Quirk Final Mls 512

1

Wiccan Ritual Samhain Sabbat Stephanie Quirk 11/17/2009

2 Wicca is a Pagan, natured-based religion practiced by individuals and groups throughout the world with sizable populations in the US, Canada, Europe, and Australia. Wicca is a subsection of Paganism1 and widely considered to be a new religious movement; however, the faith also has origins in pre-Christian pagan beliefs in Europe. Wicca (the largest of the Pagan religions) as it exists today came into popularity in the 1950s and bases its worship around a Goddess and God and utilizes a calendar that observes moon cycles (the full, new, and quarter moons) and eight seasonally based festivals called Sabbats through ritual. The Samhain (pronounced “sa-win”) Sabbat takes place on October 31st every year. It is considered by some to be the New Year and the first of eight Sabbats recognized by the Wiccan faith2. It is a time to celebrate the lives of those who have passed on, and it often involves paying respect to ancestors, family members, elders of the faith, friends, pets and other loved ones who have died. In addition, many Wiccans also celebrate the harvest's end during Samhain as well as observe rituals to honor animals, séance with the spirit world, celebrate the Goddess and God, and celebrate life and death. The focus of this research is the Samhain ritual. Field work took place within a local Pagan community called Kindred Spirits. Kindred Spirits it is a self-described “Pagan Wiccan” group based in Oswego, Illinois. In order to give the reader a complete understanding of the context of the Samhain ritual, we begin with a very general overview of the history of Wicca abroad and in the United States including a literature review. The next section will include practical methods used in this research project. Following this, section three will include a description of the actual ritual performed by the Kindred Spirits group. In section four I will discuss the significance and greater implications of the research findings. 1

Before moving too far forward into the introduction of Wicca, it is important to note the terminology surrounding Wicca and Paganism. In this paper, “Pagan” and “Neo-Pagan” will be used interchangeably as an umbrella term to include Wicca and other Paganisms based on Greek, Roman, Slavic, Germanic, and other origins. Wicca encompasses those who specifically consider themselves witches and practice Witchcraft and consider it their faith. 2 Some observe the vernal equinox, March 21, as the New Year (Berger 16).

3 The actual origins of Wicca and contemporary Paganism are convoluted at best. There is an ongoing dispute within the community as to the actual beginning and even the development of the faith. According to Chas S. Clifton who extensively researched Wicca and Paganism for over thirty years, Paganism’s “scheme is more horizontal than vertical, with no central organization and no hierarchy” (2006:11) and this makes narrative history difficult. This, compounded by the fact that many individuals who practice Pagan religions do so solitarily, has resulted in a multitude of narratives regarding the origins of American Paganism. Despite this hurdle, there is one text recognized by practitioners and scholars (regardless of whether they actually believe the author’s story) as the first contemporary Pagan text and that is Gerald Gardner’s book Witchcraft Today published in England in 1954. Gardner was an English civil servant born in the late 1800s. In his book published after the repeal of English statutes against Witchcraft, “Gardner announced that (a) a Pagan Old Religion had survived from the Middle Ages until the present, in the manner suggested by the archaeology Margaret Murray (who contributed an introduction) and that (b) he himself had made contact with a group of these Witches (referred to as “the New Forest coven” or the “Southern Coven”) and had been initiated” (Clifton 2006:14). However, despite 50 years of research no one has managed to reveal exactly who these individuals were and this contributes to the dispute. In addition, “the veracity of Gardner’s claim to have found secret, organized, traditional covens thriving in the British Isles is doubted today, even by most of his spiritual descendants (Jencson 1989:3). Clifton writes “more likely, what we now know as Wicca was created by Gardner and a small group of associates around 1950 – 1951” (2006:15). Despite all this there seems to be an underlying belief among some practitioners that Wicca is ancient religion of Western Europe once practiced by the entire population as Gardner described it. At least one scholar has traced

4 some of the ritual magic aspect of Wicca back to Hellenistic Egypt yet his research “had the effect of emphasizing the essential modernity of Wicca and its distance and difference from the paganism of antiquity” (Hutton 2000:104) so the dispute remains alive3. Wicca did not reach American shores until the mid 1960s. Raymond Buckland, a student of Gardner’s, is credited with instigating the migration (Berger 1999:12). Wicca and Paganism in America began to gain traction mainly through texts including books, letters, correspondence courses, magazines, email, and Web pages as it had in England and the “lack of a central bureaucracy or dogma has resulted in the development of many branches or “traditions” within Witchcraft and NeoPaganism” (Berger 1999:13) on this side of the Atlantic. America could not claim Wicca as a true indigenous religion as the British could, however, “the new American Pagans found that they could easily adapt both existing American attitudes about the sacrality of nature and the new environmental awareness of the 1960s and 1970s, thus making themselves not so much indigenous as “nature based” (Clifton 2006:33). Thus, the notion of Paganism as a “nature based” religion was born4. Upon beginning research for the literature review, it quickly became clear that although there are many books written about witches, Witchcraft, Halloween, Wicca and related topics, many of the sources are written as mass publication pieces or by practitioners, for practitioners. Some of these publications refer to old traditions or histories as reported by scholars, mostly anthropologists, who studied the previous generation. There are also many books in the category of self-help or how-to for those interested in practicing Wicca or those already practicing independently. This observance is nothing new in the study of Paganism and Wicca. In 1986 an

3

There is simply not enough space in this paper to fully consider the debate. Clifton goes on to describe three categories of “nature religion” (Cosmic Nature, Gaian Nature, and Embodied Nature) in subsequent chapters but for the purpose of the general overview in this paper, the definition of “nature religion” as concerned with the sacrality of nature and environmental awareness will suffice. 4

5 article appeared in the journal Anthropology Today written by Linda Jencson that warned of the impact anthropologists were having in the field when conducting research. Jencson points out “my research … reveals a century-old process in which those researching and writing about magical practices have served to spread those very practices among their own informants, and via the printed page to new generations of practitioners” (1989:3). The continuous cycle of information is very important to take into consideration. With this in mind, the majority of books and articles referenced for this research are by individuals in the social sciences who employ participant observation as their main method of researching Wicca. It is important to note that some of the researchers are also practicing Wiccans. A leading scholar among those who research Wicca did not emerge and this may be a result of the unique organizational structure of the religion as mentioned before. Wicca is without centralized authority therefore the research conducted tends to be very specialized to a specific group of practitioners. In addition, the study of contemporary Pagan religions is still relatively new in relation to other world religions. Not surprisingly, there appears to be a divide between literature written pre1960 and post-1960 as that is when Wicca and Neo-Paganism began to gain popularity in America. One example of a book written that predates the migration of Wicca to America is A Popular History of Witchcraft written in the first half of the 1900s (my copy was published in 1973) by a gentleman named Montague Summers. The text clearly depicts Witchcraft as the most evil of evils and as a plague on society. To the contrary, pieces written post-1960 delve into Wicca and Neo-Paganism much more. The most current books and articles take the study of Wicca as religion very seriously and aim to understand meaning within the rituals and beliefs as well as Wicca and Neo-Paganism’s role in society at large. Considering that this research is specifically focused on the Samhain ritual, a single authoritative source on Samhain rituals was

6 not revealed through the literature review. Fortunately several scholars did participate in the particular ritual and wrote about their experience (Berger 1999:29-30, Luhrmann 1989:195). There are also a number of how-to books outlining the basic ritual procedure for individuals wishing to do their own Samhain ritual. Because Samhain is a rather important festival on the Wiccan calendar it is interesting that there is little research focused exclusively on the festival. The void is now partially addressed by this research paper and the next section addresses the methods used in this research. Before delving into the methods used to conduct research on the Samhain ritual among the Kindred Spirits group, it is also important once more acknowledge the dialogue between cultures and anthropology. Jencson has several examples of this cyclical influence between Pagan practitioners and researchers including an occasion when Pagan individuals took books about ancient centers of goddess worship published by anthropologists and used the artifact photographs to model their own religious art. The important message to take from Jencson is that as researchers, we must be very aware of the influence research can have on informants as well as those who read our essays, articles and books. That being said, the works consulted prior to conducting research fell overwhelmingly into the qualitative research category examining the “why” and “how” of behavior as opposed to the mass collection survey data from a census. In her book, A Community of Witches: Contemporary Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft in the United States (1999), Helen Berger did consider quantitative data collected about Wiccans along with her participant observation. However, this quantitative data were still a select sample collected by the researcher within a community. The main reason why information is gathered through qualitative research methods is because of the secretive nature of the religion and the need to gain trust and acceptance within the group. Berger talks about her efforts to meet practicing

7 Wiccans through other Wiccans and how this snowball sampling method did produce quality information despite limiting her sample size. The research method employed here in the study of the Samhain ritual was also participant observation. Participant observation is "a state of mind, a framework for living in the field" where anthropologists "become active members of the community" and participate in the experiences of the community under study (Crane and Angrosino 1992:64). There are many advantages to doing research in the field using participant observation. Anthropologists may overcome their “outsider” status and develop trusted relationships, there is an opportunity for first-hand experience, and there is a decreased amount of ethnocentrism as a researcher begins to experiences everyday life within the community. However, with this definition also come some limitations. Anthropologists cannot always participate in every activity community members partake in. For example, there may be certain activities or specialized information reserved for one gender or individuals with certain status within the community. In addition to that limitation, there is the risk that research may become lax and less objective if a community becomes too familiar. Overall, participant observation is by far the most widely utilized method for anthropologists to conduct fieldwork and the method was employed in this study. The next crucial steps in moving forward with connecting with a faith group were gaining entry and integration. I connected with a local Pagan Wiccan community called Kindred Spirits through the internet, a common method used among Pagans and Wiccans looking to connect with each other. The group organizer, Rosa5, created an account on Meetup.com6 and I contacted her through the site. After two e-mail exchanges, I was invited by Rosa to attend a group meeting and gained entry. In total, I met with the Kindred Spirits group twice: once at a 5

All names are changed to protect the identity of the individuals. Individuals connect on the Meetup.com website which provides a service to the groups by hosting their communication hub in the form of a webpage and discussion board for a fee of approximately $12. 6

8 local restaurant for two hours (where I was able to conduct very informal group interviews) and once during the group sponsored Samhain ritual for three hours (where I was able to participate in the ritual). According to the group’s website, there are approximately 65 group members although the total number of individuals at the first meeting was around 20 and 7 attended the Samhain ritual. Both gatherings had a majority of women attend with only 3 men at the meeting and 1 man at the ritual (not including 1 other male who attended as a guest of mine). Most members were Caucasian, upper middle class, suburban residents between the ages of 20 and 60. Before meeting with the group for the first time, Rosa informed me that there is weariness and skepticism that Wiccans and Pagans have of what they consider “outsiders” or those who do not practice Wicca or hold Pagan beliefs. This information was corroborated by a Wiccan contact I made outside of the Kindred Spirits group who had examples of being ridiculed for her beliefs and treated poorly by those belonging to mainstream religions. To avoid any miscommunication or misinterpretation as to my intentions I made it clear to Rosa that I intended to write a research paper that honestly represents the community and to attempts to address misconceptions about Wicca. To reach the other group members I posted this message on the group discussion board with a link to my personal website and I stood up at the beginning of the first meeting I attended and addressed the group with my intentions in person. By doing this I established rapport with the group and reaffirmed my willingness to be a participant in the community not only during conversations but also during rituals. I did fully participate in the Samhain ritual conducted by the Wiccan members of the group by bringing a photograph of a deceased family member, lighting a candle on the ceremonial alter, participating in spirit communication, partaking in food and drink, and being smudged afterward7. This leads into the next important area of ethical considerations undertaken during research. 7

The full ritual is to be outlined below.

9 There were three major ethical considerations taken into account during this study. First as stated above, I communicated my research objectives to the informants from the very beginning as individuals always have a right to know what the ethnographer plans to do with the information being provided. The second, the informants must always come first. Spradley says “In complex societies, informants’ lives are frequently intertwined with the lives of other people” (1980:21) and we cannot assume that everyone shares interests. I am not aware of other parties who would interfere with the interests of the informants at this basic level of observation; however, this consideration was made. Third was the need to safeguard informant’s “rights, interests, and sensitivities” (1980:22) and to never exploit them. I am doing this by presenting and writing the material as honestly and completely as possible. I am using pseudo-names in lieu of actual names to protect the identities of the informants. Also, the final draft of the research paper will be made available to the group online. Collecting and managing field notes is an important and essential task during field research. I subscribe to the idea presented by Kristin G. Esterberg that “some researchers find it awkward to take notes in front of those whom they are researching; they feel that taking notes in the field interrupts the flow of action” (2002:73). Instead of taking notes during the action, I took my notes mentally and wrote them down upon returning home after my participation. I did not use any recording devices as Pagan gatherings are very energy based and I felt that the use of recording devices may have offended the group or been disruptive; a completely opposite effect than what is desired. As the Samhain ritual is the intended focus of this research paper, the first meeting that I participated in will not be recounted in the data and description. The decision to omit the detailed description does not mean that the information gathered during the first meeting

10 is not useful and it will be drawn upon in the interpretation and analysis section following the data and description. The evening of October 31st, 2009 was cool and blustery. The Samhain ritual sponsored by the Kindred Spirits Pagan Wiccan group was scheduled to take place at a local community center in a building that was formally a high school. The Samhain gathering was advertised by Kindred Spirits as open to the community and with Rosa’s approval, I invited two friends to attend with me. We met in the parking lot of the old high school and walked into the side doors to the auditorium. The building was quite old with creaky worn floors and peeling paint. Inside were approximately ten rows of red velvet seats facing a large stage that stretched the entire length of the room. Despite being a very large and open space, the room was not cold or drafty. We removed our coats upon entering. On the far end of the stage there was a table with cookies, cakes, soup, crackers, cheese spread, and pumpkin cider. There was a circle of chairs arranged around a square table in the middle of the stage which had basketball hoops on each side and basketball court markings on the floor. The circle of chairs was arranged around the center circle in the floor. The table was a card table covered in a gold table cloth. Around the table there were leaves on the floor and leaves were also on the table top along with unlit candles and a few photos. As we walked in I saw Cathy, the junior high aged daughter of energy worker Darlene, who I had met briefly at the first Kindred Spirits meeting I attended. I said hello and introduced my guests. She smiled politely. There was another person in the room I did not know. He wore a dark hooded cloak and as we entered he was walking around the circle of chairs. His face was painted all white and he had black circles painted around his eyes. As I was talking to Cathy he walked off the stage and into the hallway behind the auditorium seating. Cathy followed him shortly after we were left alone. A few moments later, Dora walked in the door from the parking

11 lot. I had met Dora at the first Kindred Spirits meeting and spoke to her at length about Wicca and Wiccan rituals. Dora began practicing Wicca within the past year although she said she had always felt she was a witch her entire life. She was dressed all in black with her face painted to look like a cat. Then from the hallway came another woman who I did not know dressed in a long black and purple hooded cloak. Following her was Rosa dressed in a Renaissance era dress. The group began to form on stage. In total there were 10 individuals including myself. All were Caucasian between the ages of 20 and 40 with the exception of young Cathy. After some quick introductions, the group moved towards the circle of chairs and we each took a seat facing the table in the center of the circle. The lights on the stage were turned off and the space was only lit indirectly by lighting from the seating area and hallway. Rosa started the ritual by first standing behind her chair and welcoming us to the gathering. She walked clockwise around the group slowly while explaining the importance of Samhain to us. She began by describing how our ancestors would harvest during this time of year and gather all supplies needed for the cold months ahead. Times were very hard during the winters and there was much planning that had to take place in order to survive. Samhain is the last harvest and a time when things come to an end. She also pointed out that it is a time to honor ancestors by remembering them and lighting gourds to guide them back on this night as it is when the veil between the worlds is thin. There was a place setting with food for the returning deceased so they may feel welcomed. Rosa then asked each member of the circle to say their name as she walked around the circle to announce that we are here. Once the introductions were complete, Rosa asked that each of us who would like to remember an ancestor say the person they would like to remember then tell a story about that person and light a candle in remembrance. Rosa first walked around the circle clockwise three times with a small bowl of

12 incense burning. She then began with a story about her grandmother then she lit a candle and sat down in the circle. Each person in the group followed her example but instead of walking around the group each remained seated while speaking, stood to light a candle, then returned to their seat. Rosa thanked all of us for sharing and asked us each to take a leaf from the table and write the name of a person we would like to honor on it. She also said we could write down anything else we would like to release. It could be a feeling or something we just need to let go. All at once, each person picked a leaf off the table and wrote on it. Once we were finished the leaves were placed back on the table and we had a moment to silently remember our loved ones. Rosa then explained that after the ceremony we would all go outside and release the leaves together to allow all these things to return to the earth and to eventually break down and re-enter the earth to be regenerated in the spring. After remembering each of our ancestors and writing on the leaves, there was a short break of about five minutes and group members stood, ate food and had drinks and chatted. Slowly the group came back to the circle and sat down to commence the second activity of the evening: Spirit Talk. Spirit Talk is an activity Darlene leads where she attempts communication with the deceased using her dowsing rods. The rods were the shape of an “L” and made of aluminum. Darlene gave the group a short introduction about dowsing rods as a divining tool and then she began by asking the rods to show her a "yes". The rods spun wildly for a few moments then settled pointing at each other. She thanked the rods then asked for a "no" and the rods pointed away from each other. Again she thanked the rods. Then she began seeking spirits connected to individuals in the circle wishing to come forward. For the next hour, Darlene asked questions to the spirits connected with individuals in the room. After the hour, Darlene decided to take a short break and she offered someone else the rods to attempt to use them. Dora used

13 the rods next and asked a few questions to see if there were spirits connected to others in the room who wanted to come forward. The rods did not move much but did point so different members of the group. After ten minutes of experimentation, Dora offered the rods up for someone else to try. Rosa asked me if I would like to attempt them. The rods moved very slowly for me. After another ten minutes I asked the rods if they would like to go back to Darlene and the left rod began to spin wildly in my hand. I gave them back to Darlene who commenced another session. After fatigue set in and Darlene ended the second session 30 minutes later, Rosa suggested the group bring the evening to a close by going outside to release the leaves. One by one each individual stood and blew out a candle to say goodbye to the spirits and we placed all the leaves on the tablecloth. The group then went outside and each person held on to a piece of the cloth as the leaves were tossed into the air. After tossing the leaves the group returned inside to gather personal items. I walked back on stage and spoke to Rosa. She asked if my friends enjoyed the ritual and hoped that they and I had a good time. I said I had a great experience. The ritual was warm and welcoming. I never once felt threatened or fearful. As we spoke, several of the group members asked to be smudged before leaving. Darlene brought the group a bundle of sage tightly wrapped and lit it on fire then blew it out right away so the bundle began smoking. Darlene then went to each person and waved the sage up and down their body front and back. The group finished the evening by eating food and drinking hot apple cider. According to Berger, “the basic elements of rituals, the casting of the circle, the calling of the four quarters, the sharing of cakes and wine, and the unwinding of the circle at the end of the ritual were initially presented by Gerald Gardner” (Berger 1999:16) and these elements are still the most basic outline for rituals today. Since Samhain is a special occasion, the standard ritual

14 differs slightly to include honoring ancestors although the creation and consecration of the circle always remains in some form. The circle is a sacred space that “serves as both a work space for magic and a temple for worship and symbolizes the relationship between microcosm and macrocosm that merge inside the circle” (Orion 1995:245). Everything that takes place in the circle happens between worlds meaning, “it marks a boundary, or limen, between structures of time and space, between ordinary reality and the sacred time (infinity)” (Orion 1995:245). The Kindred Spirits Samhain ritual had five major components: the casting of the circle, lighting candles and leaf dedication to honor ancestors, divination to communicate with ancestors, the closing of the circle to end the ritual and the grounding8 afterwards by eating and drinking and smudging. Although Rosa was the organizer of the event and led the group through the ritual, the social structure reflected equality over hierarchy. Rosa would begin with telling the group the activity (such as lighting a candle) then she would do it, and then each individual would do it going around the circle clockwise. Once the circle returned to Rosa she would lead us into the next activity. In the case of writing on the leaves and releasing them, she proposed the activity to the group beforehand to ask if the group would like to participate in the activities and after everyone agreed, it was officially included and implemented during the ritual. This also reflects the equality aspect of the social structure over hierarchy. The entire ritual did require some specialization from two group members: Rosa and Darlene. By leading the ritual, Rosa had to have knowledge of the Samhain ritual and how to conduct it. By leading Spirit Talk, Darlene had to have the ability to communicate with spirits through the dowsing rods. Prior to moving into the interpretation and analysis of the data, there is one observation worth noting. Although I entered the field looking to focus on Wiccan ritual, I found that the

8

At the end of every Pagan ritual it is necessary for all participants to be “grounded” meaning the energy brought forth during the ritual must be returned to the earth in order to return each individual to the ordinary.

15 general population of the Kindred Spirits group to be much more diversified. While some of the group members did identify themselves as Wiccan, others described themselves using the broader term “Pagan” which encompasses a number of different beliefs including but not limited to Wicca, Asatru (Norse Heathenism), and Celtic Druidism. Despite having somewhat different variations of belief, the group unites together under the “Pagan” umbrella term and holds regular meetings and rituals open to all members. The Samhain ritual was attended by the Wiccans in the group and not the other Pagan practitioners. As outlined above, the Kindred Spirits Samhain ritual had five separate components. Here I would like to examine each component to identity central symbols and meanings then I will move into my interactions with the group. The casting, or creation and consecration, of the sacred circle was the first part of the ritual. As I touched on before, the circle (also thought of as a sphere or cone) is very important as it creates sacred space juxtaposed to the earth and “serves as a psychological cue that informs the witches that a former state of being has been broken apart; the world of ideas and matter awaits restructuring by the witches’ magic” (Orion 1995:245). Lewis thinks of this action as also representing “the construction and taking down of the Witches’ portable temple, involving considerably less time and resources than a permanent church of synagogue” (Lewis 1999:246). In addition to these functions, the circle acts as a protective shield, “you can decide what is allowed to enter it and what is not” (Sabine 2006:90) as in the case of the Samhain ritual when spirit communication is performed. In the Kindred Spirits Samhain, the spirits connected to participating individuals are asked to come forward and the unconnected spirits are not. To cast the circle in the Kindred Spirits ritual, Rosa lit a small bowl of incense and walked around the circle of seated people three times. “In contemporary Neopagan rituals, incense represents the presence of the element of air” (Lewis 1999:155) which

16 is important as it is one of the four elements that comprise the foundation of natural magic. The other elements are water, earth and fire. Although some circles are drawn physically, the Kindred Spirits circle was drawn with energy along a pre-existing basketball boundary line on the floor and cleansed with the incense. The action of moving around in a clockwise manner is also significant as it mimics the movement of the sun and it is important for practitioners to be in harmony with the sun; this harps back to the development of Wicca as a nature-based9 and earth focused religion. The central purpose of Samhain rituals is to honor and welcome our ancestors back to earth and in this second part of the ritual there were three important symbols: the place setting, the candles and the leaves. The place setting of food is a dedication to the ancestors who return to earth this night similar to the way individuals in Mexico set out their deceased favorite food and drinks on ceremonial alters on the Day of the Dead. The significance here is that the food honors and welcomes loved ones home. This is also the explicit intention of the lighting of the candles in remembrance of the deceased and to light their path back to earth. The action of writing and releasing leaves was explained to me as a representation of the cycle of life and death. Every year the tree grows leaves that fall to the ground and break down to become soil that the tree draws upon to regenerate leaves and life again. The third component of the ritual was divination which is enacted during this ritual in particular as Wiccans and Pagans believe the connection between the living and spirit world to be very strong. Divination, using dowsing rods in this case, “is particularly associated with the religious specialists of traditional, tribal religions, such as Shamans” (Lewis 1999:80-81). Although it is often equated with foreseeing the future, in this case it was used to communicate with spirits connected with individuals in the room. The fourth part of the ritual was the official closing of the circle and this was done by each individual 9

Anti-clockwise movement is used to undo circles or to banish and destroy (Orion 244).

17 blowing out the candle they lit in remembrance of their loved ones who have passed. As we extinguished the flames, we closed the gateway between the worlds. The final action of grounding our energy after the ceremony had two parts: eating and drinking and smudging. I include these two actions together in one as they are both done after the ritual with safeguarding the individual in mind. According to Sabine, there are many quick grounding techniques and visualizations that individuals can use after working with energy. These include deep and slow breathing, shaking hands to shake excess energy out, tree grounding by pushing energy into a tree trunk, pushing energy into stones, visualizing energy running off you like running water, eating to bring you back to earth quickly, and the direct route of placing your forehead directly on the floor. In the Kindred Spirits Samhain ritual, food was provided and throughout the ritual everyone ate and drank but particularly after the ritual was over. Although it was not a direct symbol, it did serve a practical purpose. This is also true of the sage smudging that took place. Smudging is “wafting incense or herbal smoke over people, objects, or ritual space to cleanse them” (Hawke 2002:191). After the Samhain ritual, the cleansing rid individuals of any lingering spirit attachment. Rosa did connect with me to communicate a few pieces of important information after the ceremony. She said that each individual brings their energy and their spirits to the gathering and thanked me for attending. Without each person bringing something to the gathering, the group would have nothing. Rosa also said that not knowing how many outsiders were going to be in the group, she forwent the traditional calling of the directions and formal circle that typically take place in the Samhain rituals. The significance of the leaves being released as a symbol of death and regeneration was explained once more also to emphasize the symbolism. Then Rosa said she had wanted me to hold the dowsing rods to experience their movement myself. She

18 wanted to be sure I could feel how they behaved and how they could not be manipulated as easily as one might think to get them to spin around. My participation in the ritual had a strong impact on me. Emotionally it was difficult for me to speak of the passing of my family member, particularly since there were individuals in the group that I did not know well. I felt that this may have been the same for some of the others; however, I also felt that each individual spoke freely and from the heart the entire time. During the lighting of the candles I shed tears during my remembrance as did other members in the group even though some of us had lost loved ones many years ago. Rosa encouraged us with words all throughout the stories and lighting of the candles. I was unsure if I was going to be able to participate in the divination as the communication with spirits depended on Darlene’s connections. Fortunately I was able to participate as Darlene communicated with two spirits wishing to connect with me. I was able to ask three questions to one spirit connected with me. Each was answered with the movement of the dowsing rods. I did not attend the ritual to speak to the authenticity of spirit communication. I did find the group’s belief in the communication to be authentic as Rosa informed me of Darlene’s ability to divine names and specific information about some of Rosa’s ancestors she was able to confirm through genealogy. There were a few pieces of tacit knowledge I sensed during my interaction with Kindred Spirits members. First was how accepting the group is to individuals practicing in their own way. I found that flexibility is paramount, understood and diversity is accepted by all. Although practitioners are expected to observe certain days on the calendar; they are able to decide how, where, and with whom they would like to practice. A great deal of personal interpretation takes place. “The specific details – which gods and goddesses are invoked or which actual words are used in casting the circle – vary from group to group in the United States” (Berger 1999:16).

19 When thinking about ritual, the flexibility can result in greater diversity of rituals celebrating the same Sabbat. The Samhain gathering I observed omitted some formal parts of the traditional Wiccan ritual such as the calling of the elements, and re-interpreted others like the leave release we did to acknowledge the cycle of life and death. The group still held on to the core meanings acknowledging the final harvest, honoring the dead and welcoming their return, and bringing the year to a close solemnly waiting for the cycle to begin again at the Yule. Second, I found that energy was always considered in actions (ritual and non-ritual) by Pagan and Wiccan practitioners whether the group is performing a ritual or engaging in day to day activities. Both of these observations were corroborated by the Wiccan outside of the Kindred Spirits I was in communication with. When considering Wicca and Paganism within the larger context of American culture, I believe these beliefs appeal to the individualism and creativity within American society. In Orion’s piece about Wicca and the creation of a sacred space where individuals can engage in the creative process she says “magic, like art, is successful to the extent that is expresses something greater or more universal than the individual artist” (Orion 1995:245). Wiccans engage in magic to not only benefit them but to also benefit the universe as a whole. “No longer a youth movement with a sprinkling of elders, contemporary Paganism is a multigenerational movement existing in tension with other American models and institutions of religious behavior” (Clifton 2006:164). It is sometimes called the nation’s fastest growing religion although more research needs to be done on the demographics of the faith and it is difficult to say how many citizens practice Pagan religions. Like Buddhism, Paganism challenges traditional views of religious membership and unlike other new religious movements it lacks a single charismatic leader, apocalyptic messages, and does not create boundaries that lead to isolation. The emergence of

20 Wicca and Paganism as somewhat of a revitalization movement of the 1960s and 1970s is also something that might be considered. For those experiencing the stress of war, cultural turmoil of race relations, the development of feminism, disillusionment with the system, and an increasing concern for the environment, the move towards the “ancient”10 nature path of Wicca could be seen as a necessary change in action to reduce the stressors above and change reality. The “effort to work a change in mazeway11 and “real” system together so as to permit more effective stress reduction is the effort at revitalization; and the collaboration of a number of persons in such an effort is called a revitalization movement” (Wallace 1956:232). At the very beginning of Clifton’s book he writes, “This book, therefore, seeks to focus on the first critical decades when Paganism, particularly Witchcraft, attracted chiefly people who viewed their religion as an excursus from contemporary life. But, in stepping away from the mainstream, more of them actually stepped into a long-established religious current, that on “nature religion,” which quickly, along with “earth religion,” became both a euphemistic alternative label and a way of identifying with a source of sacred power (Clifton 2006:1). According to Berger, it is also a religion that must be viewed within the context of late modernity as we explored in class. “Although the playfulness of the religious practice, the pastiche of rituals from diverse cultures, and the questioning of rationality makes Wicca appear at first glance to be postmodern, closer examination reveals that the religion has not rejected the Enlightenment project. Wicca has instead stood the Enlightenment project on its head by applying the methodological skepticism of the Enlightenment to rationalism itself” (Berger 1999:123). By this Berger means Wicca has incorporated a holistic image of the universe; individuals are part of nature; the notion that personal and cosmic changes are intertwined; the important of personal transformation; and the 10

Quotation marks are used here as initially the religion was seen as a surviving ancient religion, but as the reality of Gardner’s text came to light we understand this to be questionable if not completely untrue. 11 Mazeway is nature, society, culture, personality, and body image as seen by one person.

21 belief in fusion of the personal and political. “Self-transformation occurs through rituals, magical incantations, and participation in the Neo-Pagan community – practices that foster an atmosphere of self-reflection and change” (Berger 1999:124). In modernity, relationships are not embedded tradition but instead, they are grown out of shared interests and concern. As we have addressed above, Samhain is considered by most Wiccans as a time to celebrate the lives of those who have passed on, and it often involves paying respect to ancestors, family members, elders of the faith, friends, pets and other loved ones who have died. In addition, many Wiccans also celebrate the harvest's end during Samhain as well as observe rituals to honor animals, séance with the spirit world, celebrate the Goddess and God, and celebrate life and death. The literature that guided this research paper was supported by the fieldwork conducted but further research is definitely recommended particularly on the Wiccan calendar and associated festivals. I was able to locate two different accounts of anthropologists participating in Wiccan Samhain rituals, one by Berger in American and one by Luhrmann in England. Although both accounts had striking similarities in structure, each had a circle cast, honored ancestors, acknowledged the end of harvest and the cycled of life and death, they were also both very distinct. My fieldwork shared the general framework as both of the other rituals but had different interpretations on how to acknowledge the cycle of life and death as well as how to cast the circle. The fieldwork does not resolve any positions on either side of outstanding debates on Wicca and Paganism as much as it confirms that the debates are ongoing among practitioners. Additional research focusing on the Wiccan calendar and the eight important celebrations around the calendar would continue the fieldwork started here to shed more light on Wiccan and Pagan ritual and symbol and ultimately add to the body of research already working to dispel misconceptions about the religion in American culture and society.

22 Works Cited Berger, Helen A. A Community of Witches: Contemporary Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft in the United States. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1999. Print. Clifton, Chas. Her Hidden Children: The Rise of Wicca and Paganism in America. The Pagan studies series. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 2006. Print. Crane, Julia G. and Michael V. Angrosino. Field Projects in Anthropology: A Student Handbook. Waveland Press, Inc.: Prospect Heights, 1992. Print. Esterberg, Kristin G. Qualitative Methods in Social Research. McGraw Hill: Boston, 2002. Hawke, Elen. The Sacred Round: A Witch's Guide to Magical Practice. St. Paul, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2002. Print. Hutton, Ronald. Paganism and Polemic: The Debate over the Origins of Modern Pagan Witchcraft. Folklore 111.1 (2000): 103-117. Jstor. Web. 1 Nov. 2009. Jencson, Linda. “Neopaganism and the Great Mother Goddess: Anthropology as Midwife to a New Religion.” Anthropology Today 5.2 (1989): 2-3. Jstor. Web. 1 Nov. 2009. Lewis, James R. Witchcraft Today: An Encyclopedia of Wiccan and Neopagan Traditions. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 1999. Print. Luhrmann, T. M. “The Goat and the Gazelle: Witchcraft.” Religion, Ritual and Symbol Reader. Ed. Matthew Krystal. Naperville, IL: McGraw-Hill, 2009. 189-197. Print. Reprinted from: Persuasions of the Witch’s Craft: Ritual Magic in Contemporary England. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989. 42-54. Orion, Loretta. “Wicca, a Way of Working.” Never Again the Burning Times: Paganism Revived. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, Inc., 1995. 243-248. Print.

23 Sabin, Thea. Wicca for Beginners: Fundamentals of Philosophy & Practice. Woodbury, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2006. Print. Spradley, James P. Participant Observation. Harcourt College Publishers: Fort Worth, 1980. Print. Wallace, Anthony F.C. “Revitalization Movements.” Religion, Ritual and Symbol Reader. Ed. Matthew Krystal. Naperville, IL: McGraw-Hill, 2009. 229-241. Print. Reprinted from: American Anthropologist 58:2, 1956.

24 Field Notes from Samhain (Sow-when) Ritual October 31st, 2009 Elburn Community Center, Elburn, IL 9PM - 12AM I arrived at the Elburn Community Center at 8:55PM and left my bag in the car taking only my photo ID, phone, keys, and monetary fee into the building with me. I had arranged to meet two of my friends in the parking lot to attend the ritual with me. Their names are Cara and Stephan, both Caucasian in their twenties. I've known Cara since I was in the 3rd grade. She has been dating Stephan for several years although I do not know how long they have been dating exactly. I had asked Cara to attend earlier in the week and Stephan had also expressed an interest in attending. We walked into the Elburn Community Center building together and found ourselves in a large auditorium type room with a large stage. On the far end of the stage there was a table with cookies, cakes, soup, crackers, cheese spread, and pumpkin cider. The building was quite old with creaky worn floors and peeling paint. The doors were heavy and Cara immediately commented that it looked very similar to the high school she attended in West Chicago. After entering, I saw a circle of chairs arranged around a square table in the middle of the stage (which had basketball hoops on each side and basketball court markings on the floor). The circle of chairs was arranged around the center circle in the floor. The table was a card table covered in a gold table cloth. Around the table there were leaves on the floor and leaves were also on the table top along with unlit candles and a few photos. As we walked in I saw Cathy, Darlene's daughter, who I had met briefly at the first meeting at Panera. She is a very quiet girl and I said hello and introduced myself as well as my guests. She smiled politely. I asked if Rosa or Darlene were there and she said that they were both in the building but she did not know where they were right now. There was also a man with a painted face wearing a cloak walking around the circle of chairs. His face was painted all white and he had black circles painted

25 around his eyes. As I was talking to Cathy he walked off the stage and into the hallway behind the auditorium soft seating. There were no other people in the room yet. Cathy left after we spoke and went into the hallway like the man in the cloak and we were left alone for a few moments. After chatting with Cara and Stephan for 10 minutes I turned to walk off the stage to see if there was another room we were meant to be in, and just as I turned I saw Dora walk in the door from the parking lot. She was dressed all in black with her face painted to look like a cat. She also wore cat ears and a tail. Then from the hallway came another woman who I did not know dressed in a long cloak. Following her was Rosa dressed in a Renaissance era dress. The group began to form on stage. In total there were 10 individuals including myself. All were Caucasian between the ages of 20 and 50 with the exception of Cathy who is younger around the age of 14. We all made small talk while waiting for the ritual to being. I spoke to Dora about where I live and we found that we live quite close to each other in Aurora. We also spoke about trick-or-treaters during the day and along with Cara and Stephan we shared how many children had come to the houses this year. The group eventually migrated towards the circle of chairs and we all took a seat. Rosa started the ritual by first standing behind her chair and welcoming us to the gathering. She walked clockwise around the group slowly while explaining the importance of Samhain to us. She began by describing how our ancestors would harvest during this time of year and gather all supplies needed for the cold months ahead. Times were very hard during the winters and there was much planning that had to take place in order to survive. Samhain is the last harvest and a time when things come to an end. She also pointed out that it is a time when we honor our ancestors by remembering them and lighting gourds to guide them back to us on this night in particular as it is when the veil is thin. She then asked each member of the circle to

26 say their name as she walked around the circle to announce that we are here. She began with her name then each person said their name in the circle. Once we completed the introduction of ourselves, Rosa asked that each of us who would like to remember an ancestor say the person they would like to remember then tell a story about that person and light a candle in remembrance. Rosa first walked around the circle clockwise three times with incense burning. She then began with a story about her grandmother and seeing her spirit live on in her own grandson. Then she lit a candle. Next Dora said she would like to connect with her father and told a story and lit a candle. Next Peter who I had met at the previous meeting remembered his grandfather and described him to the group then lit a candle. Next Samantha told a story of her grandfather communicating with her through small interventions like his photograph blowing off the shelf in her times of need. As she spoke, tears began to flood her eyes. She also lit a candle. Next I remembered my father who passed in 2001. It was very difficult for me to get through my introduction without shedding tears. Immediately the group reacted and Rosa said "I can feel how strong your energy is all the way across the circle". I told a silly story of my father jumping out of bed running after me and my mother while we were trying to install a towel bar in the kitchen. It ended with a light-hearted laugh and I gathered myself to light a candle. Next Darlene remembered her grandmother who just passed on Wednesday and she lit a candle. Then Ron remembered his grandfather who shared similar traits to his wife's grandfather which Rosa said was interesting. The rest of the group agreed and he lit a candle. Finally Helen shared that she was never close to her grandparents but would like to honor them tonight and she lit a candle. Cara and Stephan and Cathy observed. Rosa then thanked all of us for sharing and asked us each to take a leaf from the table and write the name of a person we would like to honor on it. She also said we could write down

27 anything else we would like to release. It could be a feeling or something we just need to let go of. Once we were finished we put the leaves back on the table and she explained that after the ceremony we would all go outside and release the leaves together to allow all these things to return to the earth and to eventually break down and re-enter the earth to be regenerated in the spring. After we remembered each of our ancestors and wrote on our leaves, we took a short break of about 5 minutes. I spoke to Cara and Stephan about school and his recent quest to finish his BA in accounting. The others dispersed to eat some cookies and get some cider. I also had a cup of the pumpkin cider. It was warm and deliciously sweet. Cara had some soup and a cookie. Slowly the group came back to the circle and Darlene had her dowsing rods. The rods were the same set I had tried at the last gathering at Panera. Darlene gave the group a short introduction to what dowsing rods are and how they are used. She explained that they are a diving tool. She said she disputes calling herself a medium but she has found through paranormal investigations that she has an ability to communicate with spirits via the rods. She does this by asking them yes or no questions. She explained that she had meditated earlier in the day so was an open channel for energy. Once the introduction concluded Darlene began by asking the rods to show her a "yes". The rods spun wildly for a few moments then settled pointing at each other. She said "Thanks" and asked for a "no" and the rods pointed away from each other. She said "thanks". Then she began seeking spirits connected to individuals in the circle wishing to come forward. The left rod was static while the right spun wildly. Then the rods settled in the "yes" position. She asked if the spirit was female "yes", male "no". Then she asked if they were connected to a female in the room, "yes", or a male, "no". She then asked the

28 rods to point to the person. The rods pointed in the direction of Cara and me. Darlene asked "are you connected with Cara", "no". "Are you connected with Steph?", "yes". Then Darlene hesitated. "Are you connected with Stephanie?", "yes". Then Darlene said to the group, "I was just sternly corrected, you are Stephanie". She then asked "are you family of Stephanie?", "yes", "a friend?", "no", "family?", "yes". "Are you on her mother's side?", "no", "father's?", "yes". "Her father's mother?", "yes". "Can I ask how old you were when you passed?", "yes". At this point Darlene attempted to narrow down the age but it was inconclusive. Darlene then asked "Can I please have your first name?", "yes". And again Darlene attempted to narrow the first letter of the first name. At first, she settled on "k" which was not my grandmother's name. She then settled on "c". The group asked me if that letter or that sound was similar to my grandmother's first name. I said no. Darleen then tried again and settled on "f". This is also not my grandmother's first letter of her first name. However, the "k" and "c" was significant because it is the first letter and sound of my father's first name. I told this to the group and Darlene asked if it was my father coming through, the rods went to "yes" and she acknowledged a strong presence. She said he was someone who did not need to say a word when he entered the room for his presence to be known. I nodded but said nothing. She then asked the spirit how old he was when he passed and began to attempt to narrow it down. Again, the narrowing was inconclusive so she stopped and then asked me if I had any questions for him. I looked at the leaves on the floor and thought back to the night he passed in the hospital. I was a bit overcome and in my head wondered if he was in pain that night but I couldn't bring myself to ask the question in front of everyone. Immediately Darlene said, whatever you just thought, the answer is "no". You don't even have to say it; they went right to "no". Then the rods went to "yes". I then told the group I had asked him if he was in pain and in my mind I had asked if he missed me

29 and my mom. I then said "I love you" and the rods went to "yes". At that point Darlene’s arms dropped. I gathered myself and I had started to almost cry again. She asked for my dad's first name and I said it was Carl. Then I added that my grandmother's name was Edna and she may have been trying to connect when the rods went "yes" to the letter "f" as it is very close to "e". The group found it interesting that "k" and "c" have the same sound and attributed those letters to my father's first name. Darlene then asked for other spirits connected to individuals in the room. Using the same "yes" and "no" questions as above, a female spirit from Ron's father's side came through although Ron did not know the person or anything about them. A male spirit came through for Dora although at this point Darlene was becoming very tired. She decided to take a short break and she offered someone else the rods to attempt to use them. Dora said she would try and while holding them attempted to ask for a "yes" and a "no". The rods did respond a bit by going full left for "yes" and full right for "no". Dora explained that was because her power hand was left (she is left handed). She then asked a few questions to see if there were spirits connected to others in the room who wanted to come forward. The rods did not move much but pointed at Samantha. Then they fixed on Ron. After 10 minutes of experimentation, Dora offered the rods up for someone else to try. Rosa asked me if I would like to attempt them. (She later told me it was to be sure I could feel how they behaved and how they could not be manipulated as easily as one might think to get them to spin around). The rods moved very slowly for me when I asked for a "yes" and a "no". After another 10 minutes I asked the rods in my head if they would like to go back to Darlene and the left rod began to quickly spin all the way around in my hand. The right one also began to spin but less quickly. I gave them back to Darlene right away.

30 Darlene again attempted to reach out to spirits. A spirit for Peter came through but he was unsure of who the person was and had never known anyone on his father's side of the family. A spirit also came through for Cara; however, Cara also didn't know her great grandmother on her father's side. We found out that she had passed between 70 and 75 and her first name began with "m". Cara agreed to let the group know if this information checked out with the family history. Darlene began to get tired again at this point and both Samantha and Dora began to talk. The group turned to them and they expressed agitation at a spirit walking between them being oppressive. Darlene asked the spirit to back away from the circle. The rods spun wildly again but finally settled on “yes”. Dora and Samantha said it was less but still there. Rosa said she would "smudge" them before they left. With Darlene tired and overwhelming spirits, Rosa suggested we bring the evening to a close by going outside to release our leaves. We each blew out a candle to say goodbye to the spirits and we placed all the leaves on the tablecloth. As a group we then went outside and each person held on to a piece of the cloth and we tossed the leaves into the air to release them. After tossing the leaves and saying goodbye to Cara and Stephan I returned inside to collect the photo of my father and the candle from the circle. I walked back on stage and spoke to Rosa a little bit. She asked if my friends enjoyed the ritual and hoped that they and I had a good time. I said they both were interested and I had a great experience. She said she felt a bit concerned that the first spirits to come through were for me and she hoped that I did not feel as though I was getting picked on. I said absolutely not. She said that I brought the magic tonight. That each individual brings their energy and their spirits so without each person, we would have nothing happening. Rosa also said that not knowing how many outsiders were going to be in the group, she forwent the traditional calling of the directions and formal circle that typically take

31 place in the Samhain rituals. I did not attend the ritual and spirit talk to speak to the authenticity of communicating with those who have passed. I did come to observe and participate in the Samhain ritual and other activities associated with this special Sabbat. Rosa made sure that the significance of the leaves being released as a symbol of death and regeneration was not lost on me. She also wanted to make sure I had an opportunity to hold the dowsing rods to experience their movement myself.