Problems Of Muslims In India

PROBLEMS OF MUSLIMS IN INDIA 1. LACK OF SECURITYOne of the major problems of Indian Muslims is lack of security. Riots, communal violence have become a sad reality of India’s life and the majority of the victims of riots in India are Muslims. They face double edged torture of vicimisation at the hands of rioters and later by police. The bloody massacre of Muslims in Gujarat in late February 2002 that led to the death of over 2000 Muslims is a ghastly reminder of an organized violence with tacit support by the ruling authorities. According to an official estimate, 1044 people were killed in the violence - 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus including those killed in the Godhra train fire. Another 223 people were reported missing, 2,548 injured, 919 women widowed and 606 children orphaned. Unofficial estimates put the death toll closer to 2000, with Muslims forming a high proportion of those killed. When missing people were declared dead after 7 years, official figure of total deaths went up from 952 to 1,180. 2. LESSER REPRESENTATION IN GOVT. JOBSAnother major problem is lack of proportionate representation in public jobs e.g. law enforcing agencies, administrative set ups and policy making. The political milieu just after the partition was such that made Muslims feel so demoralized that they could not dare ask the question as to why the doors of govt. jobs were barred to them after the independence. The Muslim civil servants similarly were not to be appointed on sensitive posts and extra caution had to be used for issuing even passports to them. The trend still continues but with slight variations. The strength of Muslims in the police and state paramilitary forces was deliberately reduced to the extent that in some States including U.P., Delhi and West Bengal their representation is very low. In 1984 only 2.14 Muslims were selected in IAS. As per Gopal Singh Commission (1983) report on Minorities, out of 12307 employees in UP Muslims account for only 929. In 1964 Muslim IPS cadre officers were 6% only in UP and similar percentage endured till 1981. A report of ‘Communalism Combat’ (Bombay, September 1993 p. 6) says, that it was found Muslims are not at all working in two sensitive departments of Central Government namely IB and RAW. 3. LOW INCOME AND LACK OF MECHANISM OF FINANCIAL HELPAnother problem of Muslim community is its low income. Although the economic and social situation of Muslims is not the same throughout India, one cannot deny the fact that poverty and lack of genuine financial recourses are hampering socio- educational development of the community at every step. In modern Industries and trades, except for some isolated instances, Muslims had nor owned large scale industries or business and are found lacking in high entrepreneurial traits. In a group of 2832 Industrial houses each with the sales of 50 million and more the Muslims have only four units. The houses allotted to Muslims by Government to middle and lower income groups the percentage of Muslim allottee is barely 2.86%. The licenses of fair price shop issued to Muslims in UP is barely 6.9%. Muslims account for only 0.25% tangible benefits extended to artisans from Khadi and village industries commission. The loans advanced by financial institutions only 3% Muslims shared the loans of Rs. 50,000/- to Rs. 1, 0000/-. Less than 2% in the slab of Rs. I Lac to 2 Lacs and those between 2.00 lacs to 1 million the figure slumps to less than 1%. In private sector industries Muslim’s representation is less than 4%. Official data is, at least, enough to figure out that in the post independent India Muslim community remained downwards economically in comparison to all other majority or minority communities. And with authentic findings in hand as we have now through National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) and the Sachar Committee Report (SCR) about the profile of second religious majority group of India, official policy can - if any government wants to - easily identify the groups most in

need of state intervention, support and special care. It is typical of India’s political and social ethos that this fact of gross under representation of a significant religious minority is not allowed to become an issue. Any such discussion would be rather viewed as ‘communal’ and anti-secular. 4. LESSOR NUMBER OF VOTERS IN PROPORTION TO POPULATION – DEPRIVATION OF RIGHT TO VOTE To prove the above point I am presently taking example of UP only, the data of other States may be able to be utilised for an all India results. As per the census of India 2001 total population of UP is 166, 97,921. Out of this Hindus constitute 135,457,763 (81.5%) and Muslims constitute 307, 401, 58 (18.5%). The male amongst the Muslim population constitute 160, 285, 62 and women constitute 147, 115, 96. After deducting the number of children of less than 6 years of age i.e. 6415653, the total population of Muslims in UP in 2001 was 243, 245, 05. In this population 47.78% are declared as literates and 52.21% as illiterates. The rural population of Muslims in UP is 196, 66297 and urban population is 11073861. As per the voter list prepared for the UP assembly election of 2007 total voters are 113439873 (eleven crore thirty four lacs thirty nine thousand eight hundred seventy three) which means that out of total population of UP of the census of 2001 census 68. 25% population had been included in the voters list. Out of these voters if one deducts the number of Muslim voters of 157, 606, 93 (13.89%) then the total number of non Muslim voter are 976, 791, 80 i.e. 86.11% of total voters. The following two tables will effectively demonstrate the phenomenon of fraud committed in the voters list. Table A Total voters in UP in 2007 113439873

Muslim Voters 157, 606, 93 (13.89%)

Non Muslim Voters 976, 791, 80 (86.11%)

Table B Total Voters in UP in 2007

113439873

In 2007 as per the But the growth population growth found is proportion of census of 2001 how many non Muslim voters are likely 92453494 (81.5%) 976, 791, 80 (86.11%)

Conclusion i.e. increase in voters of non Muslim category in 2007 522, 5686

As per the previous census and of the year 2001 the population increase of Non Muslims and Muslims registered increase in proportionate manner. But the baffling fact is that similar proportionate increase was not registered in the voter list of 2007. As per 1971survey Hindus constituted 82.7% and Muslims 11.2% of the population. The corresponding figures for 1991 census are Hindus 82.6% and Muslims 11.4%. (Malayalam Manorama, 1992). The marginal difference in the growth pattern has more to do with socio-economic factors rather than the religious ones. Over all, this statistics shows a reasonably 'stable' (religion wise) population. On the contrary if the prevailing growth rates are analyzed, it will be clear that between 196171 and 1971-81, Hindu population increase went up from 23.71 to 24.42, while between the same periods Muslim population increase went down from 30.85 to 30.20. 5. THE LACK OF SYMPATHY TOWARDS RELIGIOUS PRACTICES OF MUSLIMS There are Muslims’ cultural and identity crises, including those fear-psycho cases among Muslims themselves and the factual ones like the recent Aftab Ansari case of an Indian Air Force (IAF) officer who wanted to grow religiously prescribed beard but 2

has been dismissed from the job itself. From physical look, dress code, religious practices and even language like Urdu (which was wrongly taken to be Muslim exclusive) there appears a confrontation among majority and minority communities in the country. There is also the more sinister danger of actual history being changed or important chapters being omitted and Muslim culture, period of rule being depicted in official textbooks as barbaric and communal. Another example of bias is the out of cuff remark by a Supreme Court judge about sporting beard by a Muslim student as Talibanisation and about Burqa, although later on the controversy was doused. But point is that it reflects the tendency of generalised bias. When a person sitting at such a high level can be so unsympathetic about a non consequential custom or practice then what type of plight common man may be facing in his day to day life? 6. BIAS OF MEDIA TOWARDS MUSLIMS AND NO ACTION TAKEN BY STATE. We learn of the most compelling stories of injustice and brutality as Muslims struggle for self-dignity and identity. A few of the images that are shown on television and the reports in the press confirm for us the plight of the Muslims in our country. Regularly it is the practice to show a terrorist branding a gun and a mosque or any other religious symbol in the background so that the normal viewer/reader can easily identify the man as a Muslim, and hence to start cursing the Muslims in general. There are no serious efforts undertaken ever by the State to curb such subtle communal projections in print and electronic Media by means of legislation or model code. 7. CONCLUSION There has always been a big difference between the theory and practice in India. Indian constitution, no doubt, is one of the best in the world. It is truly secular and it was more so even before the word ’secular’ was added to it in 1975. Equal rights and justice for all — religious and linguistic minorities, freedom of expression and religious propagation, and punishment against any kind of discrimination are wisely enshrined in our constitution. But what practically on the screen for last few years is what it is called ‘chaos’ and collapse of justice system. The 1984 riots against Sikhs, 1992 Babri masjid demolition, 2002 Gujarat pogrom and recent Orissa and Karnataka riots against Christians are vistas which would surely find a mention in the future anthropological analyses of India along with underlined references of administrative lapses and state involvement as party in the dispute. Plainly speaking, permanent steps should be taken that can restore the confidence of minority communities in India’s security and justice system and prevent further riots. Police must be made responsible for the riots and made them pay for their criminal inactions in the past. Generally speaking, in all communal violence, in post independent Indian, affected people did not get justice. Muslim Indians have very few demands now– make justice visible rather than providing relief or promise of an enquiry, provide us with a feeling of actual security and see how we ourselves can make genuine progress. By = S. FARMAN AHMAD NAQVI, ADOCATE, ALLAHABAD HIGH COURT, Resi. 938-A, Daryabad, Allahabad – 211003 Phone no. Mobile 09415214320 and 0532-2659492 Email- [email protected] ************

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