slurs uttered by former Giuliani campaigner Jackie Mason. Further, Giuliani’s performance at the cop rally troubled many New Yorkers, none more than African-American and Latino New Yorkers. Giuliani’s support of the police and “police issues”—like the all-civilian complaint review board, 9-mm. service pistols, and the death penalty—does not help dissuade minority voters that Giuliani is sensitive to their concerns. The “Son of Brinks” case also might be racially exploited.

Simply put, Dinkins won’t have to work hard during painting Giuliani as a racist... Unless Giuliani reaches out and softens his image. Giuliani is in an enviable position. “Sensitivity” expectations for Giuliani with minorities are so low that a little effort could go a long way. Thus even small outreach efforts by Giuliani this year could have broad implications. Rudy Giuliani can—and should—be redefined for all voters, but especially minority voters.

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REBUTTAL STRATEGY:

In order to reintroduce Giuliani to voters, the campaign should embark on an aggressive outreach program that includes some of the following tactics: The campaign should reach out to minority leaders and attempt to establish at least a cordial professional relationship with as many as possible. When bombs start flying, a few of these “friends” may provide some air-cover. The campaign should schedule more events in minority neighborhoods. Minority voters will have a more difficult time hating Giuliani if they see him in their community on a fairly regular basis. The campaign should aggressively market Giuliani’s record on prosecuting corrupt cops as an inoculation against the charge that Giuliani wants a police state to arrest all minorities.

Winning over large numbers of minority voters will always be a difficult task for the Giuliani campaign. Expectations for this inoculation strategy must not be overexaggerated. However, outreach to predominantly minority neighborhoods could produce more benefits than just improved relations in the minority community—white liberal voters can be won over just by softening Giuliani’s image on racial issues. Most importantly, the campaign must understand that if Rudy Giuliani is to govern effectively after he defeats David Dinkins, he must go out of his way to establish, at least, good working relationships with leaders in the minority community. As mayor Giuliani will have to bring New York City together.

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PARTY REGISTRATION FLIPFLOP

CHARGE: GIULIANI IS A MAN WITHOUT CONVICTIONS. HIS POLITICAL OPPORTUNISM DROVE HIM FROM MCGOVERN DEMOCRAT TO REAGAN REPUBLICAN. HE WILL DO WHAT ANYTHING IT TAKES TO GET WHAT HE WANTS.

CONTEXT: In many ways Rudy Giuliani is a political contradiction. He never really fit the mold the typical Reagan administration political appointee. He doesn’t really fit in with the Republicans. Too liberal. Giuliani has troubles with the Democrats, too. They have problems with his aggressive pursuit of criminals and worry about his view of civil liberties. Too conservative.

If the Giuliani campaign ran smoothly in 1989, Giuliani would be viewed today as the perfect nonpolitician politician. A man above party labels. However, the Giuliani four years ago did not run smoothly. The candidate was derided by his opponents as a flip-flopper, not revered as a statesman. Giuliani’s travel across the political system was used effectively by two Giuliani opponents—Ronald Lauder, from the right, and David Dinkins, from the left. Giuliani’s lack of consistency on major issues, like abortion, also reinforced criticism that he would do anything to get himself elected. (See Appendix F-2and F-3).

REBUTTAL STRATEGY:

The party affiliation charge is best countered pro-actively. The campaign, as part of its program to fill out the Giuliani biography, should place special emphasis on why the Democratic party captured Giuliani’s interests as a young man and then why he left it. At all times, explanations of the party switch shouldbe well thought out to provide the best possible political spin.

For example, Giuliani might want to describe his exodus from the Democratic Party as a result of his disgust with New York City’s corrupt clubhouse brand of politics. This answer enhances Giuliani’s image as a reformer. Giuliani might choose to explain his party switch as more philosophically driven.

Giuliani left the Democratic Party because of the free-spending policies that would bankrupt government’s and make social welfare programs obsolete. Whatever course the campaign and the candidate take on the party switch issue, all should be aware of a basic rule of politics: define yourself before your opponent defines you. Giuliani must address questions about why he switched parties. If Giuliani For more dirt on the crooks in government, visit http://www.YourLeaders.org

doesn’t do this, Dinkins will answer these questions and the inferences Dinkins draws about Giuliani will not assist the Giuliani election effort.

In 1973, Giuliani claims he became an Independent to help him remain free from political constraints as a federal prosecutor. In 1980, he lost this moral conscious and registered Republican.

“He changed his registration to independent in 1973, partly because he thought it was best to be unaffiliated politically as a federal prosecutor. In 1980, he registered as Republican.” Newsday, 1/29/89

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