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ARISTOTLE
S
POLITICS TRANSLATED BY
BENJAMIN JOWETT WITH INTRODUCTION, ANALYSIS AND INDEX BY
H. W.
C.
DAVIS, M.A.
FELLOW OF BALLIOL
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON 1908
PRESS
HENRY FROWDE,
M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH,
NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION THE
life
of Aristotle, so
far as
it
illustrates this treatise,
He was by birth a Greek, but a native of the small city of Stageira which stood upon the fringe of the Greek world ; he was therefore well be summarized in a few words.
may
fitted by his origin to be an impartial, yet sympathetic critic, of the more famous city-states of Greece. In his youth he studied philosophy at Athens under Plato, thus coming at the
most impressionable period of his life into close relations with the profoundest thinker whom Greece had yet produced. After the death of Plato (347), he quitted Athens to spend some years in the service of the new race of monarchs whose mission at the
it
was
to diffuse
same time
most valuable and
At city
Greek
culture through the East and
to complete the destruction of all that
was
characteristic in the political life of Greece.
the court of Hermias, the obscure tyrant of the obscure of Atarneus, Aristotle had the opportunity of observing
the once great, but then decadent, despotism of Persia, to In 343 or which he makes some references in the Politics.
342 he migrated to Macedonia, joined the court of Philip, and acted for three years or so as tutor to the youthful Alexander. The results of his experience in Macedonia, and the
of the political teaching which he gave to his perhaps be inferred from the comments which, in several passages of the Politics, he passes on monarchies and tyrannies. About the year 335, on the eve of Alex pupil
drift
may
ander s great campaigns of conquest, the philosopher turned his back on Macedonia we may infer from what he says of ;
empires, that while he realized their possible services to
civili-
2
Introduction
zation,
he was
still
more
alive
which beset the path of a His sympathies were with the
other,
to
past,
and
dangers, moral
the
military
and aggressive
not the future
;
state.
with
with Plato Sparta and Athens rather than with Macedon rather than with Alexander. down at he Athens, Settling became the leader of a philosophic school, the director of ;
a brilliant
academy
;
Demosthenes.
odium
but he incurred the
of Macedon was
friend
naturally
exposed
in
to
the
which
a
city of
In 323, after the death of his pupil and patron,
he was driven into exile by a prosecution for impiety which, he had faced it, would probably have brought upon his head
if
the
Chalcis, a
whose
died in
future he doubted, had been
to interpret
the
following year
The
Macedonian stronghold.
the Greeks,
Of
He
of Socrates.
fate
at
semi-barbarians, of
more generous to him than it had been his life-work
whose highest thought and to vindicate.
his literary
work
It is
in
general this
to say that
is
not the place to
he aimed
at expounding in enough speak. the light of his own philosophic principles all the sciences which were then recognized, and that he followed consis
method, of which the Politics are a conspicuous illustration, of combining induction with deductive reasoning tently the
from
first
principles,
and
of testing
his
own
conclusions
by a comparison with popular opinions and those of other Encyclopaedic knowledge has never, before or since, gone hand in hand with a logic so masculine or with But it is in dealing with the moral speculation so profound.
teachers.
rather than the natural sciences that he
is
greatest,
most ade
quately equipped with facts, and most interested in his subject. Of his work in the moral sciences the final results are
The incorporated in the Nicomachean Ethics and the Politics. two treatises are intimately connected. In the Ethics he
Introduction
3
discusses the nature of individual happiness or well-being ; in the Politics he treats of the state as one of the chief means
through which the individual attains to happiness. object of the Politics is both practical and speculative
The ;
to
explain the nature of the ideal city in which the end of happi ness may be completely realized ; to suggest some methods of making existent states more useful to the individual citizen
than they were in Aristotle s time, or had been in the past. Aristotle is not, strictly speaking, the founder of political In the age of Pericles, and earlier still, statesmen science.
and philosophers had theorized about the origin of society, the relative merits of various constitutions, and other kindred topics.
Though
was more concerned with
Socrates
ethics
than with politics, he applied the powerful solvent of his dialectic to many of the political ideas which were fashionable
The conceptions of utility as the ideal which the statesman should pursue, and of scientific knowledge as the indispensable equipment of the statesman, would seem to have in his day.
had
their birth in the Socratic circle. Plato, the pupil of Socrates, not content with developing the suggestions of his
master and with giving to the Socratic formulae a deeper meaning, essayed a more systematic discussion of the nature
of the
state
and
its
describes the state as
right organization. it
In the Republic he
founded and governed he offered to the statesmen of
would appear
if
by philosophers ; in the Laws his age a model more practicable and more nearly related to the experience of the past a model which the legislator for ;
a
new colony might
follow without undue violence to
Greek
Although the views of Plato are prejudices and opinions. sharply, and not always justly, criticized by Aristotle, the influence of the Republic and the Laws is perceptible in many places of the Politics
where they are not mentioned. B 2
Introduction
4 The
Politics, in fact, would not be so valuable as they are they expressed the views of an individual man of genius and nothing more. Here as elsewhere it is not the least of if
Aristotle s merits that
he epitomized the best thoughts of
a nation and of a stage in
human
history.
He
respected the
of the past, both the statesmen and the theorists 5 he was loth to admit that any institution or polity which had stood the test of time could be altogether bad. political
thinkers
Hence he appears before us as a mediator in the controversies own and the preceding ages. It is his wish to lay bare
of his
the grain of truth which exists at the core of every political practice and belief. interprets even those ideals with which
He
sympathy. And so we learn from him what the various types of the city-state signified to the Greek mind ; we are admitted under his guidance to the penetralia of their
he
is least in
political thought.
The
history of the Greek city-state we can study for our with fewer sources of information, it is true, than Aristotle had at his command, but also with a more critical selves,
appreciation of their value and a
more
scientific
method of
interpretation than was to be learned in Athenian schools of the fourth century. are too in a better position than
We
Aristotle to see the true place of the city-state in the evolution
of society, to appreciate
its
and to draw the moral from
limitations, to its failure.
condemn
We
its
evils,
know, what he
does not appear to have suspected, that the careers of his Macedonian patrons had sealed the death-warrant of the
community which he regarded as the highest that human was capable of framing. Ampler experience has shown
skill
us that slavery
is
not the indispensable basis of a civilization,
nor commerce always degrading to the individual and destruc In the modern world we have tive of national morality.
Introduction
f
before us communities which, in defiance of his prophecies, have become extensive without becoming disunited. By his
own methods of induction and comparison we can refute some of the laws which he regarded as immutable. His account of the Still we must start from Aristotle. be supplemented and corrected, but not super governing ideas of any polity are always best expressed by those to whom they stand for the absolute and of final truth ; and there is no form of polity which the student
may
city-state
seded.
The
political science
Just because
should study with more care than the city-state. comparatively simple, just because it is unlike
it is
we
the states with which
are personally acquainted,
it
contains
the key to many modern problems. Aristotle is the best inter preter of an essential link in the chain of political development.
But he
who
is
something more than case of Greece.
states the
and a student of human nature.
this,
He
more than
is
a
Greek
also a philosopher
His views
as to the origin
and ultimate structure of society, as to the aims of civic life, as to the mutual obligations of the state and the individual, as to the
nature of political justice,
all
have a value which
is
It is often difficult to independent of his historical position. follow his discussions of these and cognate subjects. His extreme are stated with and the train conciseness, arguments
of thought which leads him from one topic to another is often But those who have the patience to wrestle far from clear. with his text will find refutations of fallacies
in
it
which
theories of perennial value, and are always re-emerging.
Nor
is
merely from his more abstract disquisitions that such lessons are to be extracted. While there could be no greater mistake it
than to apply his criticisms of democracies and aristocracies to modern governments which go by the same names, without stopping to enquire
how
far the
names have changed
their
6
Introduction
meanings, criticisms,
on the other hand often apparent that these
is
it
when
the necessary qualifications have been made,
are as true of the present as they
an illustration their causes
The work.
may
Of
were of Greece.
this
be found in the account of revolutions and
which forms the
book of the
fifth
Politics.
should probably be regarded as an unfinished There are not infrequent repetitions ; some subjects
Politics
which the author promises
to treat are never treated
;
and we
are sometimes at a loss for the connecting link between suc
cessive books or The traditional parts of the same book. order of the books is probably not that which Aristotle con
The pre templated, and has been altered by most editors. sent translation follows the order of Bekker s first edition ; the numbering of the books in his octavo edition of
been given
in
brackets wherever
it
first.
None of
gested
are completely satisfactory.
differs
the rearrangements which
adopted, the reader
will
find
1878 has
from that of the have been sug
Whichever of them
positions assumed stage of the argument.
that
at
is
an
The only proved at a later should be treated as a quarry of arguments and theories rather than as an artistically constructed piece of earlier are
Politics
studied by the collection and com which bear upon the same topic. It is hoped that for this purpose the subject-headings in the Index, which is abridged from that of the translator, may
literature.
parison of
It
all
be of service.
is
best
the passages
A
brief analysis
is
prefixed to the translation
with the object of explaining the thread of the argument, where such a thread exists, of indicating the natural divisions of the text,
and of enumerating the chief topics of discussion. thanks of the editor are due to the Master of Balliol
The
for his kindness in revising the
proof of this Introduction.
H. W. C. DAVIS.
BOOK cc. I, 2.
The
state is the highest
How
the highest good. will appear if (c.
i).
The
and
Definition
we examine
it
I.
structure of the State.
form of community and aims at differs from other communities
the parts of which
it
is
composed
of villages which consist of households. founded upon the two relations of male and
It consists
household
is
female, of master and slave
The
it
;
man
exists to satisfy
s daily
wider village, community, of needs all the of needs. The state at aims range satisfying men. Men form states to secure a bare subsistence; but the needs.
a wider
ultimate object of the state
of the
satisfies
the good
is
The
life.
a
naturalness
proved by the faculty of speech in man.
state is
In
the order of Nature the state precedes the household and the individual.
It is
founded on a natural impulse, that towards
political association (c. 2).
cc.
Household economy.
3-13.
Children
Let us discuss the household, of households
(c.
3).
a piece of property
rather than
The Slave.
since the state
First as to
which
Property.
and Wives.
is
slavery.
is
composed
The
slave is
animate, and useful for action
for
production (c. 4). Slavery is natural ; in the of natural universe we find the relation every department of ruler and subject. There are human beings who, without possessing reason, understand
it.
These
(c. 5).
But we
find persons in slavery
slaves.
Hence
slavery
they are wrong. a master (c. 6).
itself
is
are natural slaves
who
are not natural
condemned by some
;
but
The natural slave benefits by subjection The art of ruling slaves differs from that
to
of
8
Analysis
ruling free
who
men
but calls for no detailed description; any one
a natural master can acquire
is
As
it
for himself (c. 7).
modes of
property and the
to
acquiring
subject concerns us in so far as property
substratum to the household
This
sake.
is
8).
(c.
which accumulates wealth
that form of finance
This
it.
an indispensable But we do not need is
for its
own
been made possible It accumulates money by
It has
unnatural finance.
by the invention of coined money. Natural and unnatural finance are often
means of exchange.
treated as though they were the same, but differ in their aims (c.
9)
;
also in their subject matter
only concerned with the (c.
Natural finance
10).
fruits is
;
and animals
to the
householder;
necessary
he must therefore know about
for natural finance is
of the earth
live stock, agriculture, possibly
about the exchange of the products of the earth, such as
wood and exist, (c.
minerals, for money. Special treatises on finance and the subject should be specially studied by statesmen
ii).
we must
Lastly,
husband
discuss and distinguish the relations of
to wife, of father to child (c. 12). call for
management persons persons for more than inferior kind
of
trained
in
slaves.
virtue.
The
education of the free
To
man
will
be
(c. 13).
BOOK 1-8.
free
;
Slaves are only capable of an
kinds of virtue.
subsequently discussed
cc.
In household
attention than things
Socrates was wrong in denying that Still the slave must be
virtue.
there are several
more
Ideal Commonwealths
II.
P/alo, P/jaleas, Hippodamus.
ascertain the nature of the ideal state
by examining both the best
states of history
we should
start
and the best that
9
Analysts
Otherwise we might waste our have imagined. time over problems which others have already solved. Among theorists, Plato in the Republic raises the most theorists
fundamental questions.
He
desires to abolish private property
and the family (c. i). But the end which he has in view is all his citizens absolutely alike ; make He wishes to wrong. There but the differentiation of functions is a law of nature. can be too
much
And
unity in a state (c. 2).
which he would promote unity
the means by
The
are wrong.
abolition
of
Communism
property will produce, not remove, dissension.
of wives and children will destroy natural affection (c. 3). Other objections can be raised ; but this is the fatal one
To descend to details. The advantages to be (c. 4). expected from communism of property would be better secured if private property were used in a liberal spirit to the wants of others.
relieve
happier,
and
enables
them
Private to
men
property makes
such
cultivate
virtues
as
The
generosity. Republic makes unity the result of uni the The citizens, which is not the case. formity among been has sense of mankind against Plato, and good always
experiment
would
show
that
his
idea
is
impracticable
(c- 5)-
Plato sketched another ideal state in the Lavus
meant
to be
more
practicable than the other.
;
In the
it
was
Laws
he abandoned communism, but otherwise upheld the leading ideas of the earlier treatise, except that he made the new state
larger
relations,
and too
and to
large.
fix a limit
the increase of population,
He
forgot
to
discuss
foreign
of private property, and to restrict
and to distinguish between
ruler
The form of government which he proposed and subject. was bad (c. 6).
r
o
Analysis
Phaleas of Chalcedon made equal distribution of property feature of his scheme. This would be difficult
the main to
and
effect,
had
would
mind.
in
His
of wealth.
inequality
poor
state
In his
symmetry.
three kinds
and not
the rich
(c. 7).
Hippodamus, who was not a at
which Phaleas
evils
from deeper causes than would be weak against
His reforms would anger
foreign foes. satisfy the
meet the
not
Dissensions arise
practical
aimed
politician,
there were to be three classes,
state
He
of landed property, three sorts of laws.
also proposed to (i) create a Court of Appeal, (2) let juries qualify their verdicts, (3) reward those
of public
His
utility.
classes
who made
discoveries
and his property system were
badly devised. Qualified verdicts are impossible since jurymen may not confer together. The law about discoveries would
encourage
when
men
to
changes diminish the respect for law cc.
912. The
;
Sparta, Crete,
Their Spartans cannot manage their serf population. and too luxurious. Their property
are too influential
system has concentrated all wealth in a few hands. body has decreased. There are points to the
Ephorate, the
Senate,
The
meals, the Admiralty. fit
for war.
of a
Yet even
in
the
Kingship,
Spartan and his
war Sparta
is
the
Hence criticize
common
state are
only
hampered by the want
financial
The but
and
Greek lawgivers.
the citizen in
laws
but needless
(c. 8).
existent states
best
Carthage
The women
Now
tamper with the Constitution.
obsolete and absurd should be changed
are
system (c. 9). Cretan cities resemble Sparta
more
primitive.
in their
constitutions,
Their common meals are
better
Analysis
1 1
But the Cosmi are worse than the Ephors. managed. Cretan constitution is a narrow and factious oligarchy cities are
The the
;
saved from destruction only by their inaccessibility
ro).
(c.
The
is highly praised, and not without be compared with the Spartan it is an It lays stress upon oligarchy with some democratic features. wealth ; in Carthage all offices are bought and sold. Also,
Carthaginian polity
reason.
It
may
;
man may hold
one
These
several offices together.
But the discontent of the people
features.
schemes of emigration (c. n). Of lawgivers, Solon was the best
;
is
bad
are
soothed by
when
conservative
About Philolaus, Chapossible, and a moderate democrat. rondas, Phaleas, Draco, Pittacus, and Androdamas there is little
to be said (c.
1
2).
BOOK cc.
1-5.
How
are
denizen
;
The
we
III.
Citizen, civic virtue, and the civic body,
to define a citizen
private rights
?
He
do not make a
is
more than
citizen.
He
a is
mere ordi
sits on juries narily one who possesses political power ; who and in the assembly. But it is hard to find a definition which To define him as the son of applies to all so-called citizens.
citizen parents is futile (c. i).
must have been political
Some
justly acquired.
power, however acquired
say that his civic rights is a citizen who has
But he (c.
2).
Similarly the state
is defined by reference to the distribution of political power ; when the mode of distribution is changed a new state comes
into existence (c. 3).
The good citizen may not be a good man the good citizen who does good service to his state, and this state may ;
is
one
12
Analysis
be bad
in
principle.
knows both how is
who
one
In a constitutional state the good citizen
is
tional state learns to rule
ship in such a state
Mechanics
is
how
and
to rule
fitted to
The good man
to obey.
But the
rule.
citizen in a constitu
by obeying orders. Therefore
Extreme
will not be citizens in the best state.
democracies, and some oligarchies, neglect this
cumstances oblige them to do (c-
citizen
a moral training (c. 4).
But
rule.
They have no
this.
cir
choice
5).
cc.
6-13.
The
Classification
of Constitutions
and Oligarchy
The
and
to
him
fit
from that over slaves
of those
who
Of good
in
are ruled (c. 6).
according as the
common
Constitutions
Democracy
satisfy
aiming
man
social
s
Political
life.
primarily at the
rule
good
Constitutions are bad or good
welfare
there
Of
tocracy, and Polity.
to
;
the good
for
;
Kingship.
aims of the state are two
instinct,
differs
;
or
is,
three
are
is
bad there are also three
The bad
Oligarchy, Extreme Democracy.
their aim.
not,
Monarchy, Aris
:
:
Tyranny,
are perversions
of the good (c. 7). Democracies and Oligarchies are not made by the numeri cal proportion of the rulers to the ruled. Democracy is the rule
of the poor;
oligarchy
Democrats take Equality that political
which
rights
But both
wealth. is
virtue.
is
that
for their
Justice
;
rich
(c.
8).
oligarchs believe
should be unequal and proportionate to miss the true object of the state,
sides
Those who do most
deserve the greatest share of power principle,
of the
motto
is
(c.
to 9).
promote virtue On the same
not the will of the majority or of the
wealthier, but that course of action
which the moral aim of
1 3
Analysis But
the state requires (c. 10).
be the better rulers
likely to
give
the
faculty of
to
offices
highest
criticism
which
are the It
?
Many
or the
Few
would be unreasonable
the
Many.
fits
them
to
But they have a for deliberative and
The good critic need not be an expert ; power. experts are sometimes bad judges. Moreover, the Many have But the governing a greater stake in the city than the Few.
judicial
Few or Many, must be held in check by the On what principle should political power be
body, whether laws (c. n). distributed
;
Obviously those
?
be of service to the state in the
who who are equally able to Hence there is something
Granted that equals deserve equal shares
?
are these equals
(c.
12).
claims advanced by the wealthy, the free born, the
But no one of these classes should noble, the highly gifted. be allowed to rule the rest. state should consist of men
A
who
are equal, or nearly so, in wealth, in birth, in moral
The
intellectual excellence.
cism
is
But
plausible.
principle
in the ideal
individual be found, he should be
state,
made
1418. The Forms
cc.
Of Monarchy
and
which underlies Ostra if a
pre-eminent
a king (c. 13).
of Monarchy.
there are five kinds, (i) the Spartan, (2) the
Barbarian, (3) the elective dictatorship,
Absolute Kingship
14).
(c.
The
last
(4) the Heroic,
(5)
of these forms might
appear the best polity to some ; that is, if the king acts as the For he will dispense from the law in embodiment of law.
But
the spirit of the law.
reserved for the
of primitive society objectionable
(c.
subjects equals
;
it
15). to
the
this
power would be less abused if arose to meet the needs
Monarchy
Many. is
now
obsolete and on various grounds
tends to become hereditary; it rule of an equal. The individual It
1
4
Analysis
monarch may be misled by his passions, and no can attend to
all
the duties of government
1
(c.
alone can be imagined in which Absolute
6
single
man
One
case
).
Kingship would be
just(c. 17).
Let us consider the
now
that
best (c.
1
we have
origin
call
polity,
Absolute Kingship the
8).
BOOK cc. I
and nature of the best
agreed not to
IV
(VI).
Variations of the main types of Constitutions.
10.
Political science should study (i) the ideal state, (2) those
which may be the best obtainable under special circum For stances, and even (3) those which are essentially bad. states
the statesman must sometimes
Of
stitution (c. i).
make
the best of a bad
Con
our six main types of
state, Kingship Bk. Ill, c. 14 fol.). Let us begin by dealing with the other four and their divisions, enquiring also when and why they may be desirable (c. 2).
and Aristocracy have been discussed
First
as
(cf.
The common
Democracy and Oligarchy.
to
view that Democracy and Oligarchy should be taken as the main types of Constitution is at variance with our own view
and wrong
(c.
So
3).
tion of rulers to ruled
types
;
in a
is
Democracy
Oligarchy the
Few
the view that the numerical propor
makes the the
are
difference between these
Many
also
the distinction between rich
two
are also the poor, in an
In every state
the wealthy.
and poor
is
the most funda
Still Oligarchy and Democracy and their variations arise from differences
mental of class-divisions. are important types in the character
;
of the rich and the poor by
whom
they are
ruled.
Of
Democracies there
are
four kinds.
The
worst, ex-
i $
Analysis
treme Democracy, is that in which all offices are open to Of of the people overrides all law (c. 4). all, and the will the worst is that in are four too there kinds; Oligarchies
which
offices are hereditary
by law
These
(c. 5).
which may be
and the magistrates uncontrolled
variations arise under circumstances
briefly described (c. 6).
Of
Aristocracy in the strict sense there is but one form, that in which the best men alone are citizens (c. 7). Polity
is
compromise between Democracy and Oligarchy, Many so-called Aris
a
but inclines to the Democratic side. tocracies
are
really
Polities
(c.
There
8).
are
different
ways of effecting the compromise which makes a Polity. The Laconian Constitution is an example of a successful com promise
(c. 9).
Tyranny and (2) the in
But
in
of three kinds: (i) the barbarian despotism,
elective dictatorship have already been discussed
both there
of one cc.
is
is
rule according to
;
law over willing subjects.
(3) the strict form of tyranny, there over unwilling subjects (c. 10).
is
the lawless rule
man
11-13.
Best State both
Of the
in
general and tinder special
circumstances.
For the average mean between the will be supreme.
city-state
No
the middle-class holds sway. in large
the best constitution will be a
of rich and poor ; the middle-class state will be well administered unless
rule
than in small states.
The Hence
middle-class in
Greece
it
is
stronger
has rarely
power ; especially as democracy and oligarchy were aided by the influence of the leading states (c. n). No constitution can dispense with the support of the strongest
attained to
class in the state.
Hence Democracy and Oligarchy
are the
1
6
Analysis
only constitutions possible the
should
legislator
Whatever form of to be noted
ticular
(a)
form
each
which may help
legislator
;
The of
some
But
states.
the
in these cases
middle-class
12).
(c.
constitution be adopted there are expedients
1416. How
cc.
The
in
conciliate
to
in preserving
proceed
it
in framing
1
(c.
3).
a Constitution.
must pay attention to three subjects in par Deliberative Assembly which is different in constitution
Here he must know what
14).
(c.
(I)
The
Executive.
offices are indispensable
and which
may be conveniently combined in the person of one also whether the same offices should be supreme magistrate
of them
;
in
every state
also
;
which of the twelve or more methods of
making appointments should be adopted in each case (c. 15). The Courts of Law. Here he must consider the kinds (f) of law-courts, procedure
spheres of
their
BOOK V cc.
14. Of Revolutions,
Ordinary
which lead
some
are
in
new
states are
to
made
modify the
methods of
their causes in general.
founded on erroneous ideas of
discontent and to
(VIII).
and
Of
revolution.
new
introduce a
justice,
revolutions
Constitution, others
to
working of the Constitution Democracy and Oligarchy contain
old, others to put the
hands.
inherent flaws
more
their
action,
16).
(c.
Both
which lead
to revolution, but
Democracy
is
the
of the two types (c. i). may distinguish between the frame of mind which
stable
We
fosters revolution, the objects for
provocative causes (c. 2).
account
(c.
3).
Trifles
The may
which
latter
it
is
started,
and the
deserve a more detailed
be the occasion but are never
1
Analysis the true
One common
cause of a sedition.
cause
is
7
the
aggrandizement of a particular class ; another is a feud be tween rich and poor when they are evenly balanced and there
no middle-class to mediate.
is
effecting a revolution
:
it
may
As
manner of
to the
be carried through by force or
fraud (c. 4).
5~ 12
cc.
Revolutions in particular States, and
-
revolutions
may
be avoided.
(a) In Democracies revolutions
of the rich
tion
when
when
or
;
may
arise
from a persecu
a demagogue becomes a general, or
compete for the favour of the mob
politicians
(c. 5).
In Oligarchies the people may rebel against oppression ; ambitious oligarchs may conspire, or appeal to the people, (3)
or set up a tyrant. by the feuds of
Oligarchies are seldom destroyed except own members ; unless they employ
their
a mercenary captain,
who may become
a tyrant
(c. 6).
(c)
In Aristocracies and Polities the injustice of the ruling class may lead to revolution, but less often in Polities. Aristo cracies
may also be ruined by an unprivileged class, or an man of talent. Aristocracies tend to become
ambitious
oligarchies.
which
is
The
Also they
are
liable
to
gradual
dissolution
;
true of Polities as well (c. 7).
best precautions against sedition are these
:
to avoid
and frauds upon the unprivileged ; to maintain good to watch destructive agen feeling between rulers and ruled cies to alter property qualifications from time to time ; to let illegality
;
;
no individual or
class
become too powerful
tracies be a source
of gain
In
we
all
tice
;
to
;
not to
let
beware of class-oppression
magis (c. 8).
should require loyalty, ability, and jus should not carry the principle of the constitution
magistrates
we
;
sis Analyst to extremes
;
we
should educate the citizens in the
spirit
of
a constitution (c. 9). (fi)
The
causes which destroy and the means which pre
Monarchy must be considered
serve a
Let us
separately.
distinguish between Tyranny and Kingship. combines the vices of Democracy and Oligarchy. first
is
exposed
to the
kinds of
these
Tyranny Kingship But both
same defects as Aristocracy.
by the
are especially endangered
Monarchy
insolence of their representatives and by the fear or contempt
which they inspire in others. Tyranny is weak against both external and domestic foes Kingship is strong against inva Moderation is the best sion, weak against sedition (c. 10). ;
preservative of Kingship.
Tyranny may
rely
on the
traditional
expedients of demoralizing and dividing its subjects, or it may imitate Kingship by showing moderation in expenditure, and courtesy and temperance in social relations, by the wise use of ministers, by holding the balance evenly between the But the Tyrannies of the past have rich and poor (c. n).
been short-lived. Plato quate
;
s
discussion of revolutions in the Republic
against a tyranny, and could not
do so on
he correct about the cause of revolution nor does
he distinguish between the
Oligarchy and Democracy
(c.
BOOK cc.
is
inade
e.g. he does not explain the results of a revolution
i8.
Concerning the
in
;
nor
is
an Oligarchy
different
varieties
;
of
12).
VI
(VII).
proper organization of Democracies
and
(A) Democracies
his theory
Oligarchies.
differ inter se (i)
of the citizen body, (2) according
according to the character
to the
mode
in
which the
1
Analysis
Liberty
the
is
of democracy are combined (c. i). The results of of democracy.
features
characteristic
first
principle
supreme, and that
liberty are that the numerical majority is
man
each
may
he
lives as
From
likes.
easily infer the other features it is
oligarchies
men,
who
numbers
But
and it
is
and harder
justice,
of democracy
Both these
are supreme.
influence.
these characteristics (c. 2).
we In
not the numerical majority, but the wealthier
the supreme authority
Both
9
is
if principles are unjust
to be absolute
wealth
should
and above the law.
have
their
share
hard to find the true principles of still
to
make men
act
upon them
of
political (c. 3).
The best Democracy (cf. Bk. IV, c. 4). is (i) an Agricultural Democracy, in which the magistrates are elected by, and responsible to, the citizen body, while has four species
each
office
importance.
by
has a property qualification proportionate to its These democracies should encourage agriculture
legislation.
Next comes (4) the
The
next best
is
(3) the Commercial
(2) the Pastoral
Democracy.
Extreme Democracy with manhood
Democracy.
Worst of all
is
suffrage (c. 4).
To found a Democracy. it we must the from preserve prevent poor plundering the rich ; we must not exhaust the public revenues by giving pay It is harder to preserve than to
performance of public duties ; we must prevent the of a pauper class (c. growth 5). The modes of founding Oligarchies call for little ex (B) Careful organization is the best way of preserving planation. for the
these
governments
(c.
6).
Much
depends on the military
arrangements ; oligarchs must not make their subjects too powerful an element in the army. Admission to the governing body should be granted on easy conditions. Office should be
made
a burden, not a source of profit (c. 7).
c 2
2O
Analysis
Both
and democracies the right arrangement of offices is important. Some kinds of office are necessary in state are others ; every peculiar to special types of state in oligarchies
(c. 8).
BOOK cc.
The
13.
VII
(IV).
Summum Bonumfor
individuals
the most desirable
for states
life
states,
we must know what
Before constructing the ideal state is
and
individuals.
True
wisdom and
virtue,
and
happiness flows from the possession of
and not from the possession of external goods. But a life must be equipped with external goods as
virtuous
These laws hold good of both
instruments. individuals (c.
But does the highest
i).
contemplation or in
action
The
?
states
and
virtue consist
in
of the past have
states
war and conquest. But war cannot be regarded as a reasonable object for a state (c. 2). virtuous life implies activity, but activity may be speculative
lived for action in the shape of
A
Those
as well as practical.
are
wrong who regard the life of But again they are wrong
a practical politician as degrading.
who
treat political cc.
We
4-12.
as the highest
good
(c. 3).
A picture of the Ideal State.
must begin by considering the population
The
territory.
make
power
former
should
be
as
small
as
and the
we can
without sacrificing independence and the capacity for a moral life. The smaller the population the more it
manageable
enough liberally
to
it
will be
supply
and
the
(c.
4).
citizens
temperately,
with
The with
an
territory
the
must be
means of
abundance
of
large living
leisure.
21
Analysis The
city
tion
with
reasons
;
should be in a central position the
sea
is
desirable
The
town should be
spirit
at
If the
some distance
mean between
that
intelligence
and
;
should be harmoniously blended as they are
some Greek of the
and military
city (c. 6).
character of the citizens should be a
of Asiatics and that of the northern races high
Communica
(c. 5).
economic
but the moral effects of sea-trade are bad.
state has a marine, the port
from the
for
races (c. 7).
from those
state
but no part of
provide food,
We who
are necessary as
practise the arts,
to
its
There must be men who
it.
to bear
servants,
are
we
different
should
and a subject nothing new. of
exercise
of
periods
confined to them
common
life.
(c. 9).
class,
It
meals
existed there.
to
religion,
But of
should exclude from the citizen body (i) the
mechanics, (2) the traders, (3) the husbandmen. rulers, priests remain as eligible for citizenship. persons
able
arms, to carry
on the work of exchange, to supervise the state to exercise political and judicial functions (c. 8). these classes
in
must distinguish the members
in
these
three
Warriors,
The same but
at
should
be
professions,
of land
Ownership Such a distinction between
a ruling
based on a difference of occupation, is in still exists Egypt, and the custom Crete and Italy proves that it formerly the valuable rules of politics have
Most of
been discovered over and over again in the course of history. In dealing with the land of the state we must distinguish
between public demesnes and private estates. Both kinds of land should be tilled by slaves or barbarians of a servile The site of the city should be chosen disposition (c. 10). with regard (i) to public health, (2) to (3) to strategic requirements.
The
political convenience,
ground-plan of the city
22
Analysis
should be regular enough for beauty, not so regular as to make defensive warfare difficult. Walls are a practical neces It is well that the arrangement of the buildings should be carefully thought out (c. 12).
n).
sity (c.
in the city cc.
The Educational System of the Ideal
13-17.
and early
The
State, its aim,
stages.
nature and character of the citizens must be determined
with reference to the kind of happiness which we desire them Happiness was defined in the Ethics as the perfect
to pursue.
exercise of virtue, the latter term being understood not in the
Now
conditional, but in the absolute sense.
a
man
acquires
by the help of nature, habit, and reason Habit and reason are the fruits of education, which
virtue of this kind 1
(c.
3).
must therefore be discussed.
The
rule
when they
and highest function. the
to obey when young Rule is their ultimate
educated
are
older.
Since the good ruler
is
the same as
good man, our education must be so framed as to produce
the good
man.
him
all
fit
be
should
citizens
and to
for
and the
It should
Laconian,
An
life
;
man
s
powers and
but the highest powers
must be the supreme care of education which is purely military, like the
highest
education.
all
develop^
the activities of activities
neglects this
14).
principle (c.
The
virtues
of
peace (intellectual culture, temperance, justice) are the most war is nothing but necessary for states and individuals ;
a
means towards securing peace.
the natural order of
body,
dealing
intellect
To
last
of
next all
But education must follow
human development, beginning with with (c.
the
appetites,
and
training
the the
15).
produce a healthy physique the
legislator
must
fix
23
Analysis
regulate the physical condition of the provide for the exposure of infants, and settle the
age of marriage,
the
parents,
duration of marriage (c.
He
16).
must also prescribe a
physical training for infants and young children.
moral
overseers
;
their associates,
From
see.
For
their
very young should be committed to these should select the tales which they are told,
education the
the pictures, plays, and statues which they seven years of age should be the period
five to
of preparation for
intellectual training (c. 17).
BOOK cc. 1-7.
VIII (V).
The Ideal Education
continued.
Its
Music and
Gymnastic.
Education should be under state-control and the same for all
the citizens (c. i).
It
should comprise those useful studies
which every one must master, but none which degrade the mind or body (c. 2). Reading, writing, and drawing have always been taught on the score of their producing
Music
valour.
serves a higher purpose. is
is
the highest aim which a
valuable for this purpose.
taught
The
utility
as a
;
gymnastic as
recreation,
but
it
noble employment of leisure
man
can pursue ; and music is be said of drawing,
The same may
and other subjects of education have the same kind of value (c. 3)-
Gymnastic is the first stage of education but we must not develop^ the valour and physique of our children at the Until puberty, expense of the mind, as they do in Sparta. ;
and for three years
after,
bodily
exercise
should be light
were a mere amusement, should not be taught to children ; they would do better by listening (c.
4).
Music,
if
it
24 to
Analysis professionals.
But music
rational
moral discipline and a learning music children become is
a
enjoyment (c. 5). By and are given a suitable occupation. age they should abandon music ; professional
better critics riper
for
them
(c. 6).
;
When skill is
of not
nor should they be taught difficult instruments various musical harmonies should be used for
The
different purposes.
Some
inspire virtue, others valour, others
The ethical harmonies are those which children The others may be left to professionals. The should learn. The Phrygian is Dorian harmony is the best for education.
enthusiasm.
bad; but the Lydian may be
beneficial to children.
Cetera desunt.
THE
POLITICS
BOOK EVERY
state is
good.
a community
act
But,
if
a view
order
in
of some kind, and every ! 1
some good for which they 1252 communities aim at some good,
established with
community mankind always think
is
I
all
to
the state or political community, which
and which embraces
all
the
rest,
to
obtain
is
;
that
the highest of
aims,
and
a
in
all,
greater
degree than any other, at the highest good. Now there is an erroneous opinion l that a statesman, king, householder, and master are the same, and that they differ, not in kind, but only in the number of their subjects.
example, the ruler over a few the manager
of a household
called a master
is
over
;
a statesman or king, as if there a great is
household and a small
made between
When
a
still
is
For
over more,
number, were no difference between
state.
The
larger
distinction
the king and the statesman
the government
;
2
personal, the ruler
is
is
which
as follows
a king
;
:
when,
according to the principles of the political science, the citizens rule and are ruled in turn, then he is called a statesman.
But
all
this is a mistake
;
for governments differ in kind,
be evident to any one who considers 2 which has hitherto according to the method as will
As
the
matter
guided
us.
departments of science, so in politics, the comshould pound always be resolved into the simple elements or least parts of the whole. must therefore look at the in other
We
1
Cp. Plato, Politicus, 258 E
foil,
a
Cp.
c. 8.
I.
i
\
a
26
Logical Analysis of the State of which the
I. 1 elements
may
see
*
in
what they
He who
2
different
1
kinds of rule
2
drawn between the
distinction can be
scientific
any
composed, in order that we from one another, and whether
state is differ
.
thus considers things in their
origin,
whether
clearest
view of them.
a
who
a union of those
or
state
anything
In the
first
else,
growth and
first
will
the
obtain
place (i) there must be
cannot exist without each other
for
;
example, of male and female, that the race may continue ; and this is a union which is formed, not of deliberate purpose, but
common
because, in
man
with other animals and with plants,
kind have a natural desire to leave behind them an image of
And
themselves.
(2) there
must be
a union of natural ruler
For he who can
and subject, that bdtlfrnay be preserved. foresee with Ins
master, 3
and he
mind
who
and by nature a slave
1252 b interest.
Nature,
is
can ;
who
his
body
however,
has
For she
a subject,
is
distinguished between is
not niggardly,
fashions the Delphian knife for
makes each thing
for a single
made when intended
best
work with
hence master and slave have the same
female and the slave.
smith
by nature intended to be lord and
for
many
like
uses
;
the the
she
and every instrument is one and not for many uses. use,
4 But among barbarians no distinction is made between women and slaves, because there is no natural ruler among them :
they are a
community of
slaves,
male and female.
Wherefore
the poets say, It
is
meet that Hellenes should
rule
over barbarians
2 ;
Or, with Bernays, how the different kinds of rule differ from one another, and generally whether any scientific result can be attained about each one of them. 1
3
Eurip. Iphig. in Aulid. 1400.
/
Growth of the State
27
thought that the barbarian and the
as if they
slave
were
2
I.
by nature one.
Out of
these
two
relationships between
master and slave, the family when he says,
first
arises,
First house and wife and an for the
ox
is
the poor
man
s slave.
ox
man and woman,
and Hesiod
for the plough
The
family
is
is
5
|
right
1 ,
the associa-
(
by nature for the supply of men s every-day \ wants, and the members of it are called by Charondas com and by Epimenides panions of the cupboard [o/iocriTrvovs], 2 2 the Cretan, companions of the manger [6/ioKa7rovy]. tion established
But when aims
several
families
are
united,
something more than
at
then comes into existence the village.
form of the
and the association j
of daily needs,
the supply
And
be that of a colony from the
village appears to
who
family, composed of the children and grandchildren,
suckled with the same milk.
said to be
reason
why
Hellenic
states
\
the most natural 6
were
And
originally
are
this is the
governed by
because the Hellenes were under royal rule before kings came together, as the barbarians still are. Every family they is ruled by the eldest, and therefore in the colonies of ;
the family the kingly form of government prevailed because As Homer says [of the
they were of the same blood.
Cyclopes]
:
Each one
For they 1
gives law to his children and to his wives
lived dispersedly, as
was the manner
in
V
ancient
et Di. 405. Or, reading with the old translator (William of Moerbek) 6/*oKUTTVOVS, companions of the hearth.
Op.
2
3
Od.
ix. 1
14, quoted by Plato, Laws,
iii.
680, and
in
N. Eth.
x. 9.
1
3.
7
Ma?i a
28 I.
2
Animal
Political
Wherefore men say that the Gods have a king, times. because they themselves either are or were in ancient times under the rule of a king. For they imagine, not only the forms of the Gods, but their ways of
be like their
to
life
own.
When
8
several villages are united in a single
perfect and large enough to be nearly or quite
the state
of
comes
into existence, originating in the bare needs
and continuing
life,
And
life.
natural, so
therefore,
in
existence for the sake of a good
if
the
the state,
is
[completed] nature fully developed,
we
is
for
its
the end of them, and the
is
For what each
the end.
call
of society are
forms
earlier
it
the best, and to be self-sufficing
is
and the best. ?end Hence it is evident that and that man is by nature a
the state political
nature and not by mere accident
above humanity, or below
it
is
thing
when
whether we are speaking Besides, the final cause and
nature,
g of a man, a horse, or a family.
of a thing
community, self-sufficing,
;
he
is is
is
is
the end
creation of nature,
a
animal.
And
without a
who by
he
state, is
either
the
Tribeless, lawless, hearthless one, 10
whom Homer
denounces
who
the outcast
is
a
lover of
he may be compared to an unprotected piece of draughts. game
war
;
Now
the reason
why man
is
more
as
we
only
often
animal 3
1 1
speech
Ml.
.
evident.
is
Nature,
makes nothing in vain 2 and man is the whom she has endowed with the gift of
say,
And
,
mere sound
whereas -
ix.63.
the
a political animal
of
than bees or any other gregarious animals
in
Cp.
c.
8.
12.
but an
is
3
Cp.
vii.
indication
13.
12.
Man
a
of pleasure or pain, and (for
their nature
pain and
is
to
attains
the intimation of
further),
inexpedient,
And
the perception of pleasure and
them
unjust.
another, and
to one
no
intended to set forth the
is
and likewise the just and the of
a characteristic
is
it
29
therefore found in other animals I.
the power of speech
expedient and
Animal
Political
man
that he
alone
evil, of just and unjust, and the association of living beings who have this sense makes a
has any sense of good and
family and a state.
Thus and prior
the
state is
the
individual,
to
the
to
part
the
if
example, no foot
family
of necessity 13 whole body be is
except in an speak of a stone hand ; for But things are destroyed the hand will be no better. there
destroyed,
be
will
as
equivocal sense,
when
whole
the
since
for
;
clearly prior to the
by nature
or hand,
we might
and we ought not working and power are the same when say they are no longer the same, but only that they have the same name. The 14 to the that the nature and state is a of creation proof prior defined
by
to
that they
their
;
that the individual,
individual
is
sufficing
and therefore he
;
whole.
But he who
no need because he beast or a
god
implanted in
he
perfected,
is
for himself,
who
must be
has
either a
A
social instinct is no part of a state. nature, and yet he who first founded
greatest of benefactors.
the best of animals, but,
justice,
isolated, is not self-
unable to live in society, or
is sufficient
is
when
like a part in relation to the
men by
was the
the state
law and
:
all
is
is
he
is
the worst of
all
;
For man, when
when separated from since
armed
the
use for the worst ends.
Wherefore,
if
he have not
I
injustice 16
more dangerous, and he is equipped at birth with the arms of intelligence and with moral qualities which he may is
1
virtue,
he
\
2
The Parts of
30 I.
2
is
of lust and gluttony.
is
the
tion of
what
is
1
just
,
bond of men is
in
the determina
the principle of order in political society.
is
is made up of households, before we must speak of the 2 management The parts of the household are the
Seeing then that the state
persons
2 .
who compose
it,
everything
in its
least
and a complete household consists
Now we
of slaves and freemen.
a
justice
and the administration of justice, which
1253 b of the household
/
But
states,
speaking of the state
/
Household
the most unholy and the most savage of animals, and the most
full
3
the
elements
;
should begin by examining
and the
first
and
least parts
of a family are master and slave, husband and wife, father We have therefore to consider what each and children. I mean the is and ought to be : of master and servant, of husband and wife, and thirdly of parent and child. [I say ya/juKr) and 76*1/07101777-1*17, there being no words for the two latter notions which ade-
of these three relations relation
And there is another element represent them.] of a household, the so-called art of money-making, which,
3 quately
household management, others, according principal part of it ; the nature of this art will also have to be considered by us. according to some,
is
identical with
a
to
Let us first speak of master and slave, looking to the needs of practical life and also seeking to attain some better For some are 4 theory of their relation than exists at present. of opinion that the rule of a master is a science, and that the management of a household, and the mastership of slaves,
and the set
8 ,
political
are 1
3 3
all
and royal rule, as I was saying at the out Others affirm that the rule of a master
the same.
Cp. N. Eth. v. 6. 4. Reading with the MSS. oiKOfo/^ cts. Plato in Pol. 258 E
foil.,
referred to already in c. I.
2.
over slaves
is
between slave
by nature
;
and that the distinction
to nature,
contrary
freeman
and
3 i
Necessary
Slavery
exists
by
law
and being an interference with nature
I.
3
and not
only,
therefore
is
unjust.
Property is a part of the household, and therefore the art of acquiring property is a part of the art of managing the household ; for no man can live well, or indeed live at all,
And
unless he be provided with necessaries.
which have a
definite sphere the
4
as in the arts
workers must have their
own
proper instruments for the accomplishment of their work, so it is
are
in the
management of a household. Now, instruments some are living, others lifeless in the ;
of various sorts
2
;
rudder, the pilot of a ship has a lifeless, in the look-out man,
a living
instrument
of instrument.
for
;
Thus,
for maintaining
in
the arts the servant a
too,
And
life.
possession
so,
in the
family, a slave is a living possession,
of such instruments
;
and the servant
which takes precedence of
is
all
an
is
a kind
instrument
arrangement of the
and property a number is
himself an instrument,
For
other instruments.
if 3
every instrument could accomplish its own work, obeying or anticipating the will of others, like the statues of Daedalus, or the tripods of Hephaestus, which, says the poet
of their own accord entered the assembly of the
,
Gods
;
manner, the shuttle would weave and the plectrum touch the lyre without a hand to guide them, chief workmen if,
in like
would not want ever,
another
commonly
servants, nor
distinction
masters slaves.
drawn
must be
so called are instruments
a possession
is
Horn.
II.
xviii.
376.
Here, how- 1254
the instruments *
of production,
an instrument of action. 1
:
The
whilst
shuttle,
for
a
32 I.
4
//
Slavery
Natural?
also
it
example, is not only of use, but something else is made by whereas of a garment or of a bed there is only the use.
it,
as
Further,
and both 5
and action
production
are
different
in
kind,
instruments which
instruments, the
require
they
But life is action employ must likewise differ in kind. and not production, and therefore the slave is the minister of action
he
[for
ministers
master
his
to
s
Again, a
life].
possession spoken of as a part is spoken of; for the part is not a only part of something else, but wholly belongs The master to it; and this is also true of a possession. is of the slave he the master does not belong to only is
;
him, whereas the slave 6 but
not only the slave of his master, him. Hence we see what is the
is
wholly belongs to and office of a slave
nature
own
he
;
but another s and yet a man,
he may be said also
is
being,
defined
as
an
is
is by nature not his by nature a slave and ;
belong to another who, being a
to
a
who
And
possession.
instrument
of
a
possession
action,
separable
human
may
be
from the
possessor.
5
But
is
and for
there any one thus intended by nature to be a slave,
whom
rather is not
There 2 i\
1
1
is
such a condition
all
no
expedient and right, or
is
slavery a violation of nature difficulty
in
answering
this
?
question,
on
For that some should grounds both of reason and of fact. rule and others be ruled is a thing, not only necessary, but from the hour of their birth, some are marked expedient ;
out for subjection, others for rule.
And
whereas there are many kinds both of rulers and
subjects, that rule
subjects
for
is
the better
example,
rule over wild beasts.
which
to rule
is
over
The work
is
exercised over better
men
better
is
better than to
which
is
executed
Justified
Slavery by
better
ruled,
workmen
parts,
and where one man rules and another
be said to have a work.
may
they
which form
;
3 3
whole and which
a composite
whether continuous or
In are
all
is I.
5
things
made up of
a distinction between
discrete,
Such a 4 the ruling and the subject element comes to light. not in them only ; duality exists in living creatures, but it
1
which have no
harmony
We
subject.
of the universe
there
life,
1
musical
in
the constitution
in
originates
things
is
a
ruling
even
;
principle,
But we are wandering from
.
restrict ourselves to the
will, therefore,
in
as
the
living
creature which, in the first place, consists of soul and body and of these two, the one is by nature the ruler, and the But then we must look for the intentions other the subject. :
of nature
things which
in
retain
And
things which are corrupted.
man who
the
soul, for in
in the
is
him we
although in bad appear to
rule
or
most perfect
shall
over the
natures
both of body and
lect rules
And
it
;
First then
creatures both a despotical and a constitutional rule soul rules the
two
often 1254 b
the body will
because they are in an evil we may observe in living 6
soul,
and unnatural condition.
state
see the true relation of the
corrupted
5
nature, and not in therefore we must study
their
body with
a despotical rule,
;
for the
whereas the
intel
the appetites with a constitutional and royal rule. is
clear that the rule
of the soul over the body, and
of the mind and the rational element over the passionate is natural and expedient ; whereas the equality of the two or the
of the inferior is always hurtful. The same holds good of animals as well as of men for tame animals have a better
rule
;
nature than wild, and
man
they are ruled by 1
DAVIS
Or,
all ;
tame animals are better off when
for then they are preserved. of harmony [in music].
D
Again,
7
Both Sides of the Question
34 Slavery I.
5 the male
by nature superior, and the female and the other is ruled ; this
is
one
the
rules,
8 necessity, extends to
all
Where
mankindo
inferior
and
;
principle,
then there
is
of
such
a difference as that between soul and body, or between men and animals (as in the case of those whose business is to use
and who can do nothing better), the lower sort and it is better for them as for all
their body,
are
by
nature slaves,
For
9 inferiors that they should be under the rule of a master.
he who can
be,
and therefore
is
another
s,
and
he
who
I
i
I
participates in reason
Whereas
a slave by nature.
reason,
is
cannot
even
reason
the lower animals
obey their instincts. indeed the use made of slaves and of tame animals
And is
to apprehend, but not to have,
enough
apprehend
not very different
10 the needs of
;
they
;
for both with their bodies minister to
Nature would
life.
the
bodies of freemen and
for
servile
labour,
like to distinguish
betweep.
making the one strong the other upright, and although useless slaves,
such services, useful for political life in the arts both of war and peace. But this does not hold universally : for some slaves have the souls and others have the bodies of for
freemen.
And
men
doubtless if
much
in
1255 a
the body,
body
is
how much more
seen,
in the soul
that the inferior class
if there is a difference !
But the beauty of the
whereas the beauty of the soul
clear, then, that
some men
and that for these
6
And
should be slaves of the superior.
latter
are
by nature
slavery
is
in
as the statues of the
Gods do from men, all would acknowledge I 1
from one another
differed
the mere forms of their bodies as
free,
is
not seen.
and others
both expedient and
It is
slaves,
right.
But that those who take the opposite view have in a certain way right on their side, may be easily seen. For the words slavery and slave are used in
two
senses.
There
is
a slave
Both Sides of the Question
Slavery
or slavery by law as well as I
is
The
by nature.
3
f
law of which
speak taken in war
But supposed to belong to the victors. an as orator who would they many jurists impeach, brought forward an unconstitutional measure they detest the notion that, because one man has the power of doing violence is
I.
a sort of convention, according to which whatever is
2
this right
:
and
is
superior in brute strength, another shall be his slave
Even among philosophers
and subject. of opinion.
The
there
the arguments cross,
is
as follows
:
is
a difference
and the reason
origin of the dispute,
Virtue,
when
why
3
furnished
be deemed to have the greatest power of and as superior power is only found where there is superior excellence of some kind, power is thought to that is the imply virtue. But does it likewise imply justice ?
with means,
may
doing violence
And,
question.
some
:
in order to
make
a distinction between them, 4
assert that justice is benevolence
nothing more than the
:
to
which others reply
If of a superior. the two views are regarded as antagonistic and exclusive [i. e. if the notion that justice is benevolence excludes the idea of that justice
is
rule
a just rale of a superior], the alternative
[viz.
that
no one
has no force or
because plausibility, *] that even the to it not in virtue rule, or ought implies superior be master. Some, clinging, as they think, to a principle of 6
should rule over others
justice (for
law and custom are a sort of
war
justice),
assume that
by law, but they are not consistent. For what if the cause of the war be unjust ? No one would ever say that he is a slave who is unworthy to be a slave. slavery in
Were
is
justified
this the case,
men of
j I
the highest rank would be slaves
and the children of slaves
if they or their parents chance to Wherefore Hellenes do 6 have been taken captive and sold. 1
CP
D
a.
.
2
Q
3"
I.
6
not
to
like
themselves slaves, but confine the term to
call
barbarians.
in
Yet,
mean the
using this language, they really
whom we
must be spoke admitted that some are slaves everywhere, others nowhere. 7 The same principle applies to nobility. Hellenes regard them slave of
natural
deem
the
first
and not only
selves as noble everywhere,
but they
at
noble
barbarians
for
;
in their
only
it
own
when
country,
at
home,
thereby implying that there are two sorts of nobility and
freedom, the one absolute, the other
of Theodectes says
Who
The Helen
relative.
:
would presume to call me servant who am on both from the stem of the Gods ?
sides sprung
8
What
does this mean but that they distinguish freedom and noble and humble birth, by the two principles of
slavery,
1255 b good and evil
men and But
They
?
animals,
this is
what
men and animals beget a good man springs. men good
think that as
so from
though she may intend
nature,
it,
often fails
to accomplish.
9
We
see then that there
is
some foundation
for this differ
ence of opinion, and that some actual slaves and freemen are not so by nature, and also that there is in some cases a marked distinction between the two classes, rendering it expedient and right for the one to be slaves
and the others
to be masters
:
the one practising obedience, the others exercising the autho10 rity which nature intended them to have. authority
is
injurious to both
;
The
abuse of this
for the interests of part
x
and
of body and soul, are the same, and the slave is a part of the master, a living but separated part of his bodily frame. Where the relation between them is natural they arc friends
whole
,
1
CP
.
c.
4.
5.
The and have a
common
The
where
interest, but
and force the reverse
it
is
merely on law I. 6
rests
show
that the
7
not a constitutional rule, and therefore that
some
the different kinds of rule are not, as
all
37
is true.
previous remarks are quite enough to
of a master
rule
of the Household
J(ule
same with each other
1 .
For
there
is
affirm, the
one rule exercised over
who are by nature free, another over subjects who by nature slaves. The rule of a household is a monarchy, for every house is under one head whereas constitutional rule subjects
are
:
is
The
a government of freemen and equals.
master
is
not
2
he has science, but because he is of and the same remark applies to the slave character,
called a master because
a certain
and the freeman.
and a science
Still
there
for the slave.
be such as the
may
be a science for the master
The
science of the slave
man of Syracuse
would
who made money by
taught,
instructing slaves in their ordinary duties.
And
such a know- 3
may be carried further, so as to include cookery and similar menial arts. For some duties are of the more neces
ledge
sary, others
slave
of the more honourable sort
before
slave,
;
as the proverb says,
branches of knowledge are servile.
There
is
wonderful
which the
;
for the master
slave
who
need only
must know how
are in a position
stewards
;
for the master
concerned, not with the acquisition, but with the use Yet this so-called science is not anything great or
is
of them.
who
such 4
all
likewise a science
of the master, which teaches the use of slaves as such
But
master before master.
know how
to execute.
to order that
Hence
which places them above
those 5
have
toil,
attend to their households while they occupy
themselves with philosophy or with acquiring slaves, I
mean of justly
Plato Pol. 258 E
foil.,
politics.
But the
acquiring them,
referred to already in c. I.
art
differs 2.
of
both
3 8 I.
What
Property
7 from the
of the master and the
art
a species of hunting
between master and 1256
war
or
J
art
of the
Enough of
.
slave,
the
being
distinction
slave.
Let us now enquire
a
Place in the Household
and
into property generally,
into the
of money-making, in accordance with our usual method 2 been [of resolving a whole into its parts ], for a slave has shown to be a part of property. The first question is whether art
the art of money-making a household or a part of last,
whether
in the
way
is it,
the
same with the
art
or instrumental to
that the art of
it
2
is
shuttles is
making
instrumental to the art of weaving, or in the casting of bronze
of managing and if the ;
way
that the
instrumental to the art of the statuary, for
they are not instrumental in the same way, but the one provides tools and the other material ; and by material I mean the substratum out of which any
work
is
made
;
thus wool
is
Now
it
the material of the weaver, bronze of the statuary.
easy to see that the art of household management is not identical with the art of money-making, for the one uses the is
material
which the other provides.
And
the art which uses
household stores can be no other than the
There
management.
money-making 3 art.
[They
is
is,
art
of household
however, a doubt whether the art of
a part of household
management or
appear to be connected]
;
for the
a distinct
money-maker
has to consider whence money and property can be procured; there is but there are many sorts of property and wealth :
husbandry and the care and provision of food 4 these parts of the there are
many
money-making
sorts
in general
art or distinct arts
?
;
are
Again,
of food, and therefore there are many men ; they must all have
kinds of lives both of animals and
food, and the differences in their food have 1
Cp.
vii.
14.
21.
made
a
Cp.
c.
i.
differences 3.
in
ways of
their
a Physical Basts 39
l{ests on
Property
For of
life.
others are solitary
they
;
beasts,
some
way which
live in the
are gregarious, I.
8
best adapted 5
is
to sustain them, accordingly as they are carnivorous or her
bivorous or omnivorous
jj
and
their habits are
determined for
in
greater facility
have
individuals
:
such a manner that they may obtain with the food of their choice. But, as different
them by nature
different
same things are not lives of
tastes,
the
them
and therefore the
naturally pleasant to all of
;
carnivorous or herbivorous animals further differ
In the
selves.
The
laziest
lives
are
men
too there
who
shepherds,
is
among them
a great difference. 6
lead an
and get
idle life,
without trouble from tame animals
their subsistence
flocks having to
of
wander from place
;
their
to place in search of pas
they are compelled to follow them, cultivating a sort of Others support themselves by hunting, which is living farm. ture,
of different kinds.
7
Some, for example, are pirates, others who dwell near lakes or marshes or rivers or a sea in which
there are
fish,
;
the fruits of the
which
prevail
and others
are fishermen,
birds or wild beasts.
The
soil.
among
greater
Such those
live by the pursuit of number obtain a living from
are the 1
modes of
whose industry
subsistence 8
is
employed
1 immediately upon the products of nature , and whose food
not acquired by exchange and retail trade
there
is
is
the shep- 1258 b
herd, the husbandman, the pirate, the fisherman, the hunter.
Some gain a comfortable maintenance out of two employ ments, eking out the deficiencies of one of them by another : thus the
life
of a shepherd
may
be combined with that of
a brigand, the life of a farmer with that of a hunter.
modes of needs of
life
are similarly
men may
require.
1
Or,
combined
Other 9
any way which the in the sense of a bare Property,
whose labour
is
in
peisonal.
4-Q
"Natural
Property
Acquisition
I. 8 livelihood, seems to be given by nature herself to all, both For 10 when they are first born, and when they are grown up.
some animals bring
much food of
forth,
together with their offspring, so
as will last until they are able to supply themselves
;
vermiparous or oviparous animals are an instance ; and the viviparous animals have up to a certain time a supply
1 1
this the
of food for their young in themselves, which is called milk. In like manner we may infer that, after the birth of animals, plants exist for their sake, for the sake of
not 12
at least
all,
and that the other animals exist
man, the tame for use and food, the wild, if the greater part of them, for food, and for the
provision of clothing and various instruments.
makes nothing incomplete, and nothing in must be that she has made all animals and of man.
And
a natural
art
so, in
which we ought
it
if
nature
plants for the sake
one point of view, the
of acquisition, for
Now
vain, the inference
art
of war
is
includes hunting, an art
to practise against wild beasts,
and against
men who, though submit
Of
13
;
intended by nature to be governed, will not 1 for war of such a kind is naturally just .
"
the ait of acquisition then there
Either
we
viously,
14
They
them
although Solon
No 2
of
a
Cp.
for the
common
is
c. 7.
is
in
;
for the
state.
amount of
needed for a good life is not unlimited, one of his poems says that,
bound 5,
.
management must provide use of the family or
are the elements of true wealth
property which
1
which
a
is
or the art of household
a store of
one kind
2 part of the management of a household must suppose the necessaries of life to exist pre
and
natural
is
to riches has been fixed for
and
Or, with Bernays, household.
vii.
14.
man
V
21.
which by nature 3
is
a part of the
management
Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Solon, 13.
v.
71.
Property But there
is
41
Money-making
a boundary fixed, just as there
is in
the arts
the instruments of any art are never unlimited,
number or
in
!
8
5
and wealth may be defined as a number of
size,
And
instruments to be used in a household or in a state.
we
for I.
;
either
see that there
a natural art of acquisition
is
which
is
so
prac
by managers of households and by statesmen, and what the reason of this.
tised is
There
another variety of the art of acquisition which
is
is
9
of making money, and 1257 has in fact suggested the notion that wealth and property have no limit. Being nearly connected with the preceding, it is
commonly and rightly called the
often identified with
it.
art
But though they are not very
neither are they the same.
The
different,
kind already described
is
gained by experience and art. Let us begin our discussion of the question with the fol- a
given by nature, the other
lowing considerations
is
:
Of
everything which we possess there are two uses : both belong to the thing as such, but not in the same manner, for
one
for
the proper, and the other the improper or secondary
is
use of
For example,
it.
exchange
a shoe is used for wear,
both are uses of the shoe.
;
and
is
He who
used gives 3
exchange for money or food to him who wants one, does indeed use the shoe as a shoe, but this is not its proper or primary purpose, for a shoe is not made to be an a
shoe
in
The same may
object of barter. for the arises
that
be said of
all
possessions,
of exchange extends to all of them, and it 4 first in a natural manner from the circumstance
art
at
some have too
little,
others too much.
Hence we may
infer that retail trade is not a natural part
making
;
had
it
been so,
when they had enough.
men
of the art of moneywould have ceased to exchange
And
in the first
community, which
5
a
42 I.
9
is
the family, this art
to
Coined
Property
be useful
when
is
Money
obviously of no use, but only begins
For
the society increases.
the
members
of the family originally had all things in common in a more divided state of society they ] still shared in many things, but ;
l
which they had to give in ex change for what they wanted, a kind of barter which is still 6 practised among barbarous nations who exchange with one they were different things
another the necessaries of
and nothing more; giving and exchange for corn and the
life
receiving wine, for example, like.
art
This
and
7 faction
in
sort of barter is not part of the
not contrary to nature, but
is
of men
s natural
wants.
The
is
money-making
needed for the
satis-
other or more complex
form of exchange grew out of the simpler. When the in habitants of one country became more dependent on those of another, and they imported
what they needed, and exported money necessarily came into use. For the various necessaries of life are not easily carried about, and hence men
8 the surplus,
agreed to employ
which was
in
their dealings
intrinsically
useful
with each other something
and
easily
applicable
to
the
Of purposes of life, for example, iron, silver, and the like. this the value was at first measured by size and weight, but in process of time they put a stamp upon of weighing and to mark the value. 1257 b
When
it,
to save the trouble
the use of coin had once been discovered, out of the
barter of necessary articles
making, namely,
retail
trade
arose ;
the other
which was
art
at
of money-
first
probably
more complicated as soon as men learned by experience whence and by what exchanges the
a simple matter, but became
10 greatest profit might be made.
the art of 1
money-making Or, more simply,
is
Originating in the use of coin, generally thought to be chiefly
shared in
many more
things.
Property: True Notion of Wealth
43
be the art which produces wealth I. it, and to having to consider how they may be accumulated. Indeed, wealth is assumed by many to be only a quantity of
concerned with
and money
;
because the art of money-making and
coin,
retail
trade are
Others maintain that coined money
concerned with coin.
is
n
mere sham, a thing not natural, but conventional only, which would have no value or use for any of the purposes of daily life if another commodity were substituted by the users. a
indeed, he
And,
necessary food.
that
Men
rich in coin
whose
in the fable,
was
is
may
often be in want of
But how can that be wealth of which a man
a great abundance and yet perish with hunger, like
may have Midas
who
him
set before
insatiable prayer turned everything
into gold
?
seek after a better notion of wealth and of the art of
1
2
making money than the mere acquisition of coin, and they are right. For natural wealth and the natural art of moneyare a different thing
making
;
in their true
of the management of a household the art of producing wealth, not
And
exchange. coin
it
;
form they are part
whereas
retail
is
every
the starting-point and the goal of exchange.
is
trade
way, but by seems to be concerned with coin ; for in
And
13
no bound to the wealth which springs from this art of money-making As in the art of medicine there is no there
is
.
limit to the pursuit
no at
of health, and as in the other arts there
is
of their several ends, for they aim their ends to the uttermost ; (but of the accomplishing limit to the pursuit
means there
a limit, for the end is always the limit), so, of money-making there is no limit of the end, wealth of the spurious kind, and the acquisition of is
too, in this art
which money.
is
But the
art
of household management has a limit 1
Cp.
c. 8.
14.
;
14
9
I.
Excess Unnatural
44 ^Money-making
in
the unlimited acquisition of
money
therefore, in one point of view,
without
;
for
its
The
business.
their
[i.
e.
wealth]
is
;
hoard of coin
source of the confusion
the
is
15 connexion between the two kinds of money-making;
the instrument
And,
find the opposite to be
money-makers increase
all
limit.
not
wealth must have a limit
we
nevertheless, as a matter of fact,
the case
is
all
near
in either,
the same, although the use
is
for each is a use different, and so they pass into one another J of the same property but with a difference accumulation is ;
:
,
the end in the one case, but there
Hence some
is
a further end in the other.
persons are led to believe that making
money
is
the object of household management, and the whole idea of
ought either to increase their money The origin of it.
their lives is that they 1
1258
6 without limit,
or at any rate not to lose
a this disposition in
and not upon
men
that they are intent upon living only,
is
living well
;
and, as their desires are unlimited,
they also desire that the means of gratifying them should be Even those who aim at a good life seek the without limit.
means of obtaining bodily pleasures
; and, since the enjoyment of these appears to depend on property, they are absorbed in and so there arises the second species of making money :
17
For, as their enjoyment is in excess, they money-making. seek an art which produces the excess of enjoyment and, if ;
they are not able to supply their pleasures by the art of money-making, they try other arts, using in turn every faculty in a
manner contrary is
fidence
neither
;
physician s art 18 health.
to nature.
not intended to
example,
;
is
this
The
quality of courage, for
make money,
the aim of the
but to inspire con general
s
or of the
but the one aims at victory and the other at
Nevertheless, 1
some men
turn
Reading KTTjatws XF/ a
every quality or art y
means of making money
a
into
True IQnd
the
Money-making:
;
this
4?
they conceive to be I.
the end, and to the promotion of the end
all
things must
contribute.
Thus, then, we have considered the art of money-making, which is unnecessary, and why men want it and also the ;
necessary art of money- making, which
we
have seen to be
from the other, and to be a natural part of the art of managing a household, concerned with the provision of food, not, however, like the former kind, unlimited, but having different
a limit.
And we
have found the answer to our original question 1 , 10 Whether the art of money-making is the business of the
manager of a household and of the statesman or not their business ? viz. that it is an art which is presupposed by them. f
For
does not make men, but takes them from
political science
nature and uses
them
from the element of
;
and nature provides them with food
earth, air, or sea.
the duty of the manager of a household,
At
this stage begins
who
has to order the
he may be compared to the things which nature supplies weaver who has not to make but to use wool, and to know ;
what
of wool
sort
serviceable.
why of a
is
good and
serviceable or bad and un
this otherwise,
would be
it
difficult to see
money-making is a part of the management household and the art of medicine not ; for surely the the art of
members of have
Were
2
life
a household
must have health
or any other necessary.
And
just as they
must
as from one point 3
of view the master of the house and the ruler of the
state
have to consider about health, from another point of view not they but the physician ; so in one way the art of household
management,
in
another
way
1
Cp.
the
c. 8.
subordinate i.
art,
has
to
9
IQnds of Money-making
4<*
I.
But, strictly speaking, as I have 10 consider about money. already said, the means of life must be provided beforehand for the business of nature is to furnish food to
by nature that which ;
is
and the food of the offspring always l Wherefore the art of making and animals is always natural.
born,
4 remains over in the parent out of fruits
money
Of
two
of money-making one, as I have just
sorts
a part of household
is
said,
trade
the
.
management, the other
is
retail
the former necessary and honourable, the latter a kind
:
1258 b of exchange which
is
censured
justly
;
for
it
is
unnatural,
and a mode by which men gain from one another. The most hated sort, and with the greatest reason, is usury, which
makes 5
of
of money itself, and not from the natural use For money was intended to be used in exchange, but
a gain out
it.
And this term usury [TOKO?], of money from money, is applied to the breeding of money because the offspring resembles the Wherefore of all modes of making money this is parent. not to increase
at
which means the
interest.
birth
the most unnatural.
Enough has been
11
said about the theory of
money-making
;
2 The discussion proceed to the practical part. of such matters is not unworthy of philosophy, but to be
we
now
will
engaged
in
them
practically is illiberal
parts of money-making
useful
live-stock,
which
are
most
are,
and irksome
first,
profitable,
the
and
2 .
The
knowledge of where, and
how, as, for example, what sort of horses or sheep or oxen or any other animals are most likely to give a return. 2
A man ought to know which 1
Cp.
c. 8.
Or,
We
2
limited
of these pay better than others,
10. are free to speculate about
by circumstances.
(Bernays.)
them, but
in
practice
we
are
47
K^inds of Money-making and which pay best one place and some of
or fowl, or of any animals which
fish,
These
man.
some do
better in I. 11
Secondly, husbandry, which
in another.
tillage or planting, and the keeping of bees and
be either
may
in particular places, for
may
be useful to
are the divisions of the true or proper art of 3
Of the other, which consists money- making and come first. the first and most exchange, important division is commerce commerce by sea, commerce (of which there are three kinds
in
by land,
selling
safer or
more
service
is
between
arts, still
this
these again differing as they are
shops
of
for hire
mechanical
There
in
the second
profitable),
one kind
this,
third
and the
sort
of money-making
or natural
first
usury,
the third,
employed in the 4 unskilled and bodily labour.
the other in
a
is
is
intermediate
mode which
is
partly
concerned with exchange of the fruits and Some of these latter, although other products of the earth. bear no are nevertheless fruit, they profitable ; for example,
natural, but is also
wood and
minerals.
are obtained, has
The
many
art
of mining, by which minerals
5
branches, for there are various kinds
of things dug out of the earth.
Of
the several divisions of
now
money-making speak generally; a minute considera tion of them might be useful in practice, but it would be I
tiresome to dwell upon them at greater length now.
Those occupations
are
most
the is
body
is
truly arts in
is
is
g
;
the greatest use of the body, and the
there
which there
they are the meanest in which most deteriorated, the most servile in which there
the least element of chance
illiberal
in
which
the least need of excellence.
Works
have been written upon these subjects by various
by Chares the Parian, and Apollodorus the Lemnian, who have treated of Tillage and Planting,
persons; for example,
7
Economic Tales
48
others have treated of other branches
I. 11 while
1259
a
cares
such
for
would be well
matters
refer
8 for
all
ways
There
is
application, but
for
is
who
amassing a fortune ; value the art of making in
the anecdote of Thales the Milesian and
his financial device,
9 tion
any one who It
this is useful to persons
money.
;
their
also to collect the scattered stories of the
which individuals have succeeded
in
to
writings.
may
which involves a
attributed to
principle
of universal
him on account of
his reputa-
He
wisdom.
which was supposed to
was reproached for his poverty, show that philosophy was of no use.
According to the story, he knew by his skill in the stars while it was yet winter that there would be a great harvest of olives in the coming year ; so, having a little capital, he gave earnest-money for the use of all the olive-presses in Chios and Miletus, which he hired at a low price because no one bid
When
against him.
them
the harvest-time came, and
once and of a sudden, he
many wanted
them out
at any rate which he pleased, and made a quantity of money. Thus he showed the world that philosophers can easily be rich if all at
10 they like, but that their ambition
is
let
of another
sort.
He
is
supposed to have given a striking proof of his I
was
saying,
application,
and
his device for is
wisdom, but, as getting money is of universal
nothing but the creation of a monopoly. by cities when they are in want of
It is an art often practised
11
money ; they make a monopoly of provisions. There was a man of Sicily, who, having money deposited with him, bought up all the iron from the iron mines ; after wards, when the merchants from their various markets came to buy, he
was the only
seller,
and without much increasing
Which when Dionysius he gained 200 per cent. heard, he told him that he might take away his money, but
12 the price
Household Government he must not remain
that
man had discovered injurious to his
Thales
;
selves.
he thought that the
I.
11
way of making money which was
a
He
interests.
had the same idea
as
they both contrived to create a monopoly for them And statesmen ought to know these things ; for a 13
much
state is often as
for
own
at Syracuse, for
49
obtaining
it
in
want of money and of such devices more so hence some
as a household, or even
;
men
devote themselves entirely to finance. household management we have seen 2 that there are 12
public
Of
three parts
one
the rule of a master over slaves, which
is
has been discussed already
A
third of a husband.
and children, both
s
free,
and the
another of a father,
,
husband and father
rules over wife
but the rule differs, the rule over
his children being a royal, over his wife a constitutional rule. 1259 b
For although
there
may be
exceptions to the order of nature,
by nature fitter for command than the female, just as the elder and full-grown is superior to the younger and the male
is
more immature. rule
But
and are ruled by
in
most
constitutional states the citizens 2
turns, for the idea of a constitutional
of the citizens are equal, and Nevertheless, when one rules and the
state implies that the natures
do not other
is
differ at all
ruled
4 .
we endeavour
to create a difference of
forms and modes of address and
titles
outward
of respect, which
may
be illustrated by the saying of Amasis about his foot-pan 6 . The relation of the male to the female is of this kind, but 3 there the inequality
is
The rule of a father over permanent. he receives both love and the respect
his children is royal, for
And
due to age, exercising a kind of royal power. 1
s 6
a
Reading tvprj^a with Bernays. 4
Cp. c. 3-7. Cp. Herod, ii, 172, and note on this passage. DAVIS
E
ii.
2.
Cp.
6;
therefore
c.
iii.
3.
j.
17.
4.
Virtue in the Subject Classes
jo 1.
12 Homer has
appropriately called
Zeus
father of
Gods and
For a king is the men, because he is the king of them all. natural superior of his subjects, but he should be of the same kin or kind with them, and such
is
the relation of elder and
younger, of father and son. Thus it is clear that household management attends more 13 to men than to the acquisition of inanimate things, and to
human
excellence more than
which we 2 to
call
A
the virtue of slaves.
whether there
to the excellence of property
wealth, and to the virtue of freemen
is
question
any excellence
may
more than
indeed be raised,
at all in a slave
instrumental and ministerial qualities
beyond merely whether he can have
the virtues of temperance, courage, justice, and the like
3
?
in reason, ,
|
or
;
freemen
.
;
whether slaves possess only bodily and ministerial qualities. And, whichever way we answer the question, a difficulty arises for, if they have virtue, in what will they differ from
On it
the other hand, since they are
seems absurd
A similar question
may
men and
share
say that they have no virtue.
to
be raised about
women and
children,
whether they too have virtues ought a woman to be tem and brave and a and is child to be called temperate, perate just, :
4 and intemperate, or not
?
So
in general
we may ask
about
the natural ruler, and the natural subject, whether they have the same or different virtues. For a noble nature is equally required in both, but if so, why should one of them always Nor can we say that rule, and the other always be ruled ? this is a question
and subject degree 5
;
yet
is
a
how
of degree, for the difference between ruler difference of kind, and therefore not of strange
is
the
supposition
that
the one
For if ought, and that the other ought not, to have virtue the ruler is intemperate and unjust, how can he rule well ? !
Virtues not the same for All
how
f the subject,
and cowardly, he
can he obey well
will certainly not
do
If he be licentious I. 13
?
varying
once indicated by the soul,
and the other
is
which one
in
and the
subject,
virtue
virtue,
And
according to their various natures.
a
It is evident,
his duty.
of them must have a share of
therefore, that both
5-1
but
this is at 6
part naturally rules,
we main
of the ruler
be different from that of the subject ; the one being the virtue of the rational, and the other of the irrational part. tain to
Now,
it
is
obvious that the same principle applies generally,
and therefore almost
all
things rule and are ruled according to
But the kind of
nature.
rule differs
the freeman rules over 7
;
the slave after another manner from that in which the male
man
rules over the female, or the
over the child
although
;
the parts of the soul are present in all of them, they are For the slave has no deliberative^ sent in different degrees.
pre-<|
faculty at
all
woman
the
;
and the child has, but
has, but
it
immature.
it is
J
is
So
l
without authority
y
must necessarily 8
it
be with the moral virtues also ; all may be supposed to partake of them, but only in such manner and degree as is required by Hence the ruler ought each for the fulfilment of his duty. to have moral virtue in perfection,
that of a master artificer,
for
his
and the master
duty
is
artificer is
entirely
reason
;
the subjects, on the other hand, require only that measure of virtue virtue
which
is
Clearly, then, moral 9 proper to each of them. all of them ; but the temperance of a man
belongs to
and of a woman, or the courage and a
woman,
courage of a obeying.
clearly seen 1
man
And if
is
shown
this holds
we
Or, with Benuys,
in
of
2 ,
detail, for those 2
inconclusive.
2
woman
other virtues, as will be
look at them in
the
the same;
commanding, of a
all
E
of a man and of
justice
are not, as Socrates maintained
Plato
in
more
who
say
Meno, 71-73.
10
The Slave and
?2 I.
that
13 generally soul, or in
Far 1 1
consists
virtue
the Artisan
in
a
good disposition of the
doing rightly, or the like, only deceive themselves.
mode of
better than such definitions is their
who, like Georgias *, enumerate the must be deemed to have their special says of
speaking,
All classes
virtues.
attributes
as the poet
;
women, Silence
but this
is
woman
a
2
s
glory
,
The
not equally the glory of man.
child is imper and therefore to himhis virtue is not relative fect, obviously 3 12 self alone, but to the perfect man and to his teacher and in is
,
manner the
like
Now we
virtue
determined that a slave
and therefore he
life,
of the slave
virtue as will prevent
him from
But
For the
to a master.
useful for the wants of
much
failing in his
Some
duty through one will ask whether, if
are saying is true, virtue will not be required also in
the artisans, for they often 13 duct.
relative
obviously require only so
will
cowardice and intemperance.
what we
is
is
is
fail in their
work through miscontwo cases?
there not a great difference in the
slave shares in his master s life
;
the artisan
is less
closely connected with him, and only attains excellence in proportion as he becomes a slave, [i. e. is under the direction
of a master].
The meaner
sort
of mechanic has a special
1260 b and separate slavery; and whereas the slave exists by nature, 14 not so the shoemaker or other artisan.
It is manifest, then, that the master ought to be the source of excellence in the
slave
;
but not merely because he possesses the art which trains 4
Wherefore they are mistaken who forbid us to converse with slaves and say that we should employ
him
1
8
in his duties
Plato
.
2
Meno, 71-73.
His father
who
guides him
Soph. Aj.
*
(Bernays),
Cp.
c.
7.
29.3.
4.
End of command
only
Preliminary Enquiry
for slaves stand even
*,
more
in
5-3
need of admoni-
I. 3.3
tion than children.
The
of husband and wife, parent and child, their 15 in their intercourse with one another is
relations
what
several virtues,
pod, and what escape the
and how we may pursue the good and have to be discussed when we speak of
is evil,
evil, will
For, inasmuch as every
the different forms of government. :
amily sarts
a part of a state,
is
of a family, the virtue
and these relationships are the of the part must have regard to
And
the virtue of the whole.
therefore
women and
children
must be trained by education with an eye to the state 2 if the virtues of either of them are supposed to make any difference ,
in the virtues for
the
of the
children
state.
grow
persons in a state are
Of these let
women 3
we
will
a difference
and half the
vi.
make
2
777. 3
16
of what remains, 14 Regarding, then, our present a
new
;
Cp.
Plato Laws,
v. 9. vi.
781
11-15 B.
And,
beginning.
us examine the various theories of a perfect
Plato Laws,
:
free
.
us speak at another time.
first, let
make
they must
up to be citizens,
matters, enough has been said
enquiry as complete,
1
And
;
state.
viii.
i.
r.
BOOK OUR
II. 1
II
purpose is to consider what form of political commu of all for those who are most able to realize their
nity is best
We
must therefore examine not only this but ideal of life. other constitutions, both such as actually exist in well-governed states,
that
;
no one suppose that in seeking for something beyond them x at all want to philosophize at the expense of truth we
let 1
and any theoretical forms which are held in esteem is good and useful may be brought to light. And
what
we
;
only undertake this enquiry because
which we are acquainted are
We
a
f must either have (i)
1261
a
the constitutions with
faulty.
will begin with the natural beginning
fThree alternatives are conceivable
f
all
all
:
of the subject. of a state
The members
things or (2) nothing in
common,
or
common and some not. That they should have nothing in common is clearly impossible, for the state is a community, and must at any rate have a common place one city will be in one place, and the citizens are those who (3)
some things
in
3 share in that one city. all
things, as
not others
far as
For
?
But should a well-ordered
may
be,
the
Republic of Plato
condition, or the proposed 1
in 2 .
new
common,
Which
Rep.
v.
make
457
c.
state
have
some only and
as Socrates proposes is
better,
order of society
Or, as Bernays, taking irdfrajs with
are anxious to 2
common,
or
the citizens might conceivably have wives
and children and property in
in
ao<pifa6ai
a sophistical display at any cost.
our present
?
fiov\o^it cav
we >
False Conception of Unity There
are
many
difficulties
the
in
yj
community of women. II. 3
The
principle on which Socrates rests the necessity of such an institution does not appear to be established by his argu
ments
;
and then again as a means to the end which he ascribes it is impossible, and how we are to
to the state, taken literally,
and qualify
limit
it is
nowhere precisely
stated.
am
I
speak-
a
ing of the premiss from which the argument of Socrates pro that the greater the unity of the state the better. Is ceeds,
not obvious that a state may at length attain such a degree of unity as to be no longer a state ? since the nature of a state is to be a plurality, and in tending to greater unity, from
it
being a state,
an individual
becomes a family, and from being a family, may be said to be more one
it
;
for the family
So
than the state, and the individual than the family.
that
ought not to attain this greatest unity even if we could, for would be the destruction of the state. Again, a state is 3
we it
not
men
made up only of ;
for similars
so many men, but of different kinds of It is not like do not constitute a state.
of which the usefulness depends upon there is no difference in quality. where even quantity Foi in that mutual protection is the end aimed at; and the
a military alliance, its
question is
is
the same as about the scales of a balance
the heavier
:
which
?
In like manner, a state differs from a nation, whenever
in
a nation the people are not dispersed in villages, but are in the condition of the Arcadians ; in a state the elements out of
which the unity
is
formed
to be
the Ethics
and equals 1
2 ,
is
differ in kind.
*,
this is a principle
as I
which must be maintained, for a
Or,
Wherefore 4
have already remarked in And among freemen the salvation of states.
the principle of reciprocity
reciprocal proportion.
C/
o ^ ;
-4<.
\
(>
\
N. Eth.
v. 8.
6.
\j^
Plato s J(epublic:
f5 II.
2 they cannot all rule together, but must change at the end of a year or some other period of time or in some order of suc-
The result is that upon this plan they all govern manner of government is] just as if shoemakers and carpenters were to exchange their occupations, and the same persons did not always continue shoemakers and carpenters.
5 cession.
;
[but the
6
And
clearly better that, as in business, so also in politics
it is
same persons where
there should be continuance of the
1261 b
is
But where
possible.
this
by reason of the would be unjust that
this is not possible
and
natural equality of the citizens,
it
any one should be excluded from the government (whether to govern be a good thing or a bad *), then it is better, instead of
holding power, to adopt a principle of rotation,
all
equals giving place to equals, as the original rulers gave place
them
7 to
2
Thus
.
in turn, as if
manner there is
it
the one party rule and the others are ruled
they were no longer the same persons. is a variety in the offices held by them.
evident that a city
which some persons greatest
good of
8
Again, of the
and that what
;
in
is
in
state
is
clearly not
said to be the
destruction
;
but
which preserves them
that
another point of view,
is
their
reality
good of things must be
surely the
Hence
not by nature one in that sense
is
affirm
cities
In like
this
3 .
extreme unification
good for a family is more selfand a city than a family, and ;
sufficing than an individual,
a city only
enough
comes
into being
when
the
community
If then self-sufficiency
to be self-sufficing.
desired, the lesser degree of unity is
more
is
is
large to be
desirable than the
greater.
3
But, even supposing that 1
Cp.
PI.
Rep.
it
were best for the community to 2
i.
345-6.
Cp.
Cp.
Pi.
Rep.
i.
352.
i.
12.
2;
iii.
17.
4.
False Conception of ;
i
57
Unity
have the greatest degree of unity, this unity is by no means II. 3 indicated by the fact of all men saying "mine" and "not mine" at the same instant of time, which, according to Socrates
word
is
vidual says
ambiguous.
mine
and
each
degree accomplished own son and his own wife, ;
that belongs to him.
;
it is
all
all
puzzles.
all
[i.
e.
or if the
;
way
in
but not
words
which
There
In like man- 3
each.
as belonging to them, is
an obvious fallacy odd,
both,
in
sense in which each does so impracticable
not the
wives and children in
may be a
fine
in
even,
argument becomes a source of persons call the same thing mine
ambiguous, and
That
is
their
some other words,
like
:
some
in
will call the
would be described
not severally but collectively. the term
may be
same person his and so of his property and of all
who had
they would say
ner their property
man
This, however,
people would speak
the 2
If the meaning be that every indi not mine at the same time, then
perhaps the result at which Socrates aims
common
For
the sign of perfect unity in a state.
is
*,
all
logical in the
thing, but
it
is
are taken in the other sense
the sense which distinguishes
all
from
each
],
such
no way conduces to harmony. And there is 4 unity another objection to the proposal. For that which is common a
in
number has the least care bestowed upon it. thinks one chiefly of his own, hardly at all of the Every common interest ; and only when he is himself concerned as
to the greatest
an individual. ,
more inclined fulfil
;
a few.
For
as in families
Each
besides other considerations, everybody
is
which he expects another
to
to neglect the duty
many
citizen will
attendants are often less useful than
have a thousand sons
who
will not 5
be his sons individually, but anybody will be equally the son 1
PI.
Rep.
v.
462
c.
Plato s Republic:
5-8
II.
3 of anybody, and a
therefore
will
be
neglected by
all
alike.
Further, upon principle, every one will call another mine or not mine according as he is prosperous or the this
reverse
however small a
;
fraction he
be of the whole
may
number, he will say of every individual of the thousand, or whatever be the number of the city, such a one is mine, such a one his tive
for
;
is
it
;
and even about
child, or whether, if
6
But which
is
he
this
will
one came into existence, to be able to say
better
it
mine
one of the two thousand or the ten thousand
7
use the
word
sense
For
?
his son
whom
mine
the ordinary and
in
usually the
not be posi
know who chanced
impossible to
about every citizens, or to
more
restricted
by one man brother or cousin or kinsman
same person
another calls his
to have a
has survived.
is
called
or blood-relation or connexion by marriage either of himself
or of
some
relation
of
his,
and these relationships he
distin
guishes from the tie which binds him to his tribe or ward and how much better is it to be the real cousin of somebody ;
Plato s fashion Nor is there any brothers and of children and fathers and preventing way mothers from sometimes recognizing one another ; for chil
8 than to be a son after
!
dren are born like their parents, and they will necessarily be 9 finding indications of their relationship to one another.
Geo
they say that in Upper graphers declare such to be the fact Libya, where the women are common, nevertheless the chil ;
dren
who
are born are assigned to their respective fathers
the ground of their likeness
females of other animals
J .
for
And
some women,
on
like the
example mares and cows
have a strong tendency to produce offspring resembling their
1
Cp. Herod,
iv.
180.
Community of Women and Children was the case with the Pharsalian mare
as
parents,
$"9
called II.
Dicaea (the Just) 1 Other evils, against which
3
.
it is not easy for the authors of such a community to guard, will be assaults and homicides,
voluntary as well
quarrels and
as involuntary,
slanders,
4
all
most unholy acts when committed against fathers and mothers and near relations, but not equally unholy when which
there
are
is
no
Moreover, they are much more
relationship.
unknown, and, when they expiations of them cannot
likely to occur if the relationship is
have
occurred, the customary
be made.
Again,
having made
the
how
it
strange
is
that Socrates, after
common, should
children
2
hinder lovers
from carnal intercourse only, but should permit familiarities between father and son or between brother and brother, than
which
nothing
more unseemly,
be
can
without them, love of this sort too, to forbid intercourse for
is
even
since
How
improper.
strange, 3
no other reason than the violence
of the pleasure, as though the relationship of father and son or of brothers with one another made no difference.
community of wives and children seems better husbandmen than to the guardians, for if they
This
4,
suited to the
have wives and children
in
common, they
will
)
be bound 1262 b
one another by weaker ties, as a subject class should be, and they will remain obedient and not rebel 2 In a word, the result of such a law would be just the opposite of that which to
.
good laws ought to have, and the in
making these regulations about
defeat
itself.
of states
3
of Socrates
children
would
believe to be the greatest
good friendship and the preservative of them against revolutions ; 1
Cp.
we
For
intention
women and
vii.
Cp. Hist. Anim.
10.
vii.
6, p. *
13.
586
a.
13.
Cp. N. Eth.
viii. I.
4.
5
6o II.
4
Plato
neither
the
Republic:
which Socrates so
there anything
is
s
which he and
unity of the state
all
greatly lauds as
the world declare
But the unity which he com by friendship. would be like that of the lovers in the Sympo
to be created
mends sium
2 ,
who,
as Aristophanes says, desire to
excess
the
in 7
*
their
"of
affection,
and from
grow
together
being two
to
become one, in which case one or both would certainly Whereas [the very opposite will really happen ;] in perish. having women and children common, love will be watery; and the father will certainly not say my son, or the son As a little sweet wine mingled with my father a great deal of water is imperceptible in the mixture, so, a state
8
V
in
sort of
this
community, the idea of relationship which
based upon these names will be lost ; there is no reason why the so-called father should care about the son, or is
the 9
Of
two
the
father,
which
qualities
a thing
that f
about
son the
is
or brothers
chiefly inspire regard
your own and
can exist in such a state as
about
that
one another.
and
you love
affection
it
neither
this.
Again, the transfer of children as soon as they are born from the rank of husbandmen or of artisans to that of guardians, and from the rank of guardians into a lower rank will be
very difficult to arrange
cannot but
whom.
10 to
assaults,
know whom
And
,
the givers or transferrers
they are giving and transferring, and mentioned evils, such as
the previously
homicides, will happen more often
unlawful loves,
amongst those
;
4
who
are
transferred
to
the lower
classes,
who
have a place assigned to them among the guardians for they will no longer call the members of any other class
or
1
Cp.
;
c.
2.
a
Symp. 189-193. 4
Rep.
iii.
415.
3
Cp.
c. 3.
6\
Community of Property and children, and
brothers,
and mothers, and
fathers,
will II.
4
not, therefore, be afraid of committing any crimes by reason of consanguinity. Touching the community of wives and
children, let this be our conclusion.
Next
let
us consider what should be our arrangements 5
about property their
be
should the citizens of the perfect state have This question may in common or not ?
:
possessions
separately from
discussed
Even supposing
and children. belong
that the
to individuals, according to the
present universal,
may
using possessions in
women and
2
women
the enactments about
children 1268 a
custom which
is
at
there not be an advantage in having and
common
Three cases
?
are possible
:
may be appropriated, but the produce may be thrown for consumption into the common stock; and this is (l) the
soil
some
practice of
the
divided
among
common
of
barbarians.
Or
nations.
common, and may be cultivated
in
(2),
the
common,
individuals for their private use
property which
Or
(3), the soil
is
to
said
soil
may be
but the produce this is a
;
exist
among
form
certain
and the produce may be
alike
common.
When
the husbandmen are not the citizens, the case will 3
be different and easier to deal with
;
but
when
the citizens
till
the ground themselves the question of ownership will give a
If they do not share equally in enjoyments
world of trouble.
and
toils,
who labour much and get little will necessarily those who labour little and receive or consume
complain of
much. There having
things
common an the
>.
those
is
always a in
property.
difficulty in
common,
The
but
men
living together
especially
in
and 4
their having
partnerships of fellow-travellers are
for they generally fall out by example to the point way and quarrel about any trifle which turns up. So ;
|
6z
Plato s Republic :
II. 5 with servants
we
:
whom we
with
are
most
take offence at those
to
liable
most frequently come
contact in daily
into
life.
5
These
some of the disadvantages which attend of community property ; the present arrangement, if im it be by good customs and laws, would be as might proved far better, and would have the advantages of both systems. are only
the
i
<{
Property should be general interest
men
*,
his
own
things
ordered
And
business.
common,
V
yet
Even now
showing that
7 be carried further.
among
as a
but,
a
distinct
the good, and in
as the proverb says,
Friends,
will
have
For, although every
some things he
friends, while of others
all
of such a
are traces
not impracticable, but, in well-
is
it
there
already to a certain extent and
states, exists
property,
sense
every one has
progress, because every one will be attending
respect of use,
principle,
when
for,
;
not complain of one another, and they
will
common
certain
a
in
private
make more
will
to
rule,
will place
at
man
may own
has his
the disposal of his
The
he shares the use with them.
Lacedaemonians, for example, use one another s slaves, and horses and dogs, as if they were their own ; and when they happen to be
in
the
they appropriate in the fields
country,
8 whatever provisions they want.
It is clearly better that property
should be private, but the use of business of the legislator disposition.
1263 b
when is
a
a
man
Again, feels a
feeling
1
it
common and men this ;
create in
how immeasurably greater is thing to be his own for the ;
implanted
9 although selfishness
is to
is
by
nature
and
rightly censured
Cp. Rep.
ii.
374. 3
Cp. N. Eth.
ix. S.
benevolent
the pleasure, love of self
not given this,
;
2
the special
however,
Cp. Rep.
6.
in
iv.
424
3
vain, is
A.
not
63
Community of Property the mere love of
self,
the miser s love of
but the love of self in
money
;
for
money, and other such objects there
man has
a
excessive
it
is
property.
any
of property l
state.
Two"
;
lost
by 10 are
virtues
matter
liberality in the
example
all
of
things in liberality
:
ofj
common,
or
which
do any is
made
.
;
men
believe that
may have
denouncing
a
readily listen to
specious it,
and are
appearance of easily induced
some wonderful manner
in
become everybody heard
II. 5
further,
temperance towards women abstain from another s wife
secondly,
set an
is
advantage
for liberality consists in the use
legislation
benevolence to
first,
when men have
one,
longer
liberal action
Such
:
an honourable action to
No
The
of the
unification
for temperance sake);
will
love
which can only be rendered
private property.
annihilated in such a state (for
like
men
And
in a measure.
friends or guests or companions,
the
excess, all,
the greatest pleasure in doing a kindness or service to
is
when
or almost
all,
s
everybody will 2 is friend, especially when some one
the
evils
now
existing
in states,
iji :
.
suits
about contracts, convictions for perjury, flatteries of rich men and the like, which are said to arise out of the possession of private property. different cause
These
\
however, are due to a very ia the wickedness of human nature. Indeed, evils,
we see that there is much more quarrelling among those who have all things in common, though there are not many of them when compared with the vast numbers who have
.
private property.
Again, we ought to reckon, not only the evils from which the citizens will be saved, but also the advantages which they will lose. The life which they are to lead appears 1
Cp. N. Eth.
iv. i.
I.
a
Rep.
v.
464, 465.
13
64 5
II.
^
;
\v y
I*
I
to
Plato
s
Republic:
The
be quite impracticable.
Unity there should but in
some
a state
may
be,
from which he
starts.
both of the family and of the
For
respects only. attain
must be
error of Socrates
attributed to the false notion of unity
there
is
a point at
state,
which
such a degree of unity as to be no longer a without actually ceasing to exist, it will
state, or at which,
become an
inferior state, like harmony passing into unison, has been The which reduced to a single foot. rhythm a as I was is a should be which state, saying, plurality
15 or
,
made
united and is
into a
community by education
;
strange that the author of a system of education,
and
it
which
he thinks will make the
state virtuous, should expect to by regulations of this sort, and not by philosophy or by customs and laws, like those which and Crete respecting common meals, whereprevail at Sparta
improve his
1264
a
by the
1
6
common.
citizens
legislator
has [to a certain degree] made property that we should not disregard the
Let us remember
experience of ages
;
in the multitude
of years these things,
if
for they were good, would certainly not have been unknown almost everything has been found out, although sometimes do not use the they are not put together ; in other cases men ;
17
knowledge which they have. Great light would be thrown on we could see such a form of government in the for the legislator could not actual process of construction this subject if
;
form a
state at all
without distributing and dividing the citizens
into associations for tribes.
But
agriculture to
all
common
this
meals, and into phratries and
legislation
the guardians,
ends
only
a prohibition
in
forbidding
which the Lace
daemonians try to enforce already. 1
8
Again, Socrates has not 1
said,
Cp.c.
2.
nor 2.
is
it
easy to decide,
Miscellaneous Criticisms what
such a community
in
The
state.
citizens
and about them
have his
be
have
things in
all
what
or
been
has
determined
are
:
the
have their property in common ? Or, land which he tills, is each individual
common own ? and individual or common ?
besides the to
be the general form of the II. 5
will
are not guardians are the majority,
nothing
too, to
husbandmen,
who
65
are
their
and children to
wives
If, like the guardians, they are to 19
common,
will
what do they
in
differ
from them,
submitting to their
they gain by government ? Or, upon what principle would they submit, unless indeed the governing class adopt the ingenious policy of the Cretans,
who
the same institutions as their own, them gymnastic exercises and the possession of
give their slaves
but forbid
arms.
on the other hand, the inferior classes are too of marriage and property, what will
If,
2o
like other cities in respect
be the form of the community ? Must states in one *, each hostile to the other
of the
consist
guardians,
who
a
are
it
not contain two 2
?
sort
One
class will
of watchmen
;
another, of the husbandmen, and there will be the artisans and
the evils
2
But
[if so]
which Socrates
affirms
the other citizens
exist equally
.
among them.
good an education, the
the suits and quarrels, and all 21 to exist in other states, will
8
He
says indeed that, having so
citizens will not
need many laws, for
4 example, laws about the city or about the markets ; but then he confines his education to the guardians. Again, he makes 33
husbandmen owners of the land upon condition of their paying a tribute *. But in that case they are likely to be much the
1
Cp. Rep.
iv.
422
E.
Or (with Bernays), He makes the guardians into a mere occupying while the husbandmen and artisans and the rest are the real garrison, a
citizens *
;
Rep. DAVIS
see note. v.
464, 465.
*
Rep.
iv.
F
425
D.
Rep.
v.
464
c.
66 II. 5
Plato
more unmanageable
s
and
Republic: than
conceited
the
or
Helots,
And
]
whether community of wives and property be necessary for the lower equally with the higher class or not, and the questions akin to this, or slaves in general
23 Penestae,
what the is
.
will be the education, form of government, laws of lower class, Socrates has nowhere determined neither easy, though very important, to discover what should :
it
be the character of the inferior classes, the guardians 1264 b 24
Again,
is to
private
house
common
life
of
will 2
see to
the
what
will
And
retains
who
fields, but
the happen have both their property and their wives it is absurd to argue, from Once more
the
to
agricultural
?
if
class
common 2
in
men
property, the
will see
the
women common, and
Socrates makes the
if
if
be maintained.
?
;
analogy of the animals, that men and women should 3 for animals have not to manage follow the same pursuits
the
;
The
household.
government, too, as constituted by Socrates, contains elements of danger ; for he makes the same
25 a
I
26
And
persons always rule.
among
spirited
warriors
God
But
?
that
must be the same
rulers
mingles
if
this
the meaner sort,
turbance
is
in the souls
is
often a cause of dis
how much more among
the persons
evident
of men
;
is
whom
he
high-
makes
which the
for the gold
not at one time given to
one, at another time to another, but always to the
same
:
as
he says, God mingles gold in some, and silver in others, from their very birth but brass and iron in those who are 27 meant to be artisans and husbandmen Again, he deprives the guardians of happiness, and says that the legislator ought ;
V
make
to 1
8
Cp.
the whole
2
2.
c. 9.
Cp. Rep.
state
v.
451
D.
*
6
happy
But the whole cannot
.
These words
Cp. Rep.
iii.
are bracketed
415
A.
5
Rep.
by Bekker. iv.
419, 420.
Criticisms
6j
be happy unless most, or all, or some of its parts enjoy II. 5 1 In this respect happiness is not like the even happiness .
numbers, which may exist only none of the parts ; not so happiness.
principle
but
in
common
discourses
has
people. all
the whole,
And
who are ? Surely not the The Republic of which
guardians are not happy, or the
in
in
these
difficulties,
and
others
if the 28
artisans,
Socrates quite
as
great.
The later
same, or nearly the same, objections apply to Plato
s
6
Laws, and therefore we had better examine In the the constitution which is therein described.
work, the
briefly
Republic, Socrates has definitely settled in
a
all
few questions
only; such as the community of women and children, the community of property, and the constitution of the state.
The
population
is
divided into two classes
men, and the other of warriors a third class of counsellors and
;
from rulers
one of husband-
this
is
taken
state.
But
latter
of the
2
3
Socrates has not determined whether the husbandmen and artisans are to have a share in the government,
they,
too,
are to carry
He
arms and share
in
and whether
military service,
women ought to share of the guardians, and to fight by their side. The remainder of the work is filled up with digressions foreign to the main subject, and with discussions about the
or not.
certainly thinks that the
in the education
education of the guardians.
anything but laws
;
not
In
much
is
the
Laws
there
is
hardly
said about the constitution.
1265 a "*
This, which he had intended to make more of the ordinary the other or ideal form. type, he gradually brings round to
For with property,
the exception of the community of women and he supposes everything to be the same in both 1
Cp.
vii.
9.
F 2
7.
5
6% II.
6
Plato s
states
there
;
both are to
from
live free
common
be
be the same education
to
is
meals
Laws: the citizens of
;
and there are to
servile occupations,
The
in both.
only difference
that in the
is
1 and Laws, the common meals are extended to women 2 the warriors number about 5000 but in the Republic only IOOO 3 ,
,
.
6
The
discourses of Socrates are never commonplace
always exhibit grace and originality and thought tion in everything can hardly be expected.
;
We
overlook the fact that the number of
5000
;
they
but perfec
must not
citizens, just
now
mentioned, will require a territory as large as Babylonia, or some other huge country, if so many persons are to be sup ported in idleness, together with their women and attendants, 7
who
be a multitude
will
an ideal]
many times we may assume what we
as great.
[In framing wish, but should avoid
4
impossibilities It is said
.
the
[in
his eye directed to
But neighbouring him 6 if the state ,
that the legislator ought to have
the people and the country 5 countries also must not be forgotten by points,
for
which he
For
.
legislates is to
have a true
must have such a military force as will be serviceable against her neighbours, and not merely useful at home. Even if the life of action is not admitted to life
political
8
7
Laws]
two
.
a state
be the best, either for individuals or states
8 ,
still
a city should
be formidable to enemies, whether invading or retreating. There is another point Should not the amount of pro be defined in some clearer perty way ? For Socrates says :
1
s
*
Laws,
Rep.
vi. iv.
Cp.
vii. 4.
Cp.
c. 7.
6
2
781.
423 A (but
see note 6
2. 7
14.
on
Laws,
v.
737
E.
this passage).
Perhaps Laws, 703-707 and 747 D (?). 8 vii. 6. Cp. vii. c. 2 and 3. 7.
Cp.
Criticisms
man should have
that a
to live temperately
well
But
this
;
a
much
so
\ which
only a
is
6y
property as will enable
way of
would be the higher or more general conception. better 9 live temperately and yet miserably.
A
man may
definition
him II. 6
to live
saying
would be
as will enable
him
that a
man must have
much
so
property
to live not only temperately but liberally
2 ;
combine with luxury toil be associated with temperance. For liberality and tem
two
if the
will
are parted, liberality will
perance are the only virtues
of property.
A
3
;
which have
man cannot
courage, but temperately and liberally he
the practice of these virtues
There
do with the use
to
use property with mildness or
may
;
and therefore
inseparable from
is
property.
an inconsistency, too, in equalizing the property and 10 * not regulating the number of the citizens ; the population is to remain unlimited, and he thinks that it will be sufficiently is
equalized by a certain number of marriages being unfruitful, however many are born to others, because he finds this to be 1265 b But [in Plato s imaginary state] n the case in existing states. greater care will be required than
whatever
now
;
for
among
be the number of citizens, the property
may distributed among them, and
therefore no one
is in
ourselves, is
always
want ;
but,
were incapable of division [as in the Laws], the supernumeraries, whether few or many, would get nothing. if the property
One would have
thought that
limit population than property;
it
was even more necessary
and that the
to
1
2
limit should be
fixed by calculating the chances of mortality in the children,
and of ject, 1
sterility
which
in
married persons.
in existing states is so
The
neglect of this sub- 13
common,
is
"
a never-failing
i. v. 737 D. Cp. vii. 5. and reading apfrai with the MSS., or, reading with Omitting * But see Laws, v. 740. Bekk. ttts alptrai, eligible qualities. 3
Laws,
fs
3
6 cause of poverty among
II.
the citizens
one of the most ancient
and the number of
hereafter
us
been of different sizes
principle
but in in our
be explained
.
is
how
Laws
another omission in the
Socrates does not
;
the rulers differ from their subjects
that they should be related as the 15 are
;
What
maintained.
is
1
There tell
the parent
thought that the families
the right arrangement will have to
is
is
ought to remain the same, although
may have
Laws, the opposite
opinion
legislators,
citizens
originally all the lots
and poverty
;
Pheidon the Corinthian, who was
of revolution and crime.
14 the
Laws:
Plato s
7o
made out of
wools
different
whole property may be increased
;
he only says
warp and the woof, which
He
2 .
fivefold
allows that a 3 ,
his land also increase to a certain extent
but
why
man
s
should not
Again, will the
?
good management of a household be promoted by his arrange ment of homesteads ? for he assigns to each individual two 1
6 homesteads in separate places
4
and
,
it is
difficult to live in
two
houses.
The whole
system of government tends to be neither demo nor cracy oligarchy, but something in a mean between them, usually called a polity, and
which
is
armed
soldiers.
which would
Now,
Cp.
first
Lacedaemonian,
tocratic government.
vii.
5.
i
;
states,
he was very
he meant to say that this constitutional
form came nearest to his
1
number of
suit the greatest
likely right, but not if
17 prefer the
is composed of the heavy he intended to frame a constitution
if
Some, ii
10.
or ideal state
or, possibly,
;
;
for
many would
some other more
aris
indeed, say that the best consti16.
15
;
but the promise
is
hardly
fulfilled. a
A.
Laws,
v.
734
Laws,
v.
745, but cp. infra,
1
E,
735
3 vii.
10.
II.
Laws,
v.
744
E.
The Form of Government tution is a combination 1
Lacedaemonian
of
because
71
existing forms, and they praise the II.
all
it is
made up of
oligarchy, monarchy,
democracy, the king forming the monarchy, and the council of elders
the
element
while the democratic
oligarchy,
represented by the Ephors
for the
;
Ephors
are selected
is
from
however, declare the Ephoralty to be a tyranny, and find the element of democracy in the common In the Law 2 , it is meals and in the habits of daily life. the people.
Others,
maintained that the best state tyranny,
which
worst of
many forms
is
which
better
The
more numerous elements.
Laws
all,
or are the
who combine
are nearer the truth
for the state
;
made up of democracy and
are either not constitutions at
But they
all.
is
"
made up of
is
.
(
j
constitution proposed in the
has no element of monarchy at
all
;
it
is
nothing but
This oligarchy and democracy, leaning rather to oligarchy. s for is seen in the mode of although appointing magistrates
19
;
among those who have
the appointment of them by lot from
been already selected combines both elements, the way in * which the rich are compelled by law to attend the assembly
and vote for magistrates or discharge other political duties, while the rest may do as they like, and the endeavour to have
number of the magistrates appointed out of the and the highest officers selected from those
the greater
richest classes
who have
the greatest incomes, both these are
features.
The
oligarchical
choice of the council
6 ;
for
principle all
oligarchical 20 also
prevails
in
the compulsion extends only to the choice out of the 1
a
Cp.
iv.
3 * 8
7
;
4
7.
;
9.
Laws,
vi.
755, 763 E, 765.
Laws,
vi.
764 A
Laws,
vi.
756 B-E.
;
and Pol.
7-9-
iv. 9.
the
are compelled to choose, but
2
;
14.
vi -
75 6 E 12.
;
C P- iv - 7
first
1(5-
P/afo
72 6
II.
class,
Laws:
j
and of an equal number out of the second class and out
of the third
class, but
not
in this latter case to all the voters
of the third and forth class out of the fourth class
l
is
Then, he says
21 second.
number of each
and the selection of candidates
;
only compulsory on the first and there ought to be an equal
that
Thus
class selected.
a preponderance will
who
be given to the better sort of people,
have the larger
many of the lower classes, not being compelled, will not vote. These considerations, and others which will be adduced when the time comes for examining similar
incomes, because 22
polities,
tend to
show
that states like Plato s should not be
There
composed of democracy and monarchy. in
danger
the
electing
themselves elected
for, if
;
which
is
a
who are number choose to com
but a small
bine, the elections will always go as they desire.
constitution
also
is
magistrates out of a body
described
in
the
Such
is
the
Laws.
Other constitutions have been proposed ; some by private others by philosophers and statesmen, which all
7
persons,
come nearer Plato
to
No
s.
community of women and 2
other
ones than either of
established or existing
one else has introduced such novelties as the
legislators
begin
children, or public tables for
with
what
is
necessary.
opinion of some, the regulation of property I
,
3
1266
of
all,
that being the question
upon which
is
all
women In
:
the
the chief point
revolutions turn.
This danger was recognized by Phaleas of Chalcedon, who was the first to affirm that the citizens of a state ought to have equal possessions.
b equalization
easily
when
the shortest 1
He
thought that
in
a
might be accomplished without a
state
was already established
new colony
the
difficulty, not so ;
and that then
way of compassing the desired end would be for
Omitting either rov rtraprov or rav rtrdprttiv,
Phaleas
73
Equality of Properly
the rich to give and not to receive marriage portions, and for II. 7 the poor not to give but to receive them.
Plato in the Laws was of opinion that, to a certain extent, 4 accumulation should be allowed, forbidding, as I have already observed \ any citizen to possess more than five times the
minimum
But those who make such laws should
qualification.
remember what they are apt to forget who fixes the amount of property should of children
;
for, if
the children are too
the law must be broken. law,
it
is
a
become poor
;
on
also fix the
many
for the property,
the equalization of property exercises an 6
was
clearly understood even
Laws were made by
legislators.
others prohibiting an individual from possessing as ;
and there are other laws
the sale of property is
i
I
besides the violation of the
And,
political society
some of the old as he pleased
number
5
bad thing that many from being rich should for men of ruined fortunes are sure to stir up
That
revolutions.
influence
that the legislator
a law that a
man
:
among is
the original lots.
Such
land
his property unless he can
sell
some misfortune has
Again, there have been laws
much
which forbid
in states
the Locrians, for example, there
not to
prove unmistakably that
by Solon and
befallen him. 7
which enjoin the preservation of
a law existed in the island of Leucas,
and the abrogation of it made the constitution too democratic, for the rulers no longer had the prescribed qualification. Again, where there
is
amount may
equality of property, the
be either too large or too small, and the possessor may be Clearly, then, the legis living either in luxury or penury. lator ought not only to aim at the equalization of properties, 8 but at moderation in their amount. this
moderate amount equally to 1
c.
6.
all,
15.
And he
yet, if
will be
he prescribe
no nearer the
74 II.
7 mark t
Phaleas^ ;
which
for
it
is
not the possessions but the desires of mankind
require to be equalized
l ,
and
this is impossible, unless
But Phaleas by the state. and precisely what he means
a sufficient education is provided will probably reply that this is that, in his opinion, there
9 property, but equal education. will be the
men
Still
all, if
not only equal
in states,
he should
character of his education
having one and the same for 10 poses
;
ought to be
it is
;
there
tell
us
what
no use
is
in
of a sort that predis-
to avarice, or ambition, or both.
Moreover,
civil
troubles arise, not only out of the inequality of property, but
out of the inequality of honour, though in opposite ways. 1267 a the
For
common people
quarrel about the inequality of property, the higher class about the equality of honour ; as the poet says
The bad and good There
1 1
are crimes of
alike in
honour share
which the motive
is
want
V ;
and for
these Phaleas expects to find a cure in the equalization of property, which will take away from a man the temptation to 12
be a highwayman, because he is hungry or cold. But want not the sole incentive to crime ; men desire to gratify some
is
passion which preys upon them, or they are eager to enjoy the pleasures which are unaccompanied with the pain of desire, and therefore they commit crimes. Now what is the cure of these three disorders ? Of the first,
moderate possessions and occupation; of the second, habits of temperance ; as to the third, if any desire pleasures which depend on themselves, they will find the satisfaction of their desires 13
we
nowhere but
are dependent
in
philosophy
on others.
The
;
for
all
other pleasures
fact is that the greatest
crimes are caused by excess and not by necessity. 1
Cp.
c. 5.
12.
a
II.
ix.
Men 319.
do
Errors and Omissions
His
not become tyrants in order that they
may
75
not suffer cold
;
II. 7
and hence great is the honour bestowed, not on him who kills Thus we see that the a thief, but on him who kills a tyrant. of Phaleas
avail only against petty crimes. another objection to them. They are chiefly But the state. the internal welfare of to designed promote
institutions
There
is
the legislator should consider also
and to
nations,
all
who
must be organized with a view he has said not a word.
this
perty
:
its relation
are outside of
l
it
.
to neighbouring
The government
to military strength
And
M
;
and of
so with respect to pro- 15
there should not only be enough to supply the internal
wants of the
state,
but also to meet dangers coming from
The
property of the state should not be so large that more powerful neighbours may be tempted by it, while the owners are unable to repel the invaders ; nor yet so small without.
that the state is unable to maintain a
war even
against states
Phaleas has not iG of equal power, and of the same character. 2 that a cer laid down any rule ; and we should bear in mind tain
amount of wealth
2
is
The
an advantage.
best limit will
probably be, not so much as will tempt a more powerful neigh There bour, or make it his interest to go to war with you. a story that Eubulus,
is
besiege Atarneus, told tion
would
take,
when Autophradates was going
him
to
consider
how
i
7
to
long the opera
and then reckon up the cost which would
be incurred in the time.
For,
said he,
I
am
willing for
These sum than that to leave Atarneus at once. on words of Eubulus made an impression Autophradates, and a smaller
he desisted from the
One that 1
it
Cp.
siege.
advantage gained by the equalization of property prevents the citizens from quarrelling. c.
6.
2
7.
Or reading
o TI,
Not
is
that the
what amount of wealth.
18
Phaleas and Hippodamus
76 II. 7 gain
this direction is very great.
in
they do not due; and this is
dissatisfied because
they think their j
9
of sedition and revolution
.
will be
which
often found to be a cause
And
J
For the nobles
receive the honours
mankind
the avarice of
one time two obols was pay enough, but now, when this sum has become customary, men always want more and more without end ; for it is of the nature insatiable
is
at
;
of desire not to be the gratification of o
much
to
2
The
more
that
;
is
to
and
to say, they
train
to
2
only for not so
is
the nobler sort of
prevent the lower from
must be kept down, but not
Besides, the equalization proposed by Phaleas
at illtreated.
is
he only equalizes land, whereas a man may be slaves, and cattle, and money, and in the abun
for
imperfect; rich also in
dance of what are called his movables.
22
live
beginning of reform
property as
equalize
natures not to desire more, getting
and most men
satisfied,
it.
Now
either
all
these
things must be equalized, or some limit must be imposed on It would appear that them, or they must all be let alone.
is legislating for a small city only, if, as he supposes, the artisans are to be public slaves and not to form a part But if there is a law that 23 of the population of the city.
Phaleas all
artisans are to be public slaves,
it
should only apply to those
8 as at Epidamnus, or engaged on public works the plan which Diophantus once introduced. ,
From
these observations any one
was wrong or
8
may judge how
1
Cp.
Athens on
far
Phaleas
right in his ideas.
Hippodamus, the son of Euryphon, a
2
at
native of Miletus, the
10.
Or, reading with Bernays
3
Putting
a
comma
after
a/trj,
eircu
remedy for such evils. and removing the comma
the
after
His
Hippodamus
same who invented the laid out the Piraeus
him
led
tinction
Constitution
art
of planning
a
made some think him
cities,
and who also II. 8
whose fondness
a strange man,
into
and Laws 77
of
general eccentricity
affected (for he
for dis
life,
which
would wear flowing
hair
and expensive ornaments and yet he dressed himself in the same cheap warm garment both in winter and summer) he, ;
;
besides aspiring to be an adept in the knowledge of nature,
was the
first
person not a statesman
who made
enquiries about
the best form of government.
The
city
of Hippodamus was composed of 10,000 citizens one of artisans, one of husbandmen,
2
divided into three parts
and a third of armed defenders of the
He
state.
also divided 3
the land into three parts, one sacred, one public, the third : the first was set apart to maintain the customary worship of the gods, the second was to support the warriors, He also 4 the third was the property of the husbandmen.
private
divided his laws into three classes, and no more, for he main there
tained
that
injury,
and homicide.
are
three
He
subjects
of
lawsuits
insult,
likewise instituted a single final
which all causes seeming to have been decided might be referred ; this court he formed improperly He was further of opinion 1268 of elders chosen for the purpose. court of appeal, to
that the decisions of the courts ought not to be given
5 by the
use of a voting pebble, but that every one should have a tablet
on which he might not only write a simple condemnation, or leave the tablet blank for a simple acquittal but, if he partly ;
acquitted and partly condemned, he
To
was
to distinguish accord
the existing law he objected that it obliged the be guilty of perjury, whichever way they voted. judges to He also enacted that those who discovered anything for the 6 good of the state should be rewarded ; and he provided that ingly.
a
78 II.
8
His
Hippodamus
the children of citizens tained
at
who
died
the public expense, as
Confusions
in
battle
should be main
such an enactment had
if
never been heard of before, yet it actually exists at Athens l As to the magistrates, he would have 7 and in other places. them all elected by the people, that is, by the three classes already mentioned, and those
who were
elected were to watch
over the interests of the public, of strangers and of orphans. These are the most striking points in the constitution of
There
Hippodamus.
The
is
not
much
else.
of these proposals to which objection may be division of the citizens. is the threefold The artisans, 8 taken, and the husbandmen, and the warriors, all have a share in the first
But the husbandmen have no arms, and the arms nor land, and therefore they become all
government.
artisans neither
That they should share in an impossibility ; for generals and guardians of the citizens, and nearly all the principal magistrates, must
9 but slaves of the warrior class. all
the offices
is
be taken from the class of those
who
two other classes have no share
government, how can be said that those who have
they be loyal citizens
It
?
may
carry arms.
Yet,
arms must necessarily be masters of both the other
;
the
classes,
not so easily accomplished unless they are numer and if they are, why should the other classes share in the
but this ic ous
if
in the
is
at
government
all,
or have power to appoint
Artisans there must be, for these are wanted
and they can
bandmen,
live
by
their craft, as elsewhere
magistrates in
;
every
?
city,
and the hus
too, if they really provided the warriors with food,
But in the have a share in the government. to have of are land of republic supposed Hippodamus they might their
fairly
own,
which
they 1
cultivate
Cp. Thuc.
ii.
for c.
46.
their
private
benefit.
Courts of Again, as to this
Law:
common
Inventions
79
land out of which the soldiers are II.
maintained, if they are themselves to be the cultivators of it, the warrior class will be identical with the husbandmen,
make
although the legislator intended to
them.
a distinction
between
there are to be other cultivators distinct
again,
If,
8
1 1
who have land of their own, and from the warriors, they will make a fourth class, which has no place in the state and no share in anything. Or, if the same persons are to cultivate their own lands and those of the both from the husbandmen,
12
well, they will have a difficulty in supplying the of and 1268 b quantity produce which will maintain two households be in this should there for case, why, any division, they
public as
:
might find food themselves and give to the warriors from the same lots ? There is surely a great confusion in all this. Neither
is
the law to be
when a simple
judges,
issue
commended which is
laid before
tinguish in their judgment; for the judge
an
into
arbitrator.
Now,
in
an
says that the 13
them, should dis is
thus converted
arbitration,
although the
many, they confer with one another about the but in courts of decision, and therefore they can distinguish law this is impossible, and, indeed, most legislators take pains arbitrators are
;
to prevent the judges
one another.
Again,
from holding any communication with will there not be confusion if the
thinks that damages should be given, but not so suitor
demands
?
He
asks, say,
much
for twenty minae,
judge 14 as the
and the
judge allows him ten minae, or one judge more and another In this way they will go less ; one five, another four minae. on apportioning the damages, and some will grant the whole
and others nothing how is the final reckoning to be taken ? 15 Again, no one who votes for a simple acquittal or condemna :
tion
is
compelled to perjure himself,
if
the indictment
is
quite
8o
Should
Laws
be
Changed?
for the judge who acquits does not decide that the defendant owes nothing, but that he does not
II. 8 simple and in right form
owe
;
He
the twenty minae.
is
only
who
guilty of perjury
thinks that the defendant ought not to pay twenty minae, yet 1
To
6
and
condemns him. reward those
safely
who
discover anything which
is
useful to
proposal which has a specious sound, but cannot be enacted by law, for it may encourage informers, and
the state
is a
This question perhaps even lead to political commotions. It has been doubted whether it is or is not involves another. expedient to make any changes in the laws of a country, even another law be better. Now, if all changes are inexpedient, we can hardly assent to the proposal of Hippodamus for,
17 if
;
under pretence of doing a public service, a man may introduce measures which are really destructive to the laws or to the constitution. iS perhaps
But, since
we had
there saying,
is
better
we
go
have touched upon this subject,
a
little
into detail,
a difference of opinion,
and
it
for,
as
1
was
may sometimes
Such changes in the other desirable to make changes. and sciences have certainly been beneficial medicine, for example, and gymnastic, and every other art and science have
seem arts
;
And, if politics be an art, departed from traditional usage. must be necessary in this as in any other art. The need of improvement is shown by the fact that old customs
19 change
For the ancient exceedingly simple and barbarous. Hellenes went about armed * and bought their wives of each
are
20 other.
The
remains of ancient laws which have come
1269 a to us are quite absurd
;
for example, at
about murder, to the effect that
if
number of witnesses from among 1
Cp. Thucyd.
i.
c.
Cumae
there
is
down a
law
the accuser produce a certain his
own kinsmen,
5 and 6.
the accused
Should Laws be Changed?
81
shall be held Again, men in general desire the good, II. 8 guilty. and not merely what their fathers had. But the primaeval 21 1 inhabitants , whether they were born of the earth, or were
the survivors of some destruction, may be supposed to have been no better than ordinary foolish people among ourselves 1 2 (such is certainly the tradition concerning the earth-born
men)
and
;
it
would be ridiculous
to rest contented with their
Even when laws have been
notions.
ought not always to remain unaltered.
making a
constitution,
precisely set
down
it
written
As
impossible that
is
in writing
all
things should be
must be uni
for enactments
;
concerned with particulars 8 Hence we that sometimes and in certain cases laws may be changed ;
versal, but actions are
infer
but
when we look
great caution lightly is
down, they
other arts, so in 22
in
.
at the
would seem
matter from another point of view, to be required. For the habit of 23
changing the laws is an evil, and, when the advantage some errors both of lawgivers and rulers had better
small,
be
left
;
will lose
the citizen will not gain so
much by
by the habit of disobedience.
arts is false
;
a change in a law
the change as he
The
analogy of the 24
a very different thing from
is
For the law has no power
a change in an art.
to
command
j
obedience except that of habit, which can only be given by time, so that a readiness to change from old to new laws enfeebles the
Even
power of the law.
if
we admit
that the 25
laws are to be changed, are they all to be changed, and in And are they to be changed by anybody who every state ? 1
Or, referring
<5/io/ous
to
"frj-fevtTs,
earth or were the survivors of (o/joj ovs)
than earth-born men,
some
may
whether they were born of the who were no better
destruction,
be supposed to have been ordinary
foolish people. 2 3
Cp. Plato, Laws, Cp. Plato, DAVIS
Polit.
iii.
295
677 A;
Polit.
271 A; Tim. 22
A.
O
c.
82 II.
8
the
Sparta:
likes, or
only by certain persons
questions
Helots;
?
These
are very important
and therefore we had better reserve the discussion
;
of them to a more suitable occasion. In the governments of Lacedaemon and Crete, and indeed governments, two points have to be considered ; first,
9
in all
whether any
|
particular
law
good or bad, when compared
is
with the perfect state ; secondly, whether it is or is not consistent with the idea and character which the lawgiver has set
;!
!
2
before his citizens
That
*.
in a
well-ordered state the citizens
should have leisure and not have to provide for their daily wants is generally acknowledged, but there is a difficulty in seeing slaves,
how
this leisure is to be attained.
they are liable to rebel.]
[For, if you employ Thessalian Penestae
The
have often risen against their masters, and the Helots
manner against the Lacedaemonians,
for
in like
whose misfortunes
3 they are always lying in wait. Nothing, however, of this 1269 b k| n d has as the reason probably yet happened to the Cretans ;
is
that the neighbouring
cities,
even when at war with one
another, never form an alliance with rebellious serfs, rebellions
not being for their interest, since they themselves have a de 2 Whereas all the neighbours of the pendent population .
Lacedaemonians, whether Argives, Messenians, or Arcadians, are their enemies [and the Helots are always revolting to In Thessaly, again, the original revolt of the slaves them]. occurred at a time when the Thessalians were still at war with the
neighbouring Achaeans,
Perrhaebians,
and Magnesians.
4 Besides, if there were no other difficulty, the treatment or
management of
slaves is a troublesome affair
;
for, if
their masters, and, 1
Or
if
not kept
and think that they are as good as harshly treated, they hate and conspire
in hand, they are insolent,
himself (Bernays).
a
Cp.
c. 10.
5.
Women
Licence of the
Now
against them.
clear
is
it
when
that
8 3
these are the re- II.
of a state have not found out the secret of
suits the citizens
i
their subject population.
managing
Again, the licence of the Lacedaemonian women defeats the intention of the Spartan constitution, and is adverse to the
5
For a husband and a wife, being jood order of the state. each a part of every family, the state may be considered as about equally divided into men and women those states in which the condition of the the city
l
may
what has
;
and, therefore, in
women
be regarded as having no laws.
happened
actually
make the whole
at
Sparta
is
bad, half
And
this is 6
the legislator wanted to
;
hardy and temperate, and he has carried the case of the men, but he has neglected
state
out his intention in
women, who live in every sort of intemperance and luxury. The consequence is that in such a state wealth is too highly the
ealued,
the citizens
if
especially
after the
their wives,
manner of
all
7
under the dominion of
fall
warlike races, except the
and a few others who openly approve of male loves. The old mythologer would seem to have been right in uniting 8 Celts
Ares and Aphrodite, for ove either of
men
:he Spartans in the
warlike races are prone to the
all
women. This was exemplified among
or of
days of their greatness
mnaged by their women. But what whether women rule, or the rulers are result is the
same.
ase in daily life,
Even and
is
in
;
many
ruled by
regard to courage,
needed only
things were
difference does
it
which
The
is
of no
in war, the influence
:he
Lacedaemonian women has been most mischievous.
jvil
showed
women
itself in the
Theban
make
?
women
other
invasion,
cities,
when,
1
Cp.
i.
G
13.
2
16.
I
of
The
unlike the
they were utterly useless and caused more confusion than the enemy. This licence of the Lacedaein
9
10
9
84
Sparta: Inequality of Property
9 monian women
II. 1270
a
existed from the earliest times, and
what might be expected. first
daemonians,
;
was
against the Argives, and afterwards again
the Arcadians and Messenians, the
men were
long away from
home, and, on the return of peace, they gave themselves the legislator s a soldier s
life
hand, (in
12
says,
wanted
which there
to bring the
many elements of virtue) when Lycurgus, as traditio
are
But,
women
and he gave up the attempt. for what then happened, and
under his laws, they resisted he, are to blam
They, and not
this defect in the constitution
We
clearly to be attributed to them.
sidering 13
what
is
or
is
infr
already prepared by the discipline o
to receive his enactments. ;
onl
For, during the wars of the Lace
i
are not, however, con
not to be excused, but what
is
right o
and the disorder of the women, as I have already said not only of itself gives an air of indecorum to the state, bu
wrong
;
tends in a measure to foster avarice.
The
mention of avarice naturally suggests a criticism on th While some of the Spartan citizens 14 inequality of property. have quite small properties, others have very large ones ; henc the land has passed into the hands of a few. And here is another fault
laws
in their
;
although the legislator rightlj
for,
holds up to shame the sale or purchase of an inheritance, he 15 allows
anybody who
likes to give
practices lead to the
same
the whole country are held by
number of heiresses and tomary. dowries at
It
and bequeath
result.
women
it.
Yet both
nearly two-fifths
oi
this is
owing to the dowries which are cus
to the large
would surely have been
all, or, if
And ;
better to have given nc
any, but small or moderate ones.
As
the
law now stands, a man may bestow his heiress on any one whom he pleases, and, if he die intestate, the privilege ol 1
6 giving her
away descends
to his
heir.
Hence, although
the
Criticism
of the Ephoralty
85-
1500 cavalry and 30,000 hoplites, II. 9 number of Spartan citizens [at the time of the Theban invasion] fell below 1000. The result proves the able to maintain
is
country
the whole
faulty nature
of their laws respecting property ; for the city the want of men was their ruin. ;
sank under a single defeat
There
is a
tradition that, in the
days of their ancient kings, 17
they were in the habit of giving the rights of citizenship to
and therefore, in spite of their long wars, no lack of indeed, at one time population was experienced by them is said to have numbered not less than 10,000 citizens. Sparta Whether this statement is true or not, it would certainly have strangers,
;
been better to have maintained their numbers by the equaliza tion of property. Again, the law which relates to the pro- 18 creation of children is adverse to the correction of this
For the
inequality.
Spartans as he could, families
;
and there
is
legislator,
wanting
have
to
as
who
sons shall be exempt from military service, and he four
from
all
the burdens of the state.
Yet
it is
there were many children, the land being distributed many of them must necessarily fall into poverty.
The Lacedaemonian in
;
I
constitution is
mean the Ephoralty.
defective
all
in
as
it
is,
another
chosen from the
office is apt to fall into the
hands of very
being badly off, are open to bribes.
poor men, who, have been many examples
has
This magistracy has authority
the highest matters, but the Ephors are
the people, and so
1270 b
obvious that, 19
if
point
many
encouraged the citizens to have large a law at Sparta that the father of three
There
Sparta of this evil in former times ; and quite recently, in the matter of the Andrians, certain of the Ephors who were bribed did their best to ruin at
And so great and tyrannical is their power, that even the kings have been compelled to court them through the state.
;
2}
86 Sparta: Criticism of the Council of Elders; II.
9
their
21
being
the
influence
an
has
constitution
has turned
aristocracy
deteriorated,
into
a
and from
The
democracy.
Ephoralty certainly does keep the state together; for the people are contented when they have a share in the highest office,
and the
whether due
result,
For
22 chance, has been advantageous.
a constitution
the parts of the state must wish that
all
permanent,
the legislator or to
to if
exist and be maintained
1
This
.
is
is to
it
be
should
the case at Sparta, where
the kings desire permanence because they have due honour in
own persons ; the nobles are represented in the council of elders (for the office of elder is a reward of virtue) and
their
;
23 the people in the Ephoralty, for
election of
are eligible to
all
Ephors out of the whole people
is
it.
The
perfectly right,
but ought not to be carried on in the present fashion, which
is
Again, they have the decision of great causes, although they are quite ordinary men. and therefore they should not determine them merely on their own judgment, but accordtoo childish.
Their way of
24 ing to written rules, and to the laws. is
not in
accordance with the
spirit
have a deal too much licence
;
away from the law
in
whereas,
other citizens, the excess of strictness
they run
into
life,
too,
of the constitution
the
is
they the case of the
so intolerable that
secret
indulgence of
sensual pleasures. 25
Again, the council of elders
may
manly
virtue
and
;
state in having
a
not free from defects.
grows old educated
But life
is
It
well trained in
advantage to the
that judges of important causes
not a good thing, for the mind
And when men
as well as the body. in
men and
that, therefore, there is an
them.
should hold office for 1271
is
be said that the elders are good
have been
such a manner that even the legislator himself 1
Cp.
iv. 9.
10
;
v. 9.
5.
Further Criticisms cannot trust them, there
known
are well
in
partiality
is
of the elders II. 9 have been guilty of 2 ^ therefore they ought not to
real danger.
and
to have taken bribes
And
public affairs.
be irresponsible
87
Many
to
;
But
yet at Sparta they are so.
;
may be
(it
All magistracies are accountable to the Ephors. replied), Yes, but this prerogative is too great for them, and we main tain that the control should be exercised in some other manner.
mode
Further, the childish
;
and
in
which the Spartans
improper that
is
it
should canvass for the office; pointed, whether he chooses or clearly indicates the
same
1
elect their elders is 27
the person to be elected
the worthiest should be ap
And
not.
intention
here the legislator 28
which appears
other
in
parts of his constitution ; he would have his citizens ambitious, and he has reckoned upon this quality in the election of the
elders
for
;
no one would ask to be elected
Yet ambition and
avarice, almost
if
he were not.
more than any other
passions,
are the motives of crime.
Whether kings
are or are not an advantage to states, I will 29
consider at another time
2
they should at any rate be chosen,
;
not as they are now, but with regard to their personal
The
life
and
himself obviously did not suppose that he could make them really good men ; at least he shows conduct.
legislator
3
For this reason the Spartans used to join enemies in the same embassy, and the quarrels between the kings were held to be conservative of the state. a great distrust of their virtue.
Neither did the phiditia,
first
regulate
have been provided 1
introducer of the
them
well.
at the
The
public
Reading TO avrov, not rov,
as
common
cost,
as
Bekker, 2nd
in
edit.,
a misprint. 2
Cp.
iii.
14
foil.
s
Cp.
c.
10.
meals, called
entertainment ought to 3
7, 8.
Crete
8 ;
but
apparently by
1
8 8 II.
Sparta :
9 among bute,
Further Criticisms
the Lacedaemonians every one
and some of them
is
expected to contri
are too poor to afford the
32 thus the intention of the legislator
is
expense
;
The common
frustrated.
meals were meant to be a popular institution, but the existing For the manner of regulating them is the reverse of popular. very poor can scarcely take part in them ; and, according to ancient custom, those who cannot contribute are not allowed to retain their rights of citizenship.
The
33
law about the Spartan admirals has often been censured, it is a source of dissension, for the kings are ;
and with justice
perpetual generals
and
*,
this office
of admiral
is
but the setting
up of another king.
The charge which Plato brings, in the Laws 2 against the 1271 b 3* intention of the legislator, is likewise justified ; the whole con,
And
the soldier, which gives victory in war.
were
at
,
nothing, and had never engaged 35 than war.
they have
by
There fallen.
they
err in
ferred to the virtue
36
Once more
:
in
any employment higher
another error, equally great, into which Although they truly think that the goods
is
which they contend vice,
so long as they
war, their power was preserved, but when they had s fell for of the arts of peace they knew
attained empire they
for
the virtue of
has regard to one part of virtue only
Istitution
are to be acquired by virtue rather than
supposing that these goods are to be pre
which gains them.
the revenues of the state are ill-managed
;
no money in the treasury, although they are obliged to carry on great wars, and they are unwilling to pay taxes. The greater part of the land being in the hands of the Spar there
is
tans, they
do not look closely
1
Reading
into
one another 2
di Si ois. 3
Cp.
vii.
14.
22.
s contributions.
Laws,
i.
630.
Sparta and Crete The
result
beneficial
;
which the
legislator has
made
for he has
89
produced
is
the reverse of II.
and
his city poor,
his
9
citizens 37
greedy.
Enough
respecting the Spartan constitution, of
which these
are the principal defects.
The
constitutions of the Cretan cities nearly resemble the
Spartan, and in
most
some few
points are quite as
The
part less perfect in form.
good
said to be,
and probably
is,
in a
10
but for the
older constitutions are
generally less elaborate than the later, and the is
;
Lacedaemonian
very great measure, a copy
2
Lycurgus, when he ceased to be the guardian of King Charilaus, went abroad and spent a long time in Crete. For the two countries are of those
in Crete.
According
to tradition,
nearly connected; the Lyctians are a colony of the
Lacedae
monians, and the colonists, when they came to Crete, adopted the constitution which they found existing among the inhabi-
Even
3
day the Perioeci, or subject population of are Crete, governed by the original laws which Minos enacted. The island seems to be intended by nature for dominion in tants.
to this
Hellas, and to be well situated
;
it
extends right across the
sea, around which nearly all the Hellenes are settled ; and while one end is not far from the Peloponnese, the other almost reaches to the region of Asia about Triopium and 4
Rhodes. Hence Minos acquired the empire of the sea, sub duing some of the islands and colonizing others ; at last he invaded Sicily, where he died near Camicus. 5 The Cretan institutions resemble the Lacedaemonian. The Helots are the husbandmen of the one, the Perioeci of the 1272 and both Cretans and Lacedaemonians have common
other,
which were anciently called by the Lacedaemonians not and the Cretans have the same word, andria phiditia but
meals,
;
a
Crete
90 II.
10
and Sparta
the use of which proves that the
6 originally
came from
are similar
[in
many
common
meals [or syssitia] Further, the two constitutions
Crete.
particulars]
;
for the office of the
Ephors
the same as that of the Cretan Cosmi, the only difference being that whereas the Ephors are five, the Cosmi are ten in is
The
number.
elders, too,
answer to the elders
in Crete,
who
termed by the Cretans the council. And the kingly office once existed in Crete, but was abolished, and the Cosmi have now the duty of leading them in war. All classes share in are
7
the ecclesia, but
can only
it
decrees of the elders
ratify the
and the Cosmi.
The common
meals of Crete are certainly better managed for in Lacedaemon every one pays
than the Lacedaemonian so
much
explained, forbids 8
But all
;
per head, or, if he
him
fails,
the law, as I have already
of citizenship.
to exercise the rights
Crete they are of a more popular character. There, of the fruits of the earth, of cattle, of the public revenues, and in
of the tribute which
is
paid by the Perioeci, one portion
assigned to the gods and the
another to 9 children are
all
common
to
the service
meals,
so
supported out of a
that
of the
men,
common
state,
is
and
women, and stock
1 .
The
many ingenious ways of securing moderation in he which conceives to be a gain ; he likewise encourages eating the separation of men from women, lest they should have too legislator has
many
children,
whether
and the companionship of men with one another good or bad thing I shall have an oppor
this is a
tunity of considering
common
at
another time
2
But
.
that the Cretan
meals are better ordered than the Lacedaemonian
there can be no doubt.
On
the other hand, the 1
Cp.
vii.
10.
10.
Cosmi
are even a worse institution 2
vii.
1
6
(?).
Cretan Cosmi
and Elders
91
than the Ephors, of which they have all the evils without the II. I0 Like the Ephors, they are any chance persons, but in good. Crete this is not counterbalanced by a corresponding political At Sparta every one is eligible, and the body of advantage.
1O
the people, having a share in the highest office, want the state *. But in Crete the Cosmi are elected out of to be
permanent
and not out of the whole people, and the who have been Cosmi.
certain families,
elders out of those
The same has
been
Their
may be made about the Cretan, which made about the Lacedaemonian elders.
criticism
already
and
irresponsibility
life
tenure
is
too great a privilege,
and their arbitrary power of acting upon their and dispensing with written law, is dangerous.
own judgment,
It is no proof of the goodness of the institution that the people are not For there is no discontented at being excluded from it.
be
profit to
made
out of the office
the Cosmi, being in an island, are
The remedy
;
n
1
2
and, unlike the Ephors, 1272 b
removed from temptation.
by which they correct the
evil
of this
institu- 13
tion is an extraordinary one, suited rather to a close oligarchy
than to a constitutional pelled
by
state.
a conspiracy of their
individuals
;
For
own
the
Cosmi
are often
ex
colleagues, or of private
and they are allowed also to resign before
their
has expired. Surely all matters of this kind are better regulated by law than by the will of man, which is
term of
office
Worst of
a very unsafe rule. office
of Cosmi,
recourse
when they
all
is
the suspension of the 14
device to which the nobles often have
a
will
This shows
not submit to justice.
that the Cretan government, although possessing
characteristics
of
constitutional
a
state,
oligarchy. 1
Cp. supra,
c.
9.
21.
is
some of the
really
a
close
Merits and
Carthage: II.
The
10
Cretans have a habit, too, of setting up a chief; they
get together a party their friends !5
What
is this
dissolution of society
when as
I
those
who
;
people and gather
A
?
dangerous condition
a
in
city is
are willing are also able to attack her.
have already
situation 1
common
the
among
and then quarrel and fight with one another. but the temporary destruction of the state and
of Crete
said, the island
But,
saved by her
is
distance has the same effect as the Lacedaemonian
6 prohibition of strangers
This
dominions.
is
and the Cretans have no foreign
;
the reason
the Perioeci are contented
why
But whereas the Helots are perpetually revolting. when lately foreign invaders found their way into the island, the weakness of the Cretan constitution was revealed. Enough
in Crete,
of the government of Crete. 11
The
Carthaginians are also considered to have an excellent
form of government, which state in
differs
several respects, though
Lacedaemonian.
Indeed,
all
2
are very different
ginian
institutions
constitution
is
like
the
the Lacedaemonian,
nearly resemble one another,
from any others.
are
some very
in
three states
the Cretan, and the Carthaginian
and
from that of any other is
it
Many
The
excellent.
of the Cartha-
superiority
of their
proved by the fact that, although containing an
the Carthaginians element of democracy, it has been lasting have never had any rebellion worth speaking of, and have ;
never been under the rule of a tyrant. 3
Among
the points in which the Carthaginian
resembles the Lacedaemonian are the following
mon
tables of the clubs
their magistracy of the
Ephors
answer
104
to the
to the
:
constitution
The com
Spartan phiditia, and
Ephors
;
but,
whereas the
are any chance persons, the magistrates of the Cartha
ginians are elected according to merit
this is an
improvement.
Defects of the Constitution
93
They have also their kings and their gerusia, or council of II. 11 who correspond to the kings and elders of Sparta.
elders,
Their kings, unlike the Spartan, are not always of the same 4 family, and this an ordinary one, but if there is some dis tinguished family they are selected out of this
is
by seniority power, and therefore,
far if
a great deal of harm,
it
Such
better.
and not appointed
officers
they are persons of
little
have great worth, do
and they have already done harm
at 1273
Lacedaemon.
Most of
the defects or deviations from the perfect state, for 5
which the Carthaginian constitution would be censured, apply equally to all the forms of government which we have men
But of the
tioned.
deflections
from aristocracy and constitu.
government, some incline more to democracy and some to oligarchy. The kings and elders, if unanimous, may determine
tional
whether they but
will or will not bring a matter before the people,
when
they are not unanimous, the people may decide And 6 whether or not the matter shall be brought forward.
whatever the kings and elders bring before the people is not only heard but also determined by them, and any one who likes
may oppose
it
now
;
this is not permitted in Sparta
and Crete.
who
have under them many be matters should important co-opted, that they should choose the supreme council of 100, and should hold office longer than
That
the magistracies of five
other magistrates (for they are virtually rulers both before and after they
hold
office)
these are oligarchical features
being without salary and not elected by as the practice of having
points, such
magistrates
\ and not some by one
and some by another, as 1
Cp.
iii.
1.
at
lot, all
;
their
suits
tried
by the
class of judges or jurors
Lacedaemon,
10, II
;
and any similar
are characteristic of
and see note
at end.
7
a
Carthage a Plutocracy
94
The
II. 11 aristocracy.
:
deviates
constitution
Carthaginian
aristocracy and
inclines to oligarchy, chiefly
popular opinion
is
For men
on their side.
from
on a point where general think
in
that magistrates should be chosen not only for their merit, but for their wealth
9
:
a
he has not the their wealth
man, they
leisure.
say,
who
is
poor cannot rule well
then, election of magistrates for
If,
be characteristic of oligarchy, and election for
merit of aristocracy, there will be a third form under which the constitution of Carthage
is
comprehended
;
for the
Cartha
ginians choose their magistrates, and particularly the highest of them their kings and generals with an eye both to merit
and 10
to wealth.
But we must acknowledge that, in thus deviating from Nothing is aristocracy, the legislator has committed an error. more absolutely necessary than to provide that the highest class, not only when in
office,
but
when
and not demean themselves
in
out of office, should have leisure
any way
Even
tion should be first directed.
wealth, in order to secure leisure,
;
and
to this his atten
you must have regard to yet it is surely a bad thing if
that the greatest offices, such as those of kings 11
The law which
should be bought.
of more
wealth
becomes
account than virtue, and the whole state
avaricious.
For, whenever the chiefs of the state
deem anything honourable,
the other citizens are sure to follow
1273 b their example; and, where virtue has not the 12
and generals,
allows this abuse makes
first
place, there
Those who have aristocracy cannot be firmly established. been at the expense of purchasing their places will be in the habit of repaying themselves
a poor and honest a lower not.
man will man who
;
and
it is
absurd to suppose that
be wanting to
make
gains,
and that
has incurred a great expense will Wherefore they should rule who are able to rule best
stamp of
Preserved by Occident
And
[d/H0Ta/Jxu"J.
even
if
9 y
the legislator does not care to II. 11
protect the good from poverty, he should at any rate secure leisure for those in office
It
would seem
1 .
bad principle that the same 13 which is a favourite practice
also to be a
person should hold
many
offices,
is better done by should see to this and should not
Carthaginians, for one business
among the one man 2
The
.
legislator
appoint the same person to be a flute-player and a shoemaker.
Hence, where the
state is large,
it is
more
in
accordance both 14
with constitutional and with democratic principles that the offices of state should be distributed among many persons. For, as I was saying, this arrangement
is
more popular, and
any action familiarized by repetition is better and sooner per have a proof in military and naval matters the formed.
We
;
command and of
duties of
extend to
obedience in both these services
all.
The government
of the Carthaginians is oligarchical, but 15 they successfully escape the evils of oligarchy by their wealth, which enables them from time to time to send out some portion
of the
s
people
to
their
colonies.
This
is
their
panacea and the means by which they give stability to the state. Accident favours them, but the legislator should be able to provide against revolution without trusting to accidents.
As
things are, if any misfortune occurred, and the people 16
revolted from their rulers, there
would be no way of restoring
peace by legal methods. 1
Cp. 8
c.
9.
*
2.
Or, removing the
comma
after
Cp. Plato, Rep. ii. 374 A. wXovrew, and adding one after pfpos,
by enriching one portion of the people after another whom they send to colonies. Cp. vi. 5. 9, which tends to confirm this way of
their
taking the words.
96
Solon
Such
II. 11
is
and
Athenian Constitution
the
the character of the Lacedaemonian, Cretan, and
Carthaginian constitutions, which are justly celebrated.
Of
12
those
who
have treated of governments, some have all in public affairs, but have passed
never taken any part at
their lives in a private station
worth
givers, either in their
2
;
about most of them, what was
Others have been law
telling has been already told.
own
or in foreign cities,
whose
affairs
they have administered ; and of these some have only made laws, others have framed constitutions ; for example, Lycurgus and Solon did both. Of the Lacedaemonian constitution I
have already spoken.
As
to Solon,
he
is
thought by some
who
put an end to the exclusiveness of the oligarchy, emancipated the people, established the ancient Athenian democracy, and harmonized the different to have been
a
good
elements of the
state.
legislator,
According
to their view, the council
of Areopagus was an oligarchical element, the elected magis1274 a tracy, aristocratical, and the courts of law, democratical. The truth seems to be that the council and the elected magistracy 3 existed before the time of Solon,
and were retained by him,
but that he formed the courts of law out of
thus creating the democracy, which
sometimes blamed.
For
is
all
the citizens,
the very reason
why he
in giving the
supreme power to the law courts, which are elected by lot, he is thought to have When the law courts 4 destroyed the non-democratic element. is
grew powerful,
to
please the people,
the tyrant, the old constitution
who were now
was changed
playing
into the existing
Ephialtes and Pericles curtailed the power of the they also instituted the payment of the juries, and thus every demagogue in turn increased the power of the
democracy.
Areopagus 5
;
democracy until it became what we now see. All this is true; it seems however to be the result of circumstances, and not to
Famous Lawgivers For
have been intended by Solon.
97
the people having been II.
instrumental in gaining the empire of the sea in the Persian
War
began to get a notion of
*,
whom
and followed worthless
itself,
Solon himself demagogues, to have the Athenians that appears given only power of electing to offices and calling to account the magistrates, which was the better class opposed.
2
for without it they would have been ; of slavery and enmity to the government. All the 6 magistrates he appointed from the notables and the men of
absolutely necessary in a state
wealth, that is to say, from the pentacosio-medimni, or from the class called zeugitae (because they kept a yoke of oxen), or
of so-called knights or cavalry. The fourth who had no share in any magistracy. Mere legislators were Zaleucus, who gave laws to the Epi-
from a third class
class
were labourers
own
city
Locrians, and Charondas, who legislated for his of Catana, and for the other Chalcidian cities in
Italy
and
Sicily.
zephyrian,
s
legislation
,
persons attempt
first
and that
trained in Crete,
3
Some
Onomacritus was the
person
to
who had any
make out
that ^
special skill in
he,
although a Locrian by birth, was
where he
lived in the exercise of his prophetic
art ; that Thales was his companion, and that Lycurgus and Zaleucus were disciples of Thales, as Charondas was of But their account is quite inconsistent with 8 Zaleucus.
chronology.
There was Philolaus,
also
Theban
a
legislator,
whose name was
This Philolaus was one of the
the Corinthian.
family of the Bacchiadae, and a lover of Diocles, the victor, 1
8
who
Cp.
v. 4.
left
8;
Corinth viii. 6.
Or (with Bernays),
in
Olympic
horror of the incestuous passion a
u. make
Cp.
iii.
II.
8.
out an unbroken series of great legis lators, Onomacritus being considered the first. DAVIS
to
H
12
Famous Lawgivers II. 12 which his mother Halcyone had conceived for him, and retired to Thebes, where the two friends together ended their days. 9
The
inhabitants
still
point out their tombs,
which
are in full
view of one another, but one looks towards Corinth, the other not. this
Tradition says that the two friends arranged them in way, Diocles out of horror at his misfortunes, so that the
land of Corinth might not be visible from his tomb 1274 b that [
it
This
is
the reason
;
they settled
why
Philolaus
at
Thebes, and so Philolaus legislated for the Thebans, and, besides some other enactments, gave them laws about the procreation of might.
These Laws of Adoption. children, which they call the laws were peculiar to him, and were intended to preserve the number of the lots. 11
In the legislation of Charondas there except the laws about false witnesses. instituted actions for perjury.
more
nothing remarkable,
He
His laws
than even
precisely expressed
is
are
those
is
the
who
first
more exact and of our modern
legislators.
12
Characteristic of Phaleas
is
the equalization of property; of
community of women, children, and property, the common meals of women, and the law about drinking, that Plato, the
1
the sober shall be masters of the feast soldiers to acquire
by practice equal
that one should be as useful as the other
13
Draco has
left
also the training of
;
with both hands, so
skill 2
.
laws, but he adapted them to a constitution
which already existed, and there is no peculiarity which is worth mentioning, except the greatness and
in
them
severity
of the punishments.
was only
Pittacus, too,
a constitution 1
;
Cp. Laws,
ii.
671 0-672
and not the author of
a lawgiver,
he has a law which A.
is
peculiar to him, that, if a
Cp. Laws,
vii.
7940.
j
Famous Lawgivers a
drunken man strike another,
he
shall
99 be
more heavily II.
1 punished than if he were sober ; he looked not to the excuse which might be offered for the drunkard, but only to expedi ency, for drunken more often than sober people commit acts
of violence.
Androdamas of Rhegium gave laws
Some of them
Thrace. but there
And
is
relate to
to the Chalcidians of
homicide, and to heiresses
;
nothing remarkable in them. let us conclude our enquiry into the various con
here
stitutions
which
either actually exist, or have been devised by
theorists. 1
Cp. N. Eth.
H
2
iii.
5.
8.
14
2
BOOK III. 1
HE who would government must
III
enquire into the nature and various kinds of
first
of
all
done a
certain act
or the tyrant.
;
what
is
At
?
,
but the oligarchy is
concerned
a constitution or government being an
But a
state.
state is
com
any other whole, made up of many parts
these are the citizens,
1275 a fore, that
is a state
say that the state has
the legislator or statesman
arrangement of the inhabitants of a posite, and, like
Some
others, no, not the state
;
And
entirely with the state a
What
determine
present this is a disputed question.
we must
who compose
it.
begin by asking,
the meaning of the term
?
;
It is evident, there-
Who
is
For here
the citizen, and again there
may
He who is a citizen in a demobe a difference of opinion. 3 cracy will often not be a citizen in an oligarchy. Leaving out of consideration those who have been made citizens, or who have obtained the name of citizen manner, we may
say,
that
first,
in
any other accidental
a citizen
is
not a citizen
4 because he lives in a certain place, for resident aliens and nor is he a citizen who has no legal slaves share in the place ;
right except that of suing
and being sued
;
for this right
may
Even resident be enjoyed under the provisions of a treaty. aliens in many places possess such rights, although in an for they are obliged to have a patron. imperfect form ; 5
Hence they do but imperfectly participate in citizenship, and we call them citizens only in a qualified sense, as we might apply the term to children who are too young to be on the 1
CP
.
c. 3.
i.
The
of Citizenship in Theory 101
Definition or to old
register,
men who have been
Of these we
duties.
from
relieved
do not say simply that they
state
III. 1
are citizens,
but add in the one case that they are not of age, and in the
of that sort
other, that they are past the age, or something
the precise expression
is
immaterial, for our meaning
Similar difficulties to those which I have mentioned raised and answered about deprived citizens
But the
citizen,
whom we
and
be
exiles.
are seeking to define, is a citizen in
the strictest sense, against taken,
may
and about
;
clear.
is
whom
no such exception can be he shares in the
his special characteristic is that
Now of offices
administration of justice, and in offices.
some 6
have a limit of time, and the same persons are not allowed to hold them twice, or can only hold them after a fixed interval ; others have no limit of time for example, the office of dicast or ecclesiast 1 It may, indeed, be argued that these are not 7 .
magistrates at all, in the
those
and that
their functions give
But
them no share
ridiculous to say that
government. surely have the supreme power do not govern.
who
which
dwell further upon
this,
what we want
common term
is
Let
ecclesiast.
terminate office,
such
is
it
office
definition
a
citizen,
This
and best
to
including both dicast and
of distinction, and we will assume that those
us, for the sake
are citizens.
of a
Not
a purely verbal question,
is
is
call it
who
inde
share in
the most comprehensive 8
suits all those
who
are generally
so called.
But we must not
forget that things of
notions differ in kind, one of them being
another third, have,
when regarded
Dicast
ecclesia or
= juryman
and judge
assembly of the citizens.
in
one
:
first,
another second,
in this relation, nothing,
or hardly anything, worth mentioning in 1
which the underlying
common.
ecclesiast
Now we
= member
of the
9
102 The Definition of Citizenship
in Practice
kind, and that
some of them
III. 1 see that governments differ
in
1275 b are prior and that others are posterior or
are
perverted
necessarily
;
those which are faulty
posterior
to
(What we mean by perversion perfect. The citizen then of necessity explained *.) 10 form of government 1
and our
;
citizen
of a democracy
For
some
in
those which are will
be
hereafter
under each
differs
definition is best adapted to the
but not necessarily to other states.
;
states the people are not
acknowledged, nor have and ;
they any regular assembly, but only extraordinary ones suits are distributed in turn
At
the magistrates.
among
Lace-
daemon, for instance, the Ephors determine suits about con tracts, which they distribute among themselves, while the elders are judges of homicide, 11
A
by other magistrates. 2
thage
;
and other causes
are decided
similar principle prevails
there certain magistrates decide
all
causes.
at
Car
We may,
indeed, modify our definition of the citizen so as to include
these states.
In other
[But
states
it
strictly is
indeterminate, office
or
all
taken
it
only applies in democracies.]
the holder of a determinate, not of an
who
legislates
such holders of determinate
and judges, and to some
offices is reserved the right
of deliberating or judging about some things or about all The conception of the citizen now begins to clear up. He who has the power to take part in the deliberative or
j2 things.
judicial administration of
of that !
2
state
;
any state is said by us to be a citizen and speaking generally, a state is a body of
citizens sufficing for the purposes of
But
life.
in practice a citizen is defined to be
the parents are citizens
;
one of
whom
both
others insist on going further back
;
two or three or more grandparents. This is a short and practical definition ; but there are some who raise the say to
1
Cp.
c. 6.
ii.
a
Cp.
ii.
ii.
7.
Difficulties further question
:
Created by Devolutions
How
this third or fourth ancestor
103 came
to III.
2
Gorgias of Leontini, partly because he was in a difficulty, partly in irony, said Mortars are made by the and the citizens of Larissa are also a manu mortar-makers, be a citizen
?
name
factured article, made, like the kettles which bear their
the magistrates [Xapio-atot], by for
simple,
if,
V
Yet the question
is
really 3
according to the definition just given, they
shared in the government 2 they were citizens. [This is a better definition than the For the words, born of other.] ,
a father or mother, the
first
who
is
cannot possibly apply to
a citizen,
inhabitants or founders of a state.
There
is
a greater difficulty in the case of those
who have
been made citizens after a revolution, as by Cleisthenes at Athens after the expulsion of the tyrants, for he enrolled in tribes a
The
number of strangers and
doubt
in these cases
is,
not
and
slaves
who
s
resident aliens.
but whether he,
is,
who
4
ought to be a citizen ; and there will still be a further 1276 doubt, whether he who ought not to be a citizen is one in fact, for what ought not to be is what is false and is not. is,
there are
Now, hold
some who hold
whom we
and yet ought not to
office,
although they rule unjustly. And the citizen was defined by the fact of his holding some kind of rule or office he who holds a judicial or legislative office,
office fulfils
call rulers,
our definition of a citizen.
fore, that the citizens about 1
An
either 2 3
a
untranslatable play a magistrate
Cp.
c.
i.
or
an
whom
upon the word kjiuovpyol, which means artisan.
12.
Inserting KOI before pfToiKOvs with is omitted, as in all the MSS., we
metics, both strangers
tribes
many
many
strangers,
It is evident, there
the doubt has arisen must
and metics
and
Bekker must
slaves
who had been
in his second edition.
translate :
or,
slaves.
If
he enrolled in
he enrolled
in tribes
5
a
1
When
04
III. 2 be called citizens
which
a question
A parallel
3
a certain act
a State the Same
is
whether they ought
;
is
or
to be so or not is
bound up with the previous enquiry is
question is
f
is
1 .
raised respecting the state whether
not an act of the state
for example, in
;
the transition from an oligarchy or a tyranny to a democracy. 2
In such cases persons refuse to
fulfil
their contracts or
any
other obligations on the ground that the tyrant, and not the state, .
contracted them
established
3
they argue that some constitutions are
But
good. too
by
;
and not for the sake of the common
force,
may
this would apply equally to democracies, for they be founded on violence, and then the acts of the
democracy will be neither more nor less legitimate than those of an oligarchy or of a tyranny. This question runs up into
When
another
when
shall
we
say that the state
is
the same, and
would be a very superficial view which considered only the place and the inhabitants ; for the soil and the population may be separated, and some of the inhabitants different
It
?
live in one This, however, place and some in another. not a very serious difficulty ; we need only remark that the
4 may is
word
state
ambiguous, meaning both state and
is
It is further
asked
:
When
to be regarded as a
place,
with
Peloponnesus
single
city, for
a wall.
But a
would contain
living in
what
city
of the
5 Certainly not the wall
circuit,
are men,
is
city.
the same
the limit
you might surround having
city,
?
all
such vast
a nation rather than a state, like
Baby
2
which, as they say, had been taken for three days before 6 some part of the inhabitants became aware of the fact. This lon
,
difficulty
may,
another occasion 1
Cp.
c.
i.
however, ;
with
advantage
be
deferred
3
to
the statesman has to consider the size of 2
i. 3
Cp.
vii. c.
4 and
c. 5.
Cp.
ii.
6.
6.
When
a State the Same?
is
the state, and whether
it
should consist of more than one III. 3
nation or not.
Again,
shall
we
say that while the race of inhabitants, as
well as their place of abode, remain the same, the city
also
is
the same, although the citizens are always dying and being
we
born, as
call rivers
and fountains the same, although the
Or shall always flowing away and coming again ? say that the generations of men, like the rivers, are the
water
we
is
same, but that the state changes
?
For, since the state
is
1276 b
community of citizens united by sharing in one form of government, when the form of the government changes and a
becomes
different, then it may be supposed that the state is no longer the same, just as a tragic differs from a comic chorus, although the members of both may be identical. And 8
manner we speak of every union or composition elements, when the form of their composition alters in
this
;
example, harmony of the same sounds
is
ot
for
said to be different,
Dorian or the Phrygian mode is employed. And if this is true it is evident that the sameness of the state 9 consists chiefly in the sameness of the constitution, and may
accordingly as the
be called or not called by the same name, whether the inhabi tants are the same or entirely different. It is quite another
whether a state ought or ought not to ments when the form of government changes.
fulfil
question,
There
is
a point nearly allied to the preceding
the virtue of a
not
1 .
obtain
good man and
some general notion of the
the sailor, the citizen sailors
a good citizen
But, before entering on this discussion,
is
a
same or
virtue of the citizen.
member of
Cp. N. Eth.
Whether
we must
a community.
have different functions, for one of them 1
:
the
is
engage
v. a.
ii.
is
first
Like
Now,
a rower,
2
The Good III.
4
another a
pilot,
is,
them
all.
same
at the
similar
all
3 is safety in navigation.
term
business of them |
all.
fourth
common
object,
one citizen
community
This community
him,
definition applicable to
of them a
Similarly,
is
and while the precise
common
another, but the salvation of the
I
;
s virtue applies exclusively to
time, a
For they have
and
a look-out man, and a
third
of each individual
definition
there
a
by some
described
Man
is
is
which from
differs
common
the
the state
;
the virtue
of the citizen must therefore be relative to the constitution of
which he
is
a member. it
is
If,
then, there are
many forms
of
evident that the virtue of the good citizen
government, cannot be the one perfect virtue. But we say that the good man is he has virtue. who Hence it is evident that 4 perfect the good citizen need not of necessity possess the which makes a good man.
5
virtue
The same question may also be approached by another road, from a consideration of the perfect state. If the state cannot be entirely composed of good men, and each citizen is expected to
do
his
own
1277 a inasmuch as
all
business well, and must therefore have virtue, the citizens cannot be alike, the virtue of the
and of the good man cannot coincide. All must have the virtue of the good citizen thus, and thus only, can the citizen
state
be perfect
man, unless
;
but they will not have the virtue of a
we assume
that in the
good
state
all
good
the citizens
must be good. 6
Again, the state may be compared to the living being as first elements into which the living being is resolved are :
the
soul
and body, as the soul
is
made up of
reason and appetite,
the family of husband and wife, property of master and slave, so out of all these, as well as other dissimilar elements, the state
is
composed
;
and,
therefore,
the
virtue
of
all
the
Good
the
possibly be
cannot
citizens
107
Citizen
the
any more than the III.
same,
excellence of the leader of a chorus
is
the same as that of the
performer
who
show why
the two kinds of virtue cannot be absolutely and
stands by his side.
I have said
to 7
enough
always the same.
But good this
no case
will there then be
citizen
and the
we answer
virtue
in
which the
virtue of the
of the good man coincide
To
?
the [not that
good citizen, but] that the good ruler is a good and wise man, and that he who would be a statesman must be a wise man. And some persons say that
8
even the education of the ruler should be of a special kind ; for are not the children of kings instructed in riding and military exercises
No As
As
?
Euripides says
:
me, but what the
subtle arts for
state
requires
V
though there were a special education needed by a ruler.
If then the virtue of a good ruler
man, and
we assume
is
the same as that of a
good 9
further that the subject is a citizen as
well as the ruler, the virtue of the good citizen and the virtue
of the good
man cannot be always
the same, although in
some
cases [i.e. in the perfect state] they may; for the virtue of a ruler differs from that of a citizen. It was the sense of this difference
was not
that he felt hungry when he meaning that he could not endure to live in But, on the other hand, it may be argued 10
which made Jason say
a tyrant,
a private station.
that
men
is
able to
man
are praised for
and he
to obey,
is
do both.
to be that
knowing both how to
Now
which
if
rules,
include ruling and obeying, 1
rule
and
said to be a citizen of approved virtue
we
how who
suppose the virtue of a good virtue of the citizen to
and the it
cannot be said that they are
Fragment from the Aeolus, quoted
in Stobaeus,
45. 13.
4
The Good Man and
io8 III.
4
equally worthy of praise.
11
that the ruler and the ruled should learn different things and
it is
Since, then,
occasionally held
not the same things, and that the citizen must in both
the inference
;
rule of a master
which
master need not
know how
is
There
.
know and
to perform these, but
share
indeed, the
is,
concerned with menial offices
2
the
,
may employ
them anything else would be degrading; and by anything else I mean the menial duties which vary much in character and are executed by various others in the execution of
12
1
obvious
is
:
classes of slaves, such, for example, as handicraftsmen, as their
1277 b under
name
these
signifies, live
mechanic
the
who, by the labour of their hands :
among some
nations, the
share in the government
a privilege
times, and
13 under the extreme democracy.
the statesman and the
good
in
ancient
working classes had no which they only acquired
Certainly the citizen
of inferiors except for their
crafts
Hence
included.
is
good man and
ought not to learn the
own
occasional use
8 ;
if
they habitually practise them, there will cease to be a distinc tion between master and slave.
This
14
is a rule
is
not the rule of which
of another kind, which
is
we
are speaking
a constitutional rule,
equals by biith
;
but there
exercised over freemen and
which the
ruler
must
he would learn the duties of a general of the orders of a general of cavalry, or under cavalry by being the duties of a general of infantry by being under the orders learn by obeying, as
of a general of infantry, or by having had the command of a company or brigade. It has been well said that he who 15 has never learned to obey cannot be a 1
Viz. that
ruler. 2
some kind of previous subjection
Cp. infra,
Cp.
i.
7.
good commander. is
The
an advantage to the
14.
2-5.
Cp.
viii. 2.
5.
Good
the
two are not the same, but the good of both
how
to obey like a freeman
from those of a
include both
;
citizen ought to be capable III.
to govern like a freeman,
and
these are the virtues of a citizen.
the temperance and justice of a ruler are dis- 16
And, although tinct
how
he should know
;
109
Citizen
for the
subject, the virtue
good man, who
is
of a good man will and also a subject,
free
have one virtue only, say justice, but he will have of virtue, the one qualifying him to rule, the
will not
distinct kinds
other to obey, and differing as the temperance and courage of 1
men and women
differ . For a man would be thought a 17 he had no more courage than a courageous woman, and a woman would be thought loquacious if she imposed no more restraint on her conversation than the good man ; and
coward
if
indeed their part different, for the
other to preserve. the ruler
a :
it
management of the household is is to acquire, and of the
the
in
duty of the one Practical
would seem
wisdom only
is
characteristic
of
other virtues must equally The virtue of the subject is
that
all
belong to ruler and subject. certainly not wisdom, but only true opinion ; he may be com pared to the maker of the flute, while his master is like the flute-player or user
From
of the
flute
these considerations
8 .
may be
gathered the answer to
the question, whether the virtue of the good as that of the
and
how
There
good
citizen, or different, and
far different still
man
is
the same
how far the
same,
4 .
remains one more question about the citizen 6 who has a share of office, or is the :
Is he only a true citizen
? If they who hold no office are to be deemed citizens, not every citizen can have this virtue of
mechanic to be included
1
*
2
Cp.
i.
Cp.
c. 5.
13.
l%
9.
10
;
c.
Cp. Rep.
18.
i
;
iv.
iv. 7.
3
428. a
;
vii.
Cp. Rep. x. 601 D, 14.
8.
E.
4
no
Are Mechanics
Citizens ?
l l And if none of III. 5 ruling and obeying which makes a citizen the lower class are citizens, in which part of the state are .
they to be placed 1278
a 2
?
are not foreigners.
there
is
For they
To
are not resident aliens,
this objection
no more absurdity
in
may we
and they
not reply, that
excluding them than in excluding
and freedmen from any of the above-mentioned classes ? must be admitted that we cannot consider all those to be
slaves It
who are necessary to the existence of the state ; for example, children are not citizens equally with grown up men, who are citizens absolutely, but children, not being grown up, citizens
Doubtless
3 are only citizens in a qualified sense.
in ancient
times, and among some nations, the artisan class were slaves or foreigners, and therefore the majority of them are so now.
The
best form of state will not admit
them
to citizenship
;
but if they are admitted, then our definition of the virtue of a citizen will apply to
4 not to those
whom
who work
toil is a
some
citizens
and freemen only, and
for their living.
necessity, are either slaves
The who
latter class, to
minister to the
wants of individuals, or mechanics and labourers who are the servants of the community. These reflections carried a little further will explain their position
;
and indeed what has been
said already is of itself explanation enough. 5
Since there are
many
many forms of government
must be
there
of citizens, and especially of citizens who are so that under some governments the mechanic and
varieties
subjects
;
the labourer will be citizens, but not in others, as, for example, 1 Or, for this man (i.e. the meaner sort of man) is a citizen and does oi OVTOS jroAtTT;?). not exercise rule (see below, 3, d 5 According to the way of taking the passage which is followed in the text, euros =
o t\ wv T ty Toiavrrjv dptTrjv Pdvavcros.
:
according to the second way,
it
refers to
iQnds of
Different
in aristocracy or the so-called
1 1 1
Citizens
government of the best
(if there
III.
be such an one), in which honours are given according to virtue and merit ; for no man can practise virtue who is living the
of a mechanic or labourer.
life
cation for office is high,
a citizen
In oligarchies the
many of them
but a mechanic may, for
;
At Thebes 1
there
qualifi-
6
and therefore no labourer can ever be are rich.
was a law that no man could hold
office 7
who had
not retired from business for ten years. In many states the law goes to the length of admitting aliens ; for in
some democracies a man
a citizen though his mother only and a similar principle
is
be a citizen [and his father an alien] is
applied to illegitimate children
there
a dearth of population.
is
;
;
the law
citizens increases, first the children of a
at last
fathers
relaxed
when
8
male or a female slave
then those whose mothers only are citizens ; the right of citizenship is confined to those whose
are excluded
and
is
But when the number of
;
and mothers are both as
Hence, and he is a
is
citizen
honours of the
citizens.
evident, there are different kinds of citizens
;
9
who shares in the of Homer [Achilles poems
in the highest sense
state.
In the
complains of Agamemnon treating him] like some dishonoured 2 for he who is excluded from the honours of the stranger ; state is
no better than an
concealed, then the object
alien. is
But when
this exclusion is
to deceive one s fellow-country
men.
As to the question whether the virtue of the good man is the 1278 same as that of the good citizen, the considerations already I0 adduced prove that in some states the two are the same, and in others different.
virtue
When
of every citizen which 1
Cp.
vi. 7.
they are the same it is not the is the same as that of the good a
4.
II. ix.
648.
b
Government True and Perverted
ii2
III. 5 man, but only the virtue of the statesman and of those who have or may have, alone or in conjunction with others, the
conduct of public affairs. 6 Having determined these questions, we have next to con sider whether there is only one form of government or many,
and
if
many, what they
are,
and
how many, and what
are the
differences between them.
A constitution \
the arrangement of magistracies in a state 1 ,
especially of the highest of
where sovereign 2
is
in the state,
The government is every all. and the constitution is in fact the
For example,
government.
in
democracies the people are
supreme, but in oligarchies, the few
two forms of government
that these
;
and, therefore,
are different
:
we
and so
say in
other cases. First, let us consider
how many 3 society is
what
is
the purpose of a state, and
forms of government there are by which human have already said, in the former regulated.
We
8
when drawing a distinction between and the rule of a master, that man is household-management animal. nature a And therefore, men, even when by political part of
this
treatise
,
they do not require one another s help, desire to live together all the same, and are in fact brought together by their common interests in proportion as they severally attain to any measure
This
4 of well-being. viduals
and of
which there
is
certainly the chief end, both of indi
is
And
states.
possibly
of mere
also for the sake
life
(in
some noble element) mankind meet
together and maintain the political community, so long as the
of existence do not greatly overbalance the good 3 And see that men cling to life even in the midst of
5 evils
we
.
all 1
Cp.
c. I.
i
;
iv. i. 3
10.
Cp. Plato, Polit. 302
3
A.
Cp.
i.
2.
9, 10.
Government True and Perverted seeming to find
misfortune,
in
it
a
natural
113
sweetness and III.
6
happiness.
There
no
is
kinds of
difficulty in distinguishing the various
authority; they have been often defined already in popular works 1 The rule of a master, although the slave by nature 6 .
and the master by nature have
in reality the
same
interests, is
nevertheless exercised primarily with a view to the interest of
the master, but accidentally considers the slave, since, if the
On
slave perish, the rule of the master perishes with him.
7
the other hand, the government of a wife and children and of a household,
which we have
exercised in the
first
called household-management, is
good of the governed or
instance for the
common good of
both parties, but essentially for the of the as see to be the case in medicine, 1279 a we governed, good and the in arts gymnastics, general, which are only accidentally for the
concerned with the good of the artists themselves 2 . (For there is no reason why the trainer may not sometimes practise The 8 gymnastics, and the pilot is always one of the crew.) trainer or the pilot considers the
his care.
But,
when he
is
good of those committed
one of the persons taken care
to of,
he accidentally participates in the advantage, for the pilot is also a sailor, and the trainer becomes one of those in training.
And
when the state is framed upon the prin- 9 : of equality and likeness, the citizens think that they In the order of nature every ought to hold office by turns. one would take his turn of service ; and then again, somebody so in politics
ciple
else
would look
had looked
But nowadays, 1
Or,
after his interest, just as he, while in office,
after
theirs*.
[That was
originally the
for the sake of the advantage a
in our popular works.
Cp.
ii.
a.
which
Cp. Plato, Rep.
6, 7.
i.
way.]
is to
341
D.
be IO
ii4
of Governments
Classification
III. 6 gained from the public revenues and from office, men want to be always in office. One might imagine that the rulers, being sickly, were only kept in health while they continued in office; case
that
in
which have in
we may be
The
ii after places.
a regard to the
would be hunting
evident: that governments,
is
common
interest, are constituted
of justice, and are there but those which regard only the interest of
accordance with
fore true forms
sure that they
conclusion
;
strict principles
defective and perverted forms, for they are a state is a community of freemen. whereas despotic, 7 Having determined these points, we have next to consider
the rulers are
all
how many forms of government
2
in
are
determined the
the
apparent.
first
there are, and
what they
place what are the true forms, for
and
of them
perversions
The words
will
are
;
when they
at
once
be
constitution and government have the
same meaning, and the government, which is the supreme authority in states, must be in the hands of one, or of a few, or of many.
The
true
forms of government, therefore, are
those in which the one, or the few, or the many, govern with a view to the common interest; but governments which rule
with a view to the private interest, whether of the one, or of the few, or of the many, are perversions *. For citizens, if they are truly citizens, ought to participate in the advantages of a state. Of forms of government in which one rules, we 3 call
that
royalty
;
which regards the common interests, kingship or that in which more than one, but not many, rule,
aristocracy [the rule of the best]
;
and
it
is
so called, either
because the rulers are the best men, or because they have at heart the best interests of the state and of the citizens. But
when
the citizens at large administer the state for the 1
Cp. Eth.
viii.
10
common
,
the government
interest,
constitution
virtue there are
becomes more
the
masses.
there
or a few
many kinds difficult for
kind, though they
called
is
And
[n-oAirtta].
One man
language.
may
by the generic name is a
excel in virtue
may
a
to attain
Of
the :
it
perfection in every 1279 b
constitutional
found
in
government the
fighting-men have the supreme power, and those
follows
who
possess
citizens.
above-mentioned forms, the perversions are as of aristocracy, oligarchy ; of
of royalty, tyranny
of monarchy which has
in
5
;
constitutional government, democracy.
For tyranny
is
a kind
view the interest of the monarch
;
only oligarchy has in view the interest of the wealthy ; democracy, of the needy : none of them the common good ;
of
all.
But there are and
difficulties
about these forms of government,
will therefore be necessary to state a little
it
a
more
8
at
For he who would make
length the nature of each of them.
philosophical study of the various sciences, and does not
regard practice only, ought not to overlook or omit anything, but to set forth the truth in every particular. I
was
saying,
is
monarchy exercising the
over political society
;
the
their
government
when
in
the indigent,
rulers.
And
oligarchy
hands
here arises the
first
of our
said to be the i
a
difficulties,
For democracy But what
property and have the power is
2
;
be the government of the many.
manner oligarchy
Tyranny, as of a master
democracy, the opposite, and not the men of property, are the
relates to the definition just given.
men of
rule
when men of property have
is
7
but of 4
;
and as the number increases
:
them
in
a III.
reason for this use of
in military virtue, for this is
Hence,
arms are the
up
of Governments
Classification
in their
if
the
hands
is
and
many ?
it
said to
are
In like
government of the few; but
3
ii6 III. 8 what
Oligarchy if
in their
and Democracy Defined
the poor are fewer than the rich, and have the power In these cases the hands because are stronger ?
they
distinction
which we have drawn between these
different
forms
of government would no longer hold good. 4 Suppose, once more, that we add wealth to the few and poverty to the many, and name the governments accordingly an oligarchy
is
said to
be that in which the few and the
wealthy, and a democracy that in which the 5 poor are the rulers
there will
still
be a
many and
difficulty.
the
For,
if
the only forms of government are the ones already mentioned,
how
shall we describe those other governments also just mentioned by us, in which the rich are the more numerous and the poor are the fewer, and both govern in their re
spective states
6
?
The argument seems or in democracies, the
to
show
that,
whether
in oligarchies
number of the governing body, whether
the greater number, as in a democracy, or the smaller number, as in an oligarchy, is an accident due to the fact that the rich
everywhere are few, there 7
1280
a
is
and the poor numerous.
a misapprehension
But
if so,
of the causes of the difference
For the real difference between democracy and oligarchy is poverty and wealth. Wherever men rule by reason of their wealth, whether they be few or many, that is an oligarchy, and where the poor rule, that is a demo
between them.
cracy.
But
as a fact the rich are
few and the poor many
:
few are well-to-do, whereas freedom is enjoyed by all, and wealth and freedom are the grounds on which the for
oligarchical
and democratical
parties respectively claim
power
in the state.
9
Let us begin by considering the common definitions of oligarchy and democracy, and what is justice oligarchical and
Political Justice For
democratical.
all
men
cling to justice
of some kind, but III. 9
and they do not express the For example, justice is thought by them to be,
their conceptions are imperfect
whole and
idea.
is,
And
equality,
however, for
not,
inequality is thought to be,
this for all,
omitted,
all,
and
but only for unequals.
men judge
then
,
t
but only for equals, f
f
is,
justice
When
erroneously.
neither
;
is 2
the persons are
The
reason
is
that
they are passing judgment on themselves, and most people are
bad judges
in
own
their
case.
And
whereas justice 3 and a just
implies a relation to persons as well as to things,
have already said in the Ethics
distribution, as I
1 ,
embraces
and things, they acknowledge the equality of the but things, dispute about the merit of the persons, chiefly for because they are bad the reason which I have just given alike persons
own
judges in their parties to the justice, justice.
affairs
argument
;
and secondly, because both the and partial
are speaking of a limited
but imagine themselves to be speaking of absolute
For those who
are
unequal
in
one respect,
for 4
example wealth, consider themselves to be unequal in all ; and any who are equal in one respect, for example freedom, But they leave out consider themselves to be equal in all. the capital point. regard
to
For
wealth only,
if
men met and
their
share in
associated
out of 5
the state would be
proportioned to their property, and the oligarchical doctrine would then seem to carry the day. It would not be just that he who paid one mina should have the same share of 2 hundred minae, 2 whether of the principal or of the profits But a state 6 as he who paid the remaining ninety-nine.
a
,
1
N. Eth.
3
Or, with Bernays,
v. 3.
or their successors.
4.
either in the case of the original
contributors
1 1
The End of
8
III. 9 exists for the sake of a good
life,
State
the
and not for the sake of
life
only were the object, slaves and brute animals only form a state, but they cannot, for they have no share might in or in a life of free choice. Nor does a state happiness if life
:
and security from injustice 1 nor for then yet for the sake of exchange and mutual intercourse the Tyrrhenians and the Carthaginians, and all who have exist for the sake of alliance
,
;
commercial
with one another, would be the citizens of
treaties
True, they have agreements about imports, and en gagements that they will do no wrong to one another, and But there are no magistracies 1280 b written articles of alliance. 7
one
state.
common
to the
contracting parties
who
will
enforce their
engagements; different states have each their own magistracies. Nor does one state take care that the citizens of the other are such as they ought to be, nor see that those
who come
under the terms of the treaty do no wrong or wickedness at but only that they do no injustice to one another. all, 8
Whereas, those who care for good government take into consideration [the larger question of] virtue and vice in states.
Whence
it
may
be further inferred that
which
serious care of a state this
[without
which
alliance
members
the
2
virtue
truly deserves the
name 2
:
for
ethical
end] the community becomes a mere
differs
only in place from alliances of which
live
apart
;
and law
is
only a convention,
surety to one another of justice/ as the sophist says,
must be the
and has no
real
power
to
make
a
Lycophron
the citizens good and
just.
This
9 1
2
Cp. Or,
is
c.
obvious
i.
virtue
;
for
suppose
distinct
places,
such
as
4.
must be the care of a state which
not merely in name.
is
truly so called, and
The End of
the State
119
HL
Corinth and Megara, to be united by a wall, still they would even if the citizens had the right to 10 city, not
not be one intermarry,
of
which
states.
if
not so far off as to have no intercourse, and
but
another,
among them
there were laws
each other
one of the rights peculiarly characteristic men dwelt at a distance from one
is
Again,
that they should not wrong exchanges, neither would this be a state.
in their
Let us suppose that one man
a
is
carpenter,
another a
husbandman, another a shoemaker, and so on, and that their number is ten thousand nevertheless, if they have nothing in :
common
but exchange, alliance, and the like, that would not
Why
constitute a state.
is
this
Surely not because they for even supposing that
?
from one another
are at a distance
:
r i
such a community were to meet in one place, and that each man had a house of his own, which was in a manner his state,
and that they made
against evil-doers
alliance with
this to be a state, if their intercourse
the
same character
then that a state
not, a
mere
of exchange.
These
cannot exist;
but
which
is
society,
It is clear
\i
common
1
having a
of crime and for the sake
are conditions without
which a
2
1
state
of them together do not constitute in families and
all
a
deem
with one another was of
after as before their union. is
place, established for the prevention
a state,
one another, but only
an accurate thinker would not
still
;
community of well-being
aggregations of families, for the sake of a perfect and selfsufficmg^
among Hence
arise
common They
life..
those
Such
who in
are created
community can only be established in the same place and intermarry.
cities
sacrifices,
of society.
a
live
family
connexions,
brotherhoods,
amusements which draw men together.
by friendship,
The end
is
for friendship is the motive
the good
life,
and these are the
13
9
I2O
Sovereignty
III. 9 means towards
M villages
a
the state
end
having for an
which we mean
/ Our
And
it.
the union of families and
is
and
a perfect
happy and honourable is
conclusion, then,
self-sufficing life,
by
life *.
that political society exists for the
And i5*sake of noble actions, and not of mere companionship. most to such a a who contribute have greater they society share in it than those who have the same or a greater freedom them
or nobility of birth but are inferior to or than those
by them
who exceed them
in
in
political virtue
;
wealth but are surpassed
in virtue.
From what
has been said
it
partisans of different forms of
will be clearly seen that all the
government speak of a part of
justice only.
10
There power
Or
in
the good
of these
doubt as to what
a
also
is
the state:
Is
Or
?
it
the one best
seems to
alternatives
to be the
is
Or
the multitude?
man
Or
?
involve
supreme
the wealthy?
a tyrant
?
disagreeable
Any conse
If the poor, for example, because they are more in among themselves the property of the rich,
quences.
number, divide is
2
not this unjust
No, by heaven
?
the lawful authority
not
[i.
e.
(will be
the people] willed
it.
the reply), for
But
if this is
Again, when [in the first pray what is ? has been taken, and the majority divide anew the
injustice,
division]
all
property of the minority, is that they will rain the state ruin of those
a state
2 ;
3 be just.
who
it
?
not evident,
Yet
possess her, nor
and therefore If
it
were,
surely, is
if this
goes on,
virtue is not the
justice destructive of
law of confiscation clearly cannot the acts of a tyrant must of necessity
this
all
he only coerces other men by superior power, But is it just, then, the as multitude coerce the rich. just be just
1
Co.
;
i.
for
2.
8; N. Eth.
i.
7.
6.
2
Cp. Plato, Rep.
i.
351. 352.
121
the People Sovereignty of that the
what
if
few and the wealthy should be the rulers ? And III. 10 is they, in like manner, rob and plunder the people
this just
If so,
?
the
case
other
[i.
the
e.
case of the
But 4
majority plundering the minority] will likewise be just. there can be no doubt that
wrong and
these things are
all
unjust.
Then ought But
the good to rule and have supreme power
in that case
everybody
For the
will be dishonoured.
honour; and
if
else,
man should
for
the
rule
Nay, that
?
number of those who
Some one may
increased.
subject as he
is
to
of a
offices
is
are
more
still
of
it
is
5
oligarchical,
dishonoured
say that
the accidents of
all
state are posts
men always hold them, the rest Then will it be well that the one
one set of
must be deprived of them. best
?
being excluded from power,
is
thereby
bad for a man,
human
passion,
to
have the supreme power, rather than the law. But what if the law itself be democratical or oligarchical, how will that help us out of our difficulties
*
Not
?
at
all
;
the same conse
quences will follow.
Most of occasion.
these questions
The
principle
be
may
that
the
supreme rather than the few best
reserved
multitude
is
for
ought
another 11 to
be
capable of a satisfactory
explanation, and, though not free from difficulty, yet seems to
For
contain an element of truth.
individual is but an ordinary person,
the many, of
whom
each
when they meet together
may very likely be better than the few good, if regarded not individually but collectively, just as a feast to which many contribute is purse.
better than
For each
a
individual
dinner provided out of a single among the many has a share
of virtue and prudence, and when they meet together they 1
Cp.
c.
ii.
20.
1281 b
Reasons for and against
122 III. 11 become
in a
and senses 3
Hence
;
the
manner one man, who has many feet, and hands, that is a figure of their mind and disposition.
many
are better judges than a single
man of music
and poetry for some understand one part, and some another, There is 4 and among them, they understand the whole. ;
similar combination of qualities in good men, who differ from any individual of the many, as the beautiful are said to differ from those who are not beautiful, and works of a
from
art
because in them the scattered elements are
realities,
if
combined, although, or 5 in
some other
taken separately, the eye of one person
feature in another person
Whether
the picture.
democracy, and to
all
would be
by heaven, in some cases
it
is
impossible of application
the argument would equally hold about brutes it
will be asked,
may
do some men
be bodies of
6 less true. raised,
And
than
fairer
principle can apply to every bodies of men, is not clear. Or rather, this
men
about
differ
whom
;
for
and wherein, from brutes ? But there ;
our statement
is
neverthe-
the difficulty which has been already
if so,
and also another which
is
akin to
viz.
it
what power
who
should be assigned to the mass of freemen and citizens,
and have no personal merit are both solved. still a danger in allowing them to share the great
are not rich 7
There
is
offices
of
letting
8
them
way of
escape
give
is
to assign to
For
is
them
and
into error,
a danger also in not
which many poor men
office will necessarily
judicial functions. legislators
But there
share, for a state in
excluded from only
lead
state, for their folly will
their dishonesty into crime.
be
full
of enemies.
them some
this reason
Solon
them the power of
x
deliberative
are
The and
and certain other
electing to offices, and
of calling the magistrates to account, but they do not allow 1
Cp.
ii.
12.
5.
the People Sovereignty of them
123
When
they meet together their III. 11 and combined with the 9 are perceptions quite good enough, to hold office singly.
better class they are useful to the state (just as impure food when mixed with what is pure sometimes makes the entire mass more wholesome than a small quantity of the
pure would be), but each individual,
On
an imperfect judgment.
form of government involves it
place,
healing heal
his
and make him whole
disease,
by their peers.
and so
:
men
there
arts
all
the power of judging to
of the
who
For a
?
have
is
In the
first
all
that
is,
professions
in
other
and
arts.
1282
are of three kinds:
such
is
them
man who has a
class
quite as
not
studied the
and we
;
much
attribute
as to professors
the same principle apply to 12
right election can only be
a
there ir
the physician of the higher
intelligent
Now, does
art.
elections
in
But physicians
and thirdly the in
the popular 10
ought to be called to account by in general to be called to account
the apothecary, and there
class, art
;
then, the physician
physicians, so ought
is
certain difficulties.
might be objected that he who can judge of the of a sick man would be one who could himself
words, the physician
As,
himself, forms
left to
other hand,
the
made by those
for
example, will choose rightly in matters of geometry, or a pilot in matters of steering and, even if there be some occupations and arts with which private persons are familiar, they certainly
knowledge;
geometrician,
;
cannot judge better than those
who know.
to this argument, neither the election calling
So
that,
according 13
of magistrates, nor the
of them to account, should be entrusted to the many. 14
Yet possibly these objections our old answer, that
if the
are to a great extent
met by
people are not utterly degraded, although individually they may be worse judges than those
a.
Reasons for and against
124 III. 11
who or
have special knowledge
are judged of solely, selves, but
by those
the
;
user,
in
or,
them
the best manner, not by
or in
who do
not possess the art
the knowledge of the house
only
a body they are as good some artists whose works
as
Moreover, there are
better.
for example,
;
not limited to the builder
is
the
other words,
master,
of the
house will even be a better judge than the builder, just as the pilot will judge better of a rudder than the carpenter,
15
and the guest will judge better of a This difficulty seems now to be
feast than the cook. sufficiently
That
answered, but
persons should have authority in greater matters than the good would appear to be a strange thing, yet the election and calling to account there
of the I
was
another akin to
is
is
magistrates
it.
of
the greatest
saying, are functions
which
inferior
in
And
all.
some
these,
as
states are assigned
is supreme in all such matters. and having but a small property the assembly and deliberate and judge,
to the people, for the assembly
16
Yet persons of any in
sit
qualification,
age,
although for the great officers of generals, a high qualification
is
such as controllers and
state,
This
required.
difficulty
may
be solved in the same manner as the preceding, and the present practice of democracies may be really defensible. 17
For the power does not or
ecclesiast,
assembly,
few
only
many may ;
in
of which
18 dicasts, are
the
but
the
reside in
court
individual
parts or
the
and
senators,
members.
or
senate,
senator,
and the
or ecclesiasts,
And
claim to have a higher
for the people,
dicast,
the
for
or
this reason
authority than the
and the senate, and the courts consist of
many persons, and their property collectively is greater than the property of one or of a few individuals holding great offices.
But enough of
this.
and
Equality The
discussion of the that laws,
clearly as
the
that
Inequality *
shows nothing so III. 11
question
when good, should be supreme; and or
magistrate
first
should
magistrates
!
9
those
regulate
matters only on which the laws are unable to speak with precision owing to the difficulty of any general principle 2 But what are good laws has ao embracing all particulars not yet been clearly explained ; the old difficulty remains 3 . .
The
goodness or badness, justice or injustice, of laws is of necessity relative to the constitutions of states. But if so, true forms of government will of necessity have just laws,
21
and perverted forms of government will have unjust laws. In all sciences and arts the end is a good, and especially and 13 above
all
in the highest
of
all
4
this is the political
science j
words, the common All men think justice to be a sort of equality ; and
of which the good interest.
to a certain extent
B
which have been
is
justice, in other
they agree in the philosophical distinctions down by us about Ethics 6 For
laid
.
they admit that justice is a thing having relation to persons, and that equals ought to have equality. But there still re-
difficulty
Here
equality or inequality of what?
mains a question
which the
political
philosopher has to resolve.
is
3
a
For
very likely some persons will say that offices of state ought to be unequally distributed according to superior excellence, in
whatever respect, of the citizen, although there is no other between him and the rest of the community ; for
difference
that those
who
and claims.
differ in
But, surely,
height of a man, or any 1
3 *
any one respect have
Cp.
c.
10.
i.
Cp.
c.
10.
5.
Cp.
c. 9.
if this is
other advantage, will be a reason 2
Cp. N. Eth.
v. 10.
4
I.
different rights
true, the complexion or 3
Cp. 6
i.
i.
i
Cp. N. Eth.
;
4.
N. Eth.
v. 3.
i.
I.
I.
12.6 III. 12 for
Claims
Conflicting
obtaining a greater share of political
his
4 error here lies
the other arts
are equal in their art, there is no reason
who
The
rights.
upon the surface, and may be illustrated from When a number of flute-players and sciences.
why
those of them
them
are better born should have better flutes given to
on the
for they will not play any better
flute,
who
instrument should be reserved for him
am
If what I
artist.
is
saying
we proceed. For who was far inferior
obscure,
if there
5 clearer as
player
still
in
birth
;
and the superior the superior
is
will be
it
made
were a superior fluteand beauty, although
may be a greater good than the art of fluteand playing, persons gifted with these qualities may excel the either of these
flute-player in a greater ratio than
1283
he excels them
in his art,
he ought to have the best flutes given to him, unless the advantages of wealth and birth contribute to excellence
a still
6 in flute-playing, principle any if a
which they do
Moreover upon
not.
good may be compared with any
may be measured excels in Thus if
given height, then height in general
either against height or against freedom.
height more than excellent
[which
is
than
in virtue, all
virtue,
absurd]
than some other, 7
B
for
;
is
it
if
and height
things a
will
certain
clear that
this
For
other.
A
in
general
be
magnitude
some other
is
more
commensurable is
greater
will be equal.
But since no such comparison can be made, it is evident that is good reason why in politics men do not ground their claim to office on every sort of inequality any more than
there
the arts.
is
no reason
much 8
For
in
;
it
rewarded.
is
why in
if
some be slow, and others
the one should have
gymnastic
Whereas
contests
little
swift,
that
and the others
that such excellence
is
the rival claims of candidates for office
can only be based on the possession of elements which enter
to into the composition
And
Power
Sovereign of a
[such as wealth, virtue,
state,
the noble, or freeborn,
therefore
good reason claim office a freemen and tax-payers
or
etc.].
III. 12
may with
rich,
holders of offices must be
for
;
state can be
:
127
no more composed
But if wealth 9 entirely of poor men than entirely of slaves. and freedom are necessary elements, justice and valour are J for without the former a state cannot exist equally so ;
at all,
without the
latter not well.
If the existence of the state it
would seem that
are just
but, if
;
already said
2
we
at least,
As, however, those who
virtue
have
life,
as I have claims.
superior
are equal in one thing ought not to
be equal in all, nor those who are unequal in one thing to be unequal in all, it is certain that all forms of govern-
ment which
on either of these principles are perversions. in a certain sense, as I have already
rest
13
of these claims
take into account a good
education and
,
alone to be considered, then
is
some
or
all,
All men have a claim
|
2
admitted, but they have not an absolute claim. The rich claim because they have a greater share in the land, and land is the
common
element of the state
trustworthy title
are
as the noble
;
;
also they are generally
The
contracts.
in
free claim
for they are nearly akin.
citizens in a truer sense
more
under the same
And
than the ignoble,
the noble
since
good
man s own home and country 8 those who are sprung from better
birth is always valued in a
Another reason
that
is,
.
ancestors are likely to be better men, for nobility
of race.
Virtue, too,
1 8
it
implies
Cp.
iv.
Cp.
i.
all
be truly said to have a claim, for
6
Again, the
.
8
12-16.
4. 6.
others
*
7.
Cp.
i.
3
excellence
been acknowledged by us to be a social
justice has
and
may
is
3.
16.
6
many may
*
virtue,
urge their 4
Cp. c. 9. 14, 15. 15. Cp. N. Eth. v. i.
128
Conflicting
III. 13 claim
few
the
against
when taken
for,
;
Power
claims to
and
collectively,
compared with the few, they are stronger and richer and 1283 b better. But, what if the good, the rich, the noble, and the other classes
who make up
the same city 5
who
will there,
;
shall rule
No
?
a state, are
doubt
at all in
who ought forms of government.
determining
to rule in each of the above-mentioned
For
living together in
all
or will there not, be any doubt
states are characterized
by differences in their governing one of them has a government of the rich, another of the virtuous, and so on. But a difficulty arises when all
bodies
6 these elements coexist.
the virtuous to be their
are
numbers
are
we
in relation to their duties,
make up
a state
?
7 the aspirants to political
Objections
power.
to decide
number
:
?
Suppose
may we
consider
and ask whether they
must they be so many as
to administer the state, or
enough
will
How
very few in
may be urged
against
For those who found
all
their
claims on wealth or family have no basis of justice; on this
any one person were richer than he ought to be the ruler of them.
principle, if
clear that
he
who
is
all
the rest,
it is
In like manner
very distinguished by his birth ought to have the
all those who claim on the ground that they are In an aristocracy, or government of the best, a like for if one citizen be better than difficulty occurs about virtue the other members of the government, however good they may be, he too, upon the same principle of justice, should rule
superiority over
8 freeborn.
;
over them.
And
if
the people are to be supreme because they
are stronger than the few, then if one
man, or more than one,
but not a majority, is stronger than the many, they ought to rule, and not the many. 9
All the
these considerations
appear
to
principles on which men claim to
show rule,
that
none of
and hold
all
Claims
Conflicting
of their virtue or their wealth, the that they themselves
few
I
129
in subjection to them, are To III. 13 strictly right. claim to be the masters of state on the ground I0
men who
other
those
Power
to
many might
do not say
individually,
fairly
answer
and richer than the
are often better
but
collectively.
And
ir
another ingenious objection which is sometimes put forward may be met in a similar manner. Some persons doubt whether the legislator who desires to make the justest laws
or of the
classes
mentioned occurs
Now
what
what
of
with a view to the good of the higher many, when the case which we have
to legislate
ought
is
is
a
when
just or right
equal
of being equal advantage of the
And
e.
[i.
citizen
He
state,
and the
who
1
].
to be interpreted in the sense 12
is
and that which
;
elements coexist
the
to be considered
is
is
all
is
right in the sense
with reference to the
common good
of the citizens.
governing and being under different forms of government, 1284 he is one who is able and willing to be
one
shares
in
differs
governed. but in the best state
governed and to govern with a view to the life of virtue. If, however, there be some one person, or more than one, 13 although not enough to make up the full complement of a state,
whose
virtue
political capacity
of
is
so pre-eminent that the virtues or the
all
the rest admit of no comparison with
his or theirs, he or they can be
a state
;
for justice will not be
no longer regarded as part of superior, if he is
done to the
reckoned only as the equal of those who are so far inferior to him in virtue and in political capacity. Such an one may truly
be deemed a
God among
men.
Hence we
see that 14
necessarily concerned only with those who are legislation in birth and in power ; and that for men of pre-eminent equal is
1
DAVIS
Cp.
K
4.
a
Man
The One Best
130
III. 13 virtue there is no law they are themselves a law. Any one to make laws them be ridiculous who for would attempted :
the
lions
when 15
said
hares
the
to
in the council
where are your claws
aim, and
therefore
any other
the Argonauts
they the
above
is
all
things
from
to predominate too
much
number of
political influence.
their friends,
Mythology
tells
or
us that
Heracles behind for a similar reason
left
],
and banish
ostracise
who seem
or
through their wealth, 6 through
?
latter
began haranguing for this reason democratic
the city for a time those
1
[
of the beasts the
and claiming equality for all. And states have instituted ostracism ; equality their
of Antisthenes,
retort what, in the fable
they would probably
;
the
ship Argo would not take him because she feared that he would have been too much for the rest of the crew. Wherefore
who denounce tyranny and blame the counsel which Periander gave to Thrasybulus cannot be held altogether just in
those
17
their censure.
was
The
story
is
that Periander,
when
the herald
sent to ask counsel of him, said nothing, but only cut off
he had brought the field to a level. the meaning of the action, but came and reported what he had seen to Thrasybulus, who understood that he was to cut off the principal men in the
the tallest ears of corn
The
x
g state
or in
1
and
;
this is
till
know
herald did not
a policy not only expedient for tyrants
practice confined
oligarchies
same kind, which 19 prominent
to them,
and democracies.
but
necessary in
equally
Ostracism 2
is
a measure of the
by disabling and banishing the most Great powers do the same to whole
acts
citizens.
and nations, as the Athenians did to the Samians, no sooner had they obtained a firm Chians, and Lesbians
cities
;
grasp of the empire, than they humbled their 1
Cp.
v. 10.
a
13.
Cp.
v. 3.
allies
3.
contrary
Ostracism to treaty
;
131
and the Persian king has repeatedly crushed the
Medes, Babylonians, and other
nations,
when
HI. 13
their spirit has 1284 b
been stirred by the recollection of their former greatness. The problem is a universal one, and equally concerns
all
20
forms of government, true as well as false ; for, although perverted forms with a view to their own interests may adopt this policy, those which seek the common interest do so likewise. The same thing may be observed in the arts 21
and sciences
1
for the painter will not allow the figure to
;
have a foot which, however beautiful, is not in proportion, nor will the ship-builder allow the stern or any other part of the vessel to be unduly large, any more than the chorusmaster will allow any one
who
sings louder or better than 3
the rest to sing in the choir.
compulsion
and
still
Monarchs,
too,
harmony with
live in
may
their
all
practise
cities,
22
if
2 Hence government is for the interest of the state there is an the where argument in acknowledged superiority favour of ostracism is based upon a kind of political justice.
their
It
would
.
certainly be better that the legislator should
from the 23
so order his state as to have no need of such a remedy. But if the need arises, the next best thing is that he should
first
endeavour to correct the
evil
by
this or
some
similar measure.
The
been fairly applied in states ; principle, however, has not for, instead of looking to the public good, they have used ostracism for factious purposes. It is true that under perverted 24
forms of government, and from their special point of view, such a measure is just and expedient, but it is also clear that In the perfect state there would be it is not absolutely just. 1
6 9. vii. 4. 10 Rep. iv. 420. 7 Cp. v. 3. Or, Monarchies do not differ in this respect (i. e. the employment of compulsion) from free states, but their government must be, etc. ;
;
;
2
K
2
III. 13 great doubts about the use of in strength,
wealth,
against
with him
is
the like,
pre-eminent
Mankind
?
when
not
popularity, or
some one who
25 be done
it,
in
applied to excess
but
virtue,
not say
will
when used what
is
to
that such an
one is to be expelled and exiled ; on the other hand, he that would be as if men should ought not to be a subject claim to rule over Zeus on the principle of rotation of office.
The
such a
ruler,
should joyfully obey of
all
like
him should be kings
in their state
life.
The
14
that
is
according to what seems to be the order
and that men
nature, for
only alternative
preceding
discussion,
by a natural transition, leads which we admit to be one
to the consideration of royalty,
of the true forms of government 1 Let us see whether in order to be well governed a state or country should be under the rule of a king or under some other form of government ; .
1285
and whether monarchy, although good for some, may not be But first we must determine whether there is
2
bad for others.
a
It is at/ easy to see that one species of royalty or many. there are many, and that the manner of government is not the
same
in all
Of
(i)
3
thought to
of them. royalties according to law, the
Lacedaemonian
answer best to the true pattern
but there the royal
;
is
except when the kings go on an then they take the command. Matters of 4 religion are likewise committed to them. The kingly office is in truth a kind of generalship, irresponsible and perpetual. is
power
not
absolute,
expedition, and
The
king has
not the power of
life
and
2
death,
except
1 ii.
2
edit.
9.
29.
Omitting tv
rtvi
BacnXdq, which
is
bracketed by Bekker in his 2nd
Varieties of I^ingly l^ule when upon
a campaign and in the field
which
is
described in
when he
is
attacked in
the ancients is
patient
133
after the
;
manner of III. 14
Homer. For Agamemnon the assembly, but when the
goes out to battle he has the power even of
army
Does he
death.
When
not say
I find a
and 5
man
him from
shall save
life
?
skulking apart from the battle, nothing the dogs and vultures, for in my hands is
V
death
a generalship for life This, then, is one form of royalty and of sucli royalties some are hereditary and others elective.
There
(2)
among
is
another sort of monarchy not
uncommon
servile
is legal
and hereditary.
character
in
Europeans, do not
than
For
Hellenes,
more
barbarians, being
and
6
But
the barbarians, which nearly resembles tyranny.
even this
:
than
Asiatics
Such
rebel against a despotic government.
7
royalties have the nature of tyrannies because the people are 2 by nature slaves ; but there is no danger of their being Wherefore overthrown, for they are hereditary and legal.
such as a king and not such as a tyrant employ, that is to say, they are composed of 3 For citizens, whereas the guards of tyrants are mercenaries also their guards are
would
.
kings
rule
according
to
tyrants over involuntary
;
law over
voluntary
subjects,
and the one are guarded by
but their
fellow-citizens, the others are guarded against them.
These
are
two forms of monarchy, and
which existed
third (3)
netia or dictatorship.
a
II.
ii.
Cp.
i.
391-393. 2.
4.
an
was
The
last clause is
monarchy,
as an
is legal,
not found in our Homer. Cp.
v.
10.
a 8
Aesym-
This may be defined generally
elective tyranny, which, like the barbarian 1
there
in ancient Hellas, called
10.
j
/
%J ngs
134 III. 14 but
differs
from
it
in
the
Heroic Sometimes the
not being hereditary.
in
sometimes for a term of years, or For example, have been performed.
until
Mitylenaeans elected Pittacus leader against the exiles, 10 were headed by Antimenides and Alcaeus the poet.
who
9 office is held for
duties
certain
life,
Alcaeus himself says
in
one of his
l
irregular songs
and he reproaches
chose Pittacus tyrant,
*,
the
And
They
his fellow-citizens
for
having
made
the low-born Pittacus tyrant of the spiritless
1285 b and ill-fated city, with one voice shouting his praises. 1 1
These forms of government have always had the character of despotism, because they possess tyrannical power ; but inasmuch as they are elective and acquiesced in by their subjects,
(4)
they are kingly.
There
a fourth species of kingly rule
is
which was hereditary and
heroic times
For
12 cised over willing subjects.
factors of the people
2
in arts or
the
arms
legal,
first
that of the
and was exer-
chiefs were bene
they either gathered them into a community, or procured land for them ; and thus they became kings of voluntary subjects, and their power was ;
inherited by their descendants. They took the command in war and presided over the sacrifices, except those which
required a priest.
They
also decided causes either with or
and when they swore, the form of the oath was the stretching out of their sceptre. In ancient times their !3 extended to all things whatsoever, in city and country, power without an oath
;
foreign parts ; but at a later date they relin quished several of these privileges, and others the people took
as well as in
from them,
until
in
1
Or,
banquet-odes,
some
states nothing
fftfdXta.
a
was Cp.
left
v. c. 10.
to
them 3.
Good?
Is Monarchy a but
13 f
sacrifices ; and where they retained more of the III. they had only the right of leadership in war beyond
the
reality
14
the border.
These, then, are the four kinds of royalty.
monarchy of the heroic ages
this
;
First the 14
was exercised over volun
tary subjects, but limited to certain functions
;
the king
was
and a judge, and had the control of religion. The second is that of the barbarians, which is an hereditary
a general
despotic government in accordance with law.
A third
power of the so-called Aesymnete or Dictator;
The
elective tyranny. is
in
fourth
a generalship,
fact
four forms differ from
is
is
the
this is an
the Lacedaemonian, which
hereditary and
one another
in
perpetual.
the
These 15
manner which
I have described.
There
is
disposal of
a fifth form of kingly rule in all,
which one has the
just as each tribe or each state has the disposal
of the public property; this form corresponds to the control of a household. For as household management is the kingly rule
of a
of a house, so kingly rule is the household management or of a nation, or of many nations.
city,
Of
we need
these forms
only consider two, the Lacedaefor most of the others lie in ;
monian and the absolute royalty a region between them, having
more than the points
:
first.
first, is it
Thus
less
power than the
the enquiry
is
last,
15
and
reduced to two
2
advantageous to the state that there should
be a perpetual general, and if so, should the office be confined to one family, or open to the citizens in turn ? Secondly, is 1286 a it
well that a single
things
?
The
first
man should have question
falls
the supreme power in all under the head of laws
rather than of constitutions
equally exist under
for perpetual generalship might ; any form of government, so that this
3
1 3
Is not the J(ale of
6
III. 15 matter
may
royalty
We
is
and
sider,
Better
Many
The other kind of we have now to con
be dismissed for the present.
a sort of constitution briefly to
this
;
run over the
involved in
difficulties
by enquiring whether
will begin
it
in
1 by the best man or by the best laws The advocates of royalty maintain that the laws speak only general terms, and cannot provide for circumstances ; and .
that for any science to abide in
Egypt the physician
is
by written
allowed to
rules is absurd.
alter his
Even
treatment after
Hence
the fourth day, but if sooner, he takes the risk.
5
it.
more advantageous
is
to be ruled
4
?
it is
argued that a government acting according to written laws is Yet surely the ruler cannot dispense with plainly not the best. the general principle which exists in law
who
;
and he
is a
better
from passion than he who is passionate. Whereas the law is passionless, passion must ever sway the heart of man. ruler
6
is
free
Yes, some one will answer, but then on the other hand an individual will be better able to advise in particular cases.
whom we
in
turn
make
reply
:]
A
[To
king must legislate, and
laws must be passed, but these laws will have no authority when they miss the mark, though in all other cases retaining their
7
[Yet a further question remains behind
authority.
When
the law cannot determine a point at
should the one best
man
or should
all
our present practice assemblies meet,
decide
all,
:]
or not well,
According to
?
judgment, deliberate and decide, and their judgments all relate to individual cases. Now any member of the assembly, taken separately, is cer But the state is made up of tainly inferior to the wise man.
many
individuals.
contribute
is
And
sit in
as a feast to
which
better than a banquet furnished
1
Cp. Plato,
Polit. pp.
293-295.
2
by
all
the guests
a single
Cp. supra,
c.
n.
man 2.
2 ,
Constitutional History of Greece so a multitude
a better judge of
is
137
things than any
many
HI. 15
individual.
Again, the many are more incorruptible than the few are like the greater quantity of water
rupted than a
The
little.
individual
which
necessarily perverted
but
;
it
they 8
be overcome
is liable to
by anger or by some other passion, and
;
easily cor
is less
then his
judgment
is
is hardly to be supposed that a
number of persons would all get into a passion and go Let us assume that they are 9 wrong at the same moment.
great
if
the filling up such virtue is
we need
only suppose
freemen, never acting in violation of the law, but
gaps which the law
is
obliged to leave.
scarcely attainable by the
multitude,
Or,
good men and good citizens, and ask be the more incorruptible, the one good ruler, or
that the majority are
which the
will
many who
are
all
good
Will not the many
?
But, you 1286 b
?
may be parties among them, whereas the one To which we may 10 not divided against himself.
will say, there
man
is
answer that their character
is
as
good
If
as his.
we
call
the
of many men, who are all of them good, aristocracy, and the rule of one man royalty, then aristocracy will be better for rule
states than
whether the government
royalty,
force or not
x ,
is
supported by
provided only that a number of
men
equal in
virtue can be found.
The
governments were kingships, probably for this when cities were small, men of eminent
first
n
reason, because of old, virtue
men.
They were made
were few.
benefactors
2 ,
and
kings because they were can only be bestowed by good persons equal in merit arose, no longer
benefits
But when many
enduring the pre-eminence of one, they desired to have a
commonwealth, and 1
Cp.
The
set up a constitution. 2
infra,
15.
Cp.
c.
I2 ruling class 14.
12.
Constitutional History of Greece
138
III. 15 soon deteriorated and enriched themselves out of the public treasury
j
riches
chies naturally
became the path
grew
up.
tyrannies into democracies classes to
was always tending
strengthen
and
masters 13 increased
the
masses,
in
into
for love of gain
;
to diminish their
who
in
oligar
tyrannies and
the ruling
in
number, and so
the end set
Since
democracies.
established
and so
to honour,
These passed
upon
their
cities
have
no other form of government appears to
size,
be any longer possible 1 Even supposing the principle to be maintained that kingly power is the best thing for states, how about the family of the .
king
?
Are
14 better than
his
children to succeed
anybody
that
else,
will
him ? If they are no be mischievous. But
[says the lover of royalty] the king, though he might, will
not hand on his power to his children. That, however, is is too much to ask of human to be and hardly expected, nature.
There
1
is
also a difficulty about the force
5 aid
will
;
he administer his kingdom
still
16 In the case of a limited
answering
will
?
Even
if
he be the lawful
who does
nothing arbitrarily or contrary to law, he must have some force wherewith to maintain the law.
sovereign
in
which he
employ should a king have guards about him by whose he may be able to coerce the refractory ? but if not, how
is to
monarchy there is not much difficulty the king must have such force as
this question
;
be more than a match for one or more individuals, but
The ancients observed not so great as that of the people. this principle when they gave the guards to any one whom Thus, when Dionysius they appointed dictator or tyrant. asked the Syracusans to allow him guards, somebody advised that they should give him only a certain number. 1
Cp.
iv. 6.
5; 13.
10.
The At
One
J^ule of
this place in the discussion naturally follows the enquiry
who
respecting the king will
thought Unnatural 139
is
The
he has now to be considered.
;
to
acts solely according
his
III. 16 a
own
so-called limited
monarchy, or kingship according to law, as I have already 1
remarked
,
not a distinct form of government, for under
is
governments,
as, for
example,
in a
all
democracy or aristocracy,
may be a general holding office for life, and one person often made supreme over the internal administration of
there is
A
2 magistracy of this kind exists at Epidamnus , and also at Opus, but in the latter city has a more limited
a state.
Now,
power.
absolute
a sovereign over
rule
of
3
the citizens, in a city which consists of
all
thought by some to be quite contrary to nature ; it argued that those who are by nature equals must have the
equals, is
monarchy, or the arbitrary
is
same natural right and worth, and that for unequals to have an equal share, or for equals to have an unequal share, in the offices
of
state, is as
bad as for
different bodily constitutions
have the same food and clothing or the same different. Wherefore it is thought to be just that among equals every 3 one be ruled as well as rule, and that all should have their
to
turn.
We
thus arrive at law
And
implies law.
of any individual.
for an order
;
the rule of the law
On
is
of succession
preferable to that
the same principle, even if
it
made only
for certain individuals to govern, they should be
guardians and ministers of the law.
For
must
men
this is admitted
be,
authority to any one
may indeed
;
but then
man when
all
are equal
magistrates there
say that to give is
unjust.
There
be cases which the law seems unable to determine,
but in such cases can a
man
law trains
express purpose, and appoints them
1
Cp.
officers for this
c.
\
be better 4
15.
2.
?
Nay, a
Cp.
it
v. i.
will be replied, the 5
10, ii
;
4.
7.
Law
140
the
True
III. 16 to determine matters which are
Further
best of their judgment.
amendment of the
~Ruler undecided by
left
to the
make any
which experience
suggests.
permits them
it
existing laws
it
to
He who they are only the ministers of the law.] bids the law rule, may be deemed to bid God and Reason still
[But
alone rule, but he beast
minds of 6 law
bids
man
adds an element of the
rule
and passion perverts the The even when they are the best of men.
rulers,
We are told
reason unaffected by desire.
is
should J
who
for desire is a wild beast,
;
call in
a physician
;
doctored out of a book. clearly not in point
that a patient
he will not get better if he But the parallel of the arts
is is
for the physician does nothing contrary
;
from motives of friendship he only cures a patient fee whereas magistrates do many things from
to reason
;
and takes a
;
indeed, if a man suspected the his enemies to destroy him with league 8 for a he rather have recourse Even would to the book. bribe, spite
and
1287 b
And,
partiality.
physician of being
in
when they are sick, call training-masters when they are in
in
physicians
other physicians, and
training,
other training-
own case Hence it is
masters, as if they could not judge truly about their
and might be
influenced
by their
evident that in seeking for justice 9 neutral
1 ,
and the law
is
feelings.
men
the mean.
seek for the mean or
Again, customary laws
have more weight, and relate to more important matters, than written laws, and a man may be a safer ruler than the written law, but not safer than the customary law.
Again,
many nates
it
things ;
is ;
by no means easy for one man to superintend he will have to appoint a number of subordi
and what difference does
it
make whether
ordinates always existed or were appointed by 1
Cp. N. Eth.
v. 4,
7.
these sub
him because he
needed them
?
as
If,
one: this
said
I
he
a right to rule because
better than
One
better than
Many
is
is
J
before
,
the
141
good man has III. 16
then two good
better,
men
are I0
the old saying,
two going together
2 ;
and the prayer of Agamemnon,
would
And
4
is
who
,
had ten such counsellors
s !
day there are some magistrates, for example have authority to decide matters which the law
this
at
judges
that I
unable to determine, since no one doubts that the law would
command and
decide in the best manner whatever
But some things
it
could.
and other things cannot, be comprehended under the law, and this is the origin of the vexed question whether the best law or the best man should rule.
For matters of included in
such
judges well
men deliberate cannot be Nor does any one deny that the
about which
;
must be
man, but it many judges, and not one who has been trained by the law
matters
For every
only.
n
left
to
there should be
argued that
is
detail
legislation.
of
decision
can,
and
ruler
B
would
it
surely seem strange
12
that a person
should see better with two eyes, or hear better with two ears, two hands or feet, than many with many ;
or act better with it
indeed, selves
make
is
already the practice of kings to
make
to
them
For they eyes and ears and hands and feet. friends of the themselves of those who are colleagues
many
and their governments. They must be friends of the monarch 13 and of his government ; if not his friends, they will not
do what he wants equality 1
Cp.
;
c.
;
but
2
13.
25. 5
Cp.
II.
x.
and
he thinks that friends ought to 3
224.
for similar
likeness
implies
friendship
and, therefore, if
II. ii.
arguments
c.
4
372.
15.
<5
9.
SiKaarrjs.
Yet there
142 III. 16
be an Exception
may
rule,
he must think that those
like
himself ought to
troversies relating to
But may not
17
^or
others? relation
who
are equal to himself
These
rule.
are the
principal
monarchy. be true in some cases and not
this
all
there
and con
is
natural justice
a.
of a master to his servants,
or,
in
and expediency in the again, of a king to his
subjects, as also in the relation of free citizens to one another
1288
a
2
;
no such justice or expediency in a tyranny \ or in any other perverted form of government, which comes into being contrary to nature. Now, from what has been said, whereas there
it is
is
manifest that, where
men are alike and equal, it is neither man should be lord of all, whether
expedient nor just that one
there are laws, or whether there are no laws, but he himself in the place
is
Neither should a good
of law.
man be
lord
over good men, or a bad man over bad nor, even if he excels in virtue, should he have a right to rule, unless in a particular ;
case, 3
which
I
have already mentioned, and to which I will 2 But first of all, I must determine what
once more recur
.
natures are suited for royalties, and
what
for an aristocracy,
and what for a constitutional government.
A
4
people
who
government
;
and
for there
Or,
are
expedient
;
3
them capable of
virtue renders
men who
master, others to be ruled tutional government,
talent are fitted for kingly submitting to be ruled as free
political
and a people
men by men whose 1
by nature capable of producing a race
are
superior in virtue
and
by
for
but there are no
are
whom
men
by nature
a king,
fitted to
political
be ruled by a
others to live under a consti
these several relations are just and
naturally fitted to be ruled by a tyrant,
etc. 8
c.
13.
25, and
5, infra.
3
Omitting the words irXijOos repetition from the previous clause. t>
irt<pvK(
(ptptiv,
which appear to be a
The Rule of
the
Man
Best
command are adapted for an aristocracy who are suited for constitutional freedom :
whom rule
there naturally exists
and to obey
in turn
1
some
virtue as to
while the people III. 17 are those among
a warlike multitude
2
able to
by a law which gives office to the
But when
well-to-do according to their desert. family, or
143
a
whole
5
happens to be so pre-eminent in others, then it is just that they
individual,
surpass
all
should be the royal family and supreme over all, or that this one citizen should be king of the whole nation. For, as 6 3 I said before , to give them authority is not only agreeable to that
ground of right which the founders of or
aristocratical,
or
oligarchical,
all states,
whether
democratical,
again
are
accustomed to put forward (for these all recognize the claim of excellence, although not the same excellence), but accords 4
For it would not 7 with the principle already laid down be right to kill, or ostracize, or exile such a person, or The require that he should take his turn in being governed. .
whole
naturally superior to the part,
is
pre-eminence if so, the
is
in the relation
only alternative
is
and he who has
of a whole to a
part.
this
But 8
that he should have the supreme
power, and that mankind should obey him, not in turn, but always. These are the conclusions at which we arrive respect ing royalty and
its
question, whether whom, and how.
We
various forms, and this is the answer to the it is
or
is
not advantageous to states, and to
maintain that the true forms of government are three,
and that the best must be that which best,
and 1
* 4
in
which there
Omitting Kal Cp. Or,
c. 9.
is
iv.
is
administered by the
one man, or a whole family, "
Cp.
c. 7.
15.
but differing in the
manner already
laid
down.
4.
18
The
144 III. 18 or many persons,
Perfect State in
excelling
and both
virtue,
rulers
subjects are fitted, the one to rule, the others to be ruled
and *,
in
We
showed such a manner as to attain the most eligible life. 2 that the virtue of the at the commencement of our enquiry good man
is
same as the
necessarily the
of the perfect
virtue
of the citizen
Clearly then in the same manner, and
state.
by the same means through which a man becomes truly good, he will frame a state [which will be truly good] whether 1288 b aristocratical, or under kingly rule, and the same education and the same habits will be found to make a good man and a good
statesman and king. 2
arrived at these conclusions,
Having
speak of the perfect being and
is
1
He who
established.
enquiry in due manner.
we must proceed
and describe how
state,
it
comes
to
into
would proceed with the
3 .
.
Omitting KOI ap\ttv, which s 2nd edit.
.
is
inserted,
without MS. authority, in
Bekker 2
Cp.
c.
4.
3
Retaining avrrjs
Bekker
the words of
TroirjoaaOai in his
2nd
rrp>
edit.
the"HVISS.,
irpoCTjitovaav
AvayKr) ffKf\f/iv,
5?)
rciv fj.t\\ovra
ntpl
which are omitted by
BOOK IN
and
arts
all
any subject, province of
a
single
modes of
science
or
the
only
to
suitableness
training to different bodies (2),
best (i)
absolutely the
(for
it
consider
the
is
all
For example, the
subject.
not
gymnastic considers
which embrace the whole of IV. 1
restricted to a part only,
art
single
a
to
appertains
sciences
and are not
IV
that
of
art
of different
but what sort
must
the absolutely best
is
suit
by nature best and best furnished with the and also what common form of training is And if a man adapted to the great majority of men (4). does not desire the best habit of body or the greatest skill in that
which
means of
is
life),
3
gymnastics, which might be attained by him, still the trainer or the teacher of gymnastic should be able to impart any
The sa"me principle equally holds lower degree of either (3). in medicine and ship-building, and the making of clothes, and in the arts generally
Hence
it
of a single
1 .
obvious that government too
is
science,
which has
to
is
the subject 3
consider what
kind of
government would be best and most in accordance with our aspirations, if there were no external impediment, and also
For
what kind of government the best
legislator
is
often
and statesman ought
with (i) that which 1
The numbers
numbers
in
is
in this
the next.
is
adapted to particular states.
unattainable, to
and therefore the true be acquainted,
best in the abstract,
not only
but also with
paragraph are made to correspond with the
1
Political Problems
46
IV. 1(2)
that
which
best
is
how
the supposed state being so is
it
far
may
We
be constituted
a state
may how it
both
under any given conditions (3);
formed and, when formed, how
circumstances.
to
relatively
4 should be able further to say
is
originally
be longest preserved
from the very best that
;
it
unprovided even with the conditions necessary for the very neither is it the best under the circumstances, but of an ;
best
inferior type.
5
He
ought, moreover, to
ment which
is
know
(4) the form of govern
best suited to states in general
for political
;
writers, although they have excellent ideas, are often un6 practical. should consider, not only what form of
We
government
is
but also what
best,
easily attainable
all.
by none but the most perfect
There ;
are
for this
is
possible and
what
is
some who would have natural advantages
many
Others, again, speak of a more attainable form, and, although they reject the constitution under which they
1289 a are required.
are living, they 7
the
extol
Lacedaemonian 1
.
some one
in
for example of government which
particular,
Any change
men
has to be introduced should be one which willing and able
to adopt, since there is quite as
in the reformation
of an old constitution as
ment of a new one,
And
in
will be both
much
trouble
the establish
just as to unlearn is as hard as to learn.
therefore, in addition to
the qualifications of the states
man
already mentioned, he should be able to find remedies 8 for the defects of existing constitutions 2 This he cannot .
do unless he knows how many forms of government there are.
It
is
often
supposed that there
is
only one kind of
democracy and one of oligarchy.
But
and, in order to avoid such mistakes,
we must
1
Cp.
ii.
6.
16.
this
is
a mistake
ascertain
2
Cp.
4.
;
what
there are in
differences
how many ways
the constitutions of states, and in
The same
they are combined.
man
insight will enable a
know which laws
to
and which are suited to different constitutions are,
and ought to
offices in a state,
are the best, for the laws
;
be, relative to the constitution,
A constitution
constitution to the laws.
and determines what
and not the
the organization of I0
is
is
IV. 1
political 9
to be the governing
But * laws body, and what is the end of each community. are not to be confounded with the principles of the constitu 1
: they are the rules according to which the magistrates should administer the state, and proceed against offenders. So that we must know the number and varieties of the ir
tion
forms of government, if only with a view to making the same laws cannot be equally suited to all
several
For
laws.
and
oligarchies
to all democracies,
and there
is
certainly
more
than one form both of democracy and of oligarchy. In our original discussion 2 about governments we divided
them
three
into
constitutional
versions rule
:
discussion of the
perfect
three
and
oligarchy,
of aristocracy we into the
kingly rule,
and
government,
tyranny,
and
enquiry
forms
true
aristocracy, and
corresponding
Of
democracy.
per
kingly
have already spoken, for the is the same thing with the
state
two forms thus named,
a principle of virtue provided
with
since both imply
external
We
means.
have already determined in what aristocracy and kingly rule differ from one another, and when the latter should be established
3
In
.
what follows we have
so-called constitutional 1
Or
,
laws, though
in
to
describe
themselves
distinct,
show
the character of
the constitution. 2
Book
iii.
7
;
N. Eth.
the
government, which bears the common
viii
3
10.
L
2
Cp.
iii.
17.
8.
2
148 IV. 2 name of
2
all
constitutions,
and
the other
forms, tyranny,
oligarchy, and democracy. It is obvious which of the three perversions is the worst, That which is the and which is the next in badness.
of the
perversion
And
1289 b worst. exist
and most divine
first
necessarily the
is
just as a royal rule, if not a
mere name, must
by virtue of some great personal superiority in the king, which is the worst of governments, is necessarily
so tyranny,
the farthest removed from a well-constituted form is
a little better, but a long
is
the
most
A
writer
3
way from
aristocracy,
oligarchy
;
and democracy
tolerable of the three. *
who preceded me has
distinctions, but his point of view
is
made
already
these
not the same as mine.
For he
lays down the principle that of all good constitutions which he would include a virtuous oligarchy and the (under like)
democracy
but the
the worst,
is
Whereas we
maintain
one oligarchy
is
best of
bad ones.
that they are all defective,
and that
not to be accounted better than another, but
only less bad.
Not
4
to pursue this question further at present, let us begin
2 how many varieties of states there by determining (i) are (since of democracy and oligarchy there are several) ; (2)"
what
what
constitution
is
the
the most generally acceptable, and 4
next
after the perfect or eligible degree other aristocratical and well-constituted form of govern any
ment
if
adapted 1
in
is
states
Plato, Polit.
*
Or,
which
is
which
any other there be
to
303
in
general
;
2
A.,
5
4
c.
(3)
4-6.
is
the
at
same time
of the other forms of 8
c.
7-9 and u.
the perfect state; and besides this what other there is aristocratical and well constituted, and at the same time adapted after
to states in general.
5
c. 12.
A
Table of Contents
149
For democracy may IV. 2 government to whom each is suited. meet the needs of some better than oligarchy, and conversely. 5 1
In the next place (4) a
man ought
among these
we have to consider in what manner who desires to establish some one
to proceed
various
whether of democracy or of
forms, 2
and
having briefly discussed these 6 the best of our to subjects power, we will endeavour to
oligarchy
;
ascertain
whence
lastly,
arise
(5)
the
and preservation of
ruin
states,
both generally and in individual cases, and to what causes they are to be attributed.
The
reason
that every
is
place
we
why
see that
there
all
many elements. In the first made up of families, and in
states are
the multitude of citizens there poor, and
some
in a
and
husbandmen,
There
are
also
and property
must be some
middle condition
armed, and the poor not are
many forms of government 3
are
contains
state
Of
3 .
some
among the
3 ;
common
the
notables
for example, in the
some
people,
some
and
traders,
and some
rich
the rich are heavya
artisans.
of wealth
differences
number of horses which
they keep, for they cannot afford to keep them unless they are rich. And therefore in old times the cities whose strength 3 lay in the cavalry
were
wars against their neighbours
in
and they used cavalry 4 as was the practice of the
oligarchies, ;
Eretrians and Chalcidians, and also of the Magnesians on the river
Maeander, and of other peoples
in
1
3
2
Book
Besides 4
Asia.
differences of wealth there are differences of rank
and
merit,
Book
vi.
Or,
and again both of rich and poor some are armed and some are
v.
unarmed. 4
Reading
either iro\if*ovs with v. tr.
TToAtfuous with the
Greek MSS.
;
cp.
(Moerbek) and Bekk. 2nd c.
13.
10;
vi.
c.
7.
i.
edit.,
i 5-0
IV. 3 and 1290
a
w h cn
in
of
sometimes have
some other elements which were mentioned
are
there
by us
essentials
5
of Government Differ
Why forms treating state
a
the
l .
lesser
of aristocracy
Of
and sometimes
share in the government.
a
we enumerated
the
sometimes
all,
these elements,
the
It
greater
number,
evident then that
is
many forms of government, differing in kind, parts of which they are composed differ from
there must be
the
since
each other
For
kind.
in
of offices which
a constitution
the citizens distribute
all
is
an organization
among themselves,
according to the power which different classes possess, for example the rich or the poor, or according to some common them or some power common to equality subsisting among
There must
6 both.
therefore be as
many forms of government
as there are
modes of arranging the
superiorities
and other
offices, according to the the different parts of of inequalities
the state. generally thought to be two principal forms : of the winds that there are but two north say and that the rest of them are only variations south
There and
7
are
men
as
of these, so of governments there are said to be only two forms For aristocracy is con democracy and oligarchy. be
kind of oligarchy,
sidered
to
a
and the so-called
few,
really a
west
a
wind.
a
Similarly
of the scale are
of harmonies
there
in
either 1
case
Not
;
rule
of
are
in
said
to
be two
the other arrangements
comprehended under one
About forms of government But
the
government to be democracy, just as among the winds we make the variation of the north, and the east of the south
kinds, the Dorian and the Phrygian
8
as being
constitutional
of these
two.
this is a very favourite notion.
the better
and
more exact way
what has preceded, but
cp. vii. 8.
is
to
Democracy and Oligarchy distinguish,
as
true forms,
and
have
I
to
one or two which
the
done,
if i are
IV. 8
regard the others as perversions, whether
of the most perfectly attempered harmony or of the best form of government we may compare the oligarchical forms to the severer and more overpowering modes, and the demo ;
more relaxed and
cratic to the It
must not be assumed, is
democracy
some
are fond of saying, that
form of government
that
simply
gentler ones.
as
the greater number are sovereign
1
indeed
majority rules
is
in
every government, the
,
for
in
oligarchies,
and
nor again
;
which
oligarchy that form of government in
a
few are
the whole population of a city to be
Suppose 1300, and that of these 1000 are
sovereign.
the remaining
300 who
respects their
equals,
a
rich,
2
and do not allow
are poor, but free,
share of the
4
which
in
and
in all
government
other
no one
In like manner, if the 3 say that this is a democracy. poor were few and the masters of the rich, who outnumber them, no one would ever call such a government, in which the rich majority h ;e no share of office, an oligarchy. will
Therefore we should rather say that democracy is the 1290 b form of government in which the free are rulers, and it is oligarchy in which the rich only an accident that 4 the free are the many and the rich are the few. Otherwise ;
which the
offices were given according to be the case in Ethiopia, or according to beauty, would be an oligarchy ; for the number of tall or good-
a
government
in
stature, as is said to
looking
men
is
small.
And
yet oligarchy and
democracy by these two charac Both of them contain
are not sufficiently distinguished merely teristics
many
of wealth
other
and freedom.
elements,
and
1
Cp.
iii.
therefore 8.
3-7.
we must
carry
our
5
if2 The State Compared IV. 4
to
Animal
the
and say that the government is not a de which the freemen, being few in number, rule over the many who art not free, as at Apollonia, on the analysis further,
mocracy Ionian
in
and
Gulf,
the nobles,
at
who were
Thera
in
(for
each
of these
also the earliest settlers,
states
were held
in
chief honour, although they were but a few out of many). Neither is it a democracy when the rich have the government,
because they exceed in number ; as was the case formerly at Colophon, where the bulk of the inhabitants were possessed
6 of large But the form property before the Lydian War. of government is a democracy when the free, who are also
poor
and the majority,
govern,
in 7
and oligarchy when the at the same time few
and the noble govern, they being number.
rich
I
have
have said that there are many forms of government, and explained to what causes the variety is due. more than those already mentioned, and what they
Why
there are are,
and whence they arise, I will now proceed to consider, from the principle already admitted \ which is that
starting
8 every state consists, not of one, but of
were going to speak of the should
first
of
all
many
different species
parts.
If
of animals,
we we
determine the organs which are indispens example some organs of sense
able to every animal, as for
and instruments of receiving and digesting food, such as the mouth and the stomach, besides organs of locomotion. As suming now that there are only so many kinds of organs, but that there
may
of mouths, organs
be differences
and
the possible
necessarily furnish
in
them
I
mean
different kinds
and perceptive and locomotive
stomachs,
combinations of these differences will
many 1
varieties
CP
.
c. 3.
of animals. i.
(For animals
Essential Elements of the State
1^3
cannot be the same which have different kinds of mouths or
of
And when
ears.)
there will be as
many
all
sorts
of animals as there are combina
In
tions of the necessary organs.
like
manner the forms of 9
government which have been described, as
men
;
is
a second, a class
grace of
elements.
the food-producing class,
without which a city cannot exist absolutely
have repeatedly
I
One many who are called husband of mechanics, who practise the arts
said, are composed, not of one, but of
element
necessary,
life.
I
mean those
in
commerce
others
;
contribute
to luxury or to the
A fourth class
or in retail trade.
The
warriors
make up
the
is
to the
name be of
a slavish nature
independent and self-sufficing, but a slave pendent.
Hence we
is
?
i
that of the
fifth class,
and
they are as necessary as any of the others, if the country is not to be the slave of every invader. For how can a state which title
1291
of these arts some are
The third class is that of traders, and by traders who are engaged in buying and selling, whether
serfs or labourers.
has any
IV. 4
combinations are exhausted,
the
The
n
state is
the reverse of inde
see that this subject, though ingeniously,
has not been satisfactorily treated in the Republic a . Socrates 12 that of a state is made of four sorts says up people who are these are a weaver, a husbandman, and a builder afterwards, finding that they shoemaker, are not enough, he adds a smith, and again a herdsman, to absolutely
necessary;
a
;
look after the necessary animals ; then a merchant, and then a retail trader. All these together form the complement of the first state, as if a state were established merely to supply the necessaries of
life, rather than for the sake of the good, or stood equally in need of shoemakers and of husbandmen. But he does not admit into the state a military class until the 1
Rep.
ii.
369.
1
3
a
i
Essential Elements of the State
f4
IV. 4 country has
increased in size, and
is
beginning to encroach on
Yet even whereupon they go to war. amongst his four original citizens, or whatever be the number of those whom he associates in the state, there must be some its
who
one 14
s
neighbour
And
land,
is
just.
be said to be more truly part of an animal than the body, so the higher parts of states, that is to say, the warrior class, the class engaged in the administration
of of
soul
and
justice,
may
in
deliberation,
common
political
state than the parts
15
and determine what
will dispense justice
as the
Whether
which
is
these are
sense,
which minister
the special business
more
essential to the
to the necessaries of
life.
their several functions are the functions of different
citizens, or
of the same
same persons
for
it
are both warriors
may often happen that the and husbandmen is imma
to the argument. The higher as well as the lower elements are to be equally considered parts of the state, and if so, the military element must be included. There are also
terial
the wealthy 1
6 these
who
minister to the state with their property
form the seventh
class.
magistrates and of officers rulers.
And
;
The
able to take office
17 serve the state, either always or in turn.
the class of those
who
is
;
that of
for the state cannot exist without
some must be
therefore
eighth class
and
and to
There only remains
who
judge between dis If the fair distinguishing them. just putants ; and equitable organization of all these elements is necessaiy to 1291 b states, then there must also be persons who have the ability of
we were
J
8 statesmen.
deliberate
now
1
Many are of opinion that different functions can be combined in the same individual 1 ; for example, the war rior may be a husbandman, or an artisan ; or again, the coun sellor a judge. 1
Or,
And
all
claim to possess political
ability,
Different functions appear to be often combined,
etc.
and
Varieties of Democracy
iff
But think that they are quite competent to fill most offices. the same persons cannot be rich and poor at the same time.
For
and the poor are regarded
this reason the rich
in
IV. 4
an 19
a state. Again, because the rich especial sense as parts of are generally few in number, while the poor are many, they the other prevails appear to be antagonistic, and as the one or arises the common Hence form the government. they of kinds that there are two government democracy opinion
and oligarchy. l that there are many differences 20 I have already explained Let of constitutions, and to what causes the variety is due.
me now show
that there are different forms both of
and oligarchy, as ceded.
For both
democracy
indeed be evident from what has pre
will
in the
common
various classes are included
people and in the notables 21
of the
;
common
people, one class
another traders,
who
are husbandmen, another artisans
;
employed in buying and selling class, whether engaged in war or
another are the seafaring in trade, as ferrymen or as
fishermen.
(In
;
are
places any one of these classes forms
many
for example, fishermen at Tarentum and Byzantium, crews of triremes at Athens, merchant sea men at Aegina and Chios, ferrymen at Tenedos.) To the
quite a large population
;
classes already mentioned
those who, leisure, or
there
owing
those
may be
to
who
may be added
their
needy
are not free of birth
other classes as well.
day-labourers,
The
and
have no
circumstances,
;
and
notables again
may
on both sides
be divided according to their wealth, birth, virtue, education,
and similar differences.
Of
forms of democracy
first
be based strictly on equality. 1
Cp.
comes
that
which
is
said to
In such a democracy the law iii.
c. 6.
22
i
IV. 4 23
Extreme Democracy
$6
says that be rich l
For
nobody
to be poor,
found
in
democracy, they
is
majority
is
all
And
to the utmost.
government and the opinion of the such a government must necessarily be
the people are the decisive,
majority,
Here then
24 a democracy.
when
will be best attained
persons alike share in the since
and for nobody to
and that neither should be masters, but both equal. are chiefly liberty and equality, as is thought by some,
if
to be
just for
it is
;
is
There
one sort of democracy.
another in which the magistrates are elected according to
a certain property qualification, but a
low one
;
who
he
has
the required amount of property has a share in the govern-
1292
a
ment, but he
kind
is
who
that in
Another
loses his property loses his rights.
which
all
the citizens
who
are under
no
dis
government, but still the law is In another, everybody, if he be only a citizen, is 25 supreme. admitted to the government, but the law is supreme as before. share in
qualification
A
fifth
the
form of democracy,
in other respects the
same,
is
that
which, not the law, but the multitude, have the supreme This is 26 power, and supersede the law by their decrees. in
For in of affairs brought about by the demagogues. democracies which are subject to the law the best citizens a state
hold the
first
place,
and there are no demagogues
;
but where
the laws are not supreme, there demagogues spring up. For the people becomes a monarch, and is many in one and the ;
many have 27 collectively.
the power in their hands, not as individuals, but
Homer
says that,
it is
not good to have a rule
1 that the poor should no more Or, reading apxtw with Victorius, The emendation is not absolutely necessary, govern than the rich. though supported by vi. 2. 9, law yap TC) [irjOtv fj.d\\ov dp\tiv rovs
airopovs tear
rj
TOVS fvirupovs
dpidfj.6v.
/J.i)Se
Kvpiovs tlfat /*wovs
dAAu
iravras
(
iffov
Extreme Democracy
if?
*
of many , but whether he means this corporate rule, or the IV. rule of many individuals, is uncertain. And the people, who is now a monarch, and no longer under the control of law, seeks to exercise monarchical sway, and grows into a despot
relatively
held in honour
;
of democracy being to other democracies what tyranny is to other forms
the flatterer
is
The
of monarchy.
spirit
;
this sort
of both
is
the same, and they alike 28
exercise a despotic rule over the better citizens.
The
decrees
of the demos correspond to the edicts of the tyrant ; and the demagogue is to the one what the flatterer is to the other.
Both have great power demagogue
with
describing.
the flatterer
democracies
The demagogues make
override the laws, and refer
And
of the
therefore they
grow
with the tyrant, the kind which we are
the decrees of the people 29
things to the popular assembly. great, because the people have all all
things in their hands, and they hold in their hands the votes
of the people, who are too ready to listen to them. Further, 30 those who have any complaint to bring against the magis trates
say,
the people be judges
let
;
the people are too
happy to accept the invitation ; and so the authority of every office is undermined. Such a democracy is fairly open to the objection that it is not a constitution at all ; for where the laws have no authority, there is no constitution. The law 31 to be over and the ought all, supreme magistracies and the
So that if government should judge only of particulars. be a real the constitu form of sort of democracy government, which
tion in a
democracy
all
in
things are regulated by decrees
only to particulars
1
II. ii.
is
clearly not
the true sense of the word, for decrees relate
204.
a .
*
Cp. N. Eth.
v. 10.
7,
4
Varieties of Oligarchy
iy 8 These then
IV. 5
oligarchies,
Of
the different kinds of democracies.
are
where the
one
are different kinds
there
too,
office is so high that the poor, qualification for although they form the majority, have no share in the govern
property
ment, yet he 1292 b
Another
who
sort
is
acquires a qualification
when
there
is
may
obtain a share.
a qualification for office, but
a high one, and the vacancies in the governing
If the election
by co-optation.
is
made
out of
body
are filled
the qualified
all
persons, a constitution of this kind inclines to an aristocracy, 2 if
Another
out of a privileged class, to an oligarchy.
oligarchy
is
when
the son
a fourth form, likewise hereditary, in
sort of
There
succeeds the father.
is
which the magistrates
are supreme and not the law. Among oligarchies this is what tyranny is among monarchies, and the last-mentioned
form of democracy among
democracies
sort of oligarchy receives the
name of
;
and
in
fact
this
a dynasty (or rule of
powerful families). 3
These It
cies.
are the different sorts of oligarchies
should however be remembered that
and democra
in
many
states
1
the constitution which
is established by law, although not democratic, owing to the character and habits of the people,
be administered democratically, and conversely in other
may
states the established constitution
4 but
may
may
incline to
be administered in an oligarchical
often
happens change at once
after ;
democracy,
This most
governments do not the dominant party are content with
a revolution
at first
spirit.
:
for
The laws which upon their opponents. existed previously continue in force, but the authors of the
encroaching a
little
revolution have the
6
From what
power
in their hands.
has been already said 1
Cp.
v. i.
8.
we may
safely infer that
i
Stages of Democracy there
are so
oligarchies.
f9
many different kinds of democracies and of IV. 6 For it is evident that either all the classes whom
we mentioned must
some only and
share in the government, or
When
not others.
the class of husbandmen and of those
2
who
possess moderate fortunes have the supreme power, the For the citi government is administered according to law.
zens being compelled to live by their labour have no leisure ; and so they set up the authority of the law, and attend assemblies only
when
fication
which
is
Since they
necessary.
share in the government
when they have
fixed by the law,
all
obtain a 3
acquired the quali
nobody
is
excluded
the
exclusion of any class would be a step towards But leisure cannot be provided for them unless oligarchy. absolute
revenues to support them. This is one sort of and these are the causes which give birth to it. democracy, Another kind is based on the mode of election, 1 which there are
naturally
comes next
birth there is
government
if
in order
l ;
in this, every
one to whose
no objection is eligible, and may share in the he can find leisure. And in such a democracy 4
the supreme power
is
vested in the laws, because the state has
A
no means of paying the citizens. third kind is when all freemen have a right to share in the government, but do not actually share, for the reason which has been already given ; so that in this form again the law must rule.
of democracy is that which comes latest In our own day, when cities have states. original size,
and
their revenues
in
far
have increased,
A
fourth kind 5
the history of 1293 a
outgrown all
their
the citizens
have a place in the government, through the great prepon derance of their numbers ; and they all. including the poor
who
receive pay,
and therefore have 1
Or,
which
is
leisure to exercise their
proper to
it.
i
IV. 6
do
Stages of Oligarchy
Indeed, when they are have the most leisure, for they are people not hindered by the care of their property, which often fetters share in the administration.
rights,
6 paid, the
common who
the rich,
assembly or 7
who
poor,
are thereby prevented
from taking part
and so the
in the courts,
state is
So many
and not by the laws.
are a majority,
in the
governed by the
kinds of democracies there are, and they grow out of these necessary causes.
Of
oligarchies,
the citizens have is
the
that in
is
which the majority of much and this
property, but not very
form, which allows to any one
first
8 required
one form
some
amount the
;
who
obtains the
right of sharing in the government.
sharers in the government being a numerous body, that the law
it
The
follows
must govern, and not individuals. For in pro removed from a monarchical form
portion as they are further
of government, and
much little
in
respect of property have neither so
as to be able to live without attending to business, nor so as to
need
state support,
they must admit the rule of law But if the men of property
9 and not claim to rule themselves.
former case, and
own more
property, there arises a second form of oligarchy.
For the
in the state are
fewer than
more power they
claim, and having this themselves select those of the other view, they
stronger they are, the object in classes
in the
who
are to be admitted to the
being as yet strong
enough
10 the law represent their wishes. sified
government
;
but, not
to rule without the law, they
by a further diminution of
When their
this
is
make inten
power numbers and increase
of their property, there arises a third and further stage of oligarchy, their 11
own
succeed
which the governing class keep the offices in hands, and the law ordains that the son shall
in
the
father.
When,
again,
the
rulers
have
great
Aristocracy
the Pure
s
and
Mixed
the
161
wealth and numerous friends, this sort of dynastia or family despotism approaches a monarchy ; individuals rule and not
This
the law.
the fourth sort of oligarchy, and
is
is
IV. 6
analogous
to the last sort of democracy.
There
are
one of them
still
two forms besides democracy and oligarchy
;
7
universally recognized and included among the four principal forms of government, which are said to be is
(l) monarchy, (2) oligarchy, (3) democracy, and (4) the socalled aristocracy or
a
which
fifth,
tional
government of the
retains the generic
government
this is not
;
But there
best.
name of
is
also
polity or constitu
common, and
therefore has not
been noticed by writers who attempt to enumerate the dif ferent kinds of government ; like Plato in his books about the 1293 b
The term aristocracy they recognize four only. form of government which is de
state, is
2
rightly applied to the
scribed in the first part of our treatise : for that only can be rightly called aristocracy [the government of the best] which is a government formed of the best men absolutely,
and not merely of men who are good when standard.
same as the good citizen
and also
whereas
states
from the
differing
government
is
in
relatively to his
is
by any given absolutely the
other states the good
own form
differing
of govern from oligarchies
polity or
so-called
these are termed aristocracies,
;
them magistrates are wealth and according ment
;
only good But there are some
ment.
tional
citizen
is
tried
man
In the perfect state the good
3
constitu
and
in
certainly chosen, both according to their to their merit. Such a form of govern
not the same with the two just
now
mentioned, and
For indeed in states which do not 4 termed an aristocracy. make virtue the aim of the community, men of merit and is
virtue reputation for DAVIS
may
be found.
M
And
so where a govern-
1
Mixed
62
IV. 7 ment has 1
thage
,
regard to wealth, virtue, and numbers, as at Car
that
is
aristocracy
two out of the
to
Constitutions
and also where
;
as at
three,
it
has regard only
Lacedaemon, to
and
virtue
and the two principles of democracy and virtue There are these two forms of aristocracy temper each other. in addition to the first and perfect state, and there is a third numbers,
5
form, viz. the polities which incline towards oligarchy. I have yet to speak of the so-called polity and of tyranny. 8 I put
them
in this order, not is
government above-mentioned fall
aristocracies.
a
truth
2
that they
is,
in
of
constitutions
all
and so
and other forms
(sc.
of these, as
are perversions
I
speak of tyranny, which the series because I am enquiring into the
Last of
.
last
place
perversions,
perverted forms)
really
said before I
The
short of the most perfect form of government,
they are reckoned among the
because a polity or constitutional any more than the
to be regarded as a perversion
states,
I
will
and
this
all
the
is
very
reverse
of
a constitution.
Having explained why I have adopted this order, I will of which the proceed to consider constitutional government nature will be clearer now that oligarchy and democracy ;
3
have been defined.
For
polity or constitutional
government
may be described generally as a fusion of oligarchy and democracy ; but the term is usually applied to those forms democracy, and the term aristocracy to those which incline towards oligarchy, because birth and education are commonly the accompani4 ments of wealth. Moreover, the rich already possess the of government which incline towards
external advantages crime, and 1
the want of which
is
a temptation
to
hence they are called noblemen and gentlemen.
Cp.
ii.
II.
*
5-10.
Cp.
iii.
7.
Mixed
Constitutions
163
And
inasmuch as aristocracy seeks to give predominance to IV. 8 of the citizens, people say also of oligarchies that they are composed of noblemen and gentlemen. Now 129 4 a the
it
best
be an impossible thing that the
appears to
which
state
5
governed by the best citizens should be ill-governed *, and equally impossible that the state which is ill-governed should is
be governed by the best. But we must remember that good laws, if they are not obeyed, do not constitute good govern
For
ment. is
there are
two
parts of
good government
part is the goodness of the laws
which they obey
And
may obey bad laws as well as good. a further subdivision
which
;
one 6
obedience of citizens to the laws, the other
the actual
;
may obey
they
there
;
they
may be
either the best laws
are attainable to them, or the best absolutely.
The
distribution of offices according to merit is a special 7
characteristic of aristocracy, for the principle of an aristocracy is
as wealth
virtue,
is
of an oligarchy,
and freedom of a
of them there of course exists the right democracy. of the majority, and whatever seems good to the majority of In
those
who
all
share in the government has authority.
however, a state of this kind
is
Generally, g
called a constitutional govern
ment [not an aristocracy], for the fusion goes no further than the attempt to unite the freedom of the poor and the wealth of the rich, who commonly take the place of the noble.
And
as there are three grounds on
an equal share
in the
(for the fourth or
being only
ancient
government
good
freedom, wealth, and virtue
birth is the result
wealth and virtue)
admixture of the two elements, that
and poor,
is to 1
which men claim
it
is
to
of the two is
last,
clear that the
say,
of the rich
be called a polity or constitutional government Omitting dAXd
novrjpoKpa.rovp.tvrjv.
M
2
;
9
and
Aristocracy IV. 8 and
the
union
of the three
Thus
far
called
aristocracy
more than any other form
government, except the true and name. 10
be
to
is
the government of the best, and
Polity
ideal,
or of
has a right to this
have described the different forms of states
I
monarchy, democracy, and oligarchy, what they are, and in what aristocracies differ from that the two one another, and polities from aristocracies
which exist besides
and
latter are
9
not very unlike
obvious.
is
how by the side of oligarchy and democracy the so-called polity or constitutional govern ment springs up, and how it should be organized. The nature of it will be at once understood from a comparison of Next we have
to consider
oligarchy and democracy
we must
;
ascertain their different
and taking a portion from each, put the two the parts of an indenture. Now there are three
characteristics, 2
together, like
modes
in
which fusions of government may be
made
nature of the fusion will be
effected.
The
by an example of the manner in which different governments legislate, say con In oligarchies they cerning the administration of justice. intelligible
do not serve as judges, and but in democracies they give fine the rich. 3 pay to the poor and do not (i) the union of these two modes * is a common or middle term between impose a
on the
fine
rich if they
to the poor they give
no pay
;
Now
1294 b them,
and
is
therefore
characteristic
of a
constitutional
This is one government, for it is a combination of both. mode of uniting the two elements. Or (2) a mean may be taken between the enactments of the two : thus democracies require no property qualification,
members of the assembly, 1
CP
.
or only a small one, from
oligarchies c. 13.
6.
a
high
one
;
here
Polity neither of these
(3) There
is
the
is
common
mean between them. IV. 9
term, but a
a third mode, in which something
is
borrowed 4
from the oligarchical and something from the democratical For example, the appointment of magistrates by principle. lot
is
democratical,
democratical again
when
oligarchical tional state,
and the election of them oligarchical; there is no property qualification,
when there
In the aristocratical or constitu-
is.
from
one element will be taken from each
5
oli
garchy the mode of electing to offices, from democracy the Such are the various modes of 6 disregard of qualification. combination.
There same
is a true
those
union of oligarchy and democracy when the either a democracy or an oligarchy ;
may be termed
state
who
names evidently
use both
Such a
is
complete. both extremes appear
fusion there in
such a manner as to make
it
poor to be educated like them.
who
of
in the following period
to
manhood
life,
rich
youth
of the
similar equality prevails 8
and when the
the same rule
grown up no distinction between the
7
has
are educated
possible for the sons
A
it
the sons of the poor
are brought up with the sons of the rich, in
for
;
constitution,
place the
first
For
fusion
mean
democracy, because
In the
democratical features.
receive a democratical education.
the
that
The Lacedaemonian
it.
for example, is often described as a
many
feel
also in the
is
is
citizens are
observed
;
there
is
In like manner
and poor.
they all have the same food at their public tables, and the rich wear only such clothing as any poor man can afford. Again, the people elect to one of the two greatest 9 offices
of
states,
and
in the
the Senators and share 1
other they share the Ephoralty.
in
Cp.
ii.
9.
21.
l ;
for they elect
By
others the
1
66
Tyranny
IV. 9 Spartan
constitution
to be
said
is
an oligarchy, because
it
has many oligarchical elements. That all offices are filled election and none is one of these oligarchical by by lot, characteristics
ment
power of inflicting death or banish and there are few persons is another
that the
;
rests with
a
;
10 others.
In a well attempered polity there should appear to be both elements and yet neither ; also the government should rely on itself, and not on foreign aid, nor on the good will of a
majority of foreign
when
disposed
there
is
states
they might be equally wellform of government but on
a vicious
the general willingness of
all
classes in the state to maintain
the constitution.
Enough of and
Of
10 a
in
that
it
the manner in which a constitutional government,
which the so-called
aristocracies ought to be framed.
the nature of tyranny I have
may
have
still
to speak,
in
order
place in our enquiry, since even tyranny is
its
reckoned by us to be a form of government, although there is not much to be said about it. I have already in the former part of this treatise to
the
J
most usual
discussed royalty or kingship according meaning of the term, and considered
whether
it is or is not advantageous to states, and what kind of royalty should be established, and whence, and how it
arises. 2
When speaking of royalty we also spoke of two forms of tyranny, which are both according to law, and therefore easily pass into royalty. Among Barbarians there are elected monarchs who exercise were also elected
3 dictators.
another,
in
a
despotic
power;
despotic rulers
called
Aesymnetes or
ancient Hellas,
These monarchies, when exhibit
certain differences. 1
iii.
14-17.
compared with
And
they
are,
one as I
167
Polity said before,
in
royal,
so
in so
far as
he
There
fancy.
most
and
is
their will.
No
freeman,
is
the
and governs
betters, with a view its
if
own
is
counterpart of the perfect just that arbitrary power of an 4
responsible to no one,
alike, whether equals or advantage, not to that of
IV. 1O
the
is
This tyranny which
individual
which
also a third kind of tyranny,
typical form,
monarchy.
rules accord-
but they are tyrannical
;
despotic and rules according to his
is is
monarch
as the
far
ing to law and over willing subjects
to
its
all
own
and therefore against
subjects,
he can escape from
it,
will
endure
such a government.
The
kinds of tyranny are such and so many, and for the
reasons which I have given.
We
have
most
for
now
states,
to enquire
and the
what
best
assuming a standard of virtue which nor an education which
is
in general
called, of which lie
and to
constitution 11
men, neither
above ordinary persons,
which
is
an aspiration
which the majority the form of government which states
As
can attain.
is
ideal state
but having regard to the
are able to share,
most
for
exceptionally favoured by nature
and circumstances, nor yet an only,
the best
is
life
we were
in
life
to those aristocracies, as they are a
now
just
speaking, they either
beyond the possibilities of the greater number of states,
or
they approximate to the so-called constitutional govern And in ment, and therefore need no separate discussion. fact the
conclusion at which
we
arrive respecting all these
forms rests upon the same grounds. said in the Ethics J that the happy to life
unimpeded virtue, and that which is in a mean, and in 1
N. Eth.
vii.
For
virtue a 13.
is
mean 2.
if
is
life
it
the
has been truly 3 life
according
a mean,
then the
attainable
by every
The
1(58
IV. 11 1295
b
must be the
one,
Now
4
to cities
a figure the
is in
in
And
best.
and vice apply both constitution
of the Middle Class
T^ule
and a third
one class
;
a mean.
in
in
to
ready
the gifts of fortune
clearly be best to possess
will
it
moderation
;
listen
for
that
in
life
But he who
reason.
to
condition of
men
is
very poor, or very weak, or very
follow reason
difficult to
into violent
Of
2 .
much
The
disgraced, finds
or
civil,
it
these two the one sort
grow rogues and
and great criminals, the others into And two sorts of offences correspond
rogues
petty
military
in
hand who
petty rascals.
the one committed
most
are
greatly excels
beauty, strength, birth or wealth, or on the other
them
to
8 ,
from violence, the other from roguery. are disinclined to hold office, whether
and
two
these
their aversion to
duties
is
great an injury to the state as their tendency to crime.
as
6 Again, those
who have
wealth,
strength,
too
friends,
much of
and
when they
for
The
evil
willing
home
begins at
are boys, by reason of the luxury in
they are brought up habit of obedience. are in
the goods of fortune,
the like, are neither
nor able to submit to authority.
7
is
It
admitted that moderation and the mean are best, and there
fore
5
for the
;
*.
states there are three elements
all
of virtue
criteria
constitutions
to
of the city
life
very rich, another very poor, is
same
the
and
*,
they never learn, even
On
at
school, the
the other hand, the very poor,
So
the opposite extreme, are too degraded.
:
which
who
that the
one class cannot obey, and can only rule despotically ; the other knows not how to command and must be ruled like slaves.
and
Thus
1
Cp. 3
arises a city, not
slaves, the iii.
Laws,
3. viii
of freemen, but of masters
one despising, the other envying 7, 8.
831
E.
2 4
Cp.
PI.
Cp.
v. 9.
Rep.
;
iv.
13.
and nothing 421
c,
D
ff.
The can be more than this
to friendship
fatal
for
:
of the Middle Class
J^ule
and good fellowship
good fellowship tends
to friendship
;
in states
IV. 11
when men
they would rather not even 8 city ought to be composed, as far
are at enmity with one another,
same
share the
But a
path.
and
as possible, of equals
middle
of middle-class are, as
we
similars
citizens
is
necessarily best governed
say, the natural elements of a state.
the class of citizens which
do
and these are generally the city which is composed
;
Wherefore the
classes.
is
most secure
;
they
this is
in a state, for
they
goods nor do 9 as the poor covet the goods of the rich ;
not, like the poor, covet their
others covet theirs,
And
neighbours
;
and as they neither plot against others, nor are themselves life
plotted against, they pass through
safely.
Wisely then
did Phocylides pray things are best
Many
a middle condition in
Thus
it
formed by
is
my
in
mean
the
of
manifest that the best political community is 10 of the middle class, and that those states
citizens
and larger
large,
to be
city.
are likely to be well-administered, in is
I desire
;
if possible
or at any rate than either
which the middle
class
than both the other classes,
singly
;
for
the addition of the
scale, and prevents either of the Great then is the good extremes from being dominant. fortune of a state in which the citizens have a moderate and
middle
class
sufficient
turns the
property
a
pure
extreme
;
oligarchy
;
where some possess much, and the 1296 may arise an extreme democracy, or
for
there
others nothing,
n
or a
tyranny
may grow
out
of either
most rampant democracy, or out not so likely to arise out of a middle
either out of the
of an oligarchy
;
but
it is
and nearly equal condition.
I will explain
the reason of this 12
a
The Middle
170 IV. 11
when
Class is rarely
Supreme The
hereafter, speak of the revolutions of states *. mean condition of states is clearly best, for no other
from faction
I
and where the middle class
;
large, there
is
For a
and dissensions.
13 are least likely to be factions
free
is
similar
reason large states are less liable to faction than small ones, because in them the middle class is large ; whereas in small states
it is
easy to divide
are either rich or poor,
*4
And
democracies
all
and
are
the citizens into
safer
2
two
and
have a middle class which
oligarchies, because they
who
classes
nothing in the middle. more permanent than
to leave
more
is
numerous and has a greater share in the government for when there is no middle class, and the poor greatly exceed in number, troubles arise, and the state soon comes to an ;
A
15 end. is
that
tion
proof
of the
superiority
of
middle
the
class
legislators have been of a middle condi and for example, Solon, as his own verses testify
the best
;
;
Lycurgus, for he was not a king
;
and Charondas, and almost
all legislators. 1
6
These
considerations will help us to understand are
governments reason
is
party,
transgresses the
17
to itself,
There
is
why most The
democratical or oligarchical.
that the middle class is
and whichever
ment
either
whether the
seldom numerous rich or the
in
common
them,
people,
mean and predominates, draws the govern
and thus
another reason
arises either oligarchy or
democracy.
the poor and the rich quarrel with
one another, and whichever side gets the
better, instead
of
establishing a just or
T
g
popular government, regards political supremacy as the prize of victory, and the one party sets up a democracy and the other an Both the parties oligarchy.
which had the supremacy 1
Cp. Bk.
v.
in
Hellas a
Cp.
looked v.
i.
only to the
15;
7.
6.
The Goodwill of interest
of their
the
171
Stronger
own form of government, and
established in
states, the one, democracies, and the other, oligarchies
thought of their
own
advantage, of the public not at
IV. 11
they
;
For
all.
19
these reasons the middle form of government has rarely, if
who
all
One man
and among a very few only. was induced
ever, existed,
ever ruled in Hellas
But
constitution to states.
has
it
now become
seeking for dominion,
if
or,
middle
among 1296 men
a habit
the citizens of states, not even to care about equality are
alone of
to give this
all
;
are willing to
conquered,
submit.
What
then
the best,
it
there are
is
the best form of government, and
evident
is
;
and of other
many kinds of democracy and many of
not difficult to see which has the
is
or any other place
in
nearest
to
which
that
is
the
best
furthest
absolutely and
not
For
must of necessity be from
it
worse,
to
relatively
say that
oligarchy,
it
and which the second
the best.
is
relatively to given conditions,
may
first
what makes ao
we
now
the order of excellence,
we have determined which is
states, since
if
we
that
which ai
that
and
better,
are
judging
given conditions
I
:
say
since a particular government
be preferable for some, but another form
may
be better
for others.
We ment
have
is
now
suitable to
by assuming,
to consider
what and what kind of govern- 12
what and what kind of men.
as a general principle
common
I
may
to all
begin
govern
ments, that the portion of the state which desires permanence ought to be stronger than that which desires the reverse.
Now
is composed of quality and quantity. By mean freedom, wealth, education, good birth, and by
every city
quality
I
numbers. quantity, superiority of the classes
which make up the
Quality state,
may
exist in one of
and quantity
in
the
a
b
The Goodwill of
172 IV. 12
For example,
other.
the
the
Stronger
meanly-born
may be more
in
number than the well-born, or the poor than the rich, yet they may not so much exceed in quantity as they fall short in and therefore there must be a comparison of quantity Where the number of the poor is more than quality.
3 quality
and
;
proportioned to the wealth of the rich, there will naturally be a democracy, varying in form with the sort of people who If, for example, the husbandmen compose it in each case. exceed in number, the first form of democracy will then
arise
;
if
the artisans and labouring class, the last
the intermediate forms.
exceed
in
quality
But where the
more than they
rich
;
and so with
and the notables
short in quantity, there
fall
oligarchy arises, similarly assuming various forms according to the kind of superiority possessed
The
4
by the oligarchs.
always include the middle class in he makes his laws oligarchical, to the
legislator should
his
government; if middle class let him look
;
if
he makes them democratical,
he should equally by his laws try the state
1
There only can
.
1
to attach this class to
the government ever be stable
1297 a where the middle class exceeds one or both of the others, and 5 in that case
there will be no fear that the rich will unite with
the poor against the rulers. willing to serve the other,
government more than
this, for
For and
if
neither of
them
will ever
be
they look for some form of
suitable to both, they will
find
none better
the rich and the poor will never consent to rale
The arbiter is turn, because they mistrust one another. always the one trusted, and he who is in the middle is an 6 arbiter. The more perfect the admixture of the political in
elements, the 1
Or,
if
to his laws.
more
lasting will be the state.
irpoadytaOai can govern Tofs
vuftots,
to
Many win
even of
this class
over
The who
those
form
desire to
much power
to the rich, but
There comes
attempting to overreach the people.
when
governments make IV. 12
aristocratical
a mistake, not only in giving too in
173
of Oligarchies
Policy
out of a false good there arises a true
evil,
a time
since the
encroachments of the rich are more destructive to the
state
than those of the people. The devices by which oligarchies deceive the people are five in number; they relate to (l) the assembly; (2) the magistracies; (3) the courts of law; (4) the use of arms (5)
gymnastic exercises. to
open
As
either
much
or a
attendance, (2)
but
all,
the
to
The
(l)
the
rich
larger
who
those
magistracies,
non-
fined for
are
inflicted
is
are
;
thrown
assemblies are
only
fine
13
upon
them.
by
qualified
2
property cannot decline office upon oath, but the poor may. (3) In the law-courts the rich, and the rich only, are fined if they do not serve, the poor are let off with impunity, or, as in the laws of Charondas, a large fine
and
rich,
citizens
one on
a smaller
who
the
inflicted
some
on the
states all 3
have registered themselves are allowed to attend
the assembly and to try causes
do not attend
is
In
poor.
;
but
if after registration
they
assembly or at the courts, heavy fines are The intention is that through fear imposed upon them. of the fines they may avoid registering themselves, and then cannot
they
in the
in
sit
the
law-courts
(4) Concerning the possession
or
in
the
assembly.
of arms, and (5) gymnastic 4
exercises, they legislate in a similar spirit.
For
the poor are
not obliged to have arms, but the rich are fined for not having
them for
;
and
in like
manner no penalty
non-attendance
having nothing to are liable to a fine,
at
fear,
is inflicted
on the poor
gymnasium, and consequently, do not attend, whereas the rich they the
and therefore they take care to attend.
174 Military Basis of These
IV. 13
of oligarchical
devices
the
are
the Constitution
democracies they have counter devices.
5 in
no
on
penalty
the
who would
obvious that he
pay the poor
assemblies and the law-courts, and they
attending the
for
6 inflict
and
legislators,
They
rich
duly
non-attendance.
for
mix
the
two
It
is
principles should
combine the practice of both, and provide that the poor should be paid to attend, and the rich fined if they do not attend, for then
take part
all will
;
no such combina-
if there is
1297 b tion, power will be in the hands of one party only. ? government should be confined to those who carry arms.
The
no absolute rule can be
laid
to
the
property qualification,
down, but we must see what
is
the highest
sufficiently comprehensive to secure that the
who
As
qualification
number of those
have the rights of citizens exceeds the number of those Even if they have no share in office, the poor,
8 excluded.
provided only that they are not outraged or deprived of their property, will be quiet enough.
But
to secure gentle treatment for the poor is not an easy
is not always humane. And of war the poor are apt to hesitate unless they are fed
9 thing, since a ruling class
fed, they
are is
government serving,
enough
willing
those
in
In
fight.
not only in
vested,
but also
to
those
who have
some
who
served
time
in
when
;
states the
are actually
;
among
the
example, the governing body consisted of the while the magistrates were chosen from those actually
Malians, for latter,
10
on
service.
And
the earliest government which existed
among
the Hellenes, after the overthrow of the kingly power, grew out of the warrior class, and was originally taken from the
up
knights
(for
strength
depended on cavalry
*)
1
Cp.
and superiority ;
indeed,
iv. 3.
3:
in
war
at
that
time
without discipline, infantry vi - 7-
!
The
Power 17?
Distribution of Political
are useless, and in ancient times there
ledge or tactics, and therefore
But when
in their cavalry.
the
cities
was no
military
know- IV. 13
strength of armies lay increased and the heavy
armed grew in strength, more had a share in the government ; and this is the reason why the states, which we call con-
n
governments, have been hitherto called democracies. Ancient constitutions, as might be expected, were oligarchical stitutional
and royal ; their population being small they had no consider able middle class ; the people were weak in numbers and and
organization,
were therefore
more
contented
to
be
governed. I
have explained
ment, and
why
there are
why
there are various forms of govern-
more than
is
generally supposed
r2
;
for democracy, as well as other constitutions, has more than one form : also what their differences are, and whence they arise, and what is the best form of government, speaking
generally,
and
are best suited
whom
to ;
all
this
the various
Having thus gained an appropriate will
proceed to
order.
We
explained.
basis of discussion
we 14
speak of the points which follow next in
will consider the subject not only in general but
with reference
to
elements, and
the
particular states.
expedient for each state is
forms of government
now been
has
All
good law-giver has
states
to
have three
regard
what
is
When
they are well-ordered, the well-ordered, and as they differ from one another, state.
What
element first (i) which secondly (2) which is concerned with the magistrates and determines what they should be, over whom they should exercise authority, and what constitutions differ.
should be the
has
judicial
mode of
power
?
the
is
deliberates about public affairs
a
;
electing
them; and
thirdly (3)
which
3
Forms of the Deliberative Power
IT 6
The
IV. 14
deliberative element has authority
and peace, inflicts
in
making and unmaking alliances
in
death,
exile,
confiscation,
audits
matters of war
;
it
the
passes laws,
accounts
of
All these powers must be assigned either to all magistrates. the citizens or to some of them, for example, to one or more magistracies 4
;
some of them
or different causes to different magistracies, or to all, and others of them only to some. That
all things should be decided by all is characteristic of this is the sort of democracy equality which the people desire. But there are various ways in which all may share ;
in the
government
they
;
may
one body,
deliberate, not all in
but by turns, as in the constitution of Telecles the Milesian.
There
are
meet and
other states in which the boards of magistrates but come into office by turns, and are
deliberate,
elected out of the tribes and the very smallest divisions of
one has obtained
the state, until every
The
citizens,
on
the other
hand,
are
office
in his
turn.
assembled only
for
purposes of legislation, and to consult about the conand to hear the edicts of the magistrates. In stitution,
the 5
another variety of democracy the citizens form one assembly, but meet only to elect magistrates, to
make
about war and peace, and to
are referred severally to special magistrates,
6 by
vote or
citizens
by
lot
meet about
out
of
all
the citizens.
election to offices
deliberate concerning
war or
Other matters
who Or
and about
alliances,
to advise
pass laws,
scrutinies.
are elected again,
the
scrutinies,
and
while other matters are
administered by the magistrates, who, as far as is possible, are elected by vote *. I am speaking of those magistracies in 7
which
special
democracy
is
knowledge
when
all 1
is
required.
A
fourth
form
of
the citizens meet to deliberate about Cp.
vi. 2.
5.
In Democracies and Oligarchies
177
everything, and the magistrates decide nothing, but only
the preliminary enquiries
and that
;
is
the
way
in
make IV. 14
which the
and worst form of democracy, corresponding, as we maintain, to the close family oligarchy and to tyranny, is
last
All these modes are democratical.
present administered.
at
On
the other hand, that
This again
oligarchical. cratical,
has
many
a
deliberate about
mode which,
When
forms.
elected out of those
some should is
who have
like the
all is
demo-
8
the deliberative class, being
a moderate qualification, are
numerous and they respect and obey the law without alter ing it, and any one who has the required qualification shares government, then, just because of this moderation, the oligarchy inclines towards polity. But when only selected in- 1298 b dividuals and not the whole people share in the deliberations
in the
of the the
state, then,
law, the
although, as in the former case, they observe a pure oligarchy.
is
Or, again, 9 of deliberation are selfpower elected, and son succeeds father, and they and not the laws are supreme the government is of necessity oligarchical.
government
when those who have
Where,
the
again, particular persons
matters
for example,
when
have authority
in particular 10
the whole people decide about
peace and war and hold scrutinies, but the magistrates regulate everything else, and they are elected either by vote or by lot there
And by
*
the form of government
if
vote,
some questions
are
is
an aristocracy or polity
and others by magistrates elected by
absolutely or out of select candidates,
vote and by lot 1
*.
decided by magistrates elected lot,
either
or elected both by
these practices are partly characteristic of an
Reading with several of the MSS. apiaroKparia rj ttoXntia, and (Jiiv. Or, with Bekker s text, apiaroKparia p\v r) no\tr(io,
omitting
the government DAVIS
is
an aristocracy.
N
In Democracies and Oligarchies
178 IV. 14
aristocratical
government, and partly of
pure constitutional
a
government.
These
1 1
are the various forms of the deliberative
body
;
they
And the correspond to the various forms of government. of each state is administered according to one or government 1
2
Now
other of the principles which have been laid down.
of democracy,
the interest
for
is
to
the
it
most
according speaking of that extreme form of which the people are supreme even over the
prevalent notion of
it
(I
am
democracy, in laws), with a view to better deliberation to adopt the custom of oligarchies respecting courts of law. For in oligarchies the rich
who
are
wanted
under pain of a
And
attend.
to
fine,
to be judges are
compelled to attend democracies the poor are paid practice of oligarchies should be
whereas this
adopted by democracies will advise better if
plan that
good
by
those all,
those
;
who have
But
lot.
many
in
as
who
should
deliberate
the people It is also
be elected
appointed
pay should not be given to
would balance the number of the
number
in
excess should be eliminated
oligarchies either certain persons should be
chosen out of the mass,
probuli
deliberate together
political training,
but only to as
notables, or that the 14 by
all
or by lot in equal numbers out of the different and that if the people greatly exceed in number
vote
classes
assemblies, for they
in their public
they
and the notables with the people.
13 with the notables
a
in
such as exist
or in
a
class
some
and guardians of the law
of
states, ;
officers
who
should be are
termed
and the citizens should
occupy themselves exclusively with matters on which these have previously deliberated for so the people will have ;
a share in the deliberations of the state,
*5 to
disturb
the
principles
of the
but will not be able
constitution.
Again,
in
The Executive
179
either the people ought to accept the measures of the government, or not to pass anything contrary to them ; or, if all are allowed to share in counsel, the decision should
oligarchies
The
with the magistrates.
rest
opposite of what
done
is
IV. 14
in
governments should be the rule in oligarchies ; the veto of the majority should be final, their assent not final, constitutional
should be referred back to the magistrates.
jut the proposal
Whereas course
governments they take the contrary 16
in constitutional
the few have the negative not the affirmative power
;
;
the affirmation of everything rests with the multitude.
1299 a
These, then, are our conclusions respecting the deliberative, that
the supreme element in states.
is,
Next we offices
;
will
this, too,
to
proceed
the
consider
distribution
being a part of politics concerning
What
many
questions arise
what
shall they preside,
:
shall their
and what
shall
number be
?
of 15
which
Over
be their duration
?
Sometimes they last for six months, sometimes for less ; sometimes they are annual, whilst in other cases offices are held for
still
Shall they be
longer periods.
a long term of years
for life or for
a short term only, shall the same persons hold them over and over again, or once Also about the appointment to them from whom only ? are they to be first
chosen,
be in a position to
them, and then
if for
or,
;
by whom, and how ? say what are the possible
we may
suited to different forms
of government. offices
quite so easily answered.
For
many
;
?
varieties
But what
That
a political
and not every one who
by
lot is
to be regarded as a ruler.
are
the
who must
priests,
should
proceed to determine which
included under the term
officers
We
is
is
2
are to be
a question not
community requires chosen by vote or
In the
be distinguished
N
of are
first
place there
from
political
2
What
i8o IV. 15
officers
an
Office?
masters of choruses and heralds, even ambassadors,
;
3 are elected
Some
Constitutes
by vote [but
they are not political officers]
still
duties of superintendence again are political, extending
either
to
the citizens
all
a single sphere of action,
in
like
the office of the general who superintends them when they are in the field, or to a section of them only, like the
women
of
inspectorships
of youth.
or
Other
are
offices
concerned with household management, like that of the corn measurers who exist in many states and are elected officers
There
to
Speaking
which the duties
rich have executed
which the
are also menial offices
4 their slaves.
by
generally, they are to be called offices
are assigned of deliberating about certain
measures and of judging and commanding, especially the last; for to command is the especial duty of a magistrate. But the question is not of any importance in practice ; no one has ever brought into court the meaning of the word, although such problems have a speculative interest.
What
5
kinds of
offices,
and how many, are necessary to the
existence of a state, and which, if not necessary, yet conduce to
its
well-being,
6 affecting
much more important more
it
For
in
is
numerous, many may hold vacancies occur in
the office
is
some
office.
held once only
;
And
attention of the worker.
But
so
it
happens that
only after long intervals, or
offices
and certainly every work is 1 and not the divided,
1299 b better done which receives of the sole 7
considerations,
especially small ones.
possible, and indeed necessary, that every should have a special function ; where the citizens are
great states office
are
states, but
all
in
,
small states
it
is
necessary
2 since the small combine many offices in a few hands number of citizens does not admit of many holding office
to
,
:
1
Cp.
ii.
a.
6,
2
Cp.
vi. 8.
What for
who
is
for
same
offices
Hence
there
is
?
1 8 1
And
?
and laws
want them
that the one
after long intervals.
of many
Office
be to succeed them
will there
states at times require the
the difference
an
Constitutes
yet
small
as large ones
IV. 15
;
often, the others only
no reason
why
the care 8
should not be imposed on the same person, not interfere with each other. When the
offices
they will is
population
small, offices should be like the spits
serve to hold a lamp
We
1 .
must
first
which
ascertain
magistrates are necessary in every state, and also
also
how many how many
not exactly necessary, but are nevertheless useful, and then there will be no difficulty in judging what offices can be are
combined
We
in one.
should also
are to have jurisdiction over
many
know when
local tribunals
different matters,
9
and when
should be centralized
: for example, should one in the market and another in some other order person keep or should the same person be responsible everywhere ? place, Again, should offices be divided according to the subjects
authority
with which they deal, or according to the persons with whom I mean to say, should one person see to good they deal :
order in general, or one look after the boys, another after the
women, and so on the
should
example,
in
democracy,
there be
should
Further, under different constitutions, be the same or different ? For
?
magistrates
oligarchy,
aristocracy,
monarchy,
same magistrates,
the
although they are elected, not out of equal or similar classes of citizens, but different constitutions in aristocracies, for differently under example, they are chosen from the educated, in oligarchies from the wealthy, and in democracies from the free or are -.here
different offices proper
1
Cp. Note on
i.
a.
"to
different constitutions 2 ,
a
3.
See note.
and
i
1
The Executive under
82
IV. 15 may For
the same be suitable to some, but unsuitable to others
some
in
states
it
may
should have a more extensive, 11 sphere.
are
offices
Special
?
be convenient that the same office other
in
states
peculiar
narrower
a
forms
certain
to
of
for example, that of probuli, government [to oligarchies] which is not a democratic office, although a bule or council is. :
There must be some body of men whose duty measures for the people
from
their business
;
both
is
to prepare
not be diverted
these are few in number, the state
or rather the probuli must always be
exist in
institutions
on the council
;
a
But when
state, the probuli are a check
for the counsellor is a democratic element,
council disappears
j
:
may
and are therefore an oligarchical element.
but the probuli are
1300
order that they
when
inclines to an oligarchy
12 few,
in
Even the power of the
oligarchical.
when democracy has
taken that extreme
form, in which the people themselves are always meeting and This is the case when the 3 deliberating about everything. a
members of the assembly
are wealthy or receive pay for they have nothing to do and are always holding assemblies and deciding everything for themselves. magistracy which controls the boys or the women, or any similar office, is ;
A
suited to an aristocracy rather than to a
democracy
;
for
how
can the magistrates prevent the wives of the poor from going out of doors ? Neither is it an oligarchical office ; for the
wives of the oligarchs are too fine to be controlled. 14
Enough of
these matters.
appointment of
offices.
I
There
now
will
three
are
enquire into the
questions
to
be
answered, and the combinations of answers give all possible differences first, who appoints ? secondly, from whom ? and :
15 thirdly,
three
how?
ways:
Each of
these three
(i) All the citizens,
or
may
further
only some,
differ
in
appoint;
Different Constitutions
183
(2) Either the magistrates are chosen out of
some who or
by
are distinguished either
or
birth,
or
merit,
all
or out of
IV. 15
a property qualification,
some
for
reason,
special
who had
only those were eligible
Megara
by
as
at
returned from exile
and fought together against the democracy
They may
(3)
;
be appointed either by vote or by lot. Again, these several 16 modes may be combined ; I mean that some officers may be all, and some again out of some, and some by vote and others by all, of these differences admits of four variations.
elected by some, others by
and others out of
Each
lot.
(i) Either all
lot
by
;
all
elect out
may
and either out of
for example,
by
all
by vote, or
collectively or
and wards, and
tribes,
citizens have been
all
of
gone through
be elected by vote, and
some
appoint, they
in
may
some by
as,
may be
in
some cases they may
lot.
Again, (2)
appoint out of
all
by
vote,
if
only 18
or out
some by lot, and one way and some in another ; I mean if they are appointed by all they may be Thus there will appointed partly by vote and partly by lot be twelve forms of appointment without including the two of
all
by
some
lot
;
offices
or out of
some by
by sections,
or the citizens
;
17
out of
phratries, until all the
cases eligible indiscriminately, and in
all
all
vote, out of
be appointed
may
in
1
.
combinations
in the
mode of
election.
are democratic forms, namely,
the people out of say,
all
by vote or by
Of these
the choice lot,
is
varieties
two 19
made by
or by both, that
is
all
to
and some by vote. The cases in which they appoint at one time, but some appoint out of all or
some by
do not
all
when
lot
some by vote or by lot or by both (I mean some by and some by vote), or some out of all and others out
out of lot 1
i.
partly
e.
by
partly out of
all
lot (see infra c.
and partly out of some, and partly by vote and 16.
6).
The Executive
184 IV. 15 of some both by
and
lot
vote, are characteristic
out of
more
all
by vote or by
oligarchical
some out of some, 1
300 blot,
lot or
by both,
when some
is
oligarchical,
from
are elected
That some should be
from some.
of a polity or
That some should be appointed
20 constitutional government.
elected
all
and
still
and some
out of
all
and
some by vote and others by
or again
of a constitutional government, which an aristocracy. That some should be chosen out of some, and some taken by lot out of some, is oligarchical 1 l though not equally oligarchical ; oligarchical, too, is the characteristic
is
21 inclines to
appointment of some out of some in both ways, and of some out of all. But that all should elect by vote out of some is aristocratical.
These
22
and
in
ways of
are the different
manner
this
constituting magistrates,
correspond to
officers
different
forms
of government : which are proper to which, or how they ought to be established, will be evident when we determine the nature of their powers
2
By powers
.
mean such power
I
as a magistrate exercises over the revenue or in defence of
the country
;
for there are various kinds of
of the general, for example,
is
power
:
the power
not the same with that which
regulates contracts in the market.
Of
16 to
the three parts of government,
considered, and
be
There
this
we
shall
the
judicial
divide on
remains
the
same
the varieties points on which principle. the persons from whom they are of law-courts depend appointed, the matters with which they are concerned, and the
manner of taken from 1
2
are three
their appointment. all,
or from
I
some only
mean, (l) are the judges (2) how many kinds of
?
are bracketed by Bekker in both editions. Omitting noi with some MSS. and the old translator.
These words
Different
Modes of Appointing Judges
185*
law-courts are there? (3) are the judges chosen by vote or lot
by
IV. 16
?
let
First,
there are.
me
determine
They
how many
are eight in
number
kinds of law-courts
One
:
2
the court of
is
a second takes cognizance of [ordinary] offences against the state ; a third is concerned with treason
audits or scrutinies
;
against the
government; the fourth determines disputes re specting penalties, whether raised by magistrates or by private persons ; the fifth decides the more important civil cases ; the sixth tries cases of homicide, which are of various kinds, 3 (a) premeditated, (&) unpremeditated, (c) cases
confessed but the justice
guilt is
is
in
which the
and there may have fled from
disputed be a fourth court (d) in which murderers who justice are tried after their return ; such as the Court of
Phreatto
is
;
But cases of
said to be at Athens.
this
sort
The different kinds happen at all even in large cities. of homicide may be tried either by the same or by different courts. of these there 4 (7) There are courts for strangers : rarely
are
two
subdivisions, (a) for the settlement of their disputes
with one another, (b) for the settlement of disputes between them and the citizens. And besides all these there must be (8) courts for small suits about
drachmas, or a
little
they do not require
sums of a drachma up
more, which have
many
to five
to be determined, but
judges.
Nothing more need be said of these small suits, nor of the courts for homicide and for strangers I would rather speak :
of
political cases,
which, when mismanaged, create division and
disturbances in states.
Now which
if all
the citizens judge, in
all
the different cases
have distinguished, they may be appointed by vote or by lot, or sometimes by lot and sometimes by vote. Or I
5
6
1 8
IV. 16 when
Different certain
a
Modes of Appointing Judges who
class of causes are tried, the judges
de
them may be appointed, some by vote, and some by lot. These then are the four modes of appointing judges from the cide
1301
a
6
whole people, and there will be likewise four modes, if they from a part only for they may be appointed from
are elected
;
some by vote and judge in all causes or they may be or they appointed from some by lot and judge in all causes ;
;
may be
elected in
by
or
lot,
some
some cases by
vote,
and
in
when judging
courts, even
some cases taken same
the
causes,
be composed of members some appointed by vote and some by lot. These then are the ways in which the aforesaid
may
may be appointed. Once more, the modes of appointment may
judges 7
be combined,
some may be chosen out of the whole people, for example, the others out of some, some out of both same tribunal may be composed of some who were elected I
mean, that
;
out of
all,
and of others who were elected out of some, either
by vote or by lot or by both. In how many forms law-courts can be established has 8 been considered.
The
first
form,
judges are taken from all the causes are tried, is democratical
posed of a few only third, in
some from tional.
who
which some courts certain
try
viz.
that
citizens, ;
and
in
which
the second, which
all
causes,
are taken
all
classes only, aristocratical
all
com
is
oligarchical
from
now
which the
in
;
classes,
the
and
and constitu
BOOK V THE
design which l
completed
.
Next
we
in
proposed to ourselves
now
is
nearly
V.
order follow the causes of revolution
states, how many, and of what nature they are ; what elements work ruin in particular states, and out of what, and
in
into
what they mostly change
;
also
what are the elements of
preservation in states generally, or in a particular state, and
by what means each state may be best preserved questions remain to be considered. In the
first
place
we must assume
as
:
these
our starting-point
2
many forms of government which have sprung up 2 there has always been an acknowledgement of justice and that in the
proportionate
equality,
although
mankind
in
fail
attaining
have already explained 3 them, Democracy, 3 for example, arises out of the notion that those who are as indeed
I
.
equal in any respect are equal in
all
respects
;
because
are equally free, they claim to be absolutely equal. is
based on the notion that those
respect are in
all
respects unequal
;
who
men
Oligarchy in one
are unequal
being unequal, that
is,
in
property, they suppose themselves to be unequal absolutely.
The
democrats think that as they are equal they ought to be 4 1
8
Cp.
iv. c. 2.
Reading xai with the MSS. and Bekker
8
Cp.
iii.
9.
1-4.
s
1st ed.
1
1 8 8
V.
Devolutions
1 equal in
all
they are
things
unequal,
their Causes
.-
while the oligarchs, under the idea that much, which is one form of
;
claim too
All these forms of government have
5 inequality.
kind of
a
by an absolute standard, they are faulty ; both parties, whenever their share in the
tried justice, but,
and,
therefore,
government does not accord with
their preconceived
ideas,
6 stir Those who excel in virtue have the best up revolution. 1301 b r jght of all to rebel (for they alone can with reason be deemed 1
absolutely unequal)
do so
to
7 inclined
claimed by
but then they are of
,
2
There
.
men of rank
;
is
all
men
a superiority
also
the least
which
is
for they are thought noble because
z Here they spring from wealthy and virtuous ancestors 8 then, so to speak, are opened the very springs and fountains .
of revolution
ments
and hence
;
arise
two
sorts of changes in govern
when men seek
the one affecting the constitution,
;
to
change from an existing form into some other, for example, from democracy into oligarchy, and from oligarchy into demo
from
cracy, or
either of
them
aristocracy, and conversely
;
into constitutional
government or
the other not affecting the con
stitution, when, without disturbing the form of government, whether oligarchy, or monarchy, or any other, they try to get 4 9 the administration into their own hands Further, there is .
a question of degree
more or cratical
an oligarchy, for example,
;
may become
and a democracy more or less demomanner the characteristics of the other
less oligarchical,
and
;
in like
forms of government
may be more or less strictly maintained. may be directed against a portion of the
10 Or, the revolution constitution a
1
3
e. g.
only,
particular
Cp. Cp.
office
:
iii.
13.
iv.
8.
as
the at
is
it
2
25. 9.
or
establishment
Sparta
Cp. Cp.
overthrow of
said that c.
4.
iv. 5.
12. 3.
Lysander
The Desire of Equality
189
attempted to overthrow the monarchy, and king Pausanias
At
the ephoralty.
For
Epidamnus,
change was
too, the
but
;
members of the
to
this
who
1
was
day the magistrates are the only
ruling class
V.
partial.
instead of phylarchs or heads of tribes, a council
appointed
1
1 1
go to the and the office of the
are compelled to
Heliaea when an election takes place, 2 single archon [survives, which] is another oligarchical feature. Everywhere inequality is a cause of revolution, but an in
which there
no proportion, for instance, a per petual monarchy among equals ; and always it is the desire of equality which rises in rebellion. equality in
Now by the
equality is of
first
I
is
two kinds, numerical and proportional or equality in number or size
mean sameness
by the second, equality of three
over two
is
ratios.
equal to the
whereas four exceeds two exceeds one, for two
13
;
For example, the excess of excess of two over one ;
in the
same
ratio
in
which two
the same part of four that one
is
;
is
of
As I was saying before 3, men agree 13 two, namely, the half. about justice in the abstract, that it is treating others according of opinion about the
to their deserts, but there is a difference
application of the principle
;
some think
that if they are equal
any respect they are equal absolutely, others that if they are Hence there 14 unequal in any respect they are unequal in all.
in
are
two
garchy
for
numbers are a
democracy and oli good birth and virtue are rare, but wealth and 1302 a more common. In what city shall we find
principal forms of government,
;
hundred persons of good birth and of
poor everywhere abound.
That
virtue
?
whereas the
should be ordered, to either kind of equality, is not and wholly, according simply 1
Cp.
vii.
a
*
20.
14. 8
CP
.
state
2j
iii.
9.
Cp.
iii.
1-4.
16.
i.
1
V.
The Great Source of Involution
90
1 a 15
good thing the proof is the fact that such forms of government never last. They are originally based on a mistake, and, ;
as they begin badly, cannot
to
fail
end badly.
is
that both kinds of equality should be
in
some Still
and proportionate
cases,
democracy
For
.
;
inference
numerical
in others.
appears to be safer
16 lution than oligarchy
The
employed
and
in oligarchies
less liable to revo-
2
there
the double
is
danger of the oligarchs falling out among themselves and also 3 with the people ; but in democracies there is only the danger
of a quarrel with the oligarchs. tioning arises
among
No
dissension worth
the people themselves.
further remark that a government
which
is
men
And we may
composed of the
middle class more nearly approximates to democracy than to 4 and is the safest of the imperfect forms of oligarchy ,
government. 2 In considering arise,
we must
how
of them which
a
number
We
of each.
dissensions and political
all
want
revolutions
and causes
ascertain the beginnings
affect constitutions generally.
said to be three in line
of
first
and we have now
;
know
to
what
(l)
They may
be
to give an out
the feeling
is
?
and (2) what are the motives of those who make them ? The (3) whence arise political disturbances and quarrels ? universal
and chief cause of
already mentioned
;
this revolutionary feeling has been
viz. the desire
that they are equal to others or, again,
who
of equality, when
men
think
have more than themselves;
the desire of inequality and superiority,
when con
ceiving themselves to be superior they think that they have 3 not
more but the same or
1
3
Cp. Cp.
iv.
ii.
c. 5.
than their inferiors
less
which may and may not be
just. -
Cp.
14.
;
pretensions
Inferiors revolt in order c. 6.
4
Omitting
17
before
ruv
6\iycui>.
191
Devolutions may be
that they
Such
is
equal,
the state of
and equals that they may be superior. V. 2
mind which
The
creates revolutions.
motives for making them are the desire of gain and honour, the authors of them want or the fear of dishonour and loss ;
to divert
The
friends.
positions I
punishment or dishonour from themselves or their causes and reasons of these motives and dis- 4
men, about the things which one way, may be regarded as another as more than seven. Two of them 5
which
are excited in
have mentioned, viewed
seven, and in
have
been
already
men
manner, for
in
noticed
:
but
;
of gain and honour
different
they act in a
are excited against one another not, as in the
case
which
by the love have just
I
supposed, in order to obtain them for themselves, but at seeing 1302 b others, justly or unjustly, engrossing them.
Other causes
are 6
insolence, fear, love of superiority, contempt, disproportionate
increase in
some
part of the state
election intrigues, carelessness,
causes of another sort are
;
neglect about
trifles,
dissimi
of elements.
larity
What
share insolence and avarice have in creating revolu-
how
and
tions,
they work,
is
plain
magistrates are insolent and grasping
enough.
When
3
the
they conspire against
one another and also against the constitution from which they derive their power, making their gains either at the expense of individuals or of the public. influence
who
honour exerts and how
It is evident, it is
are themselves dishonoured
honours deserved
rise in rebellion is
unjust,
;
again,
what an
a cause of revolution.
and who see others obtaining when un
the honour or dishonour
and just when awarded according
to
Again, superiority is a cause of revolution when one or more persons have a power which is too much for the
merit.
1
3
Men
Supra
2, 3.
3
1
V. 3
Causes of Devolutions
92
state
and the power of the government
;
this
is
a condition of
out of which there arises a monarchy, or a family
affairs
And,
oligarchy.
some
in
therefore,
as
places,
at
Athens
But how and Argos, they have recourse to ostracism *. much better to provide from the first that there should be no such pre-eminent individuals instead of into existence and then finding a remedy.
Another cause of
4
revolution
is
fear.
letting
them come
Either
men have
committed wrong, and are afraid of punishment, or they are expecting to suffer wrong and are desirous of anticipating their
2
enemy
Thus
.
Rhodes
at
the
notables
conspired
against the people through fear of the suits that were brought
them.
5 against
revolution
Contempt for
;
have no share
example, in
also a cause of insurrection
is
in
and
when those who
oligarchies
the state are the
majority, they revolt, because they think that they are the stronger. Or, again, in democracies, the rich despise the disorder and anarchy of the state ; at Thebes, for example, where, after the battle of
Oenophyta, the bad administration of the democracy led to At Megara the fall of the democracy was due its ruin. to
a defeat occasioned
by disorder and anarchy.
And
at
Syracuse the democracy was overthrown before the tyranny of Gelo arose ; at Rhodes before the insurrection. 6
revolutions
Political
also
spring from a
increase in any part of the state.
a
disproportionate
as a
body
many members, and every member
up of
1303
For
proportion
its
nature if
,
body two spans 1
Cp.
made
grow ought symmetry may be preserved, but loses the foot be four cubits long and the rest of the 3
in
is
to
that
;
and, should the abnormal increase be one of 2
iii.
13.
Cp.
15. 3
Cp.
iii,
13.
21.
c.
5.
2,
Occasions of Devolutions well
quality as
another animal
even so a state has
:
some one may
often
number of poor
in
grow imperceptibly
democracies and
And
this disproportion
as at
Tarentum, from a defeat
were
slain
Persian
a
in
a
with
the lapygians
constitutional
democracy
for example,
;
or, as
;
after the losses inflicted in
the
constitutional states.
in
may sometimes happen by in which many of
battle
War, the
becoming
may even take the form of V. 3 many parts, of which
of quantity,
as
193
government
was the case
an accident,
after
just in
at
7
the notables
the
consequence
Argos, where
the Battle of the Seventh
Day
by Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, the Argives were com and at pelled to admit to citizenship some of their perioeci :
of their infantry in the Athens, when, times of the Peloponnesian War, the notables were reduced in number, because the soldiers had to be taken from the after frequent defeats
of
roll
citizens.
Revolutions
democracies as well as
in other
to so great an extent.
When
arise
from
cause
this
in 8
forms of government, but not the rich
l
grow numerous
or
properties increase, the form of government changes into an
oligarchy or a government of families.
Forms of government
sometimes even
without revolution, owing to election contests, as at Heraea (where, instead of electing also
change
took them by lot, because the electors of choosing their own partisans) or owing when disloyal persons are allowed to find
their magistrates, they
were to
in the habit
carelessness,
their
way
;
into the highest offices, as at
Oreum, where, upon was
the accession of Heracleodorus to office, the oligarchy
overthrown,
and changed by him into a constitutional and
democratical government.
1
Reading
O
tinttipcov.
9
1
V. 3 10
Occasions of Devolutions
94
the
Again, degrees
;
into the
for
was
first,
instance, the
Another cause of
growth of
Hence
the time
at
to
for office,
spirit
it
;
for a state
which do is
foundation or for example,
afterwards, has
the
Achaeans
the foundation of Sybaris,
in
being the more numerous, afterwards expelled them fell
upon
At
Sybaris.
Thurii
quarrelled with their fellow-colonists
;
belonged to them, they wanted too driven out. in
At Byzantium
a conspiracy,
people of Antissa,
not the
a multitude brought together
;
joined the Troezenians
curse
the
the reception of strangers in colonies,
of their
generally produced revolution
12 the
at
the
was much
difference of races
is
common
;
small
For
nothing.
a small qualification
a day, neither is
by accident.
who
accomplished by small change may sometimes slip
qualification
revolution
not at once acquire a
either
be
reduced
eventually
Ambraciots thought that same as none at all. 1 1
may
that a great
constitution through neglect of a small matter
Ambracia, at
revolution
mean
I
the
new
the
;
hence
Sybarites
thinking that the land
much of
it
and were
colonists were detected
and were expelled by force of arms ; the who had received the Chian exiles, fought
with them, and drove them out
and the Zancleans,
;
after
having received the Samians, were driven by them out of The citizens of Apollonia on the Euxine, 13 their own city.
of a fresh body of colonists, had a Syracusans, after the expulsion of their
after the introduction
revolution
1303 b
tyrants,
;
the
having admitted
strangers
and mercenaries to the
the rights of citizenship, quarrelled and came to blows of received Chalcidian colonists, people Amphipolis, having were nearly all expelled by them. ;
14
Now,
in
oligarchies the masses
make
revolution under the
Occasions of Revolutions
195-
idea that they are unjustly treated, because, as I said before, are
they
and have
equals,
an
not
equal
share,
and
V. 3
in
democracies the notables revolt, because they are not equals, and yet have only an equal share.
Again, the situation of the country
of the
cities is a
when
cause of revolution
15
not naturally adapted to preserve the unity For example, the Chytrians at Clazomenae did
is
state.
not agree with the people of the island ; and the people of Colophon quarrelled with the Notians ; at Athens, too, the inhabitants of the Piraeus are live
For
the city.
in
more democratic than those who
just
as
in
war,
the impediment of 16
though ever so small, may break a regiment, so every cause of difference, however slight, makes a breach in a a ditch,
The
city.
and vice
greatest opposition
next comes
;
is
confessedly that of virtue
that of wealth
and poverty
there are other antagonistic elements, greater or less, of
one
is this
which
difference of place.
In revolutions the interests
and
;
are
occasions
stake.
at
Trifles
may are
be
trifling,
but
great
4
most important when
they concern the rulers, as was the case of old at Syracuse ; for the Syracusan constitution was once changed by a lovequarrel of
The
story
his beloved
two young men, who were in the government. that while one of them was away from home
is
was gained over by
his companion,
revenge himself seduced the other s wife. all
the
made
members of the
a revolution.
We
ruling class into learn
from
They
then drew
their quarrel
this story that
we
and
should 3
be on our guard against the beginnings of such evils, and should put an end to the quarrels of chiefs and mighty men. The mistake lies in the beginning as the proverb says,
Well begun
is
half done
so an error at the beginning,
O
2
a
and he to
1
V.
9
6
Occasions of
"Revolutions^
4 though quite small, has the proportion of a half to the whole In general, when the notables quarrel, the whole city 4 matter. is involved, as happened in Hestiaea after the Persian War.
The
occasion was
two brothers
division of an
the
inheritance
;
give an account of their
refused to
property and the treasure which he had found
so the poorer
:
of the two quarrelled with him and enlisted
who was
the popular party, the other,
one of father s
in
his cause
very rich, the wealthy
classes.
At
5
1304
a
Delphi,
beginning of
all
again, a quarrel about a marriage was the the troubles which followed. In this case the
bridegroom, fancying some occurrence to be of evil omen, came to the bride, and went away without taking her.
Whereupon her relations, thinking that they were insulted by him, put some of the sacred treasure [among his offerings] while he was sacrificing, and then slew him, pretending that At Mitylene, too, a dis
6 he had been robbing the temple. pute about heiresses
and led
their city.
was the beginning of many misfortunes, in which Paches took
war with the Athenians
to the
A
wealthy
citizen,
named Timophanes,
left
two
daughters; Doxander, another citizen, wanted to obtain them his
for
7
but
sons,
he was rejected
in
his
suit,
whereupon
he stirred up a revolution, and instigated the Athenians (of similar quarrel about whom he was proxenus) to interfere. an heiress arose at Phocis between Mnaseas the father of
A
Mnason, and Euthycrates the father of Onomarchus this was the beginning of the Sacred War. marriage-quarrel ;
A
was
also
Epidamnus. to
a
the
cause
A
of a
certain
change
in
the
government of
man
person whose father,
fined the father of the girl,
bethrothed his daughter secretly having been made a magistrate,
and the
latter,
stung by the
insult,
and
Manner of
the
Effecting
Them
197
conspired with the unenfranchised classes to overthrow the
V. 4
state.
Governments
change into oligarchy or into democracy 8
also
or into a constitutional government because the magistrates, or
some other
Thus
section of the state, increase in
Athens
at
the
by the court of seemed to tighten the War,
On
of government.
Salamis
which was
*,
served in the
fleet,
gained
reputation
the Areopagus, in the Persian reins
hand, the victory of
the other
common
gained by the
and won
power or renown.
for the
who
people
Athenians the empire of
the sea, strengthened the democracy.
At Argos,
the notables, 9
having distinguished themselves against the Lacedaemonians in the battle of Mantinea, attempted to put down the demo At Syracuse, the people having been the chief cracy. authors of the victory in the war with the Athenians, changed the constitutional government into democracy.
At
the
Phoxus
the
At Ambracia 2
the
uniting
people,
tyrant,
with
the
notables,
and then seized the government.
killed
Chalcis,
,
people, in like manner, having joined with the conspirators in
expelling the tyrant Periander, transferred the government to
And
themselves.
those
who
citizens,
generally,
it
should be remembered that 10
have secured power to the
or
or
magistrates,
tribes,
state,
or
whether private
any other part or
section of the state, are apt to cause revolutions.
For
either
envy of their greatness draws others into rebellion, or they themselves, in their pride of superiority, are unwilling to remain on a level with others.
when
Revolutions break out
and the poor, 1
8
are
opposite parties, e.g. the rich
equally balanced,
Cp. ii. 12. 5 Cp. supra c. 3.
;
viii.
6.
and there
II.
10, and infra
c.
10.
16.
is
little
n
or 1304 b
Occasions of Revolutions
198
V. 4 nothing between them
;
for, if either
party were manifestly
would not risk an attack upon them. reason, those who are eminent in virtue do not
12 superior, the other
for this
insurrections, being always a minority.
Such
And, stir
up
are the beginnings
and causes of the disturbances and revolutions to which every form of government is liable. Revolutions are effected fraud.
in
Force may be applied
two ways, by force and by
either at the time of
making the
Fraud, again, is of two kinds ; for the citizens are deceived into a change of sometimes (i) and afterwards government, they are held in subjection against
13 revolution or afterwards.
This was what happened
their will.
Hundred, who
in
the case of the
Four
deceived the people by telling them that the
would provide money for the war against the Lace daemonians, and when the deception was over, still endeavoured king
to retain the government.
persuaded
at
and
first,
(2) In other cases the people are
by
afterwards,
a repetition of the
persuasion, their goodwill and allegiance are retained.
revolutions
which
affect
the above-mentioned causes
5
The
constitutions generally spring from *.
And
now, taking each constitution separately, we must see what follows from the principles already laid down. Revolutions in democracies are generally caused by the in temperance of demagogues, who either in their private capacity lay to
information
combine
men
against rich
common
(for a
until
they compel them
danger unites even the bitterest
enemies), or coming forward in public they
2
stir up the people them. The truth of this is remark against proved by a At Cos the democracy was overthrown variety of examples.
because wicked demagogues arose, and the notables combined. 1
Cp. supra
c.
2.
I.
Revolutions in Democracies At Rhodes
the demagogues not only provided pay for the
but
multitude,
trierarchs the
and they,
in
against them, .
V. 5
them from making good to the sums which had been expended by them ; prevented
consequence of the suits which were brought were compelled to combine and put down the
The democracy
1
democracy
199
at
Heraclea was overthrown 3
shortly after the foundation of the colony by the injustice of the demagogues, which drove out the notables, who came
back
in a
Much in 4 body and put an end to the democracy. 2 Megara was overturned ;
the same manner the democracy at there the
demagogues drove out many of the notables
in
order that they might be able to confiscate their property. At length the exiles, becoming numerous, returned, and engaging and defeating the people, established an oligarchy. The same 1305 a thing happened with the democracy of
states the
Cyme which was
And we may
thrown by Thrasymachus.
over
observe that in most 5
changes have been of this character. For sometimes
the demagogues, in order to curry favour with the people, either wrong the notables and so force them to combine ;
they
make
a division of
their
property, or diminish their
incomes by the imposition of public services, and sometimes they bring accusations against the rich that they may have their wealth to confiscate
Of
old, the
8 .
demagogue was
cracies
also a general, and then
Most of
into tyrannies.
demo-
changed were originally demagogues 4 They are not so now, but were then and the reason is that ; they they were generals .
and not
Whereas 1 3
orators, for oratory in
our day,
Cp. supra c. 3. Cp. infra c. 8.
when
had not yet come
2 *
into fashion.
the art of rhetoric has
4.
20.
Cp.
c.
Cp. 10.
c. 3.
4
;
6
the ancient tyrants
5,
and
iv.
Plato, Rep.
made such 15. viii.
15.
565
D.
7
The Demagogue and
2OO V.
the
Tyrant
5 progress, the orators lead the people, but their ignorance of military matters prevents
them from usurping power at any few and slight. Formerly ;
8 rate instances to the contrary are
tyrannies were
more common than they
power was often placed
great
are
now, because
the hands of individuals
in
;
thus a tyranny arose at Miletus out of the office of the Pryl tanis, who had supreme authority in many important matters .
those days,
in
Moreover,
people dwelt in the 9 if
fields,
when
busy
cities
at their
were not
work
;
and
large,
the
their chiefs,
they possessed any military talent, seized the opportunity,
and winning the confidence of the masses by professing their hatred of the wealthy, they succeeded in obtaining the tyranny. Thus at Athens Peisistratus led a faction against the men of the plain
2
and Theagenes
,
at
Megara slaughtered
the cattle
of the wealthy, which he found by the river side where they 10
had put them to graze. Dionysius, again, was thought worthy of the tyranny because he denounced Daphnaeus and the rich ; his enmity to the notables won for him the confidence of the
Changes also take place from the ancient to the form of democracy for where there is a popular elec of the magistrates and no property qualification, the
people. latest
tion
;
aspirants for office get hold of the people, 11 last
even to set them above the laws.
plete cure
for this state of things
is
A
and contrive
more or
less
at
com
for the separate tribes,
and not the whole people, to elect the magistrates. These are the principal causes of revolutions
in
demo
cracies.
6
There
are
two patent causes of revolutions
in oligarchies
[one coming from without, the other from within the govern
ment] 1
:
(i)
Cp. infra
First, c.
IO.
when
the oligarchs oppress the -
5.
See Herod,
i.
59.
people,
201
Devolutions in Oligarchies
anybody is good enough to be their champion, V. 6 especially if he be himself a member of the oligarchy, as 1305 b Lygdamis at Naxos, who afterwards came to be tyrant. But 2 revolutions which commence outside the governing class may then
for
be further subdivided.
Sometimes, when the government
the wealthy class
who
is
brought about by persons of are excluded, as happened at Massalia
very exclusive, the revolution
is
and Istros and Heraclea, and other cities. Those who had no share in the government created a disturbance, until first the elder brothers, and then the younger, were admitted
;
3
for
some places father and son, in others elder and younger At Massalia the oli brothers, do not hold office together. in
garchy became more like a constitutional government, but at Istros ended in a democracy, and at Heraclea was enlarged to
600.
At
Cnidos, again, the oligarchy underwent a con- 4
siderable change.
For
the notables
fell
out
among
themselves,
because only a few shared in the government ; there existed among them the rule already mentioned, that father and son could not hold office together,
and,
if there
only the eldest was admitted.
were several
The
people took advantage of the quarrel, and choosing one of the notables to be their leader, attacked and conquered the oligarchs, who
brothers,
were divided, and division
is always a source of weakness. of Erythrae, too, in old times was ruled, and ruled well, by the Basilidae, but the people took offence at the narrowness of the oligarchy and changed the government.
The
city
5
of revolutions in oligarchies one is (2) Of internal causes the personal rivalry of the oligarchs, which leads them to Now, the oligarchical demagogue is of 6 play the demagogue.
two
sorts
:
either (i) he practises
upon the oligarchs them
selves (for, although the oligarchy are quite a small number,
202 V. 6
Their Causes External and Internal may be
there
a
demagogue among them,
as at
Athens
the
party of Charicles predominated among the Thirty, that of in the Four Hundred) or (2) the oligarchs may the the people. with This was the case at demagogue play the of where the citizens endeavoured to Larissa, guardians
Phrynichus
;
gain over the people because they were elected by
such
is
them
;
elected, as at
all
oligarchies in
but by the heavy-armed or by the people, although they
7
and
which the magistrates are Abydos, not by the class to which they belong,
the fate of
may
be required to have a high qualification, or to be members of a political club or, again, where the law-courts are inde ;
pendent of the government, the oligarchs flatter the people in order to obtain a decision in their own favour, and so they
happened at Heraclea in Pontus. whenever Again, oligarchies change any attempt is made to narrow them for then those who desire equal rights are comchange the constitution
;
this
;
8 pelled to
call in
occur when
1306
a
the people.
extravagant
living
either try to
make
in the tyranny, as
as at
*
Amphipolis
cidian
Changes waste
the oligarchs
colonists,
the rich. 9 against
in the
oligarchy also
their
private property by then they want to innovate, and themselves tyrants, or install some one else
for
;
Hipparinus did Dionysius at Syracuse, and a man named Cleotimus introduced Chal-
and when they arrived,
For
stirred
them up
a like reason in
Aegina the person who carried on the negotiation with Chares endeavoured to revolutionize the state. Sometimes a party among the oli sometimes they rob garchs try to create a political change the treasury, and then, either the other oligarchs quarrel with ;
the thieves, as happened at Apollonia in Pontus, or they with the
other
oligarchs.
But an oligarchy which i C P c. 3. 13. .
is
at
unity
Oligarchy , Dangers with
itself is not easily
may
see
in Peace
and War 203
destroyed from within
;
of
this
we V. 6
although the 10
an example at Pharsalus, for there,
few in number, they govern a large city, because have a good understanding among themselves. they Oligarchies, again, are overthrown when another oligarchy rulers are
is
created within the original one, that
whole governing body
is
is
to
when
say,
small and yet they do not
all
the
n
share
Thus at Elis the governing body was and very few ever found their way into it, because, although in number ninety, the senators were elected for life and out of certain families in a manner similar to the
in the highest offices.
a small senate
;
Lacedaemonian alike in
elders.
war and
trust the
Oligarchy
in peace
people, the
;
in
liable
is
to
revolutions 12
war because, not being
oligarchs are
able to
compelled to hire
mer
cenaries, and the general who is in command of them often ends in becoming a tyrant, as Timophanes did at Corinth or if there are more one make themselves into than generals they ;
a
company of
tyrants
*.
Sometimes the
fearing
oligarchs,
government because And in time of peace, 13 hand over the defence
this danger, give the people a share in the their services are necessary to
from mutual
distrust, the
two
them. parties
of the state to the army and to an arbiter between the two This happened factions who often ends the master of both. at Larissa when Simosand the Aleuadae had the government,
and
at Abydos in the days of Iphiades and the political clubs. Revolutions also arise out of marriages or lawsuits which lead 14 to the overthrow of one party among the oligarchs by another.
Of
quarrels about marriages I have already mentioned
2
some
another occurred at Eretria, where Diagoras over ; turned the oligarchy of the knights because he had been instances
1
bwaoTtia.
2
Cp.
c.
4.
5-7.
Revolutions in Oligarchies
204
A
V. 6 wronged J
5
about a marriage. revolution at Heraclea, and another at Thebes, both arose out of decisions of law-courts
upon
a charge of adultery
;
in
both cases the punishment was
just, but executed in the spirit of party, at Heraclea upon
1806 b Eurytion, and at Thebes upon Archias ; for their enemies were jealous of them and so had them pilloried in the 1
6 agora.
Many
oligarchies
have
been
some
by
destroyed
members of
the ruling class taking offence at their excessive
despotism Chios.
for
;
Changes of
example,
the
constitutional
oligarchy
at
governments,
Cnidus and
and also of
at
oli
garchies which limit the office of counsellor, judge, or other magistrate to persons
having a certain
17 often occur by accident.
The
money
qualification
qualification,
may have been
originally fixed according to the circumstances of the time, in
such a manner as to include in
a
constitutional
in
an oligarchy a few only, or
But
government the middle class.
after
arising from peace or some other good fortune, the same property becomes many times as large, and then everybody participates in every office this
a time of prosperity, whether
;
happens sometimes gradually and insensibly, and sometimes 18 quickly. These are the causes of changes and revolutions in oligarchies.
We
must remark generally, both of democracies and
garchies, that they sometimes change,
oli
not into the opposite
forms of government, but only into another variety of the same class I mean to say, from those forms of democracy ;
and oligarchy which are regulated by law arbitrary, and conversely. 7
into those
In aristocracies revolutions arc stirred up share in the honours of the state
;
a cause
when
a
which
are
few only
which has been
20 y
Involutions in Oligarchies shown
already
to
affect
oligarchies
although the few are the
of a few, wealthy
an aristocracy is the government
for
;
a sort of oligarchy, and, like an oligarchy,
virtuous
hence the two are often confounded.
;
most
V. 7
is
and not the
And
revo-
2
and must happen, when the majority of the people are high-spirited, and have a notion lutions will be
that they are as
likely to happen,
good
Thus
as their rulers.
the so-called Partheniae,
who were
the
at
Lacedaemon
[illegitimate] sons
of
the Spartan peers, attempted a revolution, and, being detected,
were sent away occur
when
colonize Tarentum.
to
great
men who
Again, revolutions
are at least of equal merit are
dishonoured by those higher in office, as Lysander was by the kings of Sparta or, when a brave man is excluded from
3
:
the honours of the state, like Cinadon, the Spartans under Agesilaus
;
who
or, again,
conspired against
when some
are very
poor and others very rich, a state of society which is most often the result of war, as at Lacedaemon in the days of the
Messenian entitled
War
;
this is
Good Order
;
proved from the poem of Tyrtaeus, 4 for he speaks of certain citizens who 1807 a
were ruined by the war and wanted to have a redistribution of the land. is
great,
Again, revolutions arise when an individual who and might be greater, wants to rule alone, as at Lace
daemon, Pausanias, who was general like
Hanno
at
in
the Persian
War, or
Carthage.
Constitutional governments and aristocracies are commonly overthrown owing to some deviation from justice in the con stitution itself; the cause of the downfall is, in the former,
the ill-mingling of the two elements democracy and oligarchy in
the
virtue,
;
of the three elements, democracy, oligarchy, and For to com but especially democracy and oligarchy.
latter,
bine these
is
the endeavour of constitutional governments
;
5
20 6
Devolutions in Aristocracies^
V. 7 and most of 6 differ
more and some
are
more
incline
which
the so-called aristocracies have a like aim
from polities by the addition of virtue
them
less
democracy
But the
they are contented.
two
them power, tion
it
are apt to be insolent
And
for the greater
;
are equal
government gives
and avaricious
whichever way the constitution
but
and those
when men
rich, if the
,
Those which
constitutional governments.
the number, the greater the strength, and
general,
;
to oligarchy are called aristocracies,
incline to
J
hence some of
permanent.
therefore the latter are the safer of the
7
etc.
and, in
;
inclines, in that direc
changes as either party gains strength, a constitutional
government becoming a democracy, an aristocracy, an oliBut the process may be reversed, and aristocracy 8 garchy.
may change into democracy. This happens when the poor, under the idea that they are being wronged, force the consti In like manner constitutional
tution to take an opposite form.
into oligarchies.
governments change ciple of government for every
9
What
man I
where the reduced,
is
The
equality according
to enjoy his
only stable prin
to proportion,
have just mentioned actually happened for office, qualification
and
the
and
own.
at first
though
increased
magistrates
at
in
Thurii
high,
2 ,
was
The
number.
had previously acquired the whole of the land for the government tended to oligarchy, and contrary to law But the people, who had been they were able to encroach. notables
;
trained by war, soon got the better of the guards kept by the oligarchs, until those to
Again, since
all
who had
too
aristocratical
much gave up governments
garchy, the notables are apt to be grasping
mon, where property has passed 1
Cp.
iv. c.
a
7.
Cp,
c. 3.
into 12.
;
thus at Lacedae-
few hands 3
their land.
incline to oli
Cp.
3 ,
ii.
the notables 9.
14,
Involutions in much
can do too
Mixed Governments
as they like,
207
and are allowed to marry
whom v. 7
The
city of Locri was ruined by a marriage they please. connexion with Dionysius. but such a thing could never have
happened in a democracy, or in a well-balanced aristocracy. I have already remarked that in all states revolutions are Jr J In aristocracies, above all, they are of 1307 occasioned by trifles .
a gradual
giving up
and imperceptible nature.
some
The
part of the constitution,
citizens begin
by
and so with greater which is a little
ease the government change something else
more important, of the
they have undermined the whole fabric Thurii there was a law that generals should
until
At
state.
1 2
years, and some men who were with the soldiers high-spirited young popular of the guard, despising the magistrates and thinking that they
only be re-elected after an interval of
five
would
easily gain their purpose, wanted to abolish this law and allow their generals to hold perpetual commands ; for they well knew that the people would be glad enough to elect them.
Whereupon
who had
the magistrates
and who are called councillors,
charge of these matters, 13 determined to resist,
at first
but they afterwards consented, thinking that, if only this one
law was changed, no further inroad would be made on the But other changes soon followed which they in constitution. vain attempted to oppose and the state passed into the hands ;
of the revolutionists
who
established a dynastic oligarchy.
All constitutions are overthrown either from within or from without
;
the
latter,
when
there
some government
is
close at
hand having an opposite interest, or at a distance, but powerful. This was exemplified in the old times of the Athenian and the Lacedaemonian supremacies
1
c.
4
.
;
the Athenians everywhere
r.
^
D
The Preservation of
208 V. 7
put
down
the
democracies
8
Lacedaemonians the
1 .
now
I have
explained what are the chief causes of revolu
and dissensions
tions
and the
oligarchies,
States
in states.
We
have next to consider what means there are of pre In the serving states in general, and also in particular cases. first
place
is
it
destroy states,
them
we know the causes which know the causes which preserve
evident that if
we
shall also
for opposites produce opposites,
;
and destruction
is
the
2 opposite of preservation In all well-attempered governments there is nothing which should be more jealously maintained than the spirit of .
2
more
obedience to law,
especially
matters
small
in
;
for
transgression creeps in unperceived and at last ruins the state, just as the constant recurrence 3
up a fortune. and therefore fallacy
is
And
4
if
all
are not
a
In the
rely
first
upon the 3
spoken 5
time eats
is
little,
then the whole
one way, but not little,
in another, for
although they are
made up
littles.
,
political
men
should guard against the second place they should not devices of which I have already
then,
place,
beginning of change, and L308
each part
this is true in
the whole and the
of
in
change does not take place all at once, not observed ; the mind is deceived, as in the
which says that
is little.
of small expenses
The
in the
invented only to deceive the people, for they are Further we note that experience to be useless.
proved by
oligarchies as well
as aristocracies
may
last,
not from any
inherent stability in such forms of government, but because the rulers are on good terms both with the unenfranchised and 1
Cp.
iv.
ii.
2
18. 8
Cp.
iv. 13.
Cp. Nic. Eth. I.
v.
I.
4.
How
avoid Revolution
to
209
with the governing classes, not maltreating any who are excluded from the government, but introducing into it the
among them
leading spirits
1
should never wrong the
They
.
ambitious in a matter of honour,
V. 8
common
or the
people
in
money and they should treat one another and fellow-citizens in a spirit of equality. The equality 6
a matter of their
;
which the friends of democracy seek multitude if
Hence,
for the
establish
to
not only just but likewise expedient among equals. the governing class are numerous, many democratic
is
are
institutions
useful
;
for example,
tenure of offices to six months, that
the restriction of the
who
those
all
are of
Indeed, equals or peers when they are numerous become a kind of democracy, and therefore equal rank
may
share in them.
demagogues are very 2 already remarked .
garchies and
likely to arise
The
among them,
as
have
I
short tenure of office prevents
aristocracies
from
the
into
falling
oli- 7
hands of
not easy for a person to do any great harm his tenure of office is short, whereas long possession
families
when begets
it
;
is
tyranny
in
who
democracies
in
members of
are
ruling houses,
demagogues or those
and have a long tenure of them States are preserved
when
For
and democracies.
oligarchies
aspirants to tyranny are either the principal
who
men of
and
in
the
the state, oligarchies
hold great
offices,
3 .
their destroyers are at a distance, 8
and sometimes also because they are near, for the fear of them
makes the government keep ruler
who
hand the
in
state.
Wherefore the
has a care of the state should invent terrors, and
bring distant dangers near, in order that the citizens their guard, and,
their attention. 1
AVIS
vi.
like sentinels in a
He
4.
be on
should endeavour too by help of the laws 9 a
7.
may
night-watch, never relax
Supra
c.
P
6.
6.
8
Cp.
c.
5.
6.
How
210 V. 8
avoid Devolution
to
to control the contentions
prevent those
being drawn
of
J
evil
in.
and quarrels of the notables, and to
have not hitherto taken part in them from No ordinary man can discern the beginning
but only the true statesman.
,
As
10
who
in
to the change
produced
in oligarchies
and constitutional
2
governments by the alteration of the qualification, when this arises, not out of any variation in the census but only out of the
increase
of money,
well
is
it
to
compare the general
valuation of property with that of past years, annually in those cities
which the census
in
1308 b cities every third or greater or
many
fifth
is
year.
taken annually, and in larger If the whole is many times
when
times less than
the rates were fixed at
the previous census, there should be power given by law to
lower the qualification as the amount is greater or less. absence of any such provision the standard is
raise or 11
Where
in the
government passes into an oligarchy, narrowed to a rule of families where
raised, a constitutional
and an oligarchy the standard
is
is
;
lowered,
constitutional
government becomes
democracy, and oligarchy either constitutional government or democracy. 12
It
common
a principle
is
to
3
democracy, oligarchy
,
and
every other form of government not to allow the dispropor tionate increase of any citizen, but to give moderate honour for a long time rather than great honour for a short time.
men
if this rule is
given
all at
;
once should be taken away by degrees and not
2
1
c.
Cp.
1-3.
4.
3
Or,
Bekker
adding s
all
Especially should the laws provide against any one
once.
at
For
not every one can bear prosperity. But not observed, at any rate the honours which are
are easily spoilt
first
at
edition.
fiovapxift
Cp.
c.
3.
monarchy,
8; with
c. 6.
16-18.
many MSS. and
and Democracy
Oligarchy having too
money
if
;
21
I
much power, whether derived from friends or V. 8 he has, he and his followers should be sent out of
And since innovations creep in through the 13 of individuals, there ought to be a magistracy which will have an eye to those whose life is not in harmony with the country
1
.
private life
the government, whether oligarchy or democracy or any other.
And
for a like reason an increase of prosperity in any part of
The
the state should be carefully watched. for this evil is
offices
of
always to give the
elements
state to opposite
proper remedy 14
management of
affairs
and
such opposites are the
;
and the many, or the rich and the poor. Another the and the in one combine rich way poor body, or to thus an end will be put to the increase the middle class virtuous
to
is
:
which
revolutions
But above
all
arise
from
inequality.
every state should be so administered and so 15
regulated by law that
its
magistrates cannot possibly
make
2
In oligarchies special precautions should be used this evil. For the people do not take any great 16 against offence at being kept out of the government indeed they are
money
.
rather pleased than otherwise at having leisure for their private
but what irritates them
ausiness
are stealing the public for
money
;
they lose both honour and
profit,
is to
think that their rulers
then they are doubly annoyed
;
If office brought no 17
profit.
then and then only could democracy and aristocracy be for both notables and people might have their 1309 ;
combined wishes
gratified.
All would be able to hold
office,
which
is
the aim of democracy, and the notables would be magistrates,
which
is
the aim of aristocracy.
accomplished when there 1
Cp.
c. 3.
3;
iii.
is
And
a
13.
this
result
may be
no possibility of making money
15.
P 2
Cp.
c.
13.
14.
18
a
212 V. 8
Oligarchy
out of the offices
when
there
is
and Democracy Preserved want
for the poor will not
;
to have
be gained from them
nothing to
rather be attending to their
own
concerns
and the
;
them
they would
who
rich,
do not want money from the public treasury, will be able to take them and so the poor will keep to their work and grow ;
rich,
and the notables
will not be
governed by the lower
19 In order to avoid peculation of the public
class.
money, the transfer
of the revenue should be made
at a general assembly of the and duplicates of the accounts deposited with the And honours brotherhoods, companies, and tribes.
citizens,
different
should be given by law to magistrates who have the reputation In democracies the rich should be incorruptible.
20 of being
spared their
not only should their property not be divided, but also, which in some states are taken from them
;
incomes
imperceptibly,
should be protected. even
prevent the wealthy citizens,
It is if
a
good thing to from
they are willing,
undertaking expensive and useless public services, such as the giving of choruses, torch-races, and the like. In an oligarchy,
on the other hand, great care should be taken of the poor, and lucrative offices should
classes insult them, 1
severely
than one of their
Provision should be not by tance 21
;
go to them
;
if
any of the wealthy
the offender should be punished
made
own
class
more
for a like offence
that estates pass by inheritance
*.
and
and no person should have more than one inheri way properties will be equalized, and more
gift,
for in this
It is also expedient both in an oligarchy to assign to those who have less share in the government (for example, to the rich in
of the poor a
rise to
democracy and
competency.
in
a democracy and to the poor in an oligarchy) an equality or The latter of state. preference in all but the principal offices 1
Or,
than
if
he had wronged one of
his
own
class.
and Moderation
by Loyalty
213
should be entrusted chiefly or only to members of the govern-
V. 8
ing class.
There to
fill
are three qualifications required in those
the highest offices constitution
established
capacity
the
(2)
;
first
(l)
of
who
greatest
;
for, if
what
is
just is not the
same
governments, the quality of justice must also differ. be a doubt however,
in the
9
administrative
(3) virtue and justice of the kind proper to each
;
form of government
may
have
loyalty to the
all,
when
same person, how the
for example, a
all
these qualities do not meet a
made
selection is to be is
in all
There
a bad
good general the constitution, and another man
man and is
loyal
;
suppose,
not a friend to 1809 b
and
which
just,
In making the election ought we not to consider two points ? what qualities are common, and what
should
we choose ? Thus
are rare.
of a general, we should regard for few have military skill, 3 In keeping watch or in any office of
in the choice
his skill rather than his virtue
but
many have
virtue.
;
stewardship, on the other hand, the opposite rule should be for more virtue than ordinary is required in the holder of such an office, but the necessary knowledge is of
observed;
a sort
which
all
men
possess.
may, however, be asked what a man wants with virtue if 4 he have political ability and is loyal, since these two qualities It
alone will
make him do what
j
may |
I
not
men have
is
for the public interest.
both of them and yet be deficient
in
But se!f-
control ? If, knowing and loving their own interests, they do not always attend to them, may they not be equally negligent of the interests of the public ?
Speaking generally, we may say that whatever legal enact- 5 Iments are held to be for the interest of states, all these preserve [states.
And
the great preserving principle
is
the one which
Preservatives of
214 V. 9
lias
been repeatedly mentioned
to have a care that the loyal
outnumber the
6 citizens should
forget the mean,
which
Neither should we
disloyal.
the present day
at
perverted forms of government
for
:
is
many
of
lost sight
practices
in
which
appear to be democratical are the ruin of democracies, and many which appear to be oligarchical are the ruin of oligarchies. 7
Those who
think that
all
be found in their
virtue is to
party principles push matters to extremes
ideal
of straightness to
a
own
they do not con
A nose which varies
sider that disproportion destroys a state.
from the
;
hook or snub may
still
be
of good shape and agreeable to the eye but if the excess be very great, all symmetry is lost, and the nose at last ceases to ;
be a nose at
all
on account of some excess
defect in the other 8
;
The
human body.
and
in
one direction or
of every other part of the same law of proportion equally holds in this is true
Oligarchy or democracy, although a departure from the most perfect form, may yet be a good enough government, states.
but if any one attempts to push the principles of either to an
extreme, he will begin by spoiling the government and end by all. Wherefore the legislator and the states
9 having none at
man ought
to
know what
democratical measures
and
save
democracy, and what oligarchical measures save For neither the one nor the other an or destroy oligarchy. can exist or continue to exist unless both rich and poor are
what
destroy a
included in 1310
a
it.
If equality of property
must of necessity take another form to excess
one or other element
;
introduced, the state
is
for
when by laws
carried
in the state is ruined, the
con
stitution is ruined.
10
There
is
democracies:
an error
common
1
Cp.
iv.
12.
both
to
oligarchies and
to
demagogues, when the multi-
in the latter the i
;
vi.
6.
2.
and Democracy
Oligarchy
2iy
two by V. 9 whereas they should always profess to
:ude are above the law, are always cutting the city in quarrels with the
rich,
be maintaining their cause
;
just as in oligarchies, the oligarchs
should profess to maintain the cause of the people, and should take oaths the opposite of those which they now take. For
which they swear
there are cities in
the people, and will devise I can
the
all
I will be an
harm
against
n
to
enemy them which
but they ought to exhibit and to entertain the very in the form of their oath there should be an
;
opposite feeling
;
I will do no wrong to the express declaration people. But of all the things which I have mentioned, that which
most contributes
to the
permanence of constitutions
adaptation of education to the form of government in
own day
our
this
1 ,
is
the
and yet
principle is universally neglected.
The
12
best laws, though sanctioned by every citizen of the state,
of no
will be
avail unless the
education in the
young are trained by habit and
of the constitution,
spirit
if
the laws are
democratical, democratically, or oligarchically if the laws are
For
oligarchical.
there
be a want of self-discipline in
may
states as well as in individuals. in the spirit
of the constitution
which oligarchs or democrats
Now, is
to have been educated 13
not to perform the actions in
delight, but those
by which the
existence of an oligarchy or of a democracy is made possible. Whereas among ourselves the sons of the ruling class in an oligarchy live in luxury
2 ,
but the sons of the poor are hardened
by exercise and toil, and hence they are both more inclined and better able to make a revolution s And in democracies 14 of the more extreme type there has arisen a false idea of .
freedom which
is
contradictory to the true interests of the 2
1
Cp.
i.
13.
Cp.
15. 3
Cp.
PI.
Rep.
viii.
556
D.
iv.
IT.
6.
2
V. 9 15
1
6
state.
Origin of For two
Tyranny
principles are characteristic of democracy, the
Men think that government of the majority and freedom. what is just is equal and that equality is the supremacy of the popular will ; and that freedom and equality mean the ;
doing what a man likes. In such democracies every one lives as he pleases, or in the words of Euripides, according to his
But
fancy.
this
is
all
wrong
;
men should
not think
slavery to live according to the rule of the constitution is
for
;
it it
their salvation. I
have
now
discussed generally the causes of the revolution
and destruction of
states,
and the means of
their preservation
and continuance.
10
to speak of monarchy, and the causes of its and preservation. What I have said already of other forms government applies almost equally respecting to royal and to tyrannical rule. For royal rule is of the I
have
still
destruction
1310 b 2
and
nature of an aristocracy,
a
tyranny
is
compound of
a
oligarchy and democracy in their most extreme forms therefore evil
most
injurious to its subjects, being
;
it
is
made up of two
forms of government, and having the perversions and of both. These two forms of monarchy differ in their
3 errors
very origin.
The
appointment of a king
the better classes
them out of
their
his family excel
against the people,
own number, in
is
the resource of
and he
and virtuous actions
virtue
elected by
is
because either he himself or ;
whereas a
chosen from the people to be their protector against the notables, and in order to prevent them from being injured.
tyrant
is
4 History
shows
that almost
all
tyrants have been
who e
demagogues
gained the favour of the people by their accusation of the notables *. At any rate this was the manner in which the 1
Cp.
c. 5.
6; Plato, Rep. 565
D.
217
Origin of Tyranny tyrannies arose in the days
when
cities
had increased
in
power.
V. 10
Others which were older originated in the ambition of kings wanting to overstep the limits of their hereditary power and
Others again grew out of the class which were chosen to be chief magistrates for in ancient times the civil or people who elected them gave the magistrates, whether
become despots.
;
religious,
which
had of making some if
difficulty,
had the power
individual
supreme over
1 In any of these ways an ambitious man 6 he desired, in creating a tyranny, since he
the highest offices.
had no
Others arose out of the custom
a long tenure.
oligarchies
in his
the officers of state
2
hands already, either as king or as one of Thus Pheidon at Argos and several .
others were originally kings, and ended by becoming tyrants ; Phalaris, on the other hand, and the Ionian tyrants, acquired the tyranny by holding great offices. Leontini, Cypselus sius at Syracuse,
were
tyrants,
And
and several others
at first
so, as I
Whereas Panaetius
at Corinth, Peisistratus at
was
who
at
Athens, Diony-
afterwards became
demagogues. saying, royalty ranks with aristocracy, for 7
based upon merit, whether of the individual or of his 3 or on these claims with family, or on benefits conferred is
it
,
power added to them. For all who have obtained this honour have benefited, or had in their power to benefit, states and nations
;
some, like Codrus, have prevented the
state
8
from
being enslaved in war; others, like Cyrus, have given their country freedom, or have settled or gained a territory, like the
Lacedaemonian, Macedonian, and Molossian kings idea of a king
is
Retaining TOVTOIS, which apparently by mistake. 1
2
Cp.
c. 5.
8.
4 .
The
9
to be a protector of the rich against unjust 1311 is
omitted in Bekker
3
Cp.
iii.
14.
12.
s
4
second edition,
Cp.
c. II.
2.
a
2i
8
Tyranny) Oligarchy , Democracy
V. 10 treatment, of the people
has no regard to any
public interest, but only to his private ends 10
sure,
the aim of a king,
desires they differ
And
of what brings honour.
but of a tyrant mercenaries
That tyranny has
TI
is
oligarchy is
wealth
;
his aim
is
plea-
also in their
desirous of riches, the king,
is
the guards of a king are citizens,
] .
the
all
;
Wherefore
honour.
the tyrant
;
Whereas
against insult and oppression.
as has often been repeated,
a tyrant,
both
vices
of democracy and
As
of oligarchy so of tyranny, the end wealth (for by only can the tyrant maintain either evident.
Both mistrust the people, and guard or his luxury). them of their arms. Both agree too in
his
therefore deprive
art
and driving them out of the city and tyrants have borrowed the
the people
injuring
12 dispersing
From democracy
them.
of making war upon the
notables and
secretly or openly, or of exiling
and stand
them
against 13
want
in the
their
power
2
are rivals
and also because plots
;
by men of
are contrived
to rule or escape subjection.
Thrasybulus
this
who
class,
Hence Periander
either
advised
to cut off the tops of the tallest ears of corn,
meaning that he
who
way of
destroying them
them because they
must always put out of the way the
And
overtop the rest.
citizens
so, as I have already intimated,
the beginnings of change are the same in monarchies as in
other forms of government
;
subjects attack their sovereigns
out of fear or contempt, or because they have been unjustly
And
treated by them. is insult, r
4
The
another
ends
is
of
injustice,
most common form
the
confiscation of property.
sought
whether tyrannies or
by
monarchies,
against
conspiracies
royalties,
are the
same
as
the ends
sought by conspiracies against other forms of government. a
1
Cp.
iii.
14.
7.
Cp.
iii.
13.
16.
The Overthrow of Monarchies Monarchs have desire to
great wealth and honour
mankind.
all
against their lives,
sense of insult
is
The
attacks
which are
sometimes against the
219
are objects of
V. 10
made sometimes office
;
the motive, against their lives.
where the
Any
sort of 15
many) may up anger, and when men are angry, they commonly act out of revenge, and not from insult (and there are
ambition.
stir
For example, the attempt made upon
the Peisis-
of the public dishonour offered to the sister of Harmodius and the insult to himself. He attacked the tratidae arose out
tyrant
for his sister s sake,
attack for the sake of
and Aristogeiton joined in the conspiracy was also
Harmodius.
A
16
formed against Periander, the tyrant of Ambracia, because, when drinking with a favourite youth, he asked him whether 1311 b by this time he was not with child by him. Philip, too, was attacked by Pausanias because he permitted him to be insulted
by Attalus and his friends, and Amyntas the little, by Derdas, because he boasted of having enjoyed his youth. Evagoras of Cyprus, again, was slain by the eunuch to revenge an insult ;
for his wife
had been carried off by Evagoras
conspiracies have originated in
son.
Many
shameful attempts made by
sovereigns on the persons of their subjects. attack of Crataeus upon Archelaus
;
Such was the
he had always hated the
connexion with him, and so, when Archelaus, having promised him one of his two daughters in marriage, did not give him
word and married the elder to when he was hard pressed in a war
either of them, but broke his
the king of Elymaea,
against Sirrhas and Arrhibaeus,
and the younger to his own son Amyntas, under the idea that he would then be less likely to quarrel with the son of Cleopatra Crataeus made this slight a pretext for attacking
Archelaus, though even a less
reason would have sufficed, for the real cause of the estrange-
17
The Overthrow
220
the disgust which he felt at his connexion with the
V. 10 ment was 1
And
8 king.
of Monarchies
from
a like
motive Hellanocrates of Larissa con
spired with him ; for when Archelaus, who was his lover, did not fulfil his promise of restoring him to his country, he
thought that the connexion between them had originated, not in affection, but in the wantonness of Parrhon, too, power.
and Heracleides of Aenos, slew Cotys in order to avenge their father, and Adamas revolted from Cotys in revenge for the wanton outrage which he had committed in mutilating him
when
a child.
l
Many, too, irritated at blows inflicted on the person which they deemed an insult, have either killed or attempted to kill
19
and royal princes by whom they have been Thus, at Mitylene, Megacles and his friends attacked and slew the Penthalidae, as they were going about and striking people with clubs. At a later date Smerdis, who of
officers
state
1
injured
.
had been beaten and torn away from
his wife
by Penthilus,
In the conspiracy against Archelaus, Decamnichus stimulated the fury of the assassins and led the attack ; he was
20 slew him.
enraged because Archelaus had delivered him to Euripides to be scourged ; for the poet had been irritated at some remark
made by Decamnichus on
the foulness of his breath.
Many
other examples might be cited of murders and conspiracies
which have Fear
21"
is
arisen
from similar causes.
another motive which has caused conspiracies as
more popular forms of government. conspired against Xerxes and slew him,
well in monarchies as in
Thus Artapanes
would be accused of hanging Darius against he being under the impression that Xerxes would
fearing that he his orders 1
Or
ment
:
Many
persons too, even of those connected with the govern taking TUIV irepi, etc. with the subject.
or the royal family,
caused by Insult, Fear, Contempt what he had
forget
would be
offence
said in the
221
middle of a meal, and that the V. 10
forgiven.
Another motive
is
contempt, as in the case of Sardanapulus, 22
whom some
one saw carding wool with his women, if the story-tellers say truly ; and the tale may be true, if not of him, of some one else *. Dion attacked the younger Dionysius 23 because he despised him, and saw that he was equally despised Even by his own subjects, and that he was always drunk. the friends of a tyrant will sometimes attack
tempt
for the confidence
;
him out of con
which he reposes
in
them breeds
contempt, and they think that they will not be found out. The expectation of success is likewise a sort of contempt 24 the assailants are ready to strike, and think nothing of the ;
danger, because they seem to have the power in their hands.
Thus
generals of armies attack monarchs
;
as, for
example,
Cyrus attacked Astyages, despising the effeminacy of his life, and believing that his power was worn out. Thus, again, Seuthes the Thracian conspired general he was.
And
against
Amadocus, whose
sometimes men are actuated by more than one motive, 25
who
like Mithridates,
conspired against Ariobarzanes, partly
out of contempt and partly from the love of gain.
Bold
position, are
most
tion of success
union
by their sovereigns
natures, placed
;
likely to
in a high military
make the attempt
in the
expecta
emboldened by power, and the them with the hope of an easy
for courage is
of the two inspires
victory.
Attempts of which the motive is ambition arise from other There are men who will not risk their lives in the 26 of gains and rewards however great, but who nevertheless hope
causes.
1
Cp.
i.
11.
8.
222 V. 10
regard the killing of a tyrant simply as an extraordinary action
which 27
Overthrow of Monarchies make them famous and honourable
will
in the
they wish to acquire, not a kingdom, but a name.
however, to find such
men
who would
he
;
28 be prepared to lose his life if he
kill
He
fail.
world
;
It is rare,
a tyrant
must
must have the
resolution of Dion, who, when he made war upon Dionysius, took with him very few troops, saying, that whatever measure of success he might attain would be enough for him, even if he were to die the moment he landed ; such a death would be
welcome
But
to him.
this is
a temper to
which few can
attain.
29
Once more,
like
tyrannies,
other
all
are
governments,
some opposite and more powerful That such a government will have the
1312 b destroyed from without by
form of government. will to attack them 30 principle
and
;
Democracy
is
clear
men,
if
;
also antagonistic to
alike
are
opposed
in
do
what they will. tyranny, on the principle of can,
because they are nearly akin,
extreme form of democracy
and aristocracy are both
two
the
for
they
Potter hates Potter,
Hesiod, for the
is
all
is
tyranny
opposed
they are constitutions of a different type.
to
and royalty
,
tyranny,
And
because
therefore the
Lacedaemonians put down most of the tyrannies, and so did the Syracusans during the time when they were well governed. 31
Again, reigning
tyrannies
are
destroyed
family are divided
when
from within,
among themselves,
as
the
that
of
Gelo was, and more recently that of Dionysius in the case of Gelo because Thrasybulus, the brother of Hiero, flattered the ;
son of Gelo and led him into excesses rule in his
name.
Whereupon
in
order that he might
the family conspired to get rid
of Thrasybulus and save the tyranny
;
but the party
who
con-
Especially of
223
"Tyrannies
with them seized the opportunity and drove them all V. the case of Dionysius, Dion, his own relative, 32
1
spired
10
In
out.
attacked and expelled
him with the
assistance of the people
;
he afterwards perished himself. There are two chief motives which induce men to attack
and
tyrannies
hatred
inevitable,
and contempt
2
inherited
have lost
,
it,
frequent
power, but those who have once ; for living in luxurious
their
almost
at
become contemptible, and
ease, they have
is
tyrants
cause of their
most of those who have 33
see that
have retained
acquired,
a
also
is
Thus we
destruction.
Hatred of
contempt.
offer
many oppor
Anger, too, must be included under hatred, and produces the same effects. It is oftentimes 34 even more ready to strike the angry are more impetuous in to
tunities
their
making an
assailants.
To
insulted.
Peisistratidae
but anger
is
listen to reason.
to their
way
cause
this
accompanied by
a word,
all
is
the
Hatred
pain,
more reasonable, 35
is
is
an impediment to
causes
.
which I have mentioned as
unmixed form of
oligarchy,
may be assumed
and
to affect
indeed the extreme forms of both are only tyrannies
distributed
among
several
Kingly
persons.
by external causes, and generally destroyed from within. affected
in
are
8
the extreme form of democracy, ;
passions
which
painless
destroying the last and most
tyranny
And men
when they
to be attributed the fall of the
is
and of many others.
reason, whereas hatred
In
do not
attack, for they
are very apt to give
is,
therefore,
And
1
Omitting 8
KO.-T
inserted by
Cp. Plato, Laws,
iii.
Cp. Rhetoric,
4.
ii.
695. 31.
Bekker
in
is
lasting
there are
which the destruction may come about; a
rule
(i)
2nd ed.
little ;
it
36
is
two ways
when
the 1313 a
Overthrow of Monarchies
224
V. 10 members of the royal family quarrel among themselves, and (2) when the kings attempt to administer the state too much and to extend
37 after the fashion of a tyranny,
contrary to the law.
There
where they
*
exist, are
are
now no
over voluntary subjects, and he matters
but in our
;
and no one
royalties
For the
tyrannies. is
own day men
their authority
rule
supreme
in
;
monarchies,
of a king all
important
more upon an
are
tion
will not, if they can help,
power by force or fraud
obtains 38 a tyrant. is
equality,
so immeasurably superior to others as to repre
is
sent adequately the greatness and dignity of the office.
mankind
is
at
is
Hence
and any one who once thought to be
endure
it,
In hereditary monarchies a further cause of destruc the fact that kings often fall into contempt, and,
although possessing not tyrannical but only royal power, are Their overthrow is then readily apt to outrage others. effected
;
for there is an
do not want like
him or
The
end
to the king
when
his subjects
but the tyrant lasts, whether they
not.
destruction of monarchies
and the 11
to have him,
is
to be attributed to these
like causes.
And
they are preserved, to speak generally, by the opposite or, if we consider them separately, (l) royalty is
causes;
The more re preserved by the limitation of its powers. stricted the functions of kings, the longer their power will last unimpaired ; for then they are more moderate and not so despotic in their 2 subjects.
so long
This
among
is
ways
;
and they are
the reason
why
the Molossians.
less
envied by their
the kingly office has lasted
And
for a similar reason
it
has continued among the Lacedaemonians, because there it was always divided between two, and afterwards further 1
Omitting KCU with Bekker
s
2nd ed.
Preservation of Monarchies limited by
Theopompus
in various
respects,
more
He
by the establishment of the Ephoralty.
22.5 particularly
V. 11
diminished the
power of the kings, but established on a more lasting basis the kingly office, which was thus made in a certain sense not less,
but greater.
There
is
a story that
when
his wife
once
3
asked him whether he was not ashamed to leave to his sons a royal
power which was
less than
he had inherited from his
he replied, No indeed, for the power which them will be more lasting.
father,
to
As
to
I leave
they are preserved in two most 4 of them is the old traditional method in
(2) tyrannies,
One
opposite ways.
Of such government. have been the great master, and many similar devices may be gathered from the There Persians in the administration of their government. which most tyrants administer
arts
are
Periander of Corinth
also
the ancient
their
said
is
to
a tyranny, in so far as this
is
the
for
prescriptions
possible
should lop off those who are too high men of spirit : he must not allow
;
viz.
;
preservation
5
of
that the tyrant
he must put to death
common
meals,
clubs,
he must be upon his guard against 1313 b education, and the like is to which likely inspire either courage or confidence anything among his subjects ; he must prohibit literary assemblies or ;
other meetings for discussion, and he must take every means
from knowing one another (for acquaintance Further, he must compel the 6 l l inhabitants to appear in public and live at his gates ; then
to prevent people
begets
he
will
mutual
know what
under, they practise
confidence).
they are doing
will learn
to be
if
they are always kept In short, he should
these and the like Persian and barbaric arts which
have the same object.
A
1
Or, PAVIS
;
humble.
all
tyrant should also endeavour to at their doors.
o
7
The
226 V.
11
Devices of Tyranny
know what each of employ
spies,
his subjects says or does,
like the
the eavesdroppers
female detectives
whom
Hiero was
and should
Syracuse, and
at
of sending to
in the habit
for the fear of informers any place of resort or meeting their from minds, and if they do, speaking prevents people ;
8
Another
they are more easily found out.
sow
to
quarrels
the
among
citizens
;
art
of the tyrant is should be
friends
embroiled with friends, the people with the notables, and the Also he should impoverish his rich with one another. subjects
;
he thus provides money for the support of his
1
and the people, having to keep hard at work, are The Pyramids of Egypt afford 9 prevented from conspiring. also the offerings of the family of an example of this policy guards
,
;
Cypselus, and the building of the temple of Olympian Zeus by the Peisistratidae, and the great Polycratean monuments at Samos all these works were alike intended to occupy the ;
10 people
and keep them poor.
to multiply taxes, after the
who
Another
practice of tyrants is
manner of Dionysius
at Syracuse, contrived that within five years his subjects should bring
into the treasury their
whole property.
The
tyrant
is
also
fond of making war in order that his subjects may have some And whereas thing to do and be always in want of a leader. the power of a king is preserved by his friends, the character istic
of a tyrant
that
all
is
men want
the power
to distrust his friends, because to
he knows
overthrow him, and they above
all
have
2 .
1
Reading r\ Tf with Bekker s 2nd ed. This, which is probably the meaning of the passage, cannot be The addition is required of some elicited from the text as it stands. 2
such phrase as avT^v Ka6f\ffv, which authority.
is
not wholly without manuscript
The Ways of Tyranny and of Tyrants 227 Again, the
evil
are
democracy
all
women
given to
practices of the last
and worst forms of V. 11
found
Such
in
tyrannies.
in their families
in the
are the
power
ir
that they will
hope
inform against their husbands, and the licence which is allowed to slaves in order that they may betray their masters ; for slaves
and
women do
not conspire against tyrants
and
are of course friendly to tyrannies
them they have
since under
would
the
good time.
to
For
;
and they
democracies, the people too
monarch, and therefore by them, as well as by the flatterer is held in honour ; in democracies he
fain be a
the tyrant, is
a
also
demagogue
panions
who
;
flatter
12
and the tyrant also has his humble com him.
1314
Hence tyrants are always fond of bad men, because they love to be flattered, but no man who has the spirit of a free
man
in
him
will
demean himself by
others, but they do not
flatter
are useful for bad purposes
;
; good men love Moreover the bad
flattery
anybody. nail knocks out
nail,
13
as the
It is characteristic of a tyrant to dislike every proverb says. one who has dignity or independence ; he wants to be alone in his glory, but any one who claims a like dignity or asserts his
independence encroaches upon his prerogative, and is hated by him as an enemy to his power. Another mark of a tyrant is 14 that he likes foreigners better than citizens, and lives with
them and
invites
them
to his table
;
for the one are enemies,
but the others enter into no rivalry with him.
Such
and the arts by which he no wickedness too great for him. All that we have said may be summed up under three heads, which answer to the three aims of the tyrant. These are, 15 (l) the humiliation of his subjects; he knows that a meanare the notes of the tyrant
preserves his power
spirited
man
;
there
is
will not conspire against
Q
2
anybody: (2) the crea-
a
228 V. 11
Preservation of Tyranny
tion of mistrust until
men
among them
;
overthrown
for a tyrant is not
begin to have confidence in one another
the reason
why
tyrants are at
;
war with the good
and
this
they are under the idea that their power is endangered by them, not only because they will not be ruled despotically, but also because they are loyal to one another, and to other men, and is
;
do not inform against one another or against other men
:
16 (3) the tyrant desires that his subjects shall be incapable of action, for
no one attempts what
impossible, and they will
is
not attempt to overthrow a tyranny, if they are powerless. Under these three heads the whole policy of a tyrant may be
summed
and
up,
one or other of them
to
referred: (l) he
sows
his ideas
may
be
among subjects; (2) he he them. humbles (3)
takes
17
all
his
distrust
away their power ; This then is one of the two methods by which tyrannies are preserved and there is another which proceeds upon ;
18 a
different
method may be gathered from which destroy kingdoms, for kingly power
is
to
make
nature of this
as
one
is to
make
it
mode of more
more
latter
of the causes
a comparison
the office of king
the salvation of a tyranny a king.
The
principle of action.
destroying
tyrannical, so
like the rule of
But of one thing the tyrant must be
careful
;
he
must keep power enough to rule over his subjects, whether they like him or not, for if he once gives this up he gives up 19 his tyranny.
But though power must be retained
as
the
should act or appear to act in In the first place he should pretend
foundation, in all else the tyrant
1314 b the character of a king.
a care of the public revenues, and not waste a sort presents of
when
money in making which the common people get excited miserable earnings taken from them and
at
they see their
lavished on courtesans and strangers and artists.
He
should
The give an account of
229
Beneficent Despot
what he receives and of what he spends V. 11
which has been adopted by some tyrants) ; for then he will seem to be the manager of a household rather (a practice
than a tyrant
;
nor need he fear that, while he
the city, he will ever be in want of money.
much more advantageous home, than
to leave
for the tyrant
is
Such
the lord of 20 a policy is
when he goes from
behind him a hoard, for then the garrison
who
remain in the city will be less likely to attack his power ; and a tyrant, when he is absent from home, has more reason to fear the guardians of his treasure than the citizens, for the
one accompany him, but the others remain behind. In the second place, he should appear to collect taxes and to require public services only for state purposes
;
21
and that he may form
of war, he ought to make himself the guardian and treasurer of them, as if they belonged, not to him, but to the public. He should appear, not harsh, but dignified, and a fund in case
when men meet him they should look upon him with reverence, and not with fear. Yet it is hard for him to be respected if
22
he inspires no respect, and therefore whatever virtues he may neglect, at least he should maintain the character of a states Neither he man, and produce the impression that he is one. nor any of his associates should ever be guilty of the least offence against
modesty towards the young of either sex who and the women of his family should observe
are his subjects,
a like self-control
women
towards other
women
;
23
the insolence of
many tyrannies. In the indulgence of he be the opposite of our modern tyrants, should pleasures
who
has ruined
not only begin at
but want other
men
happy and blessed
dawn and
pass whole days in sensuality,
to see them, that they lot.
may admire
their
In these things a tyrant should be 24
especially moderate, or at any rate should not parade his vices
Preservation of Tyranny
230 V.
11 to the world
not so he
and drowsy tyrant is soon who is temperate and wide
awake.
His conduct should be
the very reverse of nearly
25
1315
a
drunken
a
for
;
despised and attacked
;
He everything which has been said before about tyrants. to adorn and his as not he were ought improve city, though a tyrant, but the guardian of the state. Also he should appear to be particularly earnest in the service of the
men think
for if
for the
that a ruler
Gods, they
is
religious
Gods
;
and has a reverence
are less afraid of suffering injustice at his
hands, and they are less disposed to conspire against him, because they believe him to have the very Gods fighting on 26 his side. At the same time his religion must not be thought
And
foolish.
them think
he should honour men of merit, and make would not be held in more honour by
that they
The honour he the citizens if they had a free government. should distribute himself, but the punishment should be inby officers and courts of law. It is a precaution which taken by all monarchs not to make one person great ; but if one, then two or more should be raised, that they may look If after all some one has to be sharply after one another.
27 flicted is
made
great,
is
man of bold
he should not be a
most inclined
dispositions are ever
to be deprived of his power, let
28 not taken
from
all
from him
all at
outrage
in
;
once
1 .
property 29 virtuous
for as the lovers of is
touched,
when
their
so are
honour 1
Cp.
money the is
if
from personal violence and
particular
should be
are lovers of
are offended
when
lovers of honour
affected.
c. 8.
He
men who
especially careful of his behaviour to ;
for such
;
And
it
from wanton conduct towards the young. honour
spirit
any one be diminished gradually, The tyrant should abstain
to strike.
12.
their
and the
Therefore a tyrant
ought either not to use force
others
at all, or
he should be thought V. 11
employ fatherly correction, and not to trample upon and his acquaintance with youth should be supposed
only to ;
and not from the insolence of power, he should compensate the appearance of dis honour by the increase of honour. Of those who attempt assassination they are the most 30 dangerous, and require to be most carefully watched who do to arise
and
from
affection,
in general
not care to survive,
if
are led
less
of themselves.
away by passion
fight against anger
And and of
whereas
;
As for a
states
any
who
have been insulted
either they or their relatives
men
Therefore 31
they effect their purpose.
special precaution should be taken about
;
think that for
when
to assault others they are regard
Heracleitus says,
man
It is difficult to
V
buy revenge with life consist of two classes, of poor men 32 will
should lead both to imagine that they
rich, the tyrant
and prevented from harming one another by his and whichever of the two is stronger he should attach
are preserved rule,
his government ; for, having this advantage, he has no need either to emancipate slaves or to disarm the citizens ; either party added to the force which he already has, will to
make him
stronger than his assailants.
But enough of these policy of the tyrant
is
details
what should be the general 33
;
He
obvious.
ought to show himself to
his subjects in the light, not of a tyrant, but of the master of
a household is theirs,
and of
a king.
He
should not appropriate what 1315 b he should be moderate, ;
but should be their guardian
not extravagant in his
way of
life
;
he should be the com
For 34 panion of the notables, and the hero of the multitude. then his rule will of necessity be nobler and happier, because 1
Fragm. 69
(ed.
Mullach).
Short Duration of Tyrannies
232 V. 11 he
men
will rule over better
men
over
to
whom
of
he
Let
lasting.
virtuous
whom
and
;
*
whose
he himself
be virtuous,
his disposition
he must be wicked,
if
spirits
are not crushed,
not an object of hatred, and
His power
not afraid.
is
is
let
too will be more or at
him be
least
half
half wicked
only.
12
Yet no forms of government are so short-lived as oligarchy and tyranny. The tyranny which lasted longest was that of Orthagoras and his sons at Sicyon this continued for a hun ;
dred years. The reason was that they treated their subjects with moderation, and to a great extent observed the laws ;
and
ways gained the favour of the people by the which they took of them. Cleisthenes, in particular,
in various
care 2
was respected for his military ability. If report may be crowned the judge who decided against him in
believed, he
the games
;
and, as
some
say, the sitting statue in the
Agora
A
of Sicyon is the likeness of this person. similar story is told of Peisistratus, who is said on one occasion to have
allowed himself to be
summoned and
tried before the
Areo
pagus. 3
Next
in duration to the
tyranny of Orthagoras was that of
the Cypselidae at Corinth,
and six months forty-four, 4
man, who
had
a
was
a great soldier.
body-guard
;
:
three.
Cypselus was
during the whole time of his rule never
and Periander, although he was a tyrant, Third in duration was the rule of the
Peisistratidae at Athens, but tratus
Periander
Psammetichus the son of Gordius
Their continuance was due to similar causes a popular
5
and
which lasted seventy-three years
Cypselus reigned thirty years,
:
was twice driven 1
it
CP
.
was
interrupted
;
for Peisis
so that during three-and-thirty
out, i.
5.
2.
Criticism of Plato he
years
reigned
eighteen
Even
altogether
years.
sons reigned
his
Of
V. 12
other tyrannies,
at
Gelo continued
for
the eighth
and
;
Syracuse was the most lasting. was however, short, not more than eighteen years 6
this, ;
seventeen
thirty-five
Hiero and Gelo
that of
in all
only
233
tyrant for seven years,
Hiero reigned
;
was driven out
month.
in the eleventh
and died
in
and Thrasybulus
for ten years,
In
tyrannies
fact,
generally have been of quite short duration. I
now gone through all the causes by which consti- 7 governments and monarchies are either destroyed or 1316
have
tutional
preserved.
In the Republic of Plato but
for he
not well,
affects
peculiarly
the
J ,
Socrates treats of revolutions,
mentions no cause of change which
He
or perfect state.
first
that nothing is abiding, but that
only says 8
in a certain
all
things change and that the origin of the change is a base of numbers which are in the ratio of four to three, and this when com cycle
;
bined with a figure of
when
number of
the
five gives
two harmonies
becomes
this figure
to education
;
in
which
latter
be not far wrong, for there
solid)
men who
that nature will then produce bad
particular
may
well
(he means
he conceives
;
will not submit
he may very be some
cannot be educated and made virtuous.
likely
men who
But why
is
such 9
a cause of change peculiar to his ideal state, and not rather
common
to all
being at
all ?
states, 2
nay to everything which comes into
Or how
is
the
state
specially
the agency of time, which, as he declares,
change
And
?
2
together 1
a
Rep.
,
things
viii.
546. note
all
things
which did not begin together, change
for example, if something has
Placing a
changed by
makes
of interrogation
after
come
into being the
fj.tTa(3d\\fiv.
Or
:
And
a
Criticism of Plato
234 V. 12 day
before the completion of the cycle,
it will change with it. the state into the Spartan ? should Further, why change perfect 10 for governments more often take an opposite form than
one akin to them.
The same
remark
is
applicable to the
he says that the Spartan constitution changes into an oligarchy, and this into a democracy, and this again other changes
1 1
;
into a tyranny.
And
for a
is
yet the contrary happens quite as often ; even more likely to change into an oligarchy Further, he never says whether monarchy.
democracy
than into
a
tyranny is, or is not, liable to revolutions, and if it is, what is the cause of them, or into what form it And changes. the reason is, that he could not very well have told : for there is
no rule
12 best,
;
according to him
it
and then there would be
should revert to the
a complete cycle.
But
first
and
in point
of fact a tyranny often changes into a tyranny, as that at Sicyon changed from the tyranny of Myron into that of Cleisthenes
Chalcis
;
into oligarchy, as the tyranny of Antileon did at
;
into
democracy, as that of Gelo did at Syracuse and the tyranny of Charilaus ;
into aristocracy, as at Carthage,
13 at
Lacedaemon.
Often an oligarchy changes into a tyranny,
most of the ancient oligarchies
like
in Sicily
;
for example,
the oligarchy at Leontini changed into the tyranny of Panaetius
;
that
Rhegium
at
Gela
14 happened in
many
tyranny of Oleander ; that at of Anaxilaus ; the same thing has
into the
into the tyranny
other states.
And
it
is
absurd to suppose
that the state changes into oligarchy merely because [as Plato
in the period
of time which, as he says, makes
all
things change, things
which did not begin together change together. Bekker in his 2nd edition has altered the reading of the MSS. Sid re TOV xpovov to Sia ye TOV \povov. with either reading
;
The
rendering of the text agrees
that of the note with the reading of the
MSS.
only.
of Plato
Criticism
235-
1
of money, V. 12 says ] the ruling class are lovers and makers and not because the very rich think it unfair that the very poor 13 1 6 b should have an equal share in the government with themselves.
Moreover, in
money
in
oligarchies there are laws against
many
But
trade.
there is no such prohibition
had a
ginians have never
2
;
and yet
two
to this
cities,
day the Cartha
one of the
much
Is not this just as
.
making
a democracy,
is
It is absurd too for
revolution.
to say that an oligarchy is
other of the poor
which
at Carthage,
rich,
him
15
and the
the case in the
Spartan constitution, or in any other in which either all do not possess equal property, or in which all are not equally
good men ? Nobody need be any poorer than he was before, 16 and yet the oligarchy may change all the same into a demo and a democracy may cracy, if the poor form the majority ;
change into an oligarchy, if the wealthy class are stronger than the people, and the one are energetic, the other in
Once more, although the causes of revolutions are 17 he mentions only one 3 , which is, that the numerous, very citizens become poor through dissipation and debt, as though different.
he thought that
all,
or the majority of them, were originally
: though it is true that when any of the leaders lose their property they are ripe for revolution ; And an 18 but, when anybody else, it is no great matter.
This
rich.
is
not true
oligarchy does not
more often pass
any other form of government. of the honours of
state,
make
Rep.
viii.
550
Again,
democracy than if
men
their substance because they
a
E.
Rep. 3
into
are deprived
and are wronged, and insulted, they forms of government, even
revolutions, and change although they have not wasted
1
into a
Rep.
viii.
555
D.
viii.
551
D.
2
3
o"
V. 12 might do what
Criticism of Plato they liked
of which extravagance he declares
excessive freedom to be the cause Finally, although there are
*.
many forms of
oligarchies and
democracies, Socrates speaks of their revolutions as though there were only one form of either of them. 1
Rep.
viii.
564.
BOOK WE have
now
VI
considered the varieties of the deliberative
VI. 1
power in states, and the various arrangements of law-courts and state offices, and whicli of them are adapted or supreme
forms of government l the destruction and preservation of to different
.
causes they arise
many modes of
and it
all
other forms of government there are
will be well to assign to
them
a
severally
organization which are proper and advantageous
to each, adding over,
how and from what
.
and
;
the
have also spoken of
2
Of democracy kinds
We states,
we ought
what remains
More-
to be said about them.
3
to consider the various combinations of these
modes themselves
3 ;
for such combinations
make
constitutions
overlap one another, so that aristocracies have an oligarchical character, and constitutional governments incline to demo 4
cracies
.
When
I
considered, I
speak of the combinations which remain to be 4 far have not been considered by us,
and thus
mean such
as these
:
when
the deliberative part of the
government and the election of officers is constituted oligarthe law-courts aristocratically, or when the chically, and courts and the deliberative part of the state are oligarchical,
and the election to
way I
offices aristocratical, or
a want of
when
in
any other
harmony composition of a state. have shown already what forms of democracy are suited
there
is
1
Bk.
3
Cp. Bk.
iv.
14-16. iv.
7-9.
in the
2
Bk.
Cp.
v. iv. 8.
3.
5
2
VI.
3
8
1 to particular
we
6 Further, is
cities,
and what of oligarchy to particular peoples,
whom
and to
each of the other forms of government is suited. must not only show which of these governments
the best for each state, but also briefly proceed to con
sider
1
how
these
and other forms of government are
to
be established. First of
all
let
us speak of democracy, which will also
form of government commonly we need
bring to light the opposite
For
7 called oligarchy.
the purposes of this enquiry
to ascertain all the elements
and characteristics of democracy,
since from the combinations of these the varieties of 8 cratic
government
arise.
There
demo-
are several of these differing
from each other, and the difference is due to two causes. One (i) has been already mentioned 2 differences of popu lation
for the popular element
;
may
consist of husbandmen,
or of labourers, and
or of mechanics,
if
the
first
of these
be added to the second, or the third to the two others, not only does the democracy become better or worse, but 9 very
nature
be mentioned
its
A
second cause (2) remains to changed. the various properties and characteristics of
is :
democracy, when variously combined, make a difference. For one democracy will have less and another will have more, and another will have all of these characteristics. There is
an advantage in knowing them all, whether a man wishes some new form of democracy, or only to remodel
to establish 10 an all
existing one
3
Founders of
.
states try to bring together
the elements which accord with the ideas of the several
constitutions
remarked
4
1
3
;
but this
is a
mistake of theirs, as I have already
when speaking of
the destruction and preservation *
Cp.
iv.
2.
5.
Cp.
iv.
i.
7.
4
Cp.
iv. 4.
v. 9.
7.
21.
The Nature of Democracy of
We
states.
The basis of common
set
forth the requirements, ethical
1 .
ruled in
is
liberty
which, according
;
2
end of every demo
One
principle of liberty is for all to rule and be and indeed democratic justice is the application turn,
2
of numerical not proportionate equality ; whence it follows that the majority must be supreme, and that whatever the majority approve must be the end and the just. it is
must have
said,
equality,
and therefore
Every in a
citizen,
democracy
more power than the rich, because there are more of them, and the will of the majority is supreme. This, then, is one note of liberty which all democrats affirm to the poor have
be the principle of their
he
state.
Another
is
that a
3
man should
2
This, they say, is the privilege of a freeman ; and, on the other hand, not to live as a man likes is the mark
live as
of a
likes
if possible,
in turns
;
.
This
slave.
whence has
the second characteristic of democracy, 4
is
arisen the claim or,
if this
and so
is
of
men
impossible,
to be ruled to
rule
by none, and be ruled
coincides with the freedom based upon
it
equality [which was the first characteristic]. 3 Such being our foundation and such the nature of de3
the election mocracy, its characteristics are as follows : of officers by all out of all; and that all should rule over each, and each to
all offices,
1
3
in
or to
Cp. Plato Rep.
his turn over all
viii.
Or (taking apxh
foundation,
557
in
all
;
that the appointment
but those which require experience and 2
foil.
the sense of
Cp.
democracy
are as follows.
v. 9.
15.
Such being our which we start, the
beginning
and such being the principle from
characteristics of
1
opinion of men, can only be enjoyed in such 1317 b
this they affirm to be the great
a state
VI.
states.
a democratic state
to the
cracy
now
will
and aims of such
character,
239
),
5
The
240 VI. 2
Characteristics of
Democracy
skill \ should be made by lot ; that no property qualification should be required for offices, or only a very low one ; that no one should hold the same office twice, or not often, except
of military
in the case
offices
;
that the tenure of
all
offices,
of as many as possible, should be brief; that all men should sit in judgment, or that judges selected out of all should judge in all matters, or in most, or in the greatest and most or
such as the scrutiny of accounts, the constitution, that the assembly should be supreme ; or at causes, any rate over the most important, and
important
and private contracts over
all
2
6 the magistrates over none or only over a very few institutions, a council is the
most democratic
not the means of paying
the citizens, but
paid even this
draw 7
for
robbed of
its
power
;
Of
.
when
all
there
when they
is
are
for the people then
cases to themselves, as I said in the previous dis-
all
cussion
is
all
3
The
4 .
services
receives
when
pay,
be had for
next characteristic of democracy
assembly,
;
all,
then
it
it
is is
law-courts, to be
had
is
when
or
;
payment
everybody
magistrates,
is
it
not to
given to the law-courts and to the
stated assemblies, to the council and to the magistrates, or at
any of them who are compelled to have their meals And whereas oligarchy is characterized by birth, together. least to
wealth, and education, the notes of democracy appear to be 8 the opposite of these
Another note 1318
a
low
birth, poverty,
no magistracy
mean employment.
perpetual, but if any such have survived some ancient change in the constitution it should be stripped of its power, and the holders should be
elected
by
common 3
to
lot all
is
that
and no longer by democracies
Cp.
iv.
14.
6.
Cp.
iv.
15.
II.
;
is
These
vote.
are
but democracy and 2 *
points
demos
See note.
Cp.
iv. 6.
5.
in
Democratical Justice
241
form are based upon the recognized
their truest
democratic justice, that
principle
of VI. 2
should count equally ; for equality implies that the rich should have no more share in the govern ment than the poor \ and should not be the only rulers, but that in
should rule equally according to their numbers
all
way men
this
freedom
.
think that they will secure equality and
the question,
How
is this
the qualification to be
Is
?
And
2
their state.
in
Next comes tained
all
hundred rich
shall be equal to a
equality to be ob-
thousand poor
?
and
shall
we
give the thousand a power equal to that of the five hundred or, if this is
same
not to be the mode, ought we,
ratio, to take equal
still
?
retaining the
numbers from each and give them s and of the courts ? Which,
the control of the elections
according to the democratical notion, constitution crats say
this
is
is
that to
decision should
Demo
?
which the majority
oligarchs that to which the wealthier class
the
agree,
in their opinion
;
be given according to the amount of
some
and
property.
In both principles there
is
injustice.
For
of the few, any one the rest of his class put
person
who
a
the juster form of the
or one based on numbers only
that justice
3
so distributed that five
if justice
is
inequality
3
the will
has more wealth than
all
together, ought, upon the oligarchical principle, to have the sole will
power
but this would be tyranny
of the majority, as
I
;
or if justice
was before saying
4 ,
is
unjustly confiscate the property of the wealthy minority.
1
*
Transposing dtrupovs and tinropovs, with Bekker Cp.
iv. 4.
s
Cp.
iii.
DAVIS
10.
To
2nd ed.
22.
3 Reading with Bekker s 2nd ed. aiptatwv from conjecture See note. 5iatptauv. which is the reading of the MSS.
4
the
they will
I.
R
for
4
Democratical Justice
242 VI. 3
find a principle
of equality
in
which they both agree we must
enquire into their respective ideas of justice.
Now
in saying that whatever is decided by the of the citizens is to be deemed law. but Granted majority not without some reserve since there are two classes out of
they agree
:
;
which a
the poor and the rich, that composed, to be deemed law on which both or the greater part
is
state is
of both agree
and
if
5
they disagree, that which
is approved have the higher qualification. For example, suppose that there are ten rich and twenty poor, and some measure is approved by six of the rich and is disapproved by fifteen of the poor, and the remaining ;
by the majority, that
by those
is
who
and the
four of the rich join with the party of the poor,
of the poor with that of the rich ; in such a case the will of those whose qualifications, when both sides remaining
five
6 are added up, are the greatest, should prevail. out to be equal, there
1318 b
no greater
is
If they turn
difficulty than at present,
when, if the assembly or the courts are divided, recourse is had to the lot, or to some similar expedient. But, although it
may be
difficult in
theory to
know what
is
and equal,
just
the practical difficulty of inducing those to forbear if
is
encroach,
far
for
who
greater,
can,
the weaker
are
l
care
they always asking for equality and justice, but the stronger 1 for none of these things like,
.
4
Of the discussion
four kinds of democracy, as 2 ,
the best
is
that
was
which comes
said in the previous
order
first in
;
it is
am
speaking of them according For the best to the natural classification of their inhabitants.
also the oldest
material of 1
Or,
of them
democracy
all.
is
I
an agricultural population 2
care nothing for the weaker. *
Cp.
iv. 6.
2.
Cp.
3
iv.
;
4.
there 22.
is
The no
difficulty in
best I(ind
243
of Democracy
forming a democracy where the mass of the VI.
people live by agriculture or tending of
cattle.
Being poor,
2
they have no leisure, and therefore do not often attend the assembly, and not having the necessaries of
life they are always work, and do not covet the property of others. Indeed, they find their employment pleasanter than the cares of govern
at
ment or
where no great gains can be made out of them, x many are more desirous of gain than of honour . is that even the ancient were endured proof tyrannies patiently office
for the
A
3
endure oligarchies, if they are allowed by to work and are not deprived of their property ; for some of them, as they
still
them grow quickly rich and the others are well enough off. Moreover they have the power of electing the magistrates 4 and calling them to account 2 their ambition, if they have ;
any,
is
thus satisfied
do not
all
;
and
in
some democracies, although they
share in the appointment of offices, except through
representatives elected in turn out of the
whole people, as
at
Mantinea, yet, if they have the power of deliberating, the many are contented. Even this form of government may be 5
Hence regarded as a democracy, and was such at Mantinea. both expedient and customary in such a democracy that
it is
all
should elect to
offices,
and conduct
election
and from persons having a
and
sit in
filled
up by
scrutinies,
the law-courts, but that the great offices should be qualification
;
the greater
requiring a greater qualification, or, if there be no offices for
which a
qualification is required, then those
who
are
marked
Under such a 6 ability should be appointed. form of government the citizens are sure to be governed well the offices will always be held by the best persons ; the (for
out by special
people are willing enough to elect them and are not jealous of 1
iv.
13.
2
8.
R
2
Cp.
ii.
12.
5.
4
The Agricultural Democracy
244 VI. 4
The good and
the good).
the notables will then be satisfied,
by men who are
for they will not be governed
and the persons elected 7
them
their inferiors,
will rule justly, because others will call
Every man should be responsible
to account.
to others,
nor should any one be allowed to do just as he pleases ; for where absolute freedom is allowed there is nothing to restrain 1319
a
which
the evil
is
the right persons rule 8
and the people have
which
and
why? because the
The
ancient laws of
people are drawn states
many
making the people husbandmen were excellent. provided either that no one should possess more than a aimed
at
quantity of land, or that, within a certain distance 9
Formerly
in
many
attributed to
town or the
from the
states there
was
of land
Oxylus, which
be a certain portion of every
which
They certain
he did, the land should not be
if
to sell his original allotment
;
from doing wrong,
It is evident that this is the
their due.
class.
principle of
the greatest good in states
is
are prevented
best kind of democracy, and
from a certain
But the
inherent in every man.
responsibility secures that
is
acropolis.
a law forbidding any one 1 .
There
is
a similar law
to the effect that there should
man
s
property on which he could
A
useful corrective to the evil of which borrow money. I am speaking would be the law of the Aphytaeans, who, although they are numerous, and do not possess much land, are
10 not
of them husbandmen.
all
For
their properties are
reckoned
the census, not entire, but only in such small portions
even the poor 11
Next
may have more
are a pastoral people, Cp. 2
rich.
Or,
ii.
than the amount required
best to an agricultural, and in
7.
7
who
live
many
2
in
that
*.
respects similar,
by their flocks
;
they are the
.
that the
qualification
of the poor
may
exceed that of the
The
inferior t^inds
The
4
people of
nferior to them, for their life is inferior
;
there
no room for
is
any of their employments, whether they mechanics or traders or labourers. Besides, people of this 13
moral excellence je
24 j
of any for war, robust in body and able to camp VI. whom other democracies consist are far 12
aest trained
out.
of Democracy
in
come to the assembly, because they are con about in the city and in the agora ; whereas tinually moving lusbandmen are scattered over the country and do not meet, class can readily
Where
or equally feel the want of assembling together.
the 14
is no territory extends to a distance from the city, there excellent or constitutional in an making democracy difficulty
government, for the
and even
country ought not to meet ;
people are compelled
if there is a
when
nave thus explained
;
the is
it
first
excluded will
at
the
We
15
and best form of democracy
clear that the other or inferior
sorts will deviate in a regular order, is
settle in
the country people cannot come.
how
should be constituted
to
town population the assembly
and the population which 1319 b
each stage be of a lower kind.
The last form of democracy, that in which all share alike, is one which cannot be borne by all states, and will not last long The more general unless well regulated by laws and customs. causes which tend to destroy this or other kinds of government
have
now been
pretty fully considered
l .
In order to constitute 16
such a democracy and strengthen the people, the leaders have been in the habit of including as many as they can, and making
who are legitimate, but even of the who have, only one parent a citizen,
citizens not only of those illegitimate,
and of those
whether father or mother 2
for nothing of this sort cornes ; amiss to such a democracy. This is the way in which dema- 17 gogues proceed ; whereas the right thing would be to make 1
CP
.
v. 5.
Cp.
iii.
5.
7.
The
246 VI. 4 no more
when
additions
and
Construction
the number of the commonalty exceeds
that of the notables or of the middle class,
When
beyond
this not
excess of this point the state becomes dis orderly, and the notables grow excited and impatient of the to go.
in
democracy, as in the insurrection at Cyrene ; for no notice is taken of a little evil, but when it increases it strikes the eye. 1
8
Measures
like those
which Cleisthenes 1 passed when he wanted
power of the democracy at Athens, or such were taken by the founders of popular government at Cyrene, are useful in the extreme form of democracy. Fresh tribes to
increase the
as
19
and brotherhoods should be established families should be restricted
;
the private rites of
and converted
into public ones
;
adopted which will mingle the citizens with one another and get rid of old connexions.
in short, every contrivance should be
20 Again, the measures
them
which
to be democratic
mitted to slaves (which
and
also that of
body
are taken by tyrants appear
may 2
children,
Such
a
and the allowing every will have many
government supporters, for most persons would rather live than in a sober manner.
5
The mere
.
establishment of a democracy
is
in a disorderly
not the only or
principal business of the legislator, or of those
create such a state, for any state,
may 2
last one,
two, or three days
preservation of
it.
The
of
be to a certain extent advantageous)
women and
to live as he likes
all
such, for instance, as the licence per
;
;
who wish
however badly
to
constituted,
a far greater difficulty is the
legislator should therefore
endeavour to
have a firm foundation according to the principles already laid down concerning the preservation and destruction of states 3 ;
he should guard against the destructive elements, and should 1
CP
.
iii.
2.
3;
v. 3. 3
2
5.
Cp. Bk.
v.
CP
.
v.
ii.
ii.
Preservation of Democracy make all
laws, whether written or unwritten,
the preservatives of states.
He
which
247 will contain
must not think the
truly
VI. 5 1320
democratical or oligarchical measure to be that which will give the greatest amount of democracy or oligarchy, but that which will
make them
last longest
*.
The demagogues
day often get property confiscated to please the people.
2
in the
of our
own
3
law-courts in order
But those who have the welfare of the
state at heart should counteract
them, and make a law that the
property of the condemned which goes into the treasury should Thus offenders will be as much not be public but sacred.
they will be punished all the same, and the people, having nothing to gain, will not be so ready to condemn the accused. Care should also be taken that state trials are as 4 afraid, for
few as possible, and heavy penalties should be those
who
bring groundless accusations
;
for
it is
inflicted
on
the practice
to indict, not members of the popular party, but the notables, although the citizens ought to be all equally attached to the state, or at any rate should not regard their rulers as enemies. Now, since in the last and worst form of democracy the 5
citizens are very
unless they are
numerous, and can hardly be made to assemble paid,
and
to
pay them when there are no
revenues presses hardly upon the notables (for the money must be obtained by a property-tax and confiscations and cor rupt practices of the courts, things
which have before now
overthrown many democracies) ; where, I say, there are no revenues, the government should hold few assemblies, and the law-courts should consist of
days only.
do not selves
many
but
persons,
This system has two advantages
:
sit
for a
first,
fear the expense, even although they are unpaid
when 1
the poor are paid
Cp.v.
u.
;
them
and secondly, causes are better 2
2, 3.
few
the rich 6
CP
.
v.
5.
5.
a
A
248 VI. 5
Patriotic
tried,
Nobility
although they do not like to be
for wealthy persons,
own affairs, do not mind going for a few Where there are revenues the dema law-courts.
long absent from their 7
days to the gogues should not be allowed after their manner to distribute the surplus
the poor are always receiving and always wanting
;
more and more, cask. Yet the
for such help is like water
poured into a leaky of the people should see that they be not too poor, for extreme poverty lowers the character of 8 the democracy ; measures also should be taken which will give
of
them
true friend
lasting prosperity
classes, the
all
;
and as
this is equally the interest
proceeds of the public revenues should be
accumulated and distributed among them, quantities as
1320 b rate,
make
may
enable them to purchase a
a beginning in trade
if possible, little
farm, or, at any
And
and husbandry.
9 benevolence cannot be extended to
such
in
if this
money should be dis
all,
tributed in turn according to tribes or other divisions, and in
the meantime the rich should pay the fee for the attendance of the poor at the necessary assemblies
;
and should
excused from useless public services.
By
in return be
administering the
state in this spirit the Carthaginians retain the affections
people 10
them
;
their policy
of the
from time to time to send some of
is
into their dependent towns,
where they grow
rich
J .
It
worthy of a generous and sensible nobility to divide the poor amongst them, and give them the means of going to work.
is
also
The example of imitation, 1 1
of the people of Tarentum is also well deserving by sharing the use of their own property with
for,
the poor, they gain their all
their offices into
two
good
will
2 .
Moreover, they divide
classes, one-half of them being elected
by vote, the other by lot the latter, that the people may participate in them, and the former, that the state may be better ;
1
"
Cp.
ii.
ii.
15.
Cp.
ii.
5.
S.
The various I^inds of Oligarchies 249 A like result may be gained by dividing the administered. same
offices
\ so as to have
two
VI. 5
classes of magistrates, one
chosen by vote, the other by lot. Enough has been said of the manner in which democracies 6 ought to be constituted.
From ing
these considerations there will be no difficulty in see
what should be the constitution of
oligarchies.
We
must
put together in our minds each form of oligarchy by reasoning
from
its
opposite, calculating the structure of each in relation
to that of the opposite democracy.
The
first
and best attempered of oligarchies
is
akin to a con- 2
government. In this there ought to be two standards the lower of qualification ; the one high, the other low stitutional
qualifying for the humbler yet indispensable offices and the
higher for the superior ones. He who acquires the prescribed should have the rights of citizenship. The nature qualification of those admitted should be such as will make the entire 3
governing body stronger than those who are excluded, and the new citizen should be always taken out of the better class of the
The
people.
principle,
narrowed
a
little,
gives another form
of oligarchy ; until at length we reach the most cliquish and tyrannical of them all, answering to the extreme democracy,
which, being the worst, requires vigilance in proportion to its 4 For as healthy bodies and ships well provided with
badness. sailors
may undergo many mishaps and
survive them, whereas
and rotten ill-manned ships are ruined by mistake, so do the worst forms of government 1321
sickly constitutions
the very least
require the greatest care.
generally preserves
them
The (for
populousness of democracies 5
number
place of justice based on proportion) 1
Reading
rfjs avTijs a.px^s
;
is to democracy in the whereas the preservation
with Bekker
s
and ed.
a
Hoiv VI. 6 of an
Organise an Oligarchy
to
oligarchy clearly depends on an opposite principle, viz.
good order.
As
7
there are four chief divisions of the
husbandmen,
retail
mechanics,
traders,
there are four kinds of military forces infantry,
the
light-armed
the
troops,
common
labourers
people so also
;
the cavalry, the heavy J
navy
.
When
the
country is adapted for cavalry, then a strong oligarchy is likely
For the
to be established.
security of the inhabitants depends
upon a force of this sort, and only rich men can afford to keep The second form of oligarchy prevails when there horses. are heavy infantry 2
2 ;
for this service is better suited to the rich
But the light-armed and the naval element are wholly democratic and nowadays, when they are so the if two numerous, parties quarrel, the oligarchy are often than to the poor.
;
A
worsted by them in the struggle. remedy for this state of things may be found in the practice of generals who combine
3
a proper contingent of light-armed troops with cavalry and heavy-armed. And this is the way in which the poor get the better of the rich in civil contests being lightly armed, they An fight with advantage against cavalry and heavy infantry. ;
oligarchy which raises such a force out of the lower classes raises a
power against
And
itself.
therefore, since the ages
of the citizens vary and some are older and some younger, the fathers should have their own sons, while they are still young, taught the agile movements of light-armed troops ; and some, when they grow up, should be selected out of the youth, and 4
become light-armed warriors also yield a share in the
said before, to those 1
Cp.
iv. 3.
in reality.
government
who have 2
2, 3. 3
The
oligarchy should
to the people, either, as I
a property qualification
Reading dir\iTi)v with Bekker Cp.
c. 6.
2.
s
3 ,
or, as
1st ed.
in
Thebes
the case of
certain
to those
,
who have
abstained for a
number of years from mean employments,
men of
Massalia, to
merit
who
or, as
VI. 7
at
are selected for their worthi
The magistracies ness, whether [previously] citizens or not. of the highest rank, which ought to be in the hands of the
5
governing body, should have expensive duties attached to them, and then the people will not desire them and will take no offence at the privileges of their rulers when they see that It is fitting also that 6 they pay a heavy fine for their dignity. the magistrates on entering office should offer magnificent sacrifices or erect in
participate
some
public edifice,
the entertainments,
and then the people who
and
to
like
see
the city
decorated with votive offerings and buildings, will not desire
an alteration in the government, and the notables will have
memorials of their munificence. but the fashion of our
modern
of gain as they are of honour
This, however,
oligarchs,
who
is
anything 7
are as covetous
oligarchies like theirs
;
may
be
Enough of the manner 1321 b which democracies and oligarchies should be organized. Next in order follows the right distribution of offices, their 8
well described as petty democracies. in
number, their nature, their duties, of which indeed we have 2 No state can exist not having the necessary already spoken .
offices,
and no
offices
which tend
be well administered not having the
state can
to preserve
harmony and good
small states, as
we have
many of them, and we should
carefully consider
already remarked
s ,
order.
In
2
there need not be
but in larger there must be a larger number,
which
offices
may
properly
be united and which separated. First
among necessary i
CP
offices is that
which has the care of 2
.
iii.
7.
5. 3
CP
.
iv. 15.
5-7.
CP
.
iv.
15.
3
2^2
the Criminal Executive
Offices
VI. 8 the market
;
and
inevitably be buyers
wants
and so 4 state
For
in
who
sellers
this is the readiest
;
con
a magistrate should be appointed to inspect
and to maintain order.
tracts
to
way
every state there must
one another
will supply
make
s
a state self-sufficing
the purpose for which men come together into one second office of a similar kind undertakes the super
fulfil
A
1 .
and embellishment of public and private buildings, the maintaining and repairing of houses and roads, the prevention of disputes about boundaries and other concerns of a like nature. vision
5
This
is
called the office of City-warden,
commonly
various departments, which, in
among
more populous towns,
and has
are shared
example, taking charge of the
different persons, one. for
There
6 walls, another of the fountains, a third of harbours.
another equally necessary office, and of a similar kind, having to do with the same matters without the walls and in the is
country
the
:
Wardens of
who
magistrates
hold this
office
are
the country, or Inspectors of the woods.
these three there
is
called
Besides
a fourth office of receivers of taxes,
who
have under their charge the revenue which they distribute among the various departments ; these are called Receivers or
Another
7 Treasurers.
officer registers all private contracts,
decisions of the courts,
all
This
preliminary proceedings. divided, in
These
which case one
officers
are
public indictments, office again is
officer is
called
and also
and all
sometimes sub
appointed over
all
the rest.
Recorders or Sacred Recorders,
Presidents, and the like. 8
Next
to these
comes an
office
of which the duties are the
most necessary and also the most difficult, viz. that to which is committed the execution of punishments, or the exaction of 1
Cp.
i.
2.
8
;
Nic. Eth.
v. 6.
4;
PI.
Rep.
ii.
369.
Offices
Military and Civil
fines from those who are posted up according to the registers VI. 8 and also the custody of prisoners. The difficulty of this office 1322 a arises out of the odium which is attached to it ; no one will ;
undertake
does
it
who
unless great profits are to be made, and any one
loth to execute the law.
is
Still
the office
for judicial decisions are useless if they take
no
society cannot exist without them, neither can
out the execution of them.
It is
is
necessary
effect it
and
;
;
if
exist with
an office which, being so 10
unpopular, should not be entrusted to one person, but divided several taken
among
from
different courts.
In
like
manner
should be made to distribute among different persons the writing up of those who are registered as public debtors.
an
effort
Some
sentences should be executed by officers
functions offices
;
;
penalties for
new
who have
other
new
offences should be exacted by
and as regards those which are not new, when one
court has given judgment, another should exact the penalty
;
for
example, the wardens of the city should exact the fines imposed
by the wardens of the agora, and others again should exact the fines imposed by them. For penalties are more likely to be exacted
when
less
odium attaches
but a double odium
is
incurred
to the exaction of
when
passed also execute the sentence,
and
the judges if
executioners, they will be the enemies of
them
who
ir
;
have
they are always the all.
In many places one magistracy has the custody of the prisoners, while another executes the sentence, as, for example, It is well to separate off the jailorthe Eleven at Athens.
12
and try by some device to render the office less unpopular. For it is quite as necessary as that of the executioner but
ship,
;
good men do
they can to avoid it, and worthless persons cannot safely be trusted with it ; for they themselves require a all
guard, and are not
fit
to
guard others.
There ought not
there- 13
2^4 VI. 8
Offices
Military and Civil
fore to be a single or
but
it
permanent officer set apart for this duty ; should be entrusted to the young, wherever they are
organized into a band or guard, and different magistrates acting in turn
should take charge of
These first
:
it.
and should be ranked
are the indispensable officers,
next
14 higher rank,
in
order follow others, equally necessary, but of
and requiring great experience and fidelity. Such which are committed the guard of the city,
are the offices to
and other military functions. Not only in time of war but of peace their duty will be to defend the walls and gates, and to In some states there are muster and marshal the citizens.
many such 1
offices
;
in others there are a
one
5 states are content with
1322 b or commanders.
Again,
;
few only, while small
these officers are called generals
if a state
has cavalry or light-armed
troops or archers or a naval force,
it
will
sometimes happen
that each of these departments has separate officers,
who
called admirals, or generals of cavalry or of infantry.
are
And
there are subordinate officers called naval and military captains,
and captains of horse
;
having others under them
!6 are included in the department
of war.
all
:
these
Thus much of military
command. But since many, not to say all, of these offices handle the money, there must of necessity be another office which
public
examines and audits them, and has no other functions. officers are called T~
by various names
Accountants, Controllers. another which
is
Besides
Scrutineers, all
Such
Auditors,
these offices there
supreme over them, and to
this,
which
is
in a
democracy presides over the assembly, is often entrusted both the introduction and the ratification of measures. For that
power which convenes the people must of necessity be the In some places they are called probuli, head of the state.
of Religion
Offices
Summary
because they hold previous deliberations, but in a democracy VI. more commonly councillors 1 These are the chief political 18
8
.
offices.
Another
set
of
officers is
concerned with the maintenance
and guardians see to the preservation and repair of the temples of the gods and to other matters of religion. One office of this sort may be enough in small places, but in of religion
;
priests
larger ones there are a great
many
besides the priesthood
;
19
for
example, superintendents of sacrifices, guardians of shrines, treasurers of the sacred revenues. Nearly connected with these 20 there are also the officers appointed for the performance of the public
sacrifices,
priests
;
of the
city.
2
kings
such
,
except any which the law assigns to the from the public hearth
officers derive their dignity
They
are
sometimes called archons, sometimes
and sometimes prytanes.
These, then, are the necessary offices, which may be summed up as follows : offices concerned with matters of religion, with war, with the revenue and expenditure, with the market, with the city, with the harbours, with the country
;
21
also with the
courts of law, with the records of contracts, with execution of
sentences, with custody of prisoners, with audits and scrutinies
and accounts of magistrates
;
lastly,
there are those which pre
side over the public deliberations of the state.
There
are like- 22
wise magistracies characteristic of states which are peaceful and prosperous, and at the same time have a regard to good order
such as the offices of guardians of women, guardians of
:
the laws, guardians of children, and directors of gymnastics
;
also superintendents of gymnastic
and Dionysiac contests, and 1323 Some of these are clearly not 23
of other similar spectacles. democratic offices ; for example, the guardianships of 1
Cp.iv. 15.
ii.
2
Cp.
iii.
14.
women
14.
a
Summary
2f6 VI. 8 and
children
both their 24
1
the poor, not having any slaves, must employ
women and
Once more
:
offices in states
children as servants.
there are three forms of the highest elective
guardians of the law, probuli, councillors,
of these, the guardians of the law are an
aristocratical, the
the council a democratical institution. probuli an oligarchical,
Enough of
the different kinds of offices. 1
Cp.
iv.
15.
13.
BOOK
VII
HE who would duly enquire about the best form of a state while ought first to determine which is the most eligible life this remains uncertain the best form of the state must also be
VII. 1
;
uncertain
for, in the
;
natural order of things, those
may
be
expected to lead the best life who are governed in the best manner of which their circumstances admit. ought there-
We
fore to ascertain, first of life,
all,
which
and then whether the same
is
2
the most generally eligible or
life is
is
not best for the state
and for individuals. that
Assuming
enough has been already said
discourses concerning the best
we
in exoteric
now
will
life, only repeat the statements contained in them. Certainly no one will dispute 3 the propriety of that partition of goods which separates them
\ viz. external goods, goods of the body, and goods of the soul, or deny that the happy man must have all three. For no one would maintain that he is happy who 4 has not in him a particle of courage or temperance or justice into three classes
who is afraid of every insect which flutters past him, and will commit any crime, however great, in order to gratify his lust of meat or drink, who will sacrifice his dearest or prudence,
friend for the sake of half a farthing,
mind
in
as a child or a
universally 1
and
is
Op. N. Eth.
Omitting
i.
8.
liia-ntp,
and
as feeble
These
false
propositions are 5
acknowledged as soon as they are uttered
2
edition.
madman.
2
but
,
men
2.
which
is
bracketed
by
Bekker
in
his
second
Goods of Fortune, and Goods of VII.
1 differ about the quantity which superiority of this or that good.
moderate amount of virtue
To whom we
relative
think that a very
no
set
limit to their
reply by an appeal to facts,
mankind do not acquire or preserve
which
easily prove
by the help of external goods, but external goods by the help of virtue, and that happiness, whether consisting in pleasure or virtue, or that
1323 b
Some
and the like. property, power, reputation,
desires of wealth,
6
desirable or the
is
enough, but
is
the Soul
both,
is
more
often found with those
cultivated in their
mind and
virtue
who
are
a moderate share of external goods, than
most highly
and have only
in their character,
among those who
possess external goods to a useless extent but are deficient in
higher qualities
;
and
this is not only matter
of experience, but,
upon, will easily appear to be in accordance with For, whereas external goods have a limit, like any
if reflected 7
reason.
other instrument \ and that where there
is
too
things useful are of such a nature
all
much of them they must
either
do harm,
or at any rate be of no use, to their possessors, every the soul, the greater 8
useful
proof in
is
as well as
it is,
noble
required to
relation to
another
is
show is
good of
also of greater use, if the epithet
is
appropriate to such subjects.
No
that the best state of one thing
proportioned to the degree of excel
by which the natures corresponding so that, if the separated from each other lence
:
to those states are
soul
is
more noble
than our possessions or our bodies, both absolutely and in relation to us, it must be admitted that the best state of either 9 has a similar ratio to the other.
Again,
for the sake of
it is
the soul that goods external and goods of the body are eligible at all,
and
all
wise
men ought
to choose
them
for the sake of
the soul, and not the soul for the sake of them. 1
CP
.
i.
8.
15.
Virtue the Source of Happiness Let us acknowledge then
that each one has just so
279 much of VII.
happiness as he has of virtue and wisdom, and of virtuous and
God
wise action. is
in
a witness to us of this truth
is
l ;
for
Ic
he
happy and blessed, not by reason of any external good, but himself and by reason of his own nature. And herein of
necessity lies the difference between for external
good fortune and happiness; come of goods themselves, and chance is the author
2 is just or temperate by or through chance . In like manner, and by a similar train of argument, the happy state may be shown to be that which is [morally] best and
of them, but no one
which
acts rightly
right actions,
and rightly
;
cannot act without doing state can do right actions
it
and neither individual nor
Thus
without virtue and wisdom.
wisdom of
u
a
the courage, justice, and 12
have the same form and nature as the
state
qualities
which give the individual who possesses them the
name of
just,
or temperate.
wise,
Thus much may
by way of preface: for I could not 13 avoid touching upon these questions, neither could I go through all the arguments affecting them ; these must be reserved for suffice
another discussion.
Let us assume then the
states, is
life
of
the performance of
good
we
actions.
There remains
?
will in this treatise pass
who
them
con- 1324 over,
Here
Cp.
Whether
to be discussed the question, is
c. 3.
10
For those who hold ;
a
the
2
the same as that of the state, or
again there can be no doubt
that they are the same. 1
If there are any
their objections hereafter.
happiness of the individual different
both for individuals and
life,
virtue, having external goods enough for
trovert our assertion,
and consider
that the best
N. Eth. Ethics
x. 8.
i.
S 2
9.
7 6.
;
no one denies
that the well-being
Met.
xii.
7.
2
a
1
26 o VII. 2 of
Is Contemplation best^ or Action ?
the individual consists in his wealth, also think that riches
make
who
the happiness of the whole state, and those
value
most highly the life of a tyrant deem that city the happiest which rules over the greatest number; while they who approve an individual for his virtue say that the more virtuous a city 3
the happier
is,
that of a citizen alien
who
Two
is.
it
for consideration
:
first
who
(i),
a
is
has no political
here present themselves
points
which
is
member of ties
the
and again
;
more
eligible life,
a state, or that of an
which
(2),
is
the
best form of constitution or the best condition of a state, either
on the supposition that
political privileges are given to all,
4 that they are given to a majority only state
and not of the individual
is
or
Since the good of the
?
the proper subject of political
thought and speculation, and we are engaged in a political dis cussion, while the first of these two points has a secondary interest for us, the latter will be the main subject of our enquiry. 5
Now
is
it
evident that the form of government
which every man, whoever he is, can But even those who agree happily. of virtue
is
is
best in
and
live
thinking that the
life
the most eligible raise a question, whether the
life
of business and politics
which
is
is
or
is
act for the best in
not more eligible than one
wholly independent of external goods,
a contemplative life,
which by some
is
I
mean than
maintained to be the
one worthy of a philosopher. For these two lives the of the philosopher and the life of the statesman appear to have been preferred by those who have been most keen in
6 only life
the pursuit of virtue,
Which
7
is
the better
is
both in our
own and
a question of no small
in
other ages.
moment
;
for
the wise man, like the wise state, will necessarily regulate his life according to the best end. There are some who think
The
War and
of
Policy
261
Oppression
that while a despotic rule over others is the greatest injustice, to exercise a constitutional rule over
VII. 2
them, even though not
impediment to a man s individual well-being. Others take an opposite view they maintain that the true life of man is the practical and political, and that every virtue admits
unjust, is a great
;
of being practised, quite as much by statesmen and rulers as Others, again, are of opinion that by private individuals. arbitrary *
indeed,
and tyrannical in
some
rule alone consists with
states the entire
aim of the laws
happiness *
is
;
to give
men
And, therefore, 9 despotic power over their neighbours. in the laws said most cities be may although generally to be in still, if they aim at anything, they aim at the thus in Lacedaemon and Crete the maintenance of power system of education and the greater part of the laws are framed
a chaotic state,
:
with a view to war
And
2 .
in all nations
which
are able to 10
power is held in esteem, for ex ample among the Scythians and Persians and Thracians and In some nations there are even laws tending to stimulate Celts. gratify their ambition military
the warlike virtues, as at Carthage, where obtain the honour of wearing as
many
we
are told that
men
armlets as they have served
There was once a law in Macedonia that he who campaigns. had not killed an enemy should wear a halter, and among the
1 1
Scythians no one who had not slain his man was allowed to drink out of the cup which was handed round at a certain feast.
Among the Iberians, whom a man has slain are fixed in the earth 1
Or, inserting
translator),
in
KOLL
a warlike nation, the number of enemies indicated by the number of spits which round his tomb ; and there are numerous
is
before vufjuav (apparently the reading of the old entire aim both of the constitution and the
some cases the
laws. 2
Cp. Plato, Laws,
i.
633
ff
12
War
262 VII. 2
among
practices
End
not the Supreme
mind
13
some of them
other nations of a like kind,
Yet
established by law and others by custom.
to a reflecting
must appear very strange that the statesman should be how he can dominate and tyrannize over considering always How can that which others, whether they will or not. it
not even lawful be the business of the statesman or the
is
legislator
The is
?
Unlawful
it
certainly
is
to rule without regard to
may be might where
there
for
justice,
other arts and sciences offer no
there
no
is
parallel
right.
a physician
;
not expected to persuade or coerce his patients, nor a pilot
Yet many appear
14 the passengers in his ship. a despotic government
ashamed of
for themselves, but
justice
own
others
case they are
they
;
demand
where other men are concerned
Such behaviour is irrational; nothing about it. is born to command, and the other born
care
15 they
their
to think that
and what men
a true political form,
and inexpedient in practising towards
affirm to be unjust
not
is
unless the one party to
to
1
1325
their
all
be
subjects
fellows,
;
just
but only
whether for food or
sacrifice,
or
happy (for
for
as
food
in isolation,
it is
those
And
which we
who
are
intended
hunt mankind,
not to
but only the animals which are that
sacrifice,
are eatable.
command, not
a right to
we ought
as
intended 6 animals a
which case men have
serve, in
indeed
is
say, such
to
surely there
will
assume
may
wild
be a
city
to be well-governed
quite possible that a city thus isolated
might be well-
administered and have good laws) ; but such a city would not be constituted with any view to war or the conquest of Hence all that sort of 17 enemies thing must be excluded.
we
see very plainly that warlike pursuits, although generally
to
be
things,
deemed honourable, but
only
means.
are
not the
And
supreme end of
the good
all
lawgiver should
The
how
enquire
may
False
and True Idea of a and
states
participate in a
of men
races
good
life,
and
in the
26$
T(uler
communities VII. 2
and
happiness which
is
His enactments will not be always the by them. and where there are neighbours J he will have to deal
attainable
same
;
18
with them according to their characters, and to see what The end at which duties are to be performed towards each. the best
made
form of government should aim may be properly
a matter of future consideration
2 .
Let us now address those who, while they agree that the 3 about the manner life of virtue is the most eligible, differ of practising
For some renounce
it.
think that the
life
of the freeman
the statesman and the best of
who
does
all
;
cannot do
nothing
power,
political
different
from the
of the
well,
latter
and of
life
but others think the
The argument
of the statesman best.
he
is
is
life
that
and that virtuous
To both we say with happiness. you The first class are right and partly wrong. in affirming that the life of the freeman is better than the life of the despot; for there is nothing grand or noble activity is identical
:
are partly right
in
having the use of a
slave,
commands about
or in issuing
in
so far as he
is
But
necessary things.
a
a slave; it
is
an error to suppose that every sort of rule is despotic like that of a master over slaves, for there is as great a difference
between the
freemen and the rule over slaves as
rule over
between slavery by nature and freedom by nature, about which I have said enough at the commencement of there
this
is
treatise
And
3 .
it
equally a mistake to place inac- 3
is
above action, for happiness is activity, and the actions of the just and wise are the realization of much that is noble. tivity
1
Cp.
ii.
6.
a
7;
7. 3
14.
Cp.
i.
c.
5,6,7.
CP
.
c.
14.
VII. 3
But perhaps some one, accepting these premisses, may maintain that supreme power
the best of
is
all
still
things, because
the possessors of it are able to perform the greatest number If so, the man who is able to rule, 4 of noble actions. instead of giving up anything to his neighbour, ought rather to
take
away
his
power
and the father should make no account
;
of his son, nor the son of his father, nor friend of friend they should not bestow a thought on one another in com parison with this higher object, for the best is the most ;
There might be some eligible and doing well is the best. 1325 b truth in such a view if we assume that robbers and plunderers But this can never be ; and hence we 5 attain the chief good. infer the view to be false.
For
really be honourable, unless he
men
as a
husband
the actions of a ruler cannot
is
much
as
superior to other
to a wife, or a father to his children,
is
or a master to his slaves.
And
therefore he
who
violates
the law can
never recover by any success, however great, what he has already lost in departing from virtue. For equals share alike in the honourable and the just, as is just
6
and equal. But that the unequal should be given and the unlike to those who are like, is contrary and nothing which is contrary to nature is good. fore, there is
any one
l
superior in virtue
performing the best actions,
and
to equals, to nature, If,
there
power of follow and
in the
him we ought
to
7 obey, but he must have the capacity for action as well as virtue.
If we are right in our view, and happiness is assumed to be virtuous activity, the active life will be the best, both for 8 the Not that a life city collectively, and for individuals. of
action
must necessarily have 1
Cp.
iii.
13.
relations to others, as
25, ana
1
7.
7.
some
The
Conditions of the Perfect State nor
think,
persons
which
as practical
ideas
only
to
be
regarded
VII. 3
are pursued for the sake of practical results,
the thoughts and contemplations which are
much more
but
those
are
2.65
independent and complete in themselves; since virtuous is an end, and even in the case activity, and therefore action,
of external actions the directing
mind
is
most
truly
said
necessary that states which are 9 cut off from others and choose to live alone should be inactive ; to act.
Neither, again,
is it
be activity also in the parts ; there are many ways in which the members of a state act upon one another. The same thing is equally true of every individual. If this 10 for there
may
God
were otherwise,
who
and the universe,
actions over and above their
1
own
have no external
would be
far enough energies Hence it is evident that the same life is from perfection. best for each individual, and for states, and for mankind ,
collectively.
Thus I
far
have
In what has preceded of government ; in what point to be considered is what should be the
by way of introduction.
discussed
remains, the
first
other
conditions of the ideal or perfect state
for the perfect state
;
cannot exist without a due supply of the means of
we must
therefore tions
2
but
,
number
presuppose
is
nobler),
which
better prepared,
so the
for his
2
And
life.
purely imaginary condi
There
the weaver or shipbuilder
must have the material proper as this
many
nothing impossible.
of citizens, a country in
As
like.
4
forms
be
a
certain
to place them,
and the
will
any other
or
work (and
in
artisan 3
proportion 1326 a
so will the result of his art be
statesman or legislator must also have the
materials suited to him.
First 1
Cp.
among c. i.
the materials required 10.
by the statesman 2
Cp.
ii.
6.
7.
is
4
The Number of
266 VII. 4
population
he
:
will consider
the Citizens
what should be the number and
character of the citizens, and then
state in order to be
are right, they have
what should be the
size
Most persons think
that a
happy ought to be large but even no idea what is a large and what
a small
and character of the country.
;
if
they
For they judge of
the size of the city by the number whereas ; they ought to regard, not their has but their number, power. city too, like an individual, a work to do ; and that city which is best adapted to the
5 state.
of the inhabitants
A
of
fulfilment
its
work
is
to
same sense of the word great called greater, not as a
be
deemed
greatest,
in
the
which Hippocrates might be man, but as a physician, than some one in
who was taller. And even if we reckon greatness by we ought not to include everybody, for there must
6 else
numbers,
always be foreigners
of the
in cities ;
state,
a multitude
of slaves and sojourners and
we should include those only who are members and who form an essential part of it. The number
but
proof of the greatness of a city ; but a city artisans and comparatively few soldiers cannot be great, for a great city is not to be confounded
of the
latter is a
which produces numerous
7
with a populous one. Moreover, experience shows that a very can rarely, if ever, be well governed ; since all populous city cities which have a reputation for good government have a limit
8 the
of population.
same
We
may
result will follow.
argue on grounds of reason, and
For law
is
order,
and good law
but a very great multitude cannot be orderly : to introduce order into the unlimited is the work of a divine
is
good order
power 9
;
of such a power as holds together the universe.
Beauty
number and magnitude *, and the state which com bines magnitude with good order must necessarily be the most is
realized in
1
Cp. Poet.
7.
4.
The Number of To
beautiful.
the Citizens
the size of states there
2.67
a limit, as there
is
is
to
VII. 4
other things, plants, animals, implements ; for none of these 10 retain their natural power when they are too large or too small,
For
but they either wholly lose their nature, or are spoiled.
example *, at all,
a ship
which
is
only a span long will not be a ship
nor a ship a quarter of a mile long
;
may be
yet there
a ship of a certain size, either too large or too small, which will
In like manner a state 1326 b be a ship, but bad for sailing. composed of too few is not as a state ought to be, self-
still
when
sufficing
;
when of
necessaries,
it is
too many, though self-sufficing in
For who can be
able of constitutional government.
of such a vast multitude, or voice of a Stentor ?
A
state then
all
mere
a nation and not a state, being almost incap
who
the general
the herald, unless he have the
only begins to exist
when
it
has
attained
good life in the political com But, munity : it may indeed somewhat exceed this number. as I was What should be saying, there must be a limit. a population sufficient for a
the limit will be easily ascertained by experience.
2
For both
governors and governed have duties to perform ; the functions of a governor are to command and to judge. if
1
special
But
13
the citizens of a state are to judge and to distribute offices to
according characters
both will
are
the
merit,
where
;
election
go wrong.
then
When
manifestly settled
not to be.
they
must know
each
other s
they do not possess this knowledge, to offices and the decision of lawsuits the
at
population
haphazard,
is
very large they
which
clearly
ought
Besides, in an overpopulous state foreigners and 14
metics will readily acquire the rights of citizens, for who will find them out ? Clearly, then, the best limit of the population 1
Cp.
v. 9.
7.
The
268 VII. 4 of
a state
poses of
5
the largest
is
number which
and can be taken
life,
suffices for the
in at a single view.
pur
Enough
concerning the size of a city. Much the same principle will apply to the territory of the state is
every one would agree in praising the
:
most
which
2
Situation of the City
entirely self-sufficing
is
all-producing,
;
for to
state
which
and that must be the have
all
state
things and to want
In size and extent
should be such
nothing
is
as
enable the inhabitants to live temperately and liberally
may
sufficiency.
it
of leisure *. Whether we are right or down this limit we will enquire more precisely 2 hereafter when we have occasion to consider what is the a matter which is much right use of property and wealth disputed, because men are inclined to rush into one of two in
the enjoyment
wrong
in
laying ,
:
3
extremes, some into meanness, others into luxury. It is not difficult to determine the general character of the territory which
is there are, however, some required which on should be heard authorities points military they tell us that it should be difficult of access to the enemy, and Further, we require that easy of egress to the inhabitants. ;
;
13 27 a
the land as well as the inhabitants of
whom we
were just now
speaking should be taken in at a single view, for a country which is easily seen can be easily protected. As to the position of the city, if
we could have what we
wish,
4 be well situated in regard both to sea or land.
it
should
This then
one principle, that it should be a convenient centre for the protection of the whole country : the other is, that it should is
be suitable for receiving the fruits of the soil, and also for the bringing in of timber and any other products.
6
Whether 1
Cp.
communication with the sea
a ii.
6.
a
9.
Cp.
c.
is
8-10
beneficial infra
(,?).
to
Proximity of the Sea, Good, or Evil? a well-ordered state or not
is a
question
269
which has often been VII. 6
argued that the introduction of strangers brought up under other laws, and the increase of population, will be adverse to good order (for a maritime people will always have
asked.
a
It is
crowd of merchants coming and
by sea
inimical
is
it
considerations, a view to safety
going), and that intercourse
good government *. Apart from these would be undoubtedly better, both with to
and
to the provision
2
of necessaries, that the
and
territory should be connected with the sea ; the 3 defenders of a country, if they are to maintain themselves city
and
against an enemy, should be easily relieved both by land
and even
they are not able to attack by sea and land at once, they will have less difficulty in doing mischief to their assailants on one element, if they themselves can use
by sea
both.
;
Moreover,
if
it is
necessary that they should import from 4
own country, and that they should export what they have in excess ; for a city ought to be a market, not indeed for others, but for herself. abroad what
is
not found in their
Those who make themselves do so desire
for the sake of revenue, profit
emporium.
of this kind
Nowadays we
it
a market for the world only and if a state ought not to
ought not
to
have such
an
often see in countries and cities 5
dockyards and harbours very conveniently placed outside the and they are kept in dependence by city, but not too far off; walls and
similar fortifications.
Cities thus situated
mani
of intercourse with their ports ; and likely to accrue may be easily guarded
the benefit festly reap
any harm which
is
against by the laws, which will pronounce and determine
who
hold communication with one another, and who may not. There can be no doubt that the possession of a moderate 6
may
1
Cp. Plato, Laws,
iv.
704
ff.
The Character of
270 VII. 6 1327 b
naval force
such be
advantageous to
formidable
own
their
to
their
The
a
city
them by
citizens require
in
cases
certain
or,
*,
sea as well as by land.
proper number or magnitude of this naval force is for if her function to the character of the state
relative
;
2
her naval power should with the scale of her enterprises. The
to take a leading part in politics
is
the
;
needs, and they should also
neighbours
necessary, able to assist
if
7
is
force for
a
the Citizens
be commensurate
.
need not be much increased,
population of the state
since
the no necessity that the sailors should be citizens marines who have the control and command will be freemen,
8 there is
:
and belong
the
to
also
infantry;
and wherever there
is
a dense population of Perioeci and husbandmen, there will Of this we see always be sailors more than enough. The city of Heraclea, for instances at the present day.
example, although small in comparison with many others, can Such are our conclusions respect 9 man a considerable fleet. of the its harbour, its towns, the its state, ing territory
and
relations to the sea,
7
its
maritime power.
Having spoken of the number of the citizens, we will This is proceed to speak of what should be their character. a subject his
casts
which can be eye
on
the
easily
understood by any one who states of Hellas,
more celebrated
and generally on the distribution of races 2
Those who
world.
Europe skill
no
;
are full
they
but wanting in
keep
in
the habitable
climate and in [northern]
their
intelligence
freedom,
but
and have
and are incapable of ruling over Whereas the natives of Asia are intelligent and
political
1
Cp.
spirit,
and therefore
others.
2
of
live in a cold
ii.
6.
organization,
7.
Reading noXtrtKuv with the MSS. and Bekker
s first
edition.
The
Character of the Citizens
271
and therefore they are VII. 1 But the Hellenic 3 of subjection and slavery. situated between them, is likewise intermediate
inventive, but they are wanting in spirit,
always
in a state
which
race,
is
being high-spirited and also intelligent
in character, it
continues free, and
if it
l
Hence
.
the best governed of any nation, and,
is
could be formed into one state, would be able to rule the
There
world.
of Hellas
;
are also similar differences in the different tribes 4
some of them
for
and
are of a one-sided nature,
are intelligent or courageous only, while in others there is a
And clearly those whom happy combination of both qualities. the legislator will most easily lead to virtue may be expected say
that
whom
the
guardians
they know, fierce
know.
Now,
is
passion
more
is
who
are despised
by them
are
unknown ;
Plato
2
]
5
the quality of the soul which begets 1328 ;
notably the spirit within us
and acquaintances than
against our friends
stirred
[like
should be friendly towards those towards those whom they do not
friendship and inspires affection
against those
Some
and courageous.
to be both intelligent
for
to us,
when we
think that
we
which reason Archilochus, com- 5
plaining of his friends, very naturally addresses his soul in these
words,
For wert thou not plagued on account of
The power
of
men based upon Nor invincible. fierce
command and this quality, is it
towards those
iv.
3 ?
the love of freedom are in
for passion
is
all
commanding and
right to say that the guardians should be j
whom
they do not know, for
not to be out of temper with any one 1
friends
;
and a lofty
A.
we ought
spirit is
*
not
Rep. 375. 435 , 436 Cp. Plato, Rep. Or : For surely thou art not plagued on account of thy friends ? The line is probably corrupt. Better to read with Bergk, av -yelp Sr/ wapit. ii.
8
<]>i\cav
dir&yx*o,
for
thou indeed wert plagued by
friends.
a
The Passionate Nature
272 VII. 7
by nature, but only when excited against evil-doers.
fierce
And
this, as
I
was saying
a feeling
is
before,
which men
show most
8
strongly towards their friends if they think they have received a wrong at their hands as indeed is reason :
able
for, besides the actual
;
injury,
they seem to be de
who owe them
prived of a benefit by those
one.
Hence
the
saying,
Cruel
a
the strife of brethren
is
;
and again,
They who love Thus we have nearly
9
of the citizens of our their territory.
I
in
excess also hate
As site
in
and also the
state,
say
nearly,
for
.
size
and nature of
we ought
not to require
2 .
other natural compounds the conditions of a
whole
1
determined the number and character
the same minuteness in theory as in fact
8
excess
in
are not necessarily organic parts of
it,
compo
so in a state
or in any other combination forming a unity not everything 2 is
a part,
an
which
is a
necessary condition
have
association
necessarily
The members
3 .
of
some one thing the same
and common to
all, in which they share equally or unequally ; But where example, food or land or any other thing. there are two things of which one is a means and the other
3 for
an end, they have nothing in common except that the one what the other produces. Such, for example, is the
receives
relation in
the 4 the
house art
which workmen and and
the
of the builder
is
beings are included in
it
4 ,
is
no part of a 2
Eurip. Frag. 51 Diiulorf. 3
Cp.
iii.
work
;
5.
2.
even though living
but property,
so states require property,
1
tools stand to their
have nothing in common, but And for the sake of the house.
builder
state
Cp. 12.
*
Cp.
i.
4.
for a state is
;
9, infra. 2.
The Necessary not
community of
a
of equals, aiming happiness
is
of
reason
why
best
life
which some
attain,
while others have
men
of
5
men
for different
;
ways and by
different life
seek
little
are clearly the
there are various kinds of states and
themselves different modes of
We
Now, whereas
possible.
the various qualities
it,
of government different
community VII. 8
beings only, but a
living
at the
273
the highest good, being a realization and perfect
practice of virtue,
or none
Conditions of a State
after
many forms happiness in
means, and so make for 1328 b and forms of government.
must see also how many things are indispensable to 6 we call the parts of a state
the existence of a state, for what
be
will
Let us then enumerate the
found among them.
functions of a state, and First, there
we
must be food
shall easily elicit
what we want
;
many instruments thirdly, there must be arms, members of a community have need of them in
for
;
maintain
both
authority
against external assailants
amount of revenue, purposes of war of religion, which ;
most necessary of is
is
disobedient
internal
or rather
commonly
first,
subjects
and
needs there
and
and what
for
the
must be a care
called worship
there must be a
for the public interest,
the
order to
fourthly, there must be a certain
both for
fifthly,
all,
against ;
:
secondly, arts, for life requires 7
;
sixthly,
and
power of deciding what
is
just in
men
s dealings
with one another.
These need.
are the things
For
which every state may be said to 8 mere aggregate of persons, but
a state is not a
l
a union of them sufficing for the purposes of life ; and if any of these things be wanting, it is simply impossible state then 9 that the community can be self-sufficing.
A
1
DAVIS
Cp. supra,
X
c. 5.
I.
The Necessary
274 VII. 8 should
be
Conditions of a State
framed with a view to the fulfilment of these
There must be husbandmen
functions.
Having determined these
9
whether
points,
and
to procure food,
artisans, and a warlike and a wealthy class, and l judges to decide what is just and expedient.
we have
and
priests,
in the
next place
of occupa ought Shall every man be at once husbandman, artisan, coun
to consider tion.
to share in every sort
all
judge, or shall we suppose the several occupations just mentioned assigned to different persons ? or, thirdly, shall some employments be assigned to individuals and others common to cillor,
2
The
all
?
as
we were
saying,
all
may be shared by
some by some
but only states,
question, however, does not occur in every state
2
and hence
;
for in democracies
all
all,
or not
all
by
arise the differences
share in
all,
;
all,
of
in oligarchies the
we are here speaking of the best form of government, and that under which the state will be most happy (and happiness, as has been already said,
3 opposite practice prevails.
Now,
since
s
clearly follows that in the
cannot exist without virtue state
which
),
it
best governed the citizens
is
who
are absolutely
and not merely relatively just men must not lead the life of mechanics or tradesmen, for such a life is ignoble and inimical 4 Neither must they be husbandmen, since leisure is 4 to virtue .
1328 a
necessary both for the development of virtue and the perform
ance of
political
Again, there of councillors,
duties. is in a state
who
a class of warriors, and another
advise about the expedient and determine
matters of law, and these seem in an especial manner parts of a state.
Now,
should these two classes be distinguished, or
5 are both functions to be assigned to the 1
2
Cp.
iv.
Reading SiKai&v with Bekker 3 4 and 14. Cp. c. 8. 5.
in his *
same persons
?
Here
second edition.
Cp. Plato, Laws,
xi.
919.
The Governing again there
is
no
difficulty in seeing that
one way belong to the same,
To
Classes
other strength.
life,
both functions will
VII. 9
employments are suited wisdom, and the
for the one requires
But on the other hand, since
possible thing that those
in
in another, to different persons.
different persons in so far as their
to different ages of
27?
who
it
is
an im
are able to use or to resist force
should be willing to remain always in subjection, from this same ; for those who carry
point of view the persons are the
arms can always determine the
fate
of the constitution.
It 6
remains therefore that both functions of government should be entrusted to the same persons, not, however, at the same time,
who has given to young men wisdom. Such a distribution
but in the order prescribed by nature,
men
strength and to older
of duties will be expedient and also just, for it is in accordance with desert. Besides, the ruling class should be the owners of
7
property, for they are citizens, and the citizens of a state should
be
in
class
whereas mechanics or any other good circumstances whose art excludes the art of virtue have no share in the ;
state. This follows from our first principle, for happiness can not exist without virtue, and a city is not to be termed happy in regard to a portion of the citizens, but in regard to them all *.
And
clearly property should be in their hands, since the hus- 8
bandmen
Of the
of necessity be slaves or barbarians or Perioeci 2 . classes enumerated there remain only the priests, and
will
the
manner
No
husbandman or mechanic should be appointed
in
which
their office is to be regulated is obvious.
to
it ;
for 9
should receive honour from the citizens only. Now since the body of the citizens is divided into two classes, the
the
Gods
warriors and the councillors
worship of the
Gods
1
Cp.
ii.
5.
27,
and it is beseeming that the ; should be duly performed, and also a 2
28
T
3
Cp.
infra, c. 10.
13, 14.
2 VII. 9
Warriors
j6
rest
provided
in
Councillors
who from age have men of these two classes should
service for those
their
to the old
given up active life
Priests
be assigned the duties of the priesthood.
We
10
have shown what are the necessary conditions, and parts of a state husbandmen, craftsmen, and labourers
what the of
:
kinds are necessary to the existence of states, but the And these parts of the state are the warriors and councillors. all
are distinguished severally
being in
from one another, the
some cases permanent,
distinction
in others not.
1O
It is no new or recent discovery of political philosophers 1329 b that the state ought to be divided into classes, and that the
warriors should
The
separated from the husbandmen.
be
system has continued in Egypt and in Crete to this day, and
was
by a law of Sesostris
established, as tradition says,
in
2
The institution of common Egypt an d of Minos in Crete. tables also appears to be of ancient date, being in Crete as
3
old as the reign of Minos, and in Italy far older.
was
historians say that there
from
whom
name of
The
Italian
a certain Italus king of Oenotria,
the Oenotrians were called Italians, and
who
gave
promontory of Europe lying between the Scylletic and Lametic Gulfs, which are distant from one the
Italy to the
4 another only half a
day
s
They
journey.
say that this Italus
converted the Oenotrians from shepherds into husbandmen, and besides other laws which he gave them,
was the founder of
our day some who are derived from him retain this institution and certain other laws of his.
their
5
On are
common
meals
;
even
in
now,
as of old, called
Ausones
;
and on the side towards
lapygia and the Ionian Gulf, in the district called Syrtis 1
who
the side of Italy towards Tyrrhenia dwelt the Opici,
Retaining the reading of the MSS., which Bekker
edition has altered into Stpiris, a conjecture of Goettling
in s.
his
! ,
the
second
Ancient Egypt-) Crete, Italy
From this part VII. 10 common tables
Chones, who are likewise of Oenotrian race. of the world originally came the institution of the separation into castes [which for the reign of Sesostris is
was much
277
;
older] from Egypt,
of far greater antiquity than that and many other things 7
It is true indeed that these
of Minos.
have been invented several times over * or rather times without
men
to have taught
number
;
in the
for necessity
course of ages,
may be supposed
the inventions which were absolutely re
and when these were provided, it was natural that other things which would adorn and enrich life should grow up by quired,
And we may
degrees.
same
rule holds.
infer that in political institutions the
Egypt
2
witnesses to the antiquity of
things, for the Egyptians appear to be of all people the
ancient
;
all
8
most
and they have laws and a regular constitution [existing
We
should therefore make the best from time immemorial]. s and try to supply use of what has been already discovered ,
defects.
have already remarked that the land ought to belong to 9 who possess arms and have a share in the government *, and that the husbandmen ought to be a class distinct from them ; I
those
and I have determined what should be the extent and nature
Let me proceed to discuss the distribution of the territory. of the land, and the character of the agricultural class ; for I
do not think 1
Pol. 2
that property ought to be
Cp. Plato, Laws, ii.
5.
iii.
676
;
Aristotle,
Metaph.
common,
xi. 8.
1074
as
b.
some
10; and
l6(note).
Cp. Metaph.
22 B; Laws,
i.
I.
16; Meteor,
i.
14.
352
b.
19; Plato, Timaeus,
656, 657. 3 Reading, with Bekker in his second edition, tvprjutvots which may have been altered into flprjfj.fvots from a confusion of (iprjrcu irpintpov ii.
:
in
9
infra.
4
Cp. supra,
c. 9.
5-7.
VII. 10 1330
a
maintain a
Common
Private Landholders
278
l ,
common
hleals
but only that by friendly consent there should be use of
it
;
and that no
want of
citizen should be in
subsistence.
As to common meals, 10 ordered city
what
there
is
should have them
own
are our
a general
agreement that a well-
and we
will hereafter explain
;
reasons for taking this view.
however, to be open to
all
the citizens
2 .
easy for the poor to contribute the requisite
They
ought,
And
yet
sum
out of their
is
it
not
The and to provide also for their household. likewise be a of should public charge. expense religious worship The land must therefore be divided into two parts, one public private means,
11
and the other
private,
and each part should be subdivided,
half of the public land being appropriated to the service of to defray the cost of the while of the private land, half should be near the border, and the other near the city, so that each
Gods, and the other half used
the
common
meals
citizen having
places
;
there
;
two is
lots
justice
they
may
all
and fairness
of them have land in
such a division
the
1
2
in s ,
both
and
it
border
tends to inspire unanimity among people wars. Where there is not this arrangement, some of them are too ready to
come
to
blows with their neighbours, while others quite lose the sense of honour.
that they
so cautious
are
in their
Wherefore there
is
a
law
in
some
places
which forbids those
who
dwell near the border to take part in public deliberations about wars with neighbours, on the ground that their interests 13 will pervert their
then, the land 1
:!
in
judgment. For the reasons already mentioned, should be divided in the manner described.
C P ii. 9. 31. 745, v/here the same proposal is found. Aristotle, 15, condemns the division of lots which he here 2
Cp.
ii.
5.
Cp. Plato, Laws,
Rook
adopts.
ii.
6.
.
v.
The Land and The
very best thing of
be slaves, not
they have no
all
its Cultivators
would be
that the
of the same race
all
1
279
husbandmen should VII. 10
and not
spirited,
for if
they will be better suited for their work, and there will be no danger of their making a revolution. The spirit
next best thing would be that they should be Perioeci of foreign race 2 , and of a like inferior nature ; some of them should be 14 the slaves of individuals, and employed on the private estates
of
men of
property, the remainder should be the property of
the state and employed on the explain what
is
common
land
s
I will hereafter
.
the proper treatment of slaves, and
why
it
them
expedient that liberty should be always held out to
is
as
the reward of their services.
We
have already said that the city should be open to the 11
land and
to the
sea
4
and
,
be to find a situation for
whole country as far itself our wish would
The
fortunate in four things.
it,
this is a necessity
health
first,
the
to
In respect of the place
as possible.
which
cities
:
towards the
lie
2
and are blown upon by winds coming from the east, next in healthfulness are those which are are the healthiest
east,
;
sheltered from the north wind, for they have a milder winter.
The
site
of the
should likewise be convenient
city
latter
should
it
at the
afford
easy
to
a
the
5 .
in the
great reservoirs
town
may be
citizens,
established fail
when
for
the
of them,
collection
ii.
7.
vi.
Cp.
777.
Cp.
23. 5
Repetition of
c. 5.
of
the inhabitants are cut *
Cp. Plato, Laws, Cp.
and
difficult
or, if there is a deficiency
rain-water, such as will not
3
both 1330 b
view to the 3
of capture to There should be a natural abundance of springs
and fountains
1
egress
same time be inaccessible and
enemies
With
and for war.
for political administration
3.
c. 9.
8.
c. 5.
3.
The
28 o
Conditions
City: Sanitary
VII. 11
off from the country by war. Special care should be taken 4 of the health of the inhabitants, which will depend chiefly on
the healthiness of the locality and of the quarter to
which they
and secondly, on the use of pure water this latter point is by no means a secondary consideration. For the elements which we use most and oftenest for the support are exposed,
;
of the body contribute most to health, and among these water and air. Wherefore, in all wise states, if there is
5 are
a
want of pure water, and the supply
is
not
all
equally good,
the drinking water ought to be separated from that which
is
used for other purposes.
As
to strongholds,
government
varies
what
is
suitable to different
thus an acropolis
:
is
or a monarchy, but a plain to a democracy 6
aristocracy,
but
rather
a
forms of
suited to an oligarchy ;
number of strong
neither to an
The
places.
arrangement of private houses is considered to be more agreeable and generally more convenient if the streets are regularly laid out after
damus
1
introduced
mode of out
building,
;
the
modern fashion which Hippo-
but for security in war the antiquated
which made
it
difficult for strangers to get
of a town and for assailants to find their
A
7 preferable.
building
:
is
it
way
in,
is
should therefore adopt both plans of possible to arrange the houses irregularly,
city
what are called clumps. should not be laid out in straight lines, but only certain quarters and regions ; thus security and beauty will be combined. as
husbandmen
plant their vines in
The whole town
8
As
to
walls,
those
2
who
say
that
cities
making any
pretension to military virtue should not have them, are quite
out of date in their notions 1
Cp.
ii.
8.
i.
;
and they may see the Cp. Plato, Laws,
vi.
cities
778, 779.
Military Requirements which prided themselves on
this
281
.
fancy confuted by facts.
True, courage shown in seeking for safety behind a rampart when an enemy is similar in character but the superiority of the and not much superior in number there
is
little
VII. 11 9
;
may be and and too much
besiegers resist,
beyond the power of men to the valour of a few ; and if they
often for
is
and to escape defeat and outrage, the strongest 1331 be the best defence of the warrior, more especially
are to be saved
wall will
now
that
and
catapults
to such perfection.
as to choose a site for a level
the heights
;
house unwalled,
Nor must we by walls
which
siege engines have been brought have no walls would be as foolish 10
To
town
in
an exposed country, and to
or as if an individual were to leave his
lest
the
inmates
should
who have
forget that those
either take advantage of
may
are unwalled have
become cowards.
their cities
them or
surrounded
not, but
11
cities
no choice.
If our conclusions are just, not only should cities have walls, but care should be taken to make them ornamental, as well as useful for warlike purposes,
modern all
For
inventions.
as
the
and adapted to resist of a city do
assailants
12
they can to gain an advantage, so the defenders should
make use of any means of defence which have been discovered, and should devise and invent others,
men
are well prepared
already
for
when
no enemy even thinks of attacking
them.
As built
be
the walls are to be divided by guardhouses and towers
at
suitable intervals,
distributed
occur that
we
at
common
tables,
the
idea
should establish some of the
in the guardhouses.
the principal
and the body of
common
The
citizens will
12
must
naturally
common
tables
arrangement might be as follows tables of the magistrates will occupy :
2
a
282 VII. 12
Public Buildings
a suitable place,
and there also
will be the buildings appro
priated to religious worship except
which the law or the
The
1
locality
3 special
.
in the
case of those rites
Pythian oracle has restricted to a site should be a spot seen far and
wide, which gives due elevation to virtue and towers over the Near this spot should be established an neighbourhood. agora, such as that
4 agora
from
;
which the Thessalians trade should
this all
be
freemen
the
call
s
and no
excluded,
mechanic, husbandman, or any such person allowed to enter, It would be unless he be summoned by the magistrates. a charming use of the place, if the gymnastic exercises of
men were performed
5 the elder
ages should be
different
practice
2
For
there.
2
separated
in
this noble
some of
and
,
the magistrates should stay with the boys, while the grown
up men remain with the magistrates [i. e. for the presence of the magistrates ;
agora]
the freeman s
in is
mode
the best
There should of inspiring true modesty and ingenuous fear. also be a traders agora, distinct and apart from the other, in a
situation
which
convenient for the reception of goods
is
both by sea and land.
But in speaking of the magistrates we must not forget another section of the citizens, viz. the priests, for whom
7
public
tables
place
near the
should
likewise be provided in
The
temples.
magistrates
their
who
proper
deal
with
summonses, and the like, and those who have the care of the agora and of the city respectively, contracts, indictments,
ought to be established near the agora and in some public place of meeting ; the neighbourhood of the traders agora the upper agora we devote to will be a suitable spot ;
1
-
Cp. Plato, Laws,
Or
v.
738
;
this institution should
viii. vi. 759, 778 848. be divided according to ages. ;
The End of the
of
life
the State
leisure, the other
and
the
Means
283
intended for the necessities of
is
VII. 12
trade.
The same
order should prevail
too the magistrates, called by
1
in the country,
for there 8
some
Inspectors of Forests, of the Country, must have guard
and by others Wardens houses and common tables while they are on duty
; temples should also be scattered throughout the country, dedicated,
some
to
But
it
Gods, and some to heroes. would be a waste of time
details like these.
carrying
them
out.
The
We
difficulty
may
is
for
us to linger
over 9
not in imagining but in
talk about
them
as
much
as
we
but the execution of them will depend upon fortune. Wherefore let us say no more about these matters for the present. like,
Returning to the constitution itself, let us seek to 13 determine out of what, and what sort of, elements the state
which
is
There
are
them
is
to be
happy and well-governed should be composed. in which all one of well-being consists
two things
;
2
the choice of a right end and aim of action, and
the other the discovery
of the
actions
which are means
means and the end may agree or disagree. Sometimes the right end is set before men, but in practice they
towards
it
;
for the
to attain it ; in other cases they are successful in all the means, but they propose to themselves a bad end, and some times they fail in both. Take, for example, the art of medicine ; fail
physicians do not always understand the nature of health, and also the
In
means which they use may not effect the desired end. and sciences both the end and the means should be
all arts
equally within our control.
The desire,
happiness and
1
Reading
all men manifestly 3 but to others, from attaining,
well-being
some have the power of vtytfjojaffai
which
with Bekker
s first
edition.
284 The Good Life Requires External Goods VII. 13 some accident 1332
a
not granted in
goods,
;
a
or defect of nature, the attainment of for a
less
4 a greater degree
good
when men
degree
them
is
requires a supply of external
life
when they
are in a
are in a
lower
state, in
good
Others
state.
who
possess the condition of happiness, go utterly wrong from the first in the pursuit of it. But since our again,
is to discover the best form of government, that, namely, under which a city will be best governed, and since the city is best governed which has the greatest opportunity of obtaining happiness, it is evident that we must clearly
object
ascertain the nature of happiness. 5
We have said in the
J
Ethics if the arguments there adduced of any value, that happiness is the realization and perfect exercise of virtue, and this not conditional, but absolute. ,
are
6
And
I
used the term
indispensable, and in
Take
itself.
to express that
conditional
to express that
absolute
the case of just actions
and chastisements do indeed spring from they are good only because it
7
would be
we
is
is
good
just punishments
;
a
which
which
good
principle, but
cannot do without them
better that neither individuals nor states should
need anything of the sort but actions which aim at honour The conditional and advantage are absolutely the best. action
the
is
only the choice
2
of a lesser
evil
make
whereas these are
;
A
foundation and creation of good.
good man may
the best even of poverty and disease, and the other
ills
but he can only attain happiness under the opposite ; 3 conditions As we have already said in the Ethics 4
of
life
.
1
2
3 1
,
Cp. N. Eth.
2 and cp. c. 8. i. x. 6. 15 7. Retaining the MSS. reading a peffis with Bekker s
N. Eth.
i.
N. Eth.
iii.
;
10. 4.
5, supra.
;
first
edition.
12-14. 4, 5
;
E. E.
vii.
15.
4
;
M. M.
ii.
9.
3.
The Good Life Requires External Goods the
good man
he to whom, because he
is
is
285"
virtuous, the
VII. 13
It is also plain that his use 8 good. of other goods must be virtuous and in the absolute sense
absolute
his
is
good
This makes men fancy that external goods are the cause of happiness, yet we might as well say that a brilliant performance on the lyre was to be attributed to the instru
good.
ment and not It
to the skill of the performer. follows then from what has been said that some things
the legislator must find ready to his
And
he must provide.
hand
we
therefore
in a
others
state,
can only
say May 9 our state be constituted in such a manner as to be blessed :
with the goods of which fortune disposes (for we acknow ledge her power) : whereas virtue and goodness in the state are not a matter of chance but the result of knowledge
A
and purpose. city can be virtuous only when the citizens who have a share in the government are virtuous, and in our state
the citizens share in the government
all
how
enquire
suppose
all
of
There
;
For even
virtuous.
would be
all is
we
could 10
better, for
in
the virtue of each the
involved.
are three things
which make men good and
these are nature, habit, reason
*.
In the
first
second place, he soul.
must have a
But some
certain
virtuous:
place, every
must be born a man and not some other animal
body and
us then
let
if
the citizens to be virtuous, and not each of them,
yet the latter virtue
man becomes
a
in
;
both
character,
qualities there is
no use
in
one
1 1
the
of
having
for they are altered by habit, and there are some 1332 b of nature which may be turned by habit to good or
at birth, gifts
bad.
Most
particulars
animals lead a
some
are 1
life
of nature, although
influenced Cp. N. Eth. x.
by habit as 9.
6.
in lesser 12
well.
Man
How Men
28 6 VII. 13 has
become Good man
reason, in addition, and
1
Wherefore
.
only
nature,
habit, reason must be in harmony with one another [for they
do not always agree]
men do many
;
them
reason persuades
13 nature, if
things against habit and
We
that they ought.
have
already determined what natures are likely to be most easily moulded by the hands of the legislator 2 All else is the work .
of education
we
;
learn
some
things by habit and
some by
instruction.
14
Since every political society is composed of rulers and let us consider whether the relations of one to
subjects,
the
other should interchange or
be permanent
3
For the
.
education of the citizens will necessarily vary with the answer 2
given to this question.
Now,
if
some men excelled others
same degree in which gods and heroes are supposed to excel mankind in general, having in the first place a great in the
advantage even in their bodies, and secondly in their minds, so that the superiority of the governors 4 over their subjects
was patent and undisputed 4 once for 3
But
all
since
,
would
it
clearly be better that
the one class should rule and the others serve this
is
and kings have
unattainable,
superiority over their subjects,
found among the Indians,
it
is
K .
no marked
such as Scylax affirms to be obviously necessary on many
grounds that all the citizens alike should take their turn of governing and being governed. Equality consists in the same treatment of similar persons, and no government can stand For [if the government 4 which is not founded upon justice.
be unjust] every one in the country unites with the governed 1
Cp.
i.
2.
3
10.
Cp. supra,
c.
3
7.
*
Or, taking rois dp\o/j,tvois with to their subjects. *
Cp.
i.
5.
8;
iii.
13.
13.
<pavfpdi> }
4.
Cp.
iii.
6.
9.
was undisputed and patent
Same Persons in the desire to
Jailers
and
have a revolution, and
287
Subjects
it is
an impossibility that
VII. 14
members of the government can be so numerous as to be Yet that governors stronger than all their enemies put together. the
should excel their subjects be effected, and in what
is
How
undeniable. will
way they
all
this is to
respectively share in
the government, the legislator has to consider. The subject has been already mentioned *. Nature herself has given the principle of choice when she made a difference between old
5
and young (though they are really the same in kind), of whom she fitted the one to govern and the others to be governed.
No
one takes offence at being governed when he is young, nor does he think himself better than his governors, espe cially if
he will enjoy the same privilege
when he
reaches the
required age.
We
conclude
and governed are
from one point of view governors 6 And and from another different.
that
identical,
same and
therefore their education must be the
For he first
of
who would all
learn
command
learn to to
As
2
obey
.
also different. 1333 a
well must, as
I
observed
in
men
say,
the
first
rule which is for the sake part of this treatise, there is one of the rulers and another rule which is for the sake of the
ruled
3 ;
the former
Some commands
is
a despotic, the latter a free government. 7
differ
not
in
the
thing
many
Wherefore, to
the
youth by whom they are performed ; for actions do not as honourable or dishonourable in themselves so much as
end and intention of them. of the citizen and ruler 1 8
is
c.
Cp.
iii.
9.
6.
5.
6.
free differ in
the
But since we say * that the virtue 8 the same as that of the good man, 2
Cp.
but
commanded,
with which they are imposed. apparently menial offices are an honour
in the intention
Cp.
iii.
4.
Cp.
iii.
4 and
*
14. 5.
10.
Who must Learn
288 VII. 14 and
that the
Rule by Obedience
same person must
first
be a subject and then
become good men, and by what means this may be accomplished, and what is the end of the perfect life. a ruler, the legislator has to see that they
Now
9
the soul of
which has reason in
good because he has
two
the virtues of these
which of them the end
more
is
who
doubt to those
10 matter of
divided into two parts, one of
is
itself, and the other, not having reason able to obey reason \ And we call a man
is
itself,
man
in
In
parts. is
no
for
in
be found
likely to
adopt our division;
the world both of nature and of art the inferior always exists for the sake
our ordinary 1 1
of the better or superior, and the better or The reason too, in which has reason.
that
is
superior
way of
is
speaking,
divided into two parts, for
and a speculative reason 2 and there must be a corresponding division of actions ; the actions of the there
is a
practical
,
naturally better principle are to be preferred
have
in their
it
power
by those
to attain to both or to
all,
who
for that
always to every one the most eligible which is the highest 13 attainable by him. The whole of life is further divided is
into
two
parts, business
actions into those 13
which
are
and
leisure
3 ,
war and peace, and all useful, and those
which are necessary and
And
honourable.
preference given to one
the
of actions must necessarily be like the preference given to one or other part of the soul and its actions over the other ; there must be war for the sake or the other
class
of peace, business for the sake of leisure, things useful and necessary for the sake of things honourable. All these 1
Cp. N. Eth.
a
Cp. N. Eth. 3
i.
1
13.
vi.
i.
N. Eth.
8, 19.
5: ii.
x. 7.
6.
4.
The Spartan Ideal
when he frames
points the statesman should keep in view
laws
;
he should
consider the parts of the soul
functions, and above also
remember the
all
the better and the end
human
of
diversities
289
Criticised
;
and
his
VII. 14
their
he should 14
and actions.
lives
For men must engage in business and go to war, but leisure 1333 and peace are better; they must do what is necessary and In such principles useful, but what is honourable is better. children and persons of every age
should
be
which requires education
Whereas even
trained.
the
Hellenes of the 15
who are reputed to be best governed, and the who gave them their constitutions, do not appear
present day, legislators
have framed their governments with a regard to the best end, or to have given them laws and education with a view to to
all
the virtues, but in a vulgar spirit have fallen back on those
which promised to be more useful and profitable. Many 16 modern writers have taken a similar view they commend the Lacedaemonian constitution, and praise the legislator for :
making conquest and war
his sole aim
*,
a
doctrine
which
may be refuted by argument and has long ago been refuted by facts. For most men desire empire in the hope of accumu- 17 goods of fortune
lating the all
those
tution
who have
have
monians,
by
praised
has
passed
their
a training
But surely they
;
and on
are not a
nor
away,
legislator,
in
ground Thibron and Lacedaemonian consti
this
written about the
because
hardships,
the
happy people now that
was
their
Lacedae
gained great
legislator
power.
their empire 18
right.
How
while they are continuing in the observances of his laws and no one interferes with them ridiculous
is
the result,
if,
they have lost the better part of
life.
These
1
Plato,
Laws,
i.
628, 638.
writers further 19
b
Spartan or Military Ideal
290 VII. 14
of government which the legislator should government of freemen is noble, and implies
err about the sort
approve, for the
more
virtue than despotic
government
Neither
.
a city to
is
be deemed happy or a legislator to be praised
he
because
his citizens to conquer and obtain dominion over their
trains
20 neighbours, principle
there
for
is
evil
great
in
On
this.
a
similar
who could, would obviously try to obtain own state the crime which the Lacedae
any citizen
the power in his monians accused king Pausanias of attempting 2 although he had so great honour already. No such principle and ,
no law having
this object is either statesmanlike or useful
For the same things
21 right.
are best both for individuals
or
and
and these are the things which the legislator ought Neither should men minds of his citizens.
for states,
to implant in the
study war with a view to the enslavement of those who do not deserve to be enslaved ; but first of all they should provide against their own enslavement, and in the second 1334 a
good of the governed, and not
place obtain empire for the
for
the sake of exercising a general despotism, and in the third
who
should
they
place 22
seek
to
deserve to be slaves.
be
masters
over
only
those
Facts, as well as arguments, prove
that the legislator should direct
his
all
military
and other
measures to the provision of leisure and the establishment of For most of these military states are safe only while peace.
war
they are
at
empire
like
And
;
3 ,
for this
fall
the legislator
taught them how
15
but
when they have acquired is
their
in
to lead the life of peace.
Since the end of individuals and of states 1
Cp.
i.
5.
their
time of peace. edge he never having to blame,
unused iron they lose
2
a.
Cp. s
Cp.
ii.
9.
34.
v.
i.
is
the same, the 10
;
7.
4.
Spartan or Military Ideal end of the best man and of the best the same
it is
;
and
must also be VII. 15
state
therefore evident that there ought to exist in
both of them the virtues of leisure often repeated,
291
;
for peace, as has been
the end of war, and leisure of
is
toil.
But
2
be promoted, not only by those in leisure, but also by some of those which are useful to business *. For many neces leisure
saries
cultivation
which
virtues
of
life
are
may
practised
have to be supplied before
we
can have leisure.
Therefore a city must be temperate and brave, and able to endure There is no for truly, as the proverb says, :
leisure for slaves,
the
are
slaves
and those who cannot face danger like men invader. Courage and endurance
of any
are required for business and intellectual
3
for leisure,
virtue
temperance and justice for both, more especially in times of peace and leisure, for war compels men to be just and temperate, whereas the enjoyment of good fortune and the leisure which comes with peace tends insolent.
Those, then, who seem
to
make them
to be the best off
and to be 4
of every good, have special need of justice and temperance for example, those (if such there be, as the poets say) who dwell in the Islands of the Blest ; they above in the possession
will
all
need philosophy and temperance and
more the more
the
of abundance.
There
is
no
they have,
it
be disgraceful in it is
life,
men
justice,
living in
difficulty in seeing
would be happy and good ought
that
If
leisure
and
all
the midst
why
the state 5
to have these virtues.
not to be able to use the goods of
peculiarly disgraceful not to be able to use
them
in
to show excellent qualities in action and war, time of peace and when they have peace and leisure to be no better than slaves. 1 i.
e.
not only by some of the speculative but also by some of the
practical virtues.
U
2
Need of a Higher
292
VII. 15 Wherefore we should not the Lacedaemonians
1
manner of
practise virtue after the
For
.
Ideal of Life
they, while agreeing wich other
1334 b rnen in their conception of the highest goods, differ from the
of mankind
rest
in
thinking that they are to be obtained by the
And
practice of a single virtue.
goods and the
since these
enjoyment of them are clearly greater than the enjoyment derived from the virtues of which they are the end, we must
now
how
consider
and
what means they
by
are
be
to
attained.
We have already determined that nature and habit and reason
7
2
are required
,
and what should be the character of the citizens
has also been defined by us. whether the training of early for these
habit,
But we have life
is
still
to consider
be that of reason or
to
two must accord, and when in accord they Reason may make
then form the best of harmonies.
will
mistakes and 8 there
may
fail
in attaining the highest ideal
be a like
evil influence
of habit
3
of
s
life,
and
Thus much
.
is
clear in the first place, that, as in all other things, generation starts
from
a beginning,
and that the ends of some beginnings Now, in men reason and mind are
are related to another end.
the end towards which nature strives, so that the generation
9
and moral discipline of the citizens ought to be ordered with In the second place, as the soul and body a view to them.
we
are two, rational
see also that there are
and the
irrational
4 ,
two
parts of the soul, the
and two corresponding
states
And as the body is prior in order of reason and appetite. the to soul, so the irrational is prior to the rational. generation *
1
Cp. 8
Or,
ii.
9.
34.
and yet a
man may
be trained by habit as
so erred. 1
Cp. N. Eth.
i.
13.
9
ff.
if
Cp. 13
12.
the reason had not
Nature and Habit Prior The
proof
is
that anger
and
will
to
293
Treason
and desire are implanted
in
VII. 15
children from their very birth, but reason and understanding are as grow older. Wherefore, the care of the
developed they )ody ought to precede that of the soul, and the training of the appetitive part should follow : none the less our care of it must >e
for the sake
of the reason, and our care of the body for the
sake of the soul \
Since the legislator should begin by considering how the 16 whom he is rearing may be as good as
rames of the children
his first care will be about marriage
>ossible,
should his citizens marry, and
on
egislating
heir relative ind that they
the case
woman
if
is
he man
who
fit
at
what age
to marry
?
In
3
he ought to consider the persons and there that ages, may be no disproportion in them, this subject
may not differ man is still
the
powers, as will be
in their bodily
able to beget children while the
unable to bear them, or the
is
are
woman
able to bear while
unable to beget, for from these causes arise quarrels
ind differences
between married persons.
Secondly, he must
consider the time at which the children will succeed to their for 3 ; there ought not to be too great an interval of age, hen the parents will be too old to derive any pleasure from heir affection, or to be of Nor ought they 1335 a any use to them.
>arents
o be too nearly of an age ; to youthful marriages there are many the children will be wanting in respect to their abjections larents.
who
will
seem
to be their contemporaries,
and disputes
management of the household. Thirdly, and 4 Jhis is the point from which we digressed, the legislator must nould to his will the frames of newly-born children. Almost
will arise in the
ill
these objects
may
be secured by attention to one point.
Since the time of generation
is
commonly
1
Cp. Plato, Rep.
iii.
410.
limited within the 5
The Physical Foundation
294
seventy years in the case of a man, and of fifty in the woman, the commencement of the union should con-
VII. 16 age of
case of a 6
form to these periods. The union of male and female when in all other is bad for the procreation of children ; animals the offspring of the young are small and ill-developed, too young
and generally of the female sex, and therefore also in man, as proved by the fact that in those cities in which men and
is
women 7
accustomed
are
and weak
in
;
to
marry young, the people are small
childbirth also younger
and more of them die
;
women
some persons say
suffer
more,
was the
that this
meaning of the response once given to the Troezenians Shear not the young field ] the oracle really meant that [ died because married too many they young it had nothing to ;
8
do with the ingathering of the harvest. temperance not to marry too soon ; for early are apt to be is
wanton
;
and
in
men
conduces to
It also
women who marry too the bodily frame
stunted if they marry while they are growing (for there
9 a time
when
marry when they are about eighteen years of l
seven-and-thirty 10 decline in children,
if
the powers of both will coincide. their
birth
takes
place at
the
and men
age,
then they are in the prime of
;
life,
in
the decline of
life,
at
and the
Further, the
time
reasonably be expected, will succeed in their prime, fathers are already
is
Women should
the growth of the body ceases).
that
may when the
and have nearly
reached their term of three-score years and ten. Thus much of the age proper for marriage the season of :
the year should also be considered
1 1
;
according to our present
custom, people generally limit marriage to the season of winter, and they are right. The precepts of physicians and natural philosophers about generation should also be studied by the 1
Omitting
ff
p.iicpov.
:
29?
Regulations Concerning Marriage
parents themselves ; the physicians give good advice about the right age of the body, and the natural philosophers about
the winds
What
of which they prefer the north to the south.
;
the offspring
is
a subject
which we
1335 b
most advantageous to
constitution in the parent is
VII. 16
12
will hereafter consider
when we speak of the education of children, and we will only make a few general remarks at present. The temperament of an athlete
is
not suited to the
life
of a
citizen, or to health, or
of children, any more than the valetudinarian or exhausted constitution, but one which is in a mean between to the procreation
A
them.
man
s constitution
not to labour which
should be inured to labour, but 13
excessive or of one sort only, such as is athletes be capable of all the actions ; he should practised by of a freeman. These remarks apply equally to both parents.
Women who
is
are with child should be careful of themselves
;
14
The they should take exercise and have a nourishing diet. first of these the will legislator easily carry into prescriptions by requiring that they shall take a walk daily to some temple, where they can worship the gods who preside over effect
1
. Their minds, however, unlike their bodies, they ought to keep unexercised, for the offspring derive their natures from their mothers as plants do from the earth.
birth
As to the exposure and rearing of children, let there be a 15 law that no deformed child shall live, but where there are too many
(for in our state population has a limit),
have children
in excess,
and the
exposure of offspring, let and life have begun ; what
may
or
may
these cases depends on the question of
And
couples
not be lawfully done in life
and sensation.
now, having determined at what ages 1
when
of feeling is averse to the abortion be procured before sense state
Cp. Plato,
Laws,
vii.
789.
men and women
16
Regulations Concerning Marriage
2p<5
VII. 16
are to begin their union, let us also determine
how
and bear offspring for the
shall continue to beget
long they
state
* ;
men
who are too old, like men who are too young, produce children who are defective in body and mind the children of very old men are weakly. The limit, then, should be the age which is the ;
17
prime of their intelligence, and this in most persons, according to the notion of some poets who measure life by periods of seven years,
about
is
2
fifty
;
at four or five years later,
they should
and from that time forward only cohabit with one another for the sake of health, or for some cease from having families
;
similar reason.
As
!g
or
to
adultery,
woman
let
it
to be unfaithful
be held disgraceful for any
when they
are married,
man
and called
1336 a husband and wife.
If during the time of bearing children of the sort occur, let the guilty person be punished anything with a loss of privileges in proportion to the offence s .
17
After the children have been born, the manner of rearing them may be supposed to have a great effect on their bodily It
strength.
would appear from the example of animals, and
of those nations the food ings 2
;
Also
who
desire to create the military habit, that
which has most milk
it is
all
best suited to
be
from
distortion,
But
some
if
in order to preserve their tender
nations
have had recourse to
appliances which straighten accustom children to the cold from their
mechanical
3
human
they would escape disease. the motions to which children can be subjected at their
early age are very useful.
limbs
in
but the less wine the better,
their
bodies.
To
earliest years is also
an excellent practice, which greatly conduces to health, and Hence many barbarians hardens them for military service. a
1
\tiTovpftii
.
3
Cp. Laws,
Cp. Solon, Fragm. 25 Bergk. viii.
41.
Education of Infants
297
have a custom of plunging their children at birth into a cold VII. 17 ; others, like the Celts, clothe them in a light wrapper
stream
For human
only.
which by habit must be gradual. all
nature should be early habituated to endure
can be
it
And
made
to
next period lasts to the age of
demand should be made upon the
but the process
;
their natural
warmth, Such care should attend
be easily trained to bear cold. them in the first stage of life.
may
The
endure
from
children,
five
;
during this .no 4
child for study or labour, lest
growth be impeded ; and there should be sufficient motion to This can be secured, prevent the limbs from being inactive. its
but the
among other ways, by amusement, be vulgar or tiring or riotous.
The
amusement should not
Directors of Education, as 5
they are termed, should be careful what tales or stories the children hear
the
way
for the sports of children are designed to prepare
*,
for the business of later
sue in earnest
life,
and should be for the most
of the occupations which they will hereafter pur
part imitations 2
Those
.
are
wrong who
[like Plato]
in the
Laws
6
attempt to check the loud crying and screaming of children, for these contribute towards their growth, and, in a manner, 3
exercise their bodies similar to that
violent
.
Straining
the
voice has an effect
produced by the retention of the breath in
exertions.
Besides other duties,
the
Directors
of
7
Education should have an eye to their bringing up, and should take care that they are left as little as possible with slaves.
For
until
they are seven years old they must
and therefore, even
at this early age, all that is
live at
home
;
1335
mean and low
should be banished from their sight and hearing. Indeed, 8 there is nothing which the legislator should be more careful to 1
Plato, Rep.
ii.
377
a
ft.
3
Plato,
Laws,
Plato, Laws, vii.
792.
i.
643;
vii.
799.
1>
Maxima
298 VII. 17
drive
Debetur Pueris Reverentia
away than indecency of speech
of shameful words
is
;
for the light utterance
akin to shameful actions.
The young
never be allowed to repeat or hear anything of especially should freeman who is found saying or doing what is the sort. 9
A
if
forbidden,
he be too young as yet to have the privilege of
a place at the public table, should be disgraced and beaten, and
an elder person degraded as his slavish conduct deserves. And since we do not allow improper language, clearly we should 10 also banish pictures or tales rulers take care that there be
which
are indecent.
Let
the
no image or picture representing the temples of those Gods at
unseemly actions, except in festivals the law permits even
whose
ribaldry,
and
whom
the
law also permits to be worshipped by persons of mature age But on behalf of themselves, their children, and their wives. 1 1
the legislator should not allow youth to be hearers of satirical
Iambic verses or spectators of comedy until they are of an age to sit at the public tables and to drink strong wine ; by that time education will have armed them against the evil influences
12
of such representations. have made these remarks in a cursory manner
We
-they
1 enough for the present occasion ; but hereafter we will return to the subject and after a fuller discussion determine
are
whether such 13
liberty should or should not be granted,
what way granted,
and
in
Theodorus, the tragic actor, was that he in would not allow any other actor, right quite saying not even if he were quite second-rate, to enter before himself, if at all.
because the spectators grew fond of the voices which they first heard. And the same principle of association applies universally to things as well as persons, for
H comes
And
first. 1
we always
like best
whatever
therefore youth should be kept strangers to
Unfulfilled promise ,?), but cp.
viii. 5.
21.
The Impressions of Early Tears that is bad,
all
When
hate.
299
and especially to things which suggest vice or VII. 17 two
the five years have passed away, during the
following years they must look on at the pursuits which they are hereafter to learn.
which education has puberty, and
poets]
who
There
are
onwards
two periods of
to the age of one-and-twenty.
divide ages by sevens
*
into 15
life
from seven to the age of
to be divided
are not always right
*
[The we
1337 a
:
should rather adhere to the divisions actually made by nature ; what art and education seek
for the deficiencies of nature are to
fill
up.
Let us then
down
first enquire if any regulations are to be laid 16 about children, and secondly, whether the care of them
should be the concern of the state or of private individuals which latter is in our own day the common custom and in the third place, 1 2
what these regulations should
Cp. supra, c. 16. 17. Reading ov /mAcDs, with the
MSS. and Bekker
or, reading ov KO.KWS, a conjecture of Muretus, in his etc.
second edition,
are in the
be.
main
right
;
s
first
edition
:
which Bekker has adopted but
we
should also observe,
BOOK VIII.
No
1
one will above
attention 2
VIII
doubt that the legislator should direct his to the education of youth, or that the
all
harm
neglect of education does
The
to states.
citizen should
be moulded to suit the form
he
l
lives
which
For each
.
originally
The
it.
character
of government under which government has a peculiar character
formed and
which continues
to
preserve
character of democracy creates democracy, and the
of oligarchy creates
oligarchy
;
and always the
better the character, the better the government.
Now
for
and
training 3 for the
not
it is
for as
exercise of any
all,
4
faculty or
required
And
;
art
a
clearly
previous therefore
since the whole city has
manifest that education should be one and the
and that
at present,
children separately, sort
are
habituation
practice of virtue.
one end,
same
the
should be public, and not private
it
when every one looks after his own and gives them separate instruction of the
which he thinks best
common interest should we suppose that any one
;
the training in things which are of
be the same for
all.
Neither must
of the citizens belongs to himself, for belong to the state, and are each of them a part
they all of the state, and the care of each part is inseparable from the care of the whole. In this particular the Lacedaemonians are to be praised,
children, and
2
for they take the greatest pains about their
make education
the business of the state
2 .
That education should be be an
affair
1
Cp.
v. 9.
of state
is
11-16.
regulated by law and should not to be denied, but what should a
Cp. N. Eth.
x. 9.
13.
What
a Liberal Education ?
is
301
be the character of this public education, and how young persons should be educated, are questions which remain to be
For mankind
considered.
are by no means agreed about the whether we look to virtue or the best life.
things to be taught,
Neither
is
whether education
clear
it
is
more concerned
is
The
with intellectual or with moral virtue. tice
existing prac-
should proceed
no
;
three opinions have been entertained.
means there
is
a
one knows on what principle we should the useful in life, or should virtue,
perplexing
or should the higher knowledge, be the aim of our training all
VIII. 2
no agreement
for different persons,
;
;
Again, about the 1337 b start
ing with different ideas about the nature of virtue, naturally
disagree about the practice of
There can be no doubt
it.
3
should be taught those useful things which thaf are really necessary, but not all things ; for occupations are divided into liberal and illiberal ; and to young children children
should be imparted only such kinds of knowledge as will And any 4 to them without vulgarizing them. or makes the or which soul or art, science, body occupation,
be useful
mind of the freeman of
is
virtue,
which tend ments, for
vulgar
;
less
for
fit
wherefore
the practice or
we
call
those
exercise
arts
vulgar 5
deform the body, and likewise all paid employ There are they absorb and degrade the mind. to
also
some
liberal
but
only
in
a
arts quite proper for a
certain
and
degree,
if
freeman to acquire,
he
attend
to
them
too closely, in order to attain perfection in them, the same effects
will
sets
before
him makes
learns friends,
anything
The
follow.
evil
for his
or with a view 1
a great
own
object
sake
*
Cp.
4.
13.
;
which a man 6 if
he does or
or for the sake of his
to excellence, iii.
also
difference
the
action
will
not
What
302 VIII. 2 appear
illiberal
same
action
a Liberal Education?
is
but if done for the sake of others, the very
;
be
will
and
menial
thought
The
servile.
received subjects of instruction, as I have already remarked \ are partly of a liberal
3
and partly of an
illiberal character.
The
customary branches of education are in number four ; (i) reading and writing, (2) gymnastic exercises, they are Of (3) music, to which is sometimes added (4) drawing.
and writing and drawing are regarded as useful of life in a variety of ways, and gymnastic
these, reading
for the purposes
Concerning music
exercises are thought to infuse courage. 2
a doubt
may
be raised
for the sake of pleasure,
education,
because
requires that
own day most men
in our
but originally
nature
use leisure well
said,
for,
;
of
be able not only to work well, but to 2 as I must repeat once and again , the
all
action
is leisure.
leisure is better than occupation
must be asked
for
been often
has
it
in
we should
3 first principle
leisure
as
herself,
cultivate
was included
it
in
good
earnest,
we ought
;
Both
are required, but
and therefore the question
what ought we
not to
to
do when
at
be
amusing ourselves, But if this is then amusement would be the end of life. ?
Clearly
4 inconceivable,
and yet amid serious occupations amusement at other times (for he who is hard
needed more than
is
work has
at
need
of relaxation,
amusement
and
gives
relaxation, whereas occupation is always accompanied with exertion and effort), at suitable times we should introduce
1338
a
amusements, and they should be our medicines, for the emotion which they create in the soul is a relaxation, and Leisure of itself gives from the pleasure we obtain rest. pleasure
and
5 experienced,
happiness
a
1
3 supra.
and enjoyment
not by the busy man,
As
in vii. 15.
of
life,
but by those I,
2,
which
who
and N. Eth.
are
have
x. 6.
The Use of Music For he who
leisure.
he has not attained
deem
to be
This
pleasure,
;
is
occupied has
but happiness
303
view some end which VIII. 3
in
an end which
is
all
men
accompanied with pleasure and not with pain.
however, is regarded differently by different and varies according to the habit of individuals ; the persons, the man is the best, and springs from of best pleasure It is clear, then, that there are branches 6
the noblest sources.
of learning and education which we must study with a view to the enjoyment of leisure, and these are to be valued
own
for their
sake
whereas those kinds of knowledge which deemed necessary, and exist
;
are useful in business are to be
And
sake of other things.
for the
therefore our fathers 7
admitted music into education, not on the ground either of necessity or
it is utility, for
its
not necessary, nor indeed useful
in
the same manner as reading and writing, which are useful
in
money-making,
in
the
management of
and in acquisition of knowledge
a household, in the
nor like drawing, of the works of artists, judgment nor again like gymnastic, which gives health and strength ; for neither of these is to be gained from music. There useful for a
more
political life,
correct
remains, then, the use of music for intellectual enjoyment in leisure
which appears
;
tion, this
to have been the reason of its introduc
being one of the ways in which
a freeman should pass his leisure
How
good
is
it
to invite
and afterwards he speaks
men
as
;
is
it
Homer
thought that says
to the pleasant feast
of others
whom
,
he describes as
inviting
The 1
Or,
possibly
bard
who would
delight
them
intended
by
Aristotle,
2
meaning.
all
V
an interpretation of the passage though of course not the original
to invite Thalia to the feast,
Od.
xvii.
385.
Educational Studies
304 VIII. 3 And
in
passing
another place Odysseus says there life
Men
s
It
is
no better way of
hearts are merry and the banqueters in the hall,
V
hear the voice of the minstrel
sitting in order,
TO
is
when
than
that there
evident, then,
which parents should
is
a
Whether
or noble.
liberal
it is
in
not as being useful or
train their sons,
necessary, but because
sort of education
this is
of one kind only, or of more than one, and if so, what they are, and how they are to be imparted, must hereafter be 1 1
Thus much we
determined.
the ancients witness to us
from the
music
fact that
branches of education.
should be instructed reading and writing
because 12 them.
many With
1388 b or
of
;
in a
position to say that
may
be gathered
one of the received and traditional
is
it
Further,
some
is
clear
useful things
that
children
for example, in
not only for their usefulness, but also
making mistakes
order that they selling
now
other sorts of knowledge are acquired through a like view they may be taught drawing, not
to prevent their in
in
are
for their opinion
may
articles,
in their
own
purchases, or
not be imposed upon in the buying but
rather
because
it
makes them
To be always judges of the beauty of the human form. seeking after the useful does not become free and exalted 13 souls
2 .
Now
it
is
clear
that in
must go and therefore
education habit
before reason, and the body before the
mind
;
boys should be handed over to the trainer, who creates in them the proper habit of body, and to the wrestling-master,
who
4
teaches them their exercises.
Of those
states which in our own
care of children,
some aim
habit, but they only injure their 1
Od.
ix. 7.
day seem to take the greatest
producing in them an athletic
at
2
forms and stunt their growth. Op. Plato, Rep.
vii.
525
ff.
Physical Education Lacedaemonians have not
the
Although
into
fallen
this
VIII. 4
mistake, yet they brutalize their children by laborious exercises
which they think as
we have
But
make them courageous.
will
in truth, 2
often repeated, education should not be exclusively
And
directed to this or to any other single end.
even
we
if
suppose the Lacedaemonians .to be right in their end, they do not attain it. For among barbarians and among animals courage
found associated, not with the greatest ferocity, but
is
There
with a gentle and lion-like temper.
who
are
ready enough to
kill
and
Achaeans and Heniochi, who both and there are other inland
eat
live
are
races 3
many
such
men,
the
as
about the Black Sea
tribes, as bad or worse,
who
1 ;
all live
It is notorious that the 4 by plunder, but have no courage. while were themselves assiduous Lacedaemonians, they
in their laborious drill,
are beaten both in
were superior to others, but now they
war and gymnastic
ancient superiority did not
first
time
a
at
infer that
what
place
parents
is
when
mode of
their
training
not.
Hence we may
is brutal,
should have the
others did
noble, not
what
no wolf or other wild animal
;
noble danger
For
exercises. their
but only on the circumstance that they trained
their youth,
them
depend on
;
who
5
face a really
will
such dangers are for the brave man *. devote their children to gymnastics
And
6
while
they neglect their necessary education, in reality vulgarize them ; for they make them useful to the state in one quality only,
and even
to others.
argument proves them to be inferior should judge the Lacedaemonians not from
in this the
We
what they have been, but from what they ave rivals
who compete
are
with their education
for
;
;
now
they
formerly they
ad none. Cp. N. Eth. 5AV1S
vii.
.5.
2
2.
X
Cp. N. Eth.
iii.
6.
8.
7
306 VIII. 4
Gymnastic
an admitted principle that gymnastic exercises should be employed in education, and that for children they should It is
be of a lighter kind, avoiding severe regimen or painful the
8 lest
The
growth of the body be impaired.
excessive
in
training
1339 a the example of the or three of
early
Olympic
is
years
proved
strikingly
of
by
more than two
for not
victors;
toil,
evil
them have gained a prize both as boys and as men ; and severe gymnastic exercises exhausted
their early training
When
9 their constitutions.
is
boyhood
over,
three
years
should be spent in other studies ; the period of life which follows may then be devoted to hard exercise and strict regimen. their
Men
ought not to labour at the same time with a their bodies ; for the two kinds of
minds and with
the labour of the body
labour are opposed to one another
impedes the mind, and the labour of the
5
mind the body.
Concerning music there are some questions which we have already raised ; these we may now resume and carry further ;
and our remarks 2
will serve as a prelude to this or
discussion of the subject.
It
is
any other
not easy to determine the
any one should have a knowledge of Shall we say, for the sake of amusement and relaxation,
nature of music, or it.
why
like sleep or drinking,
and
are pleasant,
at
which
the
2
3 as
Euripides
music, and
says
?
make use of
are not
And all
therefore
three
in themselves, but
good
same time
make
men s
sleep
,
care
to
cease,
rank them with
drinking, music
which some add dancing. Or shall we argue that music conduces to virtue, on the ground that it can form our minds to
and habituate us 1
to
true pleasures as our bodies are 2
made by
vii. 537 B. Bacchae, 380. Reading (with Bekker s 2nd ed.) virvy, a correction which seems necessary, and is suggested by vnvov uai fj,fOi]s above.
Cp. Plato, Rep.
3
Music
$07
Or shall we say that VIII. 5 gymnastic to be of a certain character ? * it contributes to the enjoyment of leisure and mental cultivation,
which
is
a third alternative
Now
?
obviously youth are
not to be instructed with a view to their amusement, for learn
Neither accompanied with pain. of that age, for it boys
ing is no pleasure, but
is
intellectual
suitable to
enjoyment
the end, and that which
is
imperfect cannot attain the perfect may be said that boys learn music for 5 is
But perhaps it amusement which they
or end.
the sake of the are
is
grown
If so,
up.
why
will have when they should they learn themselves, and
Persian and Median kings, enjoy the pleasure is derived from hearing others ? (for 6
not, like the
and instruction which surely skilled
persons
and profession of those
who
who have made music
their lives
will
practise only to learn).
the business
be better performers than If they must learn music,
on the same principle is
they should learn cookery, which even granting that music may form the the objection still holds why should we learn
And
absurd.
character,
ourselves a correct
monians
Why
?
we
cannot
attain
and form 1339 b
the Lacedae
like
for they, without learning music, nevertheless can
good and bad melodies.
correctly judge, as they say, of again,
true pleasure
judgment from hearing others,
?
if
7
:
music
and refined
should
be
used
to
promote
enjoyment, the objection learn ourselves instead of
intellectual
should
we
Or 8
cheerfulness
still
remains
enjoying the performances of others ? may illustrate what we are saying by our conception of the Gods ; for in the poets Zeus does not himself sing or play on the lyre. Nay, we call
why
We
professional
performers vulgar
;
no freeman would play or But these matters 9
sing unless he were intoxicated or in jest.
may be
left for
the present.
X
2
The Pleasure of Music
308 The
VIII. 5
first
question
Of
of education.
which
sion,
is
enjoyment, for
is
it ?
it
whether music
may
intellectual
and seems
not
is
is
universally
three,
for the
is
of necessity sweet, for
acknowledged
of the noble but of the
only
all
Amusement
of them.
remedy of pain caused by
the
is
not to be a part
be reckoned under
sake of relaxation, and relaxation
enjoyment
is
Education or amusement or
10 to share in the nature of all
it
or
is
the three things mentioned in our discus
and
toil,
to
intellectua
contain an elemen for
pleasant,
happiness
All men agree that music is one o the pleasantest things, whether with or without song ; as
11 is
made up of
Musaeus
both.
says,
Song
Hence and
is
to mortals of
with
things the sweetest.
all
is introduced into socia good it makes the hearts o and because entertainments, gatherings men glad so that on this ground alone we may assume tha
reason
it
:
12 the
young ought
are not only in
to be trained in
it.
life,
pleasures
but they
And
whereas men rarely attain the by the way and amuse themselves, not only
also provide relaxation.
end, but often rest
For innocent
perfect end of
harmony with the
with a view to some good, but also for the pleasure s sake, it may be well for them at times to find a refreshment in music. 13 It
for
sometimes happens that men make amusement the end, the end probably contains some element of pleasure,
though not any ordinary or lower pleasure
;
but they mistake
the lower for the higher, and in seeking for the one find the other,
action
since every pleasure *.
which we
has a likeness
to
the
end of
nor do the pleasures have described exist, for the sake of any future
For
good but of the
the end
is
not eligible,
past, that is to say, they are the alleviation of 1
Cp. N. Eth.
vii.
13.
6.
Music and Morals
reason
And we may
and pains.
past toils
why men
But music
is
seek
pursued,
infer
only as
to be the
this
common
happiness from
not
309 VIII. 5
pleasures. 14
an alleviation of past
And who can say 15 whether, having this use, it may not also have a nobler one ? In addition to this common pleasure, felt and shared in by all 1340 toil,
but also as
(for the pleasure
recreation.
providing
given by music
is
and therefore
natural,
and characters), may it not have also It must 16 some influence over the character and the soul ?
adapted to
all
ages
have such an influence that
are
they
the songs of
so
if characters are affected
affected
is
proved
the
by
Olympus and of many
question they inspire enthusiasm, an emotion of the ethical part of the soul.
men
And
it.
power which
others exercise
beyond is
by
;
Besides,
when
even
hear
for
and enthusiasm 17
or
imitations, unaccompanied by melody Since, then, music rhythm, their feelings move in sympathy. is a and virtue consists in pleasure, rejoicing and loving and is clearly nothing which we are so much concerned to acquire and to cultivate as the power of forming right judgments, and of taking delight in good dispositions
hating aright, there
and noble actions
*. Rhythm and melody supply imitations 18 of anger and gentleness, and also of courage and temperance and of virtues and vices in general, which hardly fall short of
the actual affections, as
we know from
our
own
experience,
for in listening to such strains our souls undergo a change.
The
habit of feeling pleasure or pain at mere representations 19 2 not far removed from the same feeling about realities ; for
is
if
example, its
beauty 1
any one delights only,
it
in
necessarily
Cp. Plato, Rep.
iii.
Cp. Plato, Rep.
iii.
the
sight
follows
401, 402; Laws,
7
395.
of a statue
that ii.
the
sight
658, 659.
for
of
a
The Harmonies
310 VIII. 5
No
the original will be pleasant to him.
other sense, such
has any resemblance to moral qualities in sight only there is a little, for figures are to some extent of a moral character, and all participate in the feeling [so far]
20 as taste or touch,
;
Again, figures and colours are not imitations, of moral habits, and these signs occur only when the
about them. 21 but signs is
body
The
under the influence of emotions.
them with morals
is
but in
slight,
so
connexion of
as there is any,
far
young men should be taught to look, not at the works of Pauson, but at those of Polygnotus \ or any other painter
who
or statuary
the
modes
musical
Some
differ
from
essentially
one
another,
who
hear them are differently affected by each. of them make men sad and grave, like the so-called
and those 1340 b
On the other hand, expresses moral ideas. 2 there is an imitation of character, for
mere melodies
22 even in
others
Mixolydian, harmonies,
others,
the
enfeeble
produce
again,
mind, a
like
the
moderate and
relaxed settled
temper, which appears to be the peculiar effect of the Dorian
;
The whole subject Phrygian inspires enthusiasm. has been well treated by philosophical writers on this branch
23 the
of education,
The same
and they confirm
their arguments by facts. 3 some have a rhythms others of motion, and of these latter again,
principles
character of rest,
24
some have
a
more
has been said to
apply
to
:
vulgar, others a nobler
show
that music has a
movement.
Enough
power of forming the
character, and should therefore be introduced into the education 25 of the young.
young
The
study
persons will not, if
is
suited to the stage of youth, for
they can help, endure anything which
not sweetened by pleasure, and music has a natural sweet-
is
1
Cp. Poet.
2.
2
;
6.
2
15.
Cp. Plato, Rep.
3
Rep.
iii.
399
E,
400,
iii.
398, 399.
The Harmonies There seems
ness.
of
to be in us a sort
511 to harmonies
affinity
VIII. 5
and rhythms, which makes some philosophers say that the soul is
a harmony, others, that she possesses
harmony.
And now we
the
been
has
have
determine
to
raised
already
,
whether
question
themselves taught to sing and play or not. a
made
considerable difference
practice of the art.
those
who do
if
difficult,
2
Besides, children should have something
.
was a
The
We
should be taught music
way
such a
in
or
is
answered
;
is
invention,
capital
rattle is a
toy suited
3
become not only
as to
not suitable for different ages
nor
meeting the objection of those is
2
performers.
question what
may be easily
who
for
rattle
for children of a larger growth.
music
not impossible,
mind, and [musical] education is a rattle or toy conclude then that they
to the infant
The
is
the character by the actual
in
breaking anything in the house, for a young thing cannot be quiet.
critics but
be
of Archytas, which people give to their order to amuse them and prevent them from
and the
children in
is
Clearly there
not perform to be good judges of the perform
ance of others to do,
It
which 6
should
children
vulgar.
We
reply (l)
must
is
who
there
in the
difficulty
in
the study
of
any
say that first
place, that they 4
and that they should begin to practise early, although when they are older they may be spared the execution ; they must have learned are to be judges
to appreciate
what
is
also be performers,
good and
to delight in
it,
thanks to
As
the knowledge which they acquired in their youth. effect (2) the vulgarizing
this
is
a
question
difficulty in
which music
[of degree],
determining,
to 5
supposed to exercise, which we shall have no is
when we have considered
to
what t
a
1 <
5-
5-8-
Cp. supra,
c. 5.
7.
The Gentleman Musician
312
VIII. 6 extent freemen who
are
trained
being
to
virtue
political
should pursue the art, what melodies and what rhythms they should be allowed to use, and what instruments should be 1341 a
6
employed in teaching them to play, for even the instrument makes a difference. The answer to the objection turns upon these distinctions for it is quite possible that certain methods ;
of teaching and learning music do really have a degrading effect. It is evident then that the learning of music ought not to impede the business of riper years, or to degrade the
body or render
unfit for civil or military duties,
it
whether for
the early practice or for the later study of them. 7
The
right measure will be attained if students of music stop
which
short of the arts
and do not seek
which 8
are
now
have passed
are practised in professional contests,
to acquire those fantastic marvels
of execution
the fashion in such contests, and from these
into
Let the young pursue
education.
their
studies until they are able to feel delight in noble melodies and
rhythms, and not merely in that common part of music in which every slave or child and even some animals find pleasure.
From
these principles
The
9 should be used.
equires great
skill,
we may
flute,
as for
also infer
what instruments
or any other instrument
which
example the harp, ought not
to be
admitted into education, but only such as will make intelligent students of music or of the other parts of education. Besides, the flute effect
when
;
it
is
is
not an instrument which has a good moral
The
too exciting.
proper time for using
it
is
the performance aims not at instruction, but at the relief
10 of the
1
passions
.
And
there
is
a
further objection; the
impediment which the flute presents to the use of the voice detracts from its educational value. The ancients therefore 1
CP
.
c.
7.
3.
Musical Instruments were right
in
313
the flute to youths
forbidding
and freemen, VIII. 6
although they had once allowed it. For when their wealth gave them greater leisure, and they had loftier notions of excellence,
u
being also elated with their success, both before and after the
Persian
War, with more
zeal than discernment they pursued
every kind of knowledge, and so they introduced the
At Lacedaemon
education.
the Chorus with a so
popularity
when he
most
that
popular is
flute,
and
at
freemen could play upon
shown by the
tablet
men
to judge
12
The
it.
which Thrasippus dedicated
furnished the Chorus to Ecphantides.
rience enabled
flute into
was a Choragus who led Athens the instrument became
there
Later expe
what was or what was not
really
conducive to virtue, and they rejected both the flute and several 13 other old-fashioned instruments, such as the Lydian harp, the
sambuca, and 1341 b triangle, heptagon, intended only to give pleasure to the There is hearer, and require extraordinary skill of hand *. a meaning also in the myth of the ancients, which tells how many-stringed the like
the
lyre,
which
are
Athene invented the not a
bad idea of
instrument because reason
may we
flute
and then threw
theirs,
it
made the
Athene we
ascribe
we mean
still
that
education in
which
the performer practises the
is
art,
the
more
the mind,
since
to
art.
reject the professional instruments
mode of
was 14
disliked
but with
;
It
away.
because the acquirement
it
nothing to
knowledge and
Accordingly we the professional fessional
face ugly
say that she rejected
of flute-playing contributes
it
Goddess
that the
music
and also 15
and by pro
adopted in contests, for in this not for the sake of his own
order to give pleasure, and that of a vulgar For this reason the execution of such sort, to his hearers.
improvement, but
in
1
Cp. Plato, Rep.
iii.
399
D.
The Professional Musician
314 VIII. 6 music 1
not the part of a freeman but of a paid performer, and
is
6 the result
is
that the performers are vulgarized, for the
which they aim
is
bad 1
The
.
end
at
vulgarity of the spectator tends
to lower the character of the music
and therefore of the per
he makes them what they are, and ; they look to him fashions even their bodies by the movements which he expects formers
them
to exhibit.
We
7
have also to consider rhythms and harmonies.
use them
all in
education or
distinction be that
which
education, or shall
it
is
make
a distinction
made by those who ? For we
be some other
?
and
Shall
we
shall the
are engaged in
see that music
produced by melody and rhythm, and we ought to know what influence these have respectively on education, and is
whether 2
we
should prefer excellence
in
melody or excellence
in
But as the subject has been very well treated by rhythm. many musicians of the present day, and also by philosophers who have had considerable experience of musical education, to these
we would
shall
only speak of
refer the it
more exact student of the subject we after the manner of the legislator, ;
now
having regard to general principles. 3
We
accept the division of melodies proposed by certain
philosophers into ethical melodies,
melodies of action, and
passionate or inspiring melodies, each having, as they say, a
mode
or
harmony corresponding
to
it.
But
we
maintain
further that music should be studied, not for the sake of one,
but
of many benefits, that
education, (2) purgation (the
is
to
word
say,
with a
we
purgation
view to (i) use at present
when hereafter we speak of poetry we music may also with more precision)
without explanation, but will treat the subject 1
2
Cp. Poet.
c. 6.
",
;
Cp. Plato, Laws, iii. 700. though the promise is really
unfulfilled.
The Power of Music serve (3) for
intellectual
for relaxation
enjoyment,
recreation after exertion.
It is
317 and
for
all
the
therefore, that
clear,
VIII. 7
harmonies must be employed by us, but not all of them in the same manner. In education ethical melodies are to be preferred, but
we may
listen to the
melodies of action and passion when For feelings such as pity and 4
they are performed by others. fear, or, again,
enthusiasm, exist very strongly in some souls,
and have more or
less influence over
into a religious frenzy,
whom we
all.
Some
fall
persons
see disenthralled by the use of
mystic melodies, which bring healing and purgation to the soul
Those who
are influenced
.
by pity or fear and every emotional 5
nature have a like experience, others in their degree are stirred
by something which specially affects them, and all are manner purged and their souls lightened and delighted.
in
a
The
melodies of purgation likewise give an innocent pleasure to mankind. Such are the harmonies and the melodies in which 6
who perform music at the theatre should be invited to But since the spectators are of two kinds the compete. one free and educated, and the other a vulgar crowd composed those
of mechanics,
labourers
and the
like
there
ought
to
be
7
contests and exhibitions instituted for the relaxation of the
second class
minds
also.
And
the melodies will correspond to their
minds are perverted from the natural state, so there are exaggerated and corrupted harmonies which are
in like
what
for as their
;
manner a perversion.
A
man
receives pleasure from
and therefore professional musicians be to allowed may practise this lower sort of music before an audience of a lower type. But, for the purpose of education, g as I have already said, those modes and melodies should be is
natural to him,
employed which are
may
ethical,
such as the Dorian
;
though
we
include any others which are approved by philosophers
3
1
The Dorian, Phrygian,
6
VIII. 7 who have had 9
musical
a
The
education.
Socrates of the
*
Republic is wrong in retaining only the Phrygian mode along 1342 b with the Dorian, and the more so because he rejects the flute ; for the Phrygian
instruments 10
is
modes what
to the
of them
both
are
the flute
exciting
this, for
example,
is
The
acknowledged
things,
Tales
2
that Philoxenus,
many
having
as a dithyramb in the
among
proofs, saying,
attempted to
other
compose
Dorian mode, found
it
his
impossible,
back into the more appropriate Phrygian. All men agree that the Dorian music is the gravest and manliest. And whereas we say that the extremes should be avoided and the
and
fell
mean followed, and whereas the Dorian
is
a
mean between the
other harmonies [the Phrygian and the Lydian that our youth should be taught the 13
dithyramb, for which the
to be Phrygian, a fact of
connoisseurs of music offer
f2
emotional.
Bacchic frenzy and all similar emotions are most suitably expressed by the flute, and are better set to Poetry proves
the Phrygian than to any other harmony. 11
to musical
is
and
Two what
is
:
at
these every
it is
],
evident
Dorian music.
principles have to be kept in view
becoming
3
what
man ought
is
possible,
to aim.
But
even these are relative to age ; the old, who have lost their powers, cannot very well sing the severe melodies, and nature herself seems to suggest that their songs should be of the 14
more relaxed kind.
Wherefore the musicians likewise blame
Socrates, and with justice, for rejecting the relaxed harmonies in education under the idea that they are intoxicating ; not in the excite ordinary sense of intoxication (for wine rather tends to And so men), but because they have no strength in them. 1
Plato, 3
Retaining the
MS.
Rep.
reading 3
Cp.
c.
iii.
399.
/j.v6ovs.
5.
22.
Cp. Poet.
c.
2.
7.
and Lydian Modes with a view to a time of
they ought
life
when men
to practise the gentler
317
begin to
grow
old,
VIII.
harmonies and melodies as
And if there be any harmony, such as the 15 all others above Lydian appears to be, which is suited to children of tender age, and possesses the elements both of order
well as the others.
and of education,
clearly
[we ought
should be based upon three principles the becoming, these three.
to
use
it,
for]
education
the mean, the possible,
INDEX 6, 13. Abydos, v. 6, Account, power of calling magis in trates to, Sparta exercised by
the Ephors,
ii.
26
9,
given
;
by Solon to the people, ib. 12, 8; and justly 5; iii. 11, claimed by them, iii. 1 1 when exercised by all, a mark of ;
democracy, 55
4-6
14,
vi. 2,
;
5-
4.
Achaea
iv.
v. 3,
[in Peloponnerus],
3. [Pthiotis], ii. 9, (in Colchis), viii. 4,
Achaeans, the 3-
Achilles,
iii.
5,
9.
Acquisition, the art of, (i) the i 1 2 ; 1 1 2 natural, i. 9, includes war [in certain cases] 12 and hunting, i. 7, 5 8, 21 a part of house vii. 14, ,
,
;
;
management,
i3-!5; 1-4; ii,
8,
i.
J
i
4,
-8
9>
;
I0
;
>
has a limit, ib.8, 14; 9, 13-18: (\\)that which is contrary to nature, in cluding (a) exchange which goes beyond the need of life, i2-55 Jo, 4; ",3; 2;
9>
4 ; ii, 3; usury, ib. 10, trade, ib. 9, 4; 10, 4; ii, 3 ; (d) service for hire, ib. ii, 3 : (iii) the intermediate
(/>)
(<:)
kind,
ib.
Adamas, Admiral, 9,
;
Agamemnon,
4. v. 10, office
King
Agesilaus,
of (at Sparta),
mankind,
Aegina, iv. 4, Aenos, in Thrace,
;
v. 6,
v. 10,
9.
18.
4;
14,
7,
i.
8,
7
works upon,
;
ancient legislation to encourage, vi. 4, 8-10. 7;
10. Alcaeus, iii. 14, Alcyone, mother of Diocles the 8. Corinthian, ii. 12,
Aleuadae, the, at Larissa,
v. 6,
13-
Aliens,
how
resident,
distin
guished from citizens, iii. i, obliged to have a patron,
4; ib.
;
enrolled by Cleisthenes in the tribes, ib. 2, 3; admitted to citizenship at Syracuse, v. 3, 13-
how
Alliance, an,
a
state,
ii.
3
2,
;
from
different iii.
6-8.
9,
Almsgiving, demoralizing effects of, vi. 5,
7.
Alternation in office, character istic of constitutional govern
ments, i. i, 4-7; iii.
2; 4,
16,
2,5;
Amadocus
(?
sians), v. 10, 21
;
3-
vi. 2,
33-
9
5,
of Sparta, v.
Agriculture, the employment fol lowed by the greater part of
9, 10; 18.
iii.
10.
16,
;
;
hold
ancient Hellas, iii. 14, 8-io, 14; iv. 10, 2 always received a guard, iii. 15, 16.
ib. Ii,
11.
Achaea
Aesymnetes, the, or dictators of
12,
2;
ii.
10, 14-17; 2,
3;
vii. 14,
17,
2,
6,
4;
1-5.
king of the Odry24.
Amasis, king of Egypt, i. 12, Ambition, a cause of crime, ii.
2.
7,
Index
320
28 encour 10-14, 18 9, aged by the Spartan law-giver, ;
ib. 9,
10,
a motive of revolu
28; ii.
tions,
;
10, 18
7,
;
v. 7,
4;
v. 3,
Ambracia,
10; 4,
9; 10,
16.
Amyntas
v. 3,
8. 13; 6, the Little (? father of
Amphipolis,
16.
Philip), v. 10,
Anaxilaus, tyranny
gium,
v. 12,
of,
at
Rhe-
13.
name of
ancient
common meals
the
at Sparta,
ii.
10,
Androdamas, of Rhegium,
ii.
12,
5-
HAnclros,
ii.
9,
20.
Animals, the, intention of Nature 10in denying speech to, i. 2, 12; under the dominion of man, ib7 5 tame better than wild, 5>
only differ from slaves in not being able to apprehend their various reason, ib. 9 ib.
;
;
modes
of
life,
ib.
8,
4-6;
supply their offspring with food in different ways, ib. 10; cre ated for the sake of man. ib.
9-12; produce offspring sembling their parents, ii. 3, cannot form a state, iii. 9, lead a life of nature, not
re
9
;
6 of ;
12; the parts reason, 13, of animals an illustration of the parts of the state, iv. 4, 7-9 ; the offspring of young animals often small and ill-developed, 6.
Antileon, tyrant at Chalcis,
v. 12,
12.
Antimenides, brother of Alcaeus, iii.
14,
9.
12. Antissa, in Lesbos, v. 3, Antisthenes, iii. 13, 14. Aphytaeans, the (in Pallene), vi. 4,
10.
ib. 6,
v. 3,
9.
Appeal, a court
of,
Hippodamus,
8,
ii.
allowed by 4.
Appetitive principle, the, of the soul, i. 5, 6; iii. 4, 6; 16, 5; vii. 15, 9, 10. Arbitrator, the judge should not be made into an, ii. 8, 13; the middle class the arbitrators of the state, iv. 12, 5.
3, II. Arcadia, ii. 2, 3; ib. 9, Archelaus, king of Macedonia, v. 10, 17-20. Archias of Thebes, v. 6, 15. 6. Archilochus, quoted, vii. 7, duties 20 the vi. 8, Archons, of, ;
the single Archon at Epidami 12. v. i, nus, iii. 16, Archytas, of Tarentum, viii. 6, ;
2.
Areopagus, the, at Athens (see Council of Areopagus). Argo, the, iii. 13, 16. Argos, use of ostracism at, v. 3, the political changes after 3 ;
ib. 3, the oli 7 garchical revolution after the battle of Mantinea, ib. 4, 9; the tyranny of Pheidon, ib. 10, 6 of the Argives to enmity the Lacedaemonians, ii. 9, 3,
Hebdome,
vii.
vii. 16,
5-
Apollonia (on the Euxine), 13;
5.
Andria,
Apollodorus of Lemnos, i. ii, 7. Apollonia (on the Adriatic), iv. 4,
;
;
ii.
Ariobarzanes, v. 10, 25. characterized Aristocracy,
by
election for merit, ii. ii, 9, i ; ii ; iv. 8, dis 7 ; v. 7, tinguished from the perfect state, as being a government of men who are only good relatively to 2 (but the constitution, iv. 7, 5) so called because cp. iii. 4, the best rule or the best interests of the state are consulted, iii. 7, ;
Index i 3; not a perversion, iv. 8, analogous to oligarchy (i) be cause the few rule, v. 7, I (2) because birth and education
321 13,14; Hi.
;
;
commonly accompany
wealth, to royalty as a of the best, ib. 10, government 2 ; preferable to royalty, be cause the good are more than 10; hcfw distin one, iii. 15, iv. 8,
3;
guished
from
oligarchy
and
constitutional government, iv. 7 ; 8; 14, 10; v. 7, 5~9(cp.ii. 1J
5-!);
>
iii.
7,
v. 7,
5
;
7;
causes of revolutions in 8, 7; aristocracies, v. 7 the means of their preservation, ib. 8, 5-7 ;
;
aristocracy less stable than con stitutional
government,
ib.
7,
6 ; liable to danger because the rich have too much power, ib. la, 6; might be combined
3, 7
5, ;
12; 5; vi.4, artisans some
times public slaves, ii. 7, 22 only admitted to office in de
;
often
12;
mocracies, iii. 4, acquire wealth, ib.
the
6; 5, question whether they are
citi
zens, 5 ; necessary to the existence of the state, iv. 4, 9, 21 ; not a part of the state, vii. ib.
6
4,
;
should be debarred from
Freemen
the
s
Agora,
ib. 12,
3-
Arts,
usually degener
ates into oligarchy, 11; iv. 2, 2; 15,
vii. 9,
the,
instruments,
require
both living and
i.
lifeless,
4
;
some
arts subservient to others, ib. 8, a 10, 1-4; the arts have a limit in their means ;
though not
in their end, ib. 8,
both the means to be within our control, vii. 13, 2 amount of knowledge which a freeman 14
;
9,
13
;
and the end ought
;
is
permitted
in the arts,
i.
ii,
with democracy if the magi strates were unpaid and office open to all, ib. 8, 17 (cp. vi. 4,
i; viii. 2, 5; cellence in them,
magistracies peculiar to 10; vi. 8, aristocracy, iv. 15, 22, 24; aristocratical modes of appointing magistrates and 20, 21 16, 8; judges, iv. 15, practice of trying all suits by the
18 ; iii. 15, tageous, ii. 8, 4 the analogy of, not to be ex tended to the laws, ii. 8, 24 ; iii. 15, 4; exist for the benefit of those under them, iii. 6, 79 by whom should the artist
same magistrates, aristocratical, ii. n, 8; iii. i, 10; the
be judged? ib. ii, 10-14 (cp. viii. 6, 1-4) the arts aim at some good, iii. 12, i; justice
6)
;
;
people naturally suited to an iii.
aristocracy, 17, 3-7. Aristogeiton, conspiracy of Harmodius and, v. 10, 15. 6. Aristophanes, ii. 4, Arrhibaeus, king of the Lyncestians, v. 10,
17.
Art, works of, wherein different
from
realities,
Artapanes,
v.
iii. 1 1
10,
,
4.
21.
Artisan, the employments of the, devoid of moral excellence, i. 1 3,
2 5>6;
>
degrees of ex i.
n,
changes
in,
6;
viii.
advan ;
;
;
of the different claims to political superiority illustrated from the arts, ib. 12, 4-8; law of pro 21 ; portion in the arts, ib. 13, the problems of the arts, an illustration of the problems ot politics, iv. i, 1-4; the arts have to supply the deficiencies of Nature,
vii.
17,
15.
iv. 3* the Asia, ii. 10, 3 3 Asiatics better fitted for slavery ;
;
Index
322
6 than the Hellenes, iii. 14, 2 cannibal tribes in vii. 7,
;
;
Asia, viii. 4, 3. .\ssembly, the, payment of, evil of the effects practice, ii. 7, 19;
6 vi. 2, how they 5 may be counteracted, vi. 5, 5; power monopolized by, in ex treme democracies, iv. 6, 5 iv. 6,
;
;
;
10
v. 5,
7;
i4>
vi. 2,
;
17; 9,
6,
5;
15 (cp. ii. 14; 4, 12, ii, 12); meet 4; v. n, ings should be infrequent, vi. 5, 5 (cp. iv. 14, 4, 5); charac ter of, in the different kinds of iv. 14, 4-7 vi. 5-7; in oligarchies, iv. 14, 8-1 1 (cp. iii. i, 10) pro
democracies, 2,
;
;
vision in case of equal voting in 6 : at Car assemblies, vi. 3,
n,
ii.
thage, ib. 10, ib. ii,
7
;
in Crete, at Sparta,
5-6; 6;
ii,
6.
viii. 6,
7,
17.
ii.
1
2,
;
6); evil effects of the practice, ii. 7, 19; plan introduced by Diophantus for the regulation of the public slaves, ib. 23 maintenance at the public ex the of of children citizens pense
;
fallen in battle, ib. 8,
the Solonian constitution, ; ib. 7, i-6; iii. ii, 6; 12, 8 the Areopagus (see Council of Areopagus) the Court of effect of Phreatto, iv. 16, 3 the Persian war upon Athens,
6
;
;
;
ii. 1
2,
5
;
v. 4,
8
;
viii. 6,
1 1
;
introduction of flute-playing at Athens after the Persian war, viii. 1 1 the legislation of Draco, 6, ii. 12, 13; the expulsion of the ;
citizens introduced by Cleisthenes, iii. 2, 3; the tribes redivided by him, vi. 4, 17 treatment of the subject cities by ;
;
Athens, 13, 19 democratical governments forced upon the allies by the Athenians, iv. ii, 1 8 v. 7, 14 great losses of iii.
;
;
;
the nobilityin the Peloponnesian War, v. 3, 7 difference of sen timent between the Athenians and the citizens of the Piraeus, ib. 15 origin of the war h ;
;
tween Athens and Mitylene. defeat of the Athe: to Sicily, ib. government of the Four
6
4,
;
expedition
dred, ib.
13
;
6;
6,
6
ib. 6,
;
rise
;
payment of the dicascommenced by Pericles, vi. 2, 4 (cp. iv. 6, 5
who had
new
ib.
Areopagus,
13.
;
teries
5;
;
21
Thirty,
Astyages, 24. Atarneus (in Mysia), ii.
v. 12,
3;
2,
the use of ostracism, v. 3, 3 number of (cp. iii. 13, 15) sailors in the population, iv. 4,
sistratus to the tyranny, i, 6 his trial befc 10,
v. 10,
Athene, Athens
iii.
tyrants,
12,
2;
spiracy of Harmodius anc togeiton,ib. 10, 15; magis of the Eleven, vi. 8, 1 1 Athlete, the temperament of au, not suited to the life of the .
citizen, vii. 16, 12; viii. 4. see Gymnastic Exer
Athletics
:
cises.
Attalus,
v. 10,
Ausones,
the,
16.
or Opici,
vii.
10,
5-
Autophradates, satrap of Lydia, ii7>
17-
Avarice, encouraged at Sparta, 11. 9, 13, 28, 37; at Carthage, ib. ii, ii a frequent cause of 28; of crime, ib. 7, 19; 9, ;
revolution, v. 2,
5; 3,
i.
Babylonia, ii. 6, 6; Babylon, iii. 3, 5; Babylonians, ib. 13, 19.
Index Bacchiadae.the, at Corinth,
ii.
12,
8.
Barbarians, the, do not distin guish the female and the slave, 4; generally under kingly 6 (cp. iii. 14, 6) ; regarded by the Hellenes as i-
2,
rule, ib.
6 ; their natural slaves, i. 6, nobility not recognized by the Hellenes, ib. 7; prevalence of barter among them, ib. 8, Barter see Exchange. 5.
citizenship in
ktreme democracies,
iii.
5,
7
;
*-4,i6. <:,thelslandsofthe,vii.i5,4.
r
n
;
4,
9-
Body, habit the citizen,
of, to vii.
be required in
16,
12
;
viii. 3,
7
;
iii.
i,
iv.
4,
21
;
v. 3,
10,
;
spiracy of custom of
v.
sending
7,
4
out
the
;
citizens to the colonies, 15 ; vi. 5, 9 ; treaties
poorer ii.
Hanno,
n,
between the Carthaginians and the Tyrrhenians, iii. 9, 6. 6. Catana, ii. 12, Cavalry, importance of, in the ancient oligarchies, iv. 3, 3 10 vi. 7, i 13, (cp. the government of the knights in ;
Eietria, v. 6, ii.
Celts, the, 17,
14). 7; vii. 2,
9,
and
cities,
Sicily), ib.
Thrace),
ii.
the (in Italy 6; (of 12,
14.
Chalcis, in Euboea,
iv. 3,
12. v.4, 9; Chares, the Athenian v. 6,
general,
9.
of Paros, a writer on Agri culture,
u,
i.
7.
Charicles, leader of a party among the Thirty at Athens, v. 6,
6.
u,
ii.
aiirvoi
for the
family,
i.
2,
10,
12.
Charondas, used the word
Camicus, ii. 10, 4. Carthage, the constitution of, analogous to those of Lacedaemon and Crete, ii. ii, i, 5 an aristocracy with oligarchical and democratical features, ib.
3;
ib. 12,
2; v.
1 2.
10;
3-
Chalcidian
Charilaus, king of Sparta,
13-
Byzantium,
;
inal cases, ib.
;
ruled according to re by the soul, i. 5, 4-7 ; body of the freeman not ays distinguished by nature n that of the slave, ib. 10; j beauty of the body more bvious than that of the soul, the interest of, identiib. ; cal with that of the soul, ib. 6, 10; the goods of, for the sake of the soul, vii. i, 8, 9; prior to the soul, ib. 15, 10; must not be educated at the same time as the mind, viii. 3, 13 the,
,
;
honours paid to military merit, vii. 2, 10; the con
Bequest, freedom of, at Sparta, ii. 9, 14; should be forbidden by law, v. 8, 20. ^irth, illegitimate, not a disinalification for
cp.v. 12, 12) the kingspartly chosen for ability, ii. 1 1, 4-9; influence of wealth, ib. 9-13; plurality of offices, ib. 13 the magistrates judges in crim 1 1
5.
:
Basilidae, the, v. 6,
5-10; iv. 7, 4; v. 12, 14; never had a revolution, ii. n, v. 12, 2, 15; 14; never under a tyranny, ii. ii, 2 (but
5;
o//o-
members of a legislated for
Catana and the other Chalcidian cities in Italy and Sicily, ii. 12, 6 said to have been the
;
;
disciple
Y 2
of Zaleucus,
ib.
7
;
Index
324 the
first
to
make laws
against
ii; famous for the accuracy of his legislation, ib. middle class, to the belonged iv. ii, 15; compelled the rich
perjury,
ib.
;
to attend the law-courts,
ib. 13,
3-
Child, the, relation of, 2 parent, i. 2, virtue of, ib. 13, like a king by
;
and the
the 3-12; ruled the elder or i
3,
;
2
ib. 6,
their toys. ib.
;
their
;
crying not to be checked,
vii.
6.
17.
Children, Plato
community
s
Women
and Children. Children, Guardians of, iv. 22. 9, 13; vi. 8, see
Chios,
iii.
v. 3,
12
;
16.
6,
the, in southern Italy,
Chones, vii.
19
13, ;
15,
21
iv. 4,
;
of,
10,
5.
i ; 6; 7, 12, parent, ib. 2, 3; has the deliberative faculty,
Chytrum, a part of Clazomenae,
but immature, I0 )IS.
Cinadon,
ib. 13,
7 (cp.vii.
resemblance to
their
by
the 3, parents, 9 children of citizens who died in battle reared at the public ex their
ii.
;
;
;
11-
v. 9,
4-8;
15; licence permitted to chil dren in democracies and tyran 20 nies, vi. 4, exposure of ;
deformed children, vii. 16, 15; way in which children should be 17; they should not see or hear anything indecent, ib. 19-21 7-11; viii. 5, what their education should reared, ib.
;
include, viii. 2 ; 3 ; ought to learn music
why
they
and draw
degree to which they should carry musical 1-8 must proficiency, ib. 6, not carry gymnastic exercise too must not labour with far, ib. 4 ing, ib. 3,
2 foil.
;
;
;
body and mind restlessness of
16;
at once, ib.
9;
young children,
5,
12; vi.
i
2
7
1 2,
;
;
3;
2,
5;
ii.
;
13,
4;
17,
4-8;
14,
must have 7
;
2,
io-
4,
9-11;
6, vii. 9,
a; ii, ;
iii.
and
rule 2
12,
;
14;
16,
2,
1-8
3-
must both
obey, i. I, 4-7; ii,
;
6; children, in pense, ib. 8, what sense citizens, iii. i, 5 2 education of the chil 5, 8 bad dren of kings, ib. 4, education of the children of the rich, iv. II,
15v. 7,
Citizen, the,
Children, ought to be educated with regard to the constitution, i. 13, 11-15; viii. 15; v. 9, i ; recognized in certain coun tries
y. 3,
ii.
leisure, 9, 10, 12; vii. 9, 4, to the state, belongs
viii. i,
necessityof defining 4; the word, iii. i, 2 foil. ; children and old men, in what sense citizens, ib.
5
5,
;
resi
2;
dence and legal rights, inade 4, 5; quate definitions, ib. i, not enough that the parents were citizens, ib. 2, 1-3 the citizen must share in the ad ;
ministration of the state, ib.
i,
3-5; 5; 13, 12; 5-12; 2, under each form of gov ib. ernment, i, 9; 5, 5; 13, 2 the question 12; iv. about citizens admitted after a differs
;
7>
revolution, iii. 2, 3-5 ; the is it virtue of the good citizen identical with that of the good :
man?
ib.
4;
5,
10;
18
;
vii.
8, the virtue of the citizen 14, in the perfect state, iii. 4, 5 ;
12 ; not all citizens who 13, are necessary to the state, ib. 5, vii. 10; the artisans 2; 9,
Index not to be citizens, iii. 5 ; 3; nor the sailors, vii. 6,
vii.
9,
tages, vii.
7,
ties,
of the citizen the 3 ; the character in the citizens, ib. 7 ! necessary their habit of body, ib. 16, 12; 8
is
;
best
the
?
life
2
ib.
viii. 3,
;
13; 4-
Citizenship, rights of, conferred on strangers in early times at Sparta, ii. 9, 17; lost at Sparta, by failure to contribute to the
common
10, meals, ib. 32 7 given to persons of ille gitimate birth in extreme de 16; mocracies, iii. 5, 7; vi. 4, exclusion from, sometimes con cealed, iii. 5, 9; easily pre tended in a large state, vii. 4, ;
!
14-
City, the
v. 3,
vii. 10, 1-8; they should be arranged, ib. 10-12 ; the young not allowed to share in them, ib. 17, of the magistrates, vi. 2, ; i of the priests, 7 ; vii. 12,
how
u
;
vii.
i, 12. vi. 4,
;
Cleomenes (king of Sparta),
v. 3,
7-
Cleopatra (the widow of Perdic-
ii.
15;
the original of the Spartan, ib. 10, 5 maintained at the public cost, ib. 7-10; (at Sparta), make property to some degree common, ib. 5, 15 ; badly regu lated, ib. 9, 31, 32; 10, 7; anciently called andria, ib. 10, ;
of
women and
i,
3;
arguments against,
of property,
3; 4;
chil
by Plato,
dren, the, proposed
ib.
5;
ii.
vii.
9.
Confederacy, difference between a, and a state, ii. 2, 3; iii. 9, 6-8. Constitution, regard must be had to the, in education,
i.
15;
13,
11-15; viii. i; the best constitution supposed by some to be a combination of all exist
v. 9,
17.
Cleotimus, leader of a revolution at Amphipolis, v. 6, 8. Clubs; at Carthage, ii. u, 3; at Abydos, v. 6, 6, 13; hated by tyrants, ii. n, 5.
Cnidus, v. 6, 4, 16. Codrus, king of Athens, v. TO, of Colonies, Carthage, ii. 1 1 ,
yi-
Carthage),
(at
(in Crete), ib. 5,
3;
10,
3
iii. 2,
18.
cas), v. 10,
6;
12,
",
11,
13-
the Athenian,
meals, hostility of the 5; first estab
tyrant to, v. n, lished in Italy,
5-
Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, v. ,
commercial trea
;
6.
Community
15.
Cleander, tyrant of Gela, v. 12,
12,
6
9,
Common
see State.
:
Clazomenae,
iii.
1
ing forms, ii. 6, 17 (cp. iv. I, 6; 7, 4; 9, 7); the per manence of a constitution only secured by the consent of all
8.
classes,
5 ; in
12,
ii.
9,
22;
6; v. 8,
iv. 9,
io;
5-10;
5; 9,
9 oligarchies formed colonies by the first settlers, iv.
vi. 6,
dissensions in, a cause of 5 4, revolutions, v. 3, 11-14.
contentment with a constitution not always a proof
i
5>
;
Colophon,
of,
iv. 4,
5
;
v. 3,
15-
Commerce, its
divisions of,
advantages
and
i. 1 1
,
3
disadvan
;
tions 11.
of
2
;
4
7,
more simple than
io,
its
iii.
later,
i;
excellence,
(but cp. c. ii, constitution the ent,
;
older constitu
i,
9;
2,
ib. io, 12 15); in each
citizen
5,55;
differ
13,
12;
Index iv.
2
7,
stitution i; 3,
I0
relation of the con
;
and the 956, i;
word,
iii.
i,
2; iv. i, 7, definition of the
55
3.
!
iii.
state,
i
i,
;
I
6,
iv. i,
;
2,6; called by the
ib. 10,
ob Cretans, avSpia, ii. 10, 5 ject of the institution ii. 5 15; better managed in Crete than at ;
,
Lacedaemon,
ib.
,
30-33;
9,
10; 3, 5; the constitution the life of the state, iv. n, 3; the people naturally suited to
10, 7-9; frequency of sedi tion in Crete, ib. 10, 14, 15 ; slaves in Crete forbidden
each constitution,
gymnastic exercises and the use of arms, ib. 5, 19; thePerioeci
iii.
unchanged
ally
tion, iv. 5,
after
the
17;
nomin
constitution sometimes
a revolu
4 (cp.v. i, 8); the encroachments of the rich 3,
often more dangerous to the constitution than those of the
6; life according constitution no slavery,
iv. 12,
poor, to the v. 9,
vii. 3,
15;
;
;
;
of caste in Crete,
Custom, power
vii. 10, ii.
of,
i.
5.
2,
7.
in Aeolis, v. 5, Cypselids, the, v. n,
Cyme,
Cos, v.5, Cosmi, the
2.
(in
4; v. 4,
Crete),
to
the
8;
12,
2.
Councillors and warriors, the two highest classes in the state, iv. 4, 10-17; vii. 4, 4-7J 8 75 4-10. 9, Crataeus, one of the assassins of >
Archelaus, v. 10, 17. Crete, favourable position of, ii. 10, 3,12,16; visit of Lycurgus 2 the Cretan constitu to, ib. tion the original of the Lace daemonian, ib. 1-3; analo ;
gous to the Carthaginian, ib. 1 1, i the attention of the legis lator directed solely to war, vii. ;
9
;
the
6
v. 10,
;
12,
Ephors, ii. 10, 6-14. Cotys, king of the Odrysians in v. 18. Thrace, 10, Council of Areopagus, the, ii. 1 2, 2,
4.
9; ib. 12,
3,4-
Cypselus of Corinth,
8.
24;
11-13; a
3; vii. 13, sort of justice, i. 6,
Cyclopes, the,
i.
8,
5>
iii.
;
2,
!o,
iv.
1-3.
9, 9; tyranny of Timophanes, v. 6, 1 2 tyranny of the Cypselids, ib. 10, 6; n, 9; its duration, ib. 12, 3,4; family of the Bacchiadae, ii. 1 2,
Corinth,
Crete well managed, ib. 9, 3; governed by the 15, 16 laws of Minos, ib. 10, 3 ana of the Perioeci with Cretan logy the Helots, ib. existence 5 in
common
tables in
troduced into Crete by Minos,
3Cyrene, vi. 4,
17, 18.
king of Persia,
Cyrus,
v.
10,
8, 24.
Daedalus, i. 4, Dancing, viii. 5,
3. 3.
of Syracuse,
Daphnaeus,
v.
5,
10.
son of Xerxes,
Darius,
v.
10,
21.
Decamnichus,
20.
v. 10,
Deliberation, the right to share in, essential to the citizen, iii. i ; 6-12; 2, 5; 13, 12 (cp. vii. 8,
Delphi, knife,
7). v. 4,
i.
2,
5
;
the Delphian
3.
Demagogues, the authors and flatterers of the extreme demo cracy,
ii.
25-31; 12; vi. 4,
4-6;
12, v. 9,
10
15-17;
;
ii,
iv.
4,
ii,
confiscate
Index the property of the rich, v. 5, 5; vi. 5, 3; often bring about revolutions, v. 3, 4; 5, !-5j in ancient times became
6-io; 10, tyrants, ib. 5, 4, 6 in oligarchies, ib. 6, 5.
327
means of their 12,
4; 13,
v.
vi. 4,
preservation, iv. 12 5-8; 14,
;
17; 5; democracy (especially the extreme form) apt to pass into tyranny, iv. n, 8;
ii
:
v.
;
6-io;
5,
8,
7
;
at Larissa,
30; Plato censured for supposing that the change is
Democracy, the government of
necessarily to tyranny, v. 12, Athens the champion of 10;
Demiurgi, magistrates iii.
2.
2,
the
many
iii.
7,
in their
own
interests,
2; iv. ir,
5; 8,
17;
10,
in
democracy
iv.
Hellas,
ii,
akin to tyranny, iv. 4, 27; v. 10, 11,30, 35; n, 12; the only possible government in 12; iv. 6, large states, iii. 15, 10 (cp. vi. 5, 5; 13, 5); the perversion of constitutional
14; the democratic principle represented at Sparta by the Ephoralty, ii. 6, 17 ; 10 iv. 9, 9; 21; lo, 9, characteristics of democracy
government, iii. 7, 5; iv. 2, i, 2; Plato wrong in calling democracy the worst of good constitutions, but the best of
8, 7; iv. 4. v. i, 3; 8,
bad ones,
iv. 2,
3
n,
22;
2
iv.
;
20; 12, 3; 13, 12; the forms enumerated,
22-31;
4,
3; 14, of the last
4;
12, iv-
4.
6,
iii.
1-7; 12,
6,
1-7; vi. 4; growth and worst form, ii. 4,
5;
v.
6,9-n;
12;
6-n;
5,
6,
6-8; 9, 10; vi. 3, 5-9; 15-20 (cp. v. 10, 12; n, 11)
democracy more stable
;
than oligarchy, 6 i, 15; 7,
n,
iv.
(cp^v.
14; v. 8);
3,
causes of revolution in democra cies
17 3,
anarchy,
:
;
v. 3,
4; 5;
9,
5
;
vi. 4,
practices, v.
demagogic
10
;
vi. 5,
5;
disproportionate increase, v. 3, 6-8 dissatisfaction of the ;
ib.
10, notables, 14 (cp. 7, 1 8); long tenure or greatness of office, v. 5, 8 the 8, 7 ii.
;
;
v. 7,
;
:
liberty
vi.
and equality
22, 23; 8,
iv.
3;
9>
ii.
45
iii.
7;
14, 15;
954,
1-4,
2,
for all,
6; 9,
use of the lot,
insuffici
;
ency of the common definitions iof democracy, iii. 8; iv. 4, more forms of democracy 6; than one, iv. i, 8 ; 4, 20 vi. i,
18;
20;
the
7;
12,
!95
vi.
ii, *5>
large
employment of a number of magistrates, ii
11,
14
8
2.
5>
v. 8,
;
.
;
short tenure of office, vi.
6; 2, 5, the citizens, ii.
8; pay
ment of
4;
12,
iv. 6,
*9;
7>
2;
5; 9,
vi.
6, 7 ; 5, 5 ; carelessness in the admission of artisans and 2
>
persons of illegitimate birth to 12 5, citizenship, iii. 4, 7, ;
8
vi. 4,
;
to
16; licence allowed
women and II
;
vi.
4,
children, v- ii,
20;
ostracism
oiiginally a democratic institu tion, iii. 13, 15; v. 3, 3; democratical tricks to keep the power in the hands of the
people, iv. 13, 5 suggestions for the improvement of demo 12; vi. 5, cracy, ib. 14, 51 1 the magistrates peculiar to ;
;
iv. 15, ii 17, 24; democratical
democracy,
;
vi. 8,
modes
of appointing magistrates and 8; judges, iv. 15, 19; 1 6,
Index
328
and powers of the
character
the 1-7 best material of a democracy, ib. 14,
assembly, ib.
2
6,
vi.
;
;
i
4,
the
;
position suitable to a democracy, vii. n, 5; democracy always supported by the sailors and i, 2. light armed, vi. 7, Derdas (? King of Elymaea),
Devices, political, of oligarchies
and democracies,
i-
iv. 13, 8 ; their inntility, v. 8, 4. Diagoras, an Eretrian, v. 6,
3,
13,
:
ii.
see
Aesymnetes. 8-1 1. 12,
i
13,
(cp. c. 9,
;
;
Dionysius the Younger, v. 23, 28, 31, 32.
Diophantus,
ii.
10,
23.
7,
4 (but cp. viii. 4, bad education of the
;
22.
Harmony, Harmony.
the
:
see
Dowries, ii. 7, 3 9, 15. Doxander, v. 4, 6. 13. Draco, ii. 12, Drawing, a branch of education, ;
i, 12.
Dynasty, or
1-7)
;
rich, iv.
6 v. 9, II, 13 ; hostility of the tyrant to education, v. n, education necessary to 5 ;
vii. 13, 13; the special business
supplement habit, 15
;
viii.
of
wrong notions
i
i,
;
education
prevalent in Hellas, vii. 14, 15 ; 6 ; the periods viii. i, 3 4, of education, vii. 17; viii. 4, 7~9 necessity of a common 3 system of education, viii. i, !
(cp.
ii.
Family Oligarchy
:
see Oligarchy.
8
7,
and
;
iv.
7
9,
;
should education have an ethical or a practical aim ? viii. 253; 5; should it include music? ib. 6 what instruments 3 5 and harmonies are to be used ? ib. 6, 8-16; 7; education not to be directed to a single ;
;
;
Directors of Education, vii. 17, of Gymnastics, vi. 8, 5, 7
Dorian
14,
;
Dion, v. 10, 23, 28, 31, 32. n, Dionysiusthe Elder, i. ii, iii. 16; v. 5, 8, 12; 15, 10 10. 6 TO; 7, 10, n,
viii. 3,
iii.
8, 9; iv. 8, 2-5); 15; 12, of the excellence Spartan iv. viii. education, 7 i, 9,
of the legislator, ii.
4-
Diocles,
state,
17,
9-
Dicasteries, the Athenian,
Dictators
;
;
14.
the Pharsalian mare,
Dicaea,
;
;
v.
16.
10,
of uniting the state, ii. 5, 1821 special, for the ruler, iii. 4, 8 (cp. vii. 14, confers a 6) claim to pre-eminence in the
2 ; the proper end, ib. 4, place of gymnastics in education, ib. 3, 13 4 the education of mind and body not to be carried ;
;
on together,
ib. 4,
9
writers
;
upon musical education,
ib.
5,
ii, 14; 2, 3, 8, 23; 7, musical education a kind of rattle to older children, ib. 6, 2 the three principles of edu ;
Ecphantides (the ancient comic poet),
Education, may be directed to a wrong end, ii. 7, 8, 9; must have regard to the constitution, ii
;
viii.
i
i.
;
13,
cation, ib.
15;
the great
v. 9,
means
Egypt,
iii.
15
7,
of Education,
12.
viii. 6,
vii.
15,
Directors
:
17,
4;
5, 7-
n,
9;
vi. 8,
1 1.
v.
1-6, 8. Eleven, the, at Athens, vii. 10,
Elis, v. 6,
Elymaea,
1 1.
v.
10,
17.
Index Empire, unnecessary to the hap piness of states,
253;
vii.
12-22.
;
;
limit in the arts, ib. 8,
14 9, agree or disagree
may
;
;
with the means, vii. 13, 2 contains an element of pleasure, ;
viii - 5,
ii.
12,
4.
Ephors, the, a democratic element at Sparta, ii. 6, 2017 9, ;
22; 10, 10; iv. 9, 9; their corruption and licence, ii. 9, 12; greatness 19-24; io, of their power, ib. 9, 20 v. n, 2; the mode of their ;
election childish, ii. 9, 23 ; have the right of calling the to ib. account, 26; magistrates try suits respecting contracts,
io (cp. ii. 9, u, 23 established by Theopomas a check on the royal pus 1-3; corre power, v. n, in to the Cosmi ii. Crete, spond 6, io, 12; to the magis 10, tracy of 104 at Carthage, ib. i,
7)
;
j
11,
ii.
23
7,
io, ii
i; v. i,
;
Epimenides, of Crete,
iii.
;
4, i.
16,
7.
2,
;
;
9, ;
longer
;
14; vii. 3, 5; 14, (the true kind) no desired in Hellenic
states, iv.
ii,
7
;
4,
22;
2,
attained
v. 6,
;
14.
5.
4.
Eubulus (tyrant of Atarneus), !? Euripides, v. io,
ii.
7,
i.
4;
2,
iii.
8
vii. 7,
20 8;
4,
viii. 5,
;
Europe, vii. 7, Euryphon, ii. 8,
quoted,
;
v. 9, 2.
15;
2. I.
Eurytion, v. 6, 15. Euthycrates, aPhocian, v. 4, 7. Evagoras, tyrant of Salamis in v. 16. io, Cyprus, Evil,
i.
12.
2,
(i) according to nature (barter of necessaries), i9 3, 4! ( 2 ) 2-7; contrary to nature (retail trade),
Exchange,
i>
i.
1-4, 9-12
9,
io,
;
4;
n,
3;
Executive element, the, in the 2 state, iv. 14, 15; vi. 8. 16 ; Experience, value of, ii. 5, vii.
8,
3,
creates
io,
8.
Exposure of deformed children, justifiable, vii.
Extremes,
16,
danger
16-19;
15. iv.
of,
4-6;
12,
vi.
ii, 5,
1-4.
liberty iii.
7;
v.
8, i,
i3; 8, 6; 9>i45 vi. 2, 4, 9; the desire of equality a cause of sedition, v. i, 3-8 ; 3,
3
v. 6, iv. 4,
Erythrae, Ethiopia,
4-10, 19; v,
9, 5-10; equality and the aim of democracy, iv.
6.
vi. 3,
Equality of property, proposed 12. by Phaleas, ii. 7 ; 12,
;
5.
Equality, how related to justice, iii. v. i, 13, ii, 12 9; 12
1-6
;
strong,
3-
3-
Epidamnus,
2
;
Eretria, iv. 3,
13-
Ephialtes,
iii.
ib. 6 7, equality either numerical or proportional, iii. 128 iv. 12, 1-4; v. i, states must not be 16 ; vi. 3 based on one kind alone, v. i, 14 denied to the weak by the ;
14,
End, the, the completed nature of each thing, i. 2, 8 has no 13
329
when 2; contentment,
Faction, frequency of, in Crete, io, 14-16 ; evil effects of, in Hellas, iv. u, 16-18 ; a
ii.
cause of revolution chies, v. 6, in i,
in
less 9 democracies, iv. u, 6. 6; 7, 15. ;
oligar
common 14;
v.
Index
33
Family, the, the village a colony 6 of, i. 2, 5) ; (cp. c. 9,
;
composed of three relations which are sanctioned by nature, 2 foil.
ib. 2, J
X 3>
5
governed by the elder
!
who
or parent 6;
2,
1-3; 12;
3,
;
their king, ib. 12, 3; different
is
i;
7,
kinds of rule within the family, ib. 12 ; the family apart of the state, ib.
the
13,
ii. 5 ; 9, self-sufficient
15
;
more
state
8. than the family, ii. 2, Family oligarchy : see Oligarchy. Family quarrels, a cause of
revolutions,
J4; 10,
v.
4,
5-7
;
the slave, i. 2, 2-4 3, 4; 6 not always outwardly 5 distinguished by nature from 10 rule over him, ib. 5, freemen more noble than rule 2 vii. 3, 2 ; over slaves, ib. will never willingly 14, 19 submit to the tyrant, iv. 10, 12; has a natural 4; v. ii, 6 ; iii. 16, right to rule, ii. 2, 2, 3 ; must not be ashamed to obey his lawful superiors, v. ;
;
6,
;
;
;
;
2; 14, 11-14; vii. 3, 1-5 (cp. iv. ii, 6); may have a certain knowledge of the arts, viii. 2, 5,6; may be al
9,
lowed
3.
Father and child, relation of, i. i-3; J 2. i-5 3, 2, Female, the, by nature different from the slave except among 5
to share in the pleasures of music, ib. 5, 7Friendship, weakened by com the munism, ii. 4, 5-9 6 ; iii. motive of society, ib. ;
!3; iv7 (cp- vi. 5, 7-11); implies equality, iii.
barbarians, i. 2, 3,4; subject by nature to the male, ib. 5,
9,
i; 13, 7; tendency 7; 12, of the female to produce off like the parents, ii. 3, spring the union of male and 9
16, 13 ; friendship among the citizens hated by the tyrant, v.
:
female formed in obedience to a natural instinct, i. 2, 2 the relation of male and female part of the household, ib. 3, 2 ;
;
i.
12,
[See
Woman.]
Finance, importance of, to the the 13; statesman, i. ii, finances of Sparta badly man 36 aged, ii. 9, suggestions for the regulation of state ;
finances, v. 8,
15-19;
vi.
5.
Four Hundred, government of the, at Athens, v. 4,
13
;
6,
6.
Freedom, supposed by Hellenes not to exist i.
2,
4
;
iii.
2-5.
Freeman,
barbarians,
6 is a reason 6, claim authority in a 8; 13, 9, 14 12, ;
why men state,
among
;
[.Ste
Liberty.]
the, in his relation to
",.
n,
5
friendship at Sparta,
;
7-
" 5>
Gela, v. 12, 13. Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse, v. 3, 10, 12, 5 31 5,6. General, the, learns command by ;
;
obedience,
iii.
4,
14; generals
often became demagogues in an cient times, v. 5, 6-10 ; have often attacked their masters, ib.
wise generals com 10, 24 bine light-armed troops with cavalry and heavy infantry, vi. ;
7,
2.
Generalship, 9,
a rare quality, v.
3-
Gerusia
:
see
Council of Elders.
God, happy by reason of
his
own
10 ; 10; 3, nature, vii. i, alone able to hold together the 8. universe, ib. 4,
Index the, supposed to be under a king because mankind origin 12, 3; 7 ally were, i. 2, their statues more beautiful than
22 ; gives the affirmative power 16 ; the to the many, ib. 14,
ordinary human forms,
is
Gods,
;
Good, absolute and
i
i,
ii.
;
2,
evil,
racteristic of
made
state,
man,
i.
of,
2,
cha 12;
the test of freedom and 8.
Goods, the three kinds of, vii. i, external goods not to 2-5 be preferred to virtue, ii. 9, 6; 35; vii. i, 5-9; 15, ;
not the cause of happiness,
vii.
10; 13, 8. Gordius, father of Psammetichus, i,
3. tyrant of Corinth, v. 12, 10 Gorgias of Leontini, i. 13, iii.
cracy,
1 1
iv. 13,
i
;
n,
(cp. c.
;
demo
its rarity, ib.
16)
one of
;
the true forms of government, i i-
( C P- iv. 8,
3
7>
i)
;
how
distinguished from aristocracy, oligarchy, and democracy, iv. 7 ; 8; 14, 8-io; v. 7, 5-7; vi.
3
i,
(cp.
ii.
5-9);
ii,
composed of the heavy-armed 4;
17,
to
6,
I3,io;
whom
4
;
16
ii.
iv.
soldiers,
it is
;
iii.
4;
7,
the people
adapted,
iii.
17,
suited to a large country
population,
vi.
14; cha
4,
racterized by the alternation of 2 ; 12, rulers and ruled, i. i,
2; 4,
17,
ii.
2,
io,
4;
4-7; ii, 14; 14; 6, 9; 16,
vii.
14,
I
iii-
i)
6.
Government, forms be criticized,
T 5 (cp.
i.
;
of the magistrates, iv. 15,
ii.
how
of, i
9,
iv.
;
the legislator
must know
iv.
differ
5-8;
i,
iii.
to i
;
all,
according
to the character of the
supreme
13, 5; i are 2-4; based on partial justice only, iii. 9, 6; v. 1-4, 15; 17, 2; vi. 3, 1, 1-4; are all
authority, iv.
i;
6,
8,
14,
;
perversions of the perfect state, i ; may be divided into true forms or perversions, iii. I,
19-
6,
ii
7
;
;
18;
iv.
i their suc 1-3; 8, cessive changes in ancient times,
2,
;
iii. 1
2
iv. 13)
11-13;
15, ;
Plato
s
theory
9~
of change influence
v. 12,
5-18 ; wrong, of increased population upon forms of government, iii. 15, 11-13; iv. 6, 5; vi.5, 5; the worst forms the most pre
carious, vi. 6, 4; common error that forms of government
can be reduced to two oli garchy and democracy, iv. 3, 6-8 sense in which this is ;
true, ib. 4,
v. i,
19;
14 (cp.
the people adapted to each form of government, iii. 17; the magistrates suited to
vi. i,
6)
15, 11-13 ; vi. 8, 24; the judicial arrange
17,
ments, ii
;
;
iv.
each,
2;
by the combination of the vote and the lot in the election 7,
10, preservation, ib. 8, more stable than aristocracy,
;
8-io;
called in ancient times
6-8; 6, 5-9; means of
3,
7,
iv. 8,
Government, the Constitutional,
7,
ii
2.
2,
v.
16-18;
ib. 7,
7.
the sense
slavery, ib. 6,
;
subject,
its
aim of the
the, the
Good and
in which it arises, ib. 9 causes of revolution to which it
relative, vii.
5-8-
13,
Good, i.
10.
ib. 5,
mode
ii.
iv.
force,
ii, 1
6,
vi. 7,
7
;
iii.
i,
10,
8; the military i,
2.
Government, writers on, often un-
Index
33*
5 ; have ex practical, iv. i, tolled the Lacedaemonian con
Harbours, should be separated from the city, vii. 6, 1-6.
stitution, ib.
Harmodius, v. 10, Harmonies, the, iv. 5, 16-25 7-
16, 17.
6;vii.i4,
in Plato s the, Guardians, Republic see Plato. Gymnastic, like other arts, has :
undergone improvement,
ii.
8,
18; includes various kinds of training, iv. i, i, 2. Gymnastic exercises, forbidden to slaves in Crete, in discouraged
ii.
19;
5,
oligarchies
among the poor, iv. 13, 4; one of the recognized branches of education, viii. 3, i; carried to excess at Lacedaemon, ib. 4, 1-7 suggestions for their i-G arrangement, vii. 13, should be of a lighter kind for Directors children, viii. 4, 7 ;
;
:
22.
of, vi. 8,
soul said to be, or to possess, viii. 5, 25. Harmony, the Dorian, iii. 3, 8 ; i
y
7 produces a moderate settled temper, viii. 5, 22 ;
-
3>
and
>
7,
re 8-13: the Lydian 3 by I lato in the Republic, ;
jected ib.
Lydian
education,
viii.
v. 7,
3,
13.
4.
;
;
!
;
;
or on size, ib. 4, 4-11 happi ness implies virtuous activity, ib. 3, 1-3 ; is the worthy ;
employment of 3-6
;
5.
:
has a sad and grave 22 the Phry
;
effect, ib. 5,
:
8; iv. 3, 7; 2 2 ; inspires enthusiasm, viii. 5 should not have been 7, 9 iii.
gian,
3,
,
;
retained by Plato, ib. v. 3,
9-13.
7,
7.
of, at
Epidamnus,
ii.
v. i,
Hellanocrates of Larissa, v. 10, 18.
Hellas, influence of the climate of, on the national character, vii. 7) I natural superi ority of Hellenes to Barbarians, i.
leisure, viii. 3,
9~ r 5-
4;
2,
v
6;
6,
iii.
14,
6;
3 ; differences of the various Hellenic tribes, vii. 7, -
4
;
happiness propor tioned to virtue, vii. i, 10; 8, 3, 7; 13, 5 9. 5; the perfect happiness of the divine 10; 3, 10; the nature, ib. i, happiness of men and states the ib. 2 the happiness same, 3 of states not dependent on em pire over others, ib. 2, 14-18; 7
9,
15
~4>
Happiness, independent of exter nal goods, vii. i, 10 13, 8; the happiness of the whole de pendent on the happiness of the 10 ii. parts, i. 6, 27; 5, vii.
to the Mixo-
suitable
14;
9,
7,
children, ib.
;
Hanno,
viii.
;
Harmony, the
Heliaea, court
;
7
;
Hebdome,
Habit, the strength of law derived from, ii. 8, 24; one element of virtue, vii. 13, 11-13 15. must 7 go before reason in
15. 3,
7)
barbarous laws
s
among
the ancient Hellenes, ii. 8, 20; the Hellenes formerly under royal rule, i. 2, 6; iii. 15, 11.
10
iv. 13,
;
changes in govern
ment caused by the
increase of
11-13; iv. 10-12; vi. 5, 5J. J3, rise of the 5 heavy-armed in importance, iv. 13, 10; effects of the Persian war upon
population,
iii.
15,
6,
;
Hellas,
ii.
12,
5
;
v.
4,
8;
growth of the Athenian empire in Hellas, iii.
viii.
3)
ii
6, r
9
;
division of Hellas be>
Index tween Athens and Lacedaemon, 8 ; v. 7, 14 smallness of the middle class
n,
iv.
1
:
n, 7, 1619; lack of great men, v. 10, effects of the cultivation 37 of rhetoric, ib. 5, 7; wrong notions of education, iv. n, 6 in later Hellas, iv.
;
;
vii.
15; viii. i, 3; 2, rago for flute playing in Hellas after the Persian War, 2
14,
:
12.
viii. 6,
Helots,
ii.
22:9,
5,
2
10,
;
4, 16. viii.
3-
Hephaestus,
i.
4,
15;
2, 3, 7,
v. 5,
Heracleitus, v.
n,
Heracleodorus, Heracles,
iii.
(in
3
;
8.
vii. 6,
Heracleides of Aenos,v. 10,
Heraea
18.
Arcadia),
v. 3,
9.
boea, v. 3, 4, 4. 9 Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, v. 10, 31; n, 7; 12, 5, 6. 8. Hipparinus, v. 6, 5. Hippocrates, vii. 4, Hippodamus, of Miletus, ii. 8,
revolutions,
20;
;
vii.
n
g.
t
the father of i.
2;
12,
quoted, II.
ii.
ib.
v. ix.
ib. ib.
x.
v. 2,
of
10-13, J 82, 14; 4,
7,
2; 3,
the honours of the state, iii. 5, 4, 5); honour 9 (cp.c. 10, less desired by men than wealth, iv. I3,8; v. 8, 16; vi. 4, 3 7).
Household management, the art of, distinguished from the rale i
7,
iii.
;
i.
2
i,
ib. 3,
3
1-3
;
8,
money1,2;
10,
1-4;
;
13-18;
;
divided
into three parts, i. 3, i ; how related to 12, i,
4
3,
;
6, 7;
6,
quisition, ib. 4, J
15; 1-3;
-8
T
;
9>
has a 18;
14,
i
;
131-4; ii,
8,
,
ib.
limit,
9,
more concerned
is
with virtue than with wealth, i ; the ib. 13, parts of men
and
women
in, different,
iii.
4,
17; exists for the benefit of those under it, ib. 6, 6, 7.
Husband and wife, relation of. [See Male and Female. ] Husbandmen, are sometimes 8 would be hunters, i. 8, better suited for Plato s com munism than the guardians, ii. ;
204 372
; ;
iv. 4, iii.
16,
27
319
7
;
648 224 ib. 376 ;
iii.
;
;
5, 16, i.
4.
;
10
39 I ~3; ib. 14, 63; i. 2, 9;
xviii.
ii.
8-io; 12, 18; the remedy for this, v. 8, 26, 12; n, 27 ; the citizen must share in
;
Homer, calls Zeus Gods and men,
in
Homer. Honour, inequality in, a cause
includes the natural art of ac
16.
13,
viii.
our
9,
9.
also cited,
is
which does not occur
making,
31.
v. 3,
Hesiod,quoted,i.2,5; v.io,3o. Hestiaea (the later Oreus) in Eu-
i
8,
of a master,
3.
Heraclea, in Pontus, 6,
a passage 3,
(cp. vi. 7,
Heniochi, the, in Pontus, 4,
333
;
5J
4;
4,
make
democracy,
8-10
I0
vi. 4,
9; 10
sailors, vii. 6, ;
3
;
Odyss. ix. 7 ; viii. 3, 9 ib. 14; i. 2, 7; xvii. 385 ; viii. 3, 9 :
i,
the best form of
citizens, ib. 9,
14 ;
9,
;
2
iv. 6,
8
;
;
12,
furnish
;
3
;
good
should not be 8
;
10,
13,
nor admitted to office, ib. 9 should be excluded from ;
the Treemen sAgora, ib.i2,3. Husbandry, a part of the natural
Index
334 art of
money-making,
lapygia, v. 3, Iberians, the, India, vii. 14,
i.
3
8,
;
2.
3; ii,
10,
7
vii.
;
vii.
10, 11.
2,
5.
sists in equality, iii. 9,
i;
3.
7>
;
revolution, v. 4, Instruments, best i.
4.
when made for
3;
2,
may be
either
are 2 living or lifeless, ib. 4, used either in production or in ;
ib.
action,
4-6;
are never
unlimited in the arts, ib. 8, the slave a living 14, 15 instrument, ib. 4, 2, 6. ;
6.
v. 10,
Ionia,
Ionian Gulf, the, vii. 10, 5. leader Iphiades, a party
14. Abydos, 2. Istros, v. 6, of Italus, king Oenotria, vii. 10, 3>ii.
2-6.
10,
nicate with each other,
should not hold
;
life, ib. 9,
25
;
ii. 8, office for
necessary, even
beginnings of the iv. 4, state, 13, 14; the various modes of appointing ib. 16, them, 5-7 ; provision for an equal division of opinion 6 those vi. 3, among judges, who inflict penalties to be different from those who see to in
the
first
;
8-u.
their execution, ib. 8,
Justice, the sense of, peculiar to
man,
men
i.
2,
12
;
in states, ib.
the 16
bond of ;
iii.
12,
3; (cp. iv. 4, 9; J 13); sometimes denned as benevo 3<
I
vii.
;
12,
;
3
14,
;
cannot be the destruction of the 2 cannot be state, iii. 10, united with the love of conquest, ;
of 2, 7-18 the ordinary notions of justice, vi. 3, 6; vii. 2, 14; all claims to rule based upon partial and
vii.
selfishness
;
relative
only,
justice
1-6, 15
v.
;
i; vi. 2,
2;
iii.
2-6
i,
;
9,
9,
1-4.
3,
King, the, not the same with the a statesman, i. I, ought to be chosen for merit (as at ;
ii, Carthage), ii. 9, 4 29 receives a special education, iii. 8 in be 4, may justified put
;
;
down
ting 22
his
rivals,
ib.
13,
is the champion of the better classes against the people, v. 10, 3 ;
v.
;
often
Jason, tyrant ofPherae, iii. 4, 9. Judges, not allowed to commu 13
12
13,
;
at
v. 6,
Italy,
;
;
Inheritance, sale ofan, forbidden, 6 ; (at Sparta\ ib. 9, iithe divi 20) 14 (cp. v. 8, sion of an, may be a cause of
one use,
lence, i. 6, 4 different m men and women, ib. 13, in 3, 9 the ruler and the subject, ib. 16-18; con 2-8; iii. 4,
27
in
supreme
;
religious
13 ; vi. 8, should he have a military iii.
matters,
20
ii,
;
force?
14,
iii.
14-16;
15,
is
guarded by the 7
citizens, ib. 14, 10.
v. 10,
;
King, the true, or natural supe of
rior
the
citizens,
13, 24, 25;
6
3, v. 10,
;
iii.
13,
17, 5-8; vii. in later Hellas,
unknown 37.
[See Royalty.]
King, a, the Gods why supposed to be under, i. 2, 3. 7 ; 12, Kings, the, of Crete (in ancient of ii. 10, 6; Carthage, times), of Mace ib. n, 3-6, 9, 10 ;
donia,
v. 10,
sians, ib. viii. 5,
daemon]
;
;
5 :
8; oftheMolosn, 2 of Persia, of Sparta [see LaceKings, the ancient,
;
Index sometimes became tyrants, 10,
v.
5.
12>
Knights, the, at Athens, ii. 12, 6 ; at Eretria, v. 6, 14.
ii.
3, 10 (cp. v. 13, 14; v. 7, T 5) ! number of heiresses, in popu decrease 9, 15 ;
lation, ib.
14-19; encourage families, ib. 14; of strangers, ib. 10, expulsion admitted to 15 ; strangers
ment of large
Lacedaemon
frequent wars of the Lacedaemonians with their
neighbours,
;
ii.
3, 1
9,
with
difficulties
the
1
their
;
Helots, 22) ; the
2-4 (cp. ib. 5, 1 1 Messenian Wars, ib. v. 3. 4! the conspiracy of ib.
;
7>
2 ; of the Partheniae, v. 7, Pausanias, ib. i, ioj 7, 4; vii. 14, 20; ofCinadon,v. 7, of Lysander, ib. T, 10; 3 ; 2 ; the putting down of the 7, 30; the subject tyrants, ib. 10, cities governed in the oligar chical interest by the Lacedae
18; v. 7, monians, iv. n, 14 friendship among the Lacedaemonians, ii. 5, 7; agriculture forbidden to them, ;
17; simplicity of life among them, ib. 6, 17 ; iv. 9, 6-9; of the Lacedae excellence ib.
monian education, i, 4 {but cp.
viii.
i);
4,
iv.
9,
7
j
2,19; music not com
viii.
vii.
Lace it, viii. 5, 7 daemonian training only ad prised in
;
;
12
;
daemonians
error of the Lace in thinking the
ob
jects of their desire preferable to the virtue which gained them, ii.
35 (CP- vii distrust in the
-
9>
J
5)
!
monian women, ib. 5-13 the Lacedaemonian constitution :
a combination of various forms of government, ib. 6, 16, 17; 22 an aristocracy with an 9, ;
element of democracy, iv. 7, 4 re 20 ; 10, 10) (cp. ii. 9, garded by some as a democracy, iv. 9, by others as an oligarchy, ;
6-io; often considered the next best to the ideal state, ii. 6 its resem 16 ; iv. i, 6, blance to the Cretan, ii. 10, 4-7 ; to the Carthaginian, ;
1 1, 3-5 ; the arrangement of the law-courts at Lacedaemon,
ib.
an aristocratical
feature, ib.
spirit of
7
;
the attention of the legislator directed solely vii to war, ii. 9, 34. 35 iii.
10,
i,
ii
;
-
5
2,
9; 1-7
16-22
14,
viii. 4,
;
imperfections of the
:
Lacedaemonian monarchy,
vantageous while other nations did not train, ib. 4, 4-7 rage for flute-playing at Lacethe Persian after daemon War, ib. 6,
citizenship in ancient times, ib. 17 ; licence of the Lacedae 9,
n,
29, 30;
3,
ii.
9,
4; limited
powers of the kings,
iii.
3;
14,
an heredi 9, 33 iii. tary generalship, 1.2; l6 4. s, *4; i s 14. i origin of their power, 8 reason of its long v. 10, 2: the continuance, ib. n, 2; their office
v. ii,
ii.
;
:
;
Gerusia
criticized,
ii.
25-
9,
Lacedaemonian bad 30 government, ii. 9,
ii v.6, faults and merits of the Epho-
of the revenue, ib. frequency of corruption, ib. 12; accu 19, 26; 10, mulation of property, ib. 9,
ralty,
;
management 36
;
4, ii
29; ii,
26;
ii.
10,
:
;
17; 9,
6,
10, 12
;
19-24, 3;
ii,
Theopompus
as
a check on the royal power,
v.
established by
Index
33* IJ >
miral,
mon
3;
ii.
9,
tables,
5: 6
T 5. iv. 9,
as
2,
8
in
>
;
the office of ad the com 33
rule? iii. 15, i-io; 16 ; should the law ever be changed
:
why
instituted, ib.
J 7; 9, not so well ii.
Crete,
3 r ,32
;
managed 32
9,
10,
;
7, 8 -
Lamet.ic Gulf, the,
Land,
vii. 10,
two portions,
vii. :
owners? ib. 5, 3, 18, 19; 8, vii. 9, 8-13 1-4; 10, 1 at 3, 14 Sparta, had fallen into the hands of a few, ii. 9, ;
;
Larissa,
iii.
encour
2
2,
6, 13.
Law, the, of Oxylus, vi. 4, 9 Laws, the, of Androdamas, 14; of 6-8, ii
12,
;
ib.
Charondas, iv.
13,
2
ii.
of
;
13; of Lycurgus (see Sparta) ; of Minos, ii. 10, i of Phaleas, ii. vii. 10, 3 12 of Philolaus, ib. 12, 7 8-io; of Pittacus, ib. 12, of of Plato (see Plato) 13 1-6; iii. Solon, ii. 7, 6 1 2, n, 8; of Zaleucus, ii. 12, 6. Law, the, derives its force from 24 ; a surety of habit, ii. 8, 8 justice (Lycophron), iii. 9,
Draco,
ii.
12,
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
may have
a party character, ib. 20; only exists 10, 5; II, for equals, ib. 13, 13, 14; must be supported J 6, 2, 3 by force in the ruler, ib. 15, is a mean, ib. 16, 14, 15 ;
;
8
;
is
order,
vii.
without passion, the rule 16,
of,
5 (cp.
4,
iii.
the rule of i.
2,
8
is
;
15,
5
God,
ib.
15, 16)
;
;
should the law or the monarch
iii.
their
19; 31
ii,
iv.
;
4,
16,
are
;
must be obeyed 9, 10 and must be good, iv. 4, 30 iv. i,
;
;
5,6.
8,
Law, the, or convention, by which prisoners of war become slaves, 6,
i, 5.
unwritten, importance of,
16,
9.
Laws, the, of Hellenic cities gene rally in
:
?
6,
15,
relative to the constitution, but distinct from it, iii. n, 20 ;
iii.
v. 6,
;
iii.
Laws, the, cannot
:
10-12
5,
Law,
8-10.
vi. 4,
aged,
to be
5)
interpreters,
i-
5-
I4>
Landowners, small,
16,
;
(cp.
provide for circumstances, ii. 8. 22; iii. n, 19; 15, 4-8; 16, 4-13; should be supreme,
n(but
10,
15) Hippodamus s cp. ii. 6, division of, ii. 8, 3, 12; it be cultivated by the should
T
7
16-25
8,
and the magistrates only
3.
should be divided into
the,
ii.
Laws,
Law and
a chaotic
state, vii. 2,
9.
the, of Plato (see Plato). Courts, the, oligarchical democratical tricks with,
2 2, 5; 13, 9, 14, 12; the rich should be encour to in even demo attend, aged used by the cracies, vi. 5, 5 iv.
;
;
demagogues
to ruin the rich, v.
1-5!
4; 5,
3,
Law courts, of, iv.
1
7;
6,
-
3-
5.
6.
Legislator, the, to the country ii.
vi
the possible varieties
7,
must have regard and the people, 14-17; must
pay attention to the foreign
re lations of the state, ib. ; ib. ; vii. 2, 18; must secure leisure for his citizens, ii. 9, 2 ; ii, 10, vii.
12;
12,
vii.
7);
9,
3,
must not
7 (cp. trust to
vii. n, 15, 17 8-io; must regard the iii. 12 good, 13, ought not to want such a princi as ib. ostracism, 23 v. 3, ple
accidents,
ii.
;
J3>
common
;
;
Index must know
all
3 ; possible 8 and state, iv. i , the causes of their preservation and destruction, v. 9, 9 vi. 5, 2 must be able to reform as well as to create a state, iv. i , should favour the middle 7 class, ib. 12, 4 ; must consider the deliberative, executive, and judicial elements in relation to the constitution of each state,
forms of
;
;
;
;
i ; ib. 14, his designs,
2
must be modest ii.
6,
aim of his must give all the
the in
7
viii.
;
4,
make conquest
should not
;
in
2
vii.
state,
;
citizens a share
the administration, ib. 14, 4 must have a care of edu ;
cation, ib.
8; 15,
i,
8; viii.
1,2; must not neglect i, i. physical education, vii. 16, Legislators, the best, belonged to the middle class, iv. u, 15. Leisure, the, of the citizens, the first object of the legislator, ii. 2
9,
n,
;
3,4>
citizen
10-12;
7 (cp.vii. 12,
vii.
9,
7); the
must know the right uses
of, vii. 14,
13-22
;
viii.
3
;
5,
337
of seven years, ib. 16, 17 ; 17, 15 simplicity of, at Sparta, :
ii.
17
6,
iv. 9,
;
7.
good, not desired by
Life, the
mankind
i. 16 9, the object of the existence of the
in general,
8
state, ib. 2,
12
iv. 4,
;
iii.
;
9, I
vii. I,
;
;
1 1 4, 8, 4 ; is it the same for states and for individuals ? ;
vii. i
;
2
10.
3,
;
Limit, a, necessary in the arts, i. 8, 21; 14; 9, 13; iii. 13, in population, ii. vii. 4, 10 10 6, 6, 7, 5; 9, 19; ;
;
vii.
4-11;
4,
15; iii.
3.
i.
ii.
9;
6,
vii.
4-7;
in wealth, 8,
i;
5,
in the state, 8,
ii.
13,
19.
14; vii. 5,
Locri (in Italy),
ii.
7,
iii.
8,
7
;
iv. 4,
22,
6; 3; 8, 7; v. i, 14, 15 ; vi. 2, 1-4, 9; 9, 20; must not be confused 4, with licence, v. 9, 15 ; should be held out as a reward to slaves,
23;
6; 12,
10. 6; v. 7, Lot, use of the, characteristic of democracy, ii. ii, 7; 12, 3 iv. 9, 45 J !9! vi. 2, 5, 8 modes in which it may be used in elections of magistrates, ;
5>
;
16-22.
iv. 15,
iii.
9,
8. ii.
10,
2.
Lycurgus,the author of the Lace
7.
Liberty, supposed to be the characteristic feature of demo cracy,
;
4-8;
Lesbos, Leucas,
7,
;
S 1
14; 9,
7,
Lyctus, in Crete,
ii.
7
5,
i.
Lycophron, the Sophist,
;
16,
6,
4.
4; needed for virtue, vii. 9, 4. 6 Leontini, v. 10, 12, 13. iii.
6-14; 2, 17;
8,
vii. 10, 14. Life, action, not production, i. 4, is 5 ; pleasure of, iii. 6, 5 ;
the speculative or the practical, better? vii. 2, 5-18; 3: divided by the poets into periods
daemonian 2
;
constitution, i
12,
;
of Charilaus,
10,
the guardian
ib.
2 his 10, his failure to
visit to Crete, ib.
bringthe
ii.
was
women
;
;
under his laws,
by some to have been a disciple of Thales, ib. 12, 7; belonged to the middle class, iv. n, 15. ib. 9,
1 1
,
12
;
said
Lydian Harmony, the see Har mony. Lygdamis, tyrant of Naxos, v. 6, :
i.
Lysander,
v. I,
10
;
7,
2.
Index
338 Macedonia, v. account
10,
8; vii.
power of
Magistrates,
[see
10.
2,
Account, power of
calling magistrates to] division of law-suits among the Lace ;
daemonians and Carthaginian ii. n, 7; iii. i, election 10 (cp. iv. 14, 3) of magistrates by merit charac teristic of aristocracy, ii. n, 10 for 7, 9! iv
magistrates,
;
-
!
I5>
wealth, of oligarchy, ii. 6, 19; iv. 15, 11, 10; choice by 9 lot, of democracy, ii. 6, 19 ; ;
iv.
19; vi. 2, must be taken from
3; 9
12, 5,
;
15,
who
those
carry arms, ii. 8, 9; 9; are very numerous ii. ii, democracies, 14; ought to be only the guardians
iv. 13,
in
and interpreters of the law, iii. iv. ii, 16, 5, 10-12 19 character and powers of 31 4, ;
;
;
the magistrates in aristocracies, 10 vi. 8, iv. 14, 15, 13 22 in constitutional govern in ments, iv. 14, 10, 16 ;
;
;
;
ib.
democracies,
1-7
15,
;
8 10-14; vi 2, 5-9 17, 24; in oligarchies, iv. 10-14; vi. 14, 8,9; 15, 8, 17, 24; the magistrates to each constitution, iv. peculiar 11-13; vi. 8, 17, 24; 15, definition of the term magis should he iv. trate, 15, 1-4; hold more than one office ? ii. -
13;
11, 2
8,
;
iv.
appointment, vi.
5,
15,
the various 11
;
!
5-10;
vi.
modes of
iv. 15,
14-21
;
popular election
10; 6, 6; dangerous, v. 5, the magistrates should not be allowed to make money, ib. 3, i
;
8,
15;
vi. 7,
5
(cp. v.
undue power ac 12, 14) quired by them a cause of revo ;
8-11 lution, v. 3, 3; 4, great authority of the ancient i; v. i, magistrates, iii. 16, vi. 2, 8; 10, 10; 5, 5 8 the magistrates may pre vent revolutions by prudence, v. 8 manner in which they 8, should act in oligarchies, vi. ;
calling to
;
;
;
10, ii
5,
54-7; enume
7,
;
of the different magis trates required by states, vi. 8 ; the magistrates must know the characters of their fellow-
ration
citizens, vii. 4,
13
;
must sup
10 press obscenity, ib. 17, Magistrates, certain, required law to take their meals to by :
gether, vi. 2,
7
vii.
;
2.
12,
Magnesia (on the Maeander), 3,
iv.
3-
Magnesians, the,
ii.
3.
9,
Majority, the (in a state), diffi culties about the power which should be possessed by, iii. 10 ; ii 13, 4-7; vi. 3. Male and female, reason ;
union
of,
i.
2
2,
;
for the the relation
part of the household, ib. 3, i. 2; 12, Male, the, intended by nature to rule over the female, i. 5, 7 ; of,
12,
i.
iv.
Malians, the,
13,
9.
Man
a political animal, i. 2, iii. 6, has 9, 14, 15 3 a natural wish for posterity, i. 2 alone has the faculty of 2, ;
;
;
speech,
ib.
the sense of
10;
12 the good and evil, ib. 12 ; power of reason, vii. 13, the worst of animals when not controlled by law and justice, T 16 imust allow 2, ;
5>
reason
to
;
direct
nature
and
habit, 11-13; should give the soul rule over the body, vii. 13,
i-
5i
4~7;
the plants and
Index animals created for his sake, 12
8,
from that of the
the, different
woman,
ib. 13,
16-18 19; are wicked by 12; are more 5,
8,
7,
i.
iii. 15 9 iv. 15, 9, 5; 5, 4, 9Messenian War, the (Second), v.
Megara,
9,
;
nature, ii. desirous of gain than of honour, 8 v. 8, iv. 13, 16; vi. 4, 3 ; are satisfied with a mode rate amount of virtue, vii. i, Men, the first, were or 5 ii.
people,
8,
of, v.
9
4,
;
government by representation at, vi. 4,
i.
Middle ii;
the best, ib.
4
;
v. 8,
n, 14
8-15; 6
9,
;
ness of the middle ancient states, iv. 13,
Might and
Minos,
i.
ii.
i.
right,
vii. 2,
Miletus,
12,
small-
;
class
in
n. 3
6,
vi. 3,
;
13.
9
ii,
8.
v. 5,
;
vii.
3;
10,
10,
2,
6.
4.
Marriage, regulations respecting, vii. 16 the marriage relation, i- 2, 2; 3, 1-3; 12; iii. 4,
Mithridates (?Satrap of Pontus), v. 10,
;
6.
Massalia, v. 6,
2,3;
vi.
7,
25.
Mitylene, iii. 14, 6 ; 10, 19.
10; v-4,
5,
the
see
Mixo-Lydian Harmony,
:
Harmony.
4-
in relation to the
Master, the, i.
slave,
interest with the slave,
for the salvation of the state, iv. 6 vi - 5. ii, 16-19; v
3,
;
;
12-14
7,
;
6 ; vii. 14, 10; 6, 6 ought to train the slave in the science virtue, i. 13, 14; ib. 6,
iii.
-
24 7, peculiar to, ib. 3, 14; the rule of, ib. 5 ; 13, 4 iii. 4, ii vii. 14, 6; 3, wrongly supposed [by Plato] to ;
;
2
ii
states,
Molossians, the, in Epirus, 2. 8; ii, against,
from
3,
;
education,
v.
;
viii.
6,
of
the,
in
9,
6
in
7
;
7,
Mechanic, the see Artisan. Medes, the, iii. 13, 19
;
15.
:
;
3,
9,
8
45
>
10, money, 5. Money-making, the
13, 17; 10, 18. (See
i,
v. 10,
i.
3,
12-18;
natural kind,
1-8; 2
19.
Z 2
;
10,
3
manage
8,
;
10, ib. 8,
1-4;
the unnatural,
how
art of,
related to household
viii.
Physician.)
Megacles,
n
ib.
ment, i.
King, Royalty,
8 ; its origin of, i. 9, conventional nature, ib. ; from not to be made ought
5-
Medicine,
15-17see
Money,
4.
1 1
:
and Tyranny.
political rule,
importance iv.
iii.
Monarchy
v. 10,
arguments for and
Monarchy,
;
different
;
9>
2.
;
Mean,
7.
Mnason, a Phocian, v. 4, 7. Moderation in politics, necessary
i; 13,
12,
Mnaseas, a Phocian, v. 4,
1-3 has a
2-5
2,
common
5,
ii. 9, class, virtues of the, iv. the middle-class state 12;
Midas,
6;
Mantinea, battle
n.
3,
9,
:
21.
be
3-
7,
:
foolish
;
Messenians, the, ii. Metics see Aliens.
;
dinary,
;
v. 3,
iii.
;
unlimited
are
in their desires, 11.
9-11
3,
Men
16:
4,
ib.
virtue of
Man, the
:
339
2
i,
;
9,
1-4; the 3-15 9, ;
n,
ib. 9,
i
i,
foil.;
Index
340
10, ii, 3; the inter 4, 5 mediate, ib. ii, 4; the un natural pursues its end without limit, ib. 9, 13-15. Monopolies, a common method ;
of gaining wealth, i. ii, 8-13. Multitude, the, their claim to the
Mytilene
see
:
Mitylene.
man a desire
Nature, implants in of posterity, i. 2,
and the 8
6,
ruled, ib.
12
;
2
makes a
;
between the ruler
distinction
;
13,
;
4,
4
;
6
;
5
;
between
; 10, better collectively than the in
the female and the slave, ib. 2, 3 her designs must be sought
dividual, ib.
in things
supreme power,
are
i
iii.
;
ii; 13, 4; 15; should have power only to elect and control the magistrates, ib. 11,
7-
ii. Musaeus, quoted, viii. 5, Music, subject to a ruling princi 4; better judged of ple, i. 5, by the many than by the indi
vidual, iii. ii, 3; useful (i) in education, viii. 3; 5 ; 7, 3; (2) for the intellectual employ
ment of 9
!
leisure, ib.
3
7>
(3)
w
i
an
8,
5, 3 tn a v i ;
purification, ib. 7,
3-6
W ;
upon morals, ib. 5, 6; 7, !5- 2 5; 6 3-7 not taught at Lacedaei>
>
;
ib. 5, 7 ; naturally plea sant to men, ib. 8, ii, 25; 6; produces enthusiasm, ib. 7, 16, 22 ; 7, 4; allays the 5,
mon,
5,
which areuncorrupted, does nothing in a
5
;
niggardly fashion, ib. 2, creates nothing in vain, ib.
3
;
10;
12 ii. 8; gives toman 5, the social instinct, ib. 2, 1016; iii. 6, 3-5 not always able to accomplish her inten 10 ; 6, 8 sup tions, i. 5, 8,
;
;
;
9-12; plies food for all, ib. 8, 10, 3 ; has given all freemen a right to rule, ii. 2, 6; iii. 16,
to
has
effect
7,
ib.
3
2,
the young to obey, command, vii. 9, 6;
fits
;
the old to
permits proper relaxation, viii. 2 herself suggests the pro 3, per harmonies for each age, ib. forms one element in 13 7, ;
;
vii.
virtue,
13,
11-13;
I5i
7, 9 4-6 ; passions, ib. 6, a rattle for children of a larger
must be supplemented by and education, ib. 17, 15. Naval force, the, which should be possessed by the state, vii.
2 cannot be growth, ib. 6, judged except by a performer,
Naxos,
;
;
7) 4 (but cp. c. 5, must not be pursued to the of point professional excellence, ib. 6,7, 15; includes a higher and a lower kind, ib. 8; 7, 6 is composed of melody ib.
;
;
and rhythm, 7,
ib. 5,
18
;
6,
5
;
23
;
i.
Music, writers upon, 2, 3, 8, ii,
7,
Musical
Harmony
Myron, tyrant 12.
viii. 5,
14. see
:
Harmony.
at Sicyon, v. 12,
7 art
;
6-9.
6,
v. 6,
Nobility,
i.
among Barbarians only
partially recognized by Hellenes, i. 6, 7; confers a claim to supe
the state,
riority in
12,
may
iii.
9,
15
;
2-5; iv. 8, 3 9; 13, be defined (i) as excellence
;
of race, iii. 13, v. i, 7 3 (2) as ancient wealth and virtue, ;
;
9 confused by mankind with wealth, ib. 4, 8; v. 7, iv. 8,
i
;
;
like virtue,
found,
v.
i,
is
not often
14.
Nobles, quarrels among, a cause
Index of revolutions,
v. i,
i
16; 4,
;
9 form a demo cracy among themselves, ib. 8, 6 should be humane to the 5
6>
8,
;
;
;
iv.
subject classes, 5,
vi.
8;
13,
v. 3,
inary to command, iii. 4, 6. 6; 14, 14; vii. 9, viii. 3,
10,
2,
5.
which iii.
i,
5.
mankind for, iii.
6,
the poor from, iv. 13, 1-4; justice of the various claims to,
10-13
:
Offices, the, of the
state, posts of honour, ib.
4 vi.
;
8
10, their distribution, iv. 15 ; their deter ; organization
mines
character of each 10 ; 3, constitution, iv. i, 5 ; in
the
com
small states must be ii,
8,
2
14; iv. 15, 5-7; vi. democracies restricted
in
;
to six months tenure, v. 8, (cp. vi. 2,
5)
6;
and rarely held
;
more than once by the same iii.
person,
should be
6
i,
vi.
;
divided
classes, v. 8, Offices, sale of,
21
;
5
2,
into
vi. 5,
6,
;
;
8,
3;
7 ; vi. 2,
n,
ib.
;
8,
i-6, 19;
8,
16-19; v
7; Plato
5
7,
wrong
i>
i 12, (cp. vi. 6, 4 ) the extreme form apt to pass into
v.
;
tyranny,
iv.
ii,
3;
in think
ii
;
v. 10,
5;
13; the causes of revo
12,
lutions
in
v.
oligarchies,
3,
the 6; 12, 14 15-18 means of their preservation, ib. ;
;
95 8
5-21
.
5
9;
vi.
6,
the Lacedaemonians the champions of oligarchy in 5
;
7
;
18; v. 7, Hellas, iv. ii, 14 the people to whom oligarchy ;
is suited, iv. 2,
4; 12, 3 the military strength of oligarchy derived from cavalry and heavy infantry, ib.
or, more correctly,
14,
governments, excepting tyranny,
vi. 7,
at
7-n;
6,
6; oligarchy less stable than democracy, iv. ii, 6; the 14; v. i, 15; 7, shortest lived of all forms of vi.
n.
and pluralism,
of the wealthy, 6, 7; iv. 4,
8-n;
two
10, 13. Carthage, ii. ii, Oligarchy, the government of the few for their private interests, iii. 2
i-35
5,
6,
bined, in large ones specialized, ii.
8; 4, 20-22; 12, 3; 13, the forms enumerated, ib. ;
12
10; oligarchical tricks to keep
iii.
;
best, iv. 8, 4; v. 14; analogous to tyranny 11 ; in love of wealth, v. 10, has more forms than one, iv. I ,
3-5.
Office, the indefinite, in all the citizens share, Office, lust of
ii,
ment of the
Southern
(in
Italy), vii. 10,
6-12;
ii.
i,
of, v. 3,
the
Oenotrians,
distinguished from
i 5-10; iv. 5, 10; v. 7, 2-10; 14, 5~8; popularly supposed, like aristocracy, to be a govern
9.
Oenophyta, battle
how
;
7; 8,
15.
Obedience, the necessary prelim
Odysseus,
;
2
2, it,
5-"-
Notium,
ing that an oligarchy can ever be called 3; oli good, iv. 2, garchy the perversion of aristo 12 ; iv. 5 cracy, iii. 7, 15,
I
;
;
3, 3; 13, 10; oligarchical modes
of appointing magistrates and judges,
ii.
7-u;
6, J
19,
20;
iv.
i4-;
14,
8; magistracies peculiar iv. 11 garchy, 14, 14; 15, vi. 8, 17, 24; luxury of the women in oligarchies, iv. I J3; bad education of the 5>
16,
to
oli
;
5>
children,
ib.
ii,
6;
v.
9,
Index
34*
1 the oligarchs sometimes 3 forbidden to engage in trade, v. :
14;
12,
the
power
their tricks to
keep
own hands,
in their
2 13, 1-4; 14, 9, 12; they ought rather to give the people a share in the go vernment, ib. 14, 14; vi. 5, ii 7, 4 they should not take oaths against the people, v. 9, 10, ii; they should not be allowed to make money iv.
;
;
by
;
office,
vi. 7.
ib.
i
3,
;
15
8,
;
18. Parrhon, of Aenos, v. 10, Partheniae,the (atLacedaemon), 2. conspiracy of, v. 7, Passion, intended bynature to be
6 controlled by reason, i. 5, present in the human soul from 8 the first, iii. 15, 16, 5, vii. 15, 10 blinds men 5 ;
;
;
34; u,3i; the multitude freer from passion than the individual, iii. 15, 8. Patrimony, laws forbidding the 6 ; 9, sale of a, ii. 7, 14 (cp. v. 8,
5-
Olympic Games, the, viii. 4, Olympus, melodies of, viii.
8.
5,
16.
Onomacritus, the Locrian,
ii.
12,
incorrectly
v.
4,
7-
Opici,the,orAusones,vii. 10,
Opus
iii.
(in Locris),
Oratory,
Oreus
:
v. 5,
see
5.
iii.
vi. 4,
3,
9.
6.
works iii.
ii, like other artists, observe rule of proportion, ib. 13, ;
those who,
like
vii.
17,
vii.
;
viii.
of,
5,
12, 4; bad of the practice, ib. iv. 6, 6; 5; vi. 2, 19 how they may be counteracted,
9.
Panaetius, tyrant of Leontini, v. 6; 12, 10, 13. Parent, the, relation of, to the child, i. 2, 2; 12; 2; 3, provides food for the offspring, ib. 8, 10 ; 10, 3.
ii.
effects
7>
;
vi. 5,
5-
Peace, the true object of war, vii. i, 5; the 14, 13, 22; 15, 3. dangers of, ib. 15, men of the Pediaei, the (or plain
),
at Athens, v. 5, v.
2
5!
>
v.
10,
9.
9;
12,
Peisistratidae,
the,
Peisistratus,
Poly-
gnotus, express moral ideas, to be preferred, viii. 5, 21. Paintings, obscene, not to be al
lowed,
4
7,
;
Painters, combine their from scattered elements,
;
paintings
and Ephialtes,
i.
-
21
Pauson,
;
i,
con
his
Payment of the democracy in troduced at Athens by Pericles
7.
12. 3; 8, Oxylus, king of Elis, v. 4,
10
v.
king,
20;
21.
Orthagoras, Ostracism, how far justifiable, 13, 13-25; 17. 7; v
Paches,
called 14,
spiracy, v. i, 20. 14,
i.
16,
Hestiaea. v. 12,
a
vii.
10;
Onomarchus, a Phocian,
20).
Pausanias, the assassin of Philip of Macedon, v. 10, 16. Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus,
7-
4
;
to danger, v. 10,
15,
5,
34; II,
9; 12,
5iii. 3, 3 10, Peloponnesus, 5 Peloponnesian War, the : see War, Peloponnesian. 22 9, 2. Penestae, the, ii. 5, in Pentacosio-medimni, the, Solon s constitution, ii. 12, 6.
ii.
;
;
;
Penthalidae, the, at Mitylene, 10,
19.
v.
Index Penthilus v.
tyrant of Mitylene),
(?
10,
19.
Periander, tyrant of Ambracia, v. 4,
16.
9; jo,
Periander, tyrant of Corinth, 13,
16;
12,
3-
v.
4;
12,
4.
Perioeci (in Argos), v. 3, 7 (in Crete), ii. 9, 3, 3; 10, 16 tohave 5, 8, advantageous of as cul race perioeci foreign 8 tivators, vii. 9, 13. 10, :
:
;
Perrhaebians, the, iii.
Persia, 8,
24;
ii.
13, ii,
10; viii. 5, Persian War, Persian.
9,
3.
19; 6;
v.
4,
ro,
vii.
2,
5.
the
see
:
7
;
War,
1-3;
8,
i,8-io;
iii.
i
17,
;
i; all
;
iv.
2,
governments
perversions of the perfect state, i iv. 8, 5). (cp. ii. ii, Phalaris, of Agrigentum, v. 10, 6.
iv.
3-
Phrygian harmony, the:
Har
see
mony. 6. Phrynichus, v. 6, Phylarchs, magistrates at Epi-
10.
v. i,
Physician, the, must be judged by 10-12 the physician, iii. ii, is healed by the physician, ib. not 8 is 16, expected to per suade or coerce his patients, vii. must know both the 2, 13 end and the means of his art, 2 ib. 13, precepts of the ;
;
;
;
Phaleas of Chalcedon, 12,
9-
Phreatto, court of, at Athens,
damnus,
of government, ii
10, ii. Philoxenus, viii. 7, Phocis, v. 4, 7. Phocylides, quoted, iv. ii, 9. Phoxus, tyrant of Chalcis, v. 4,
16,
Perversions, the, of the true forms 6,
ii ; philo marriage, vii. 16, sophers who have treated of musical education, viii. 5, 23; 2, 3,8, 11,14. 7, Philosophy, especially necessary in the prosperous, vii. 15, 3, 4-
ii.
Pericles,
iii.
13; 11,
10,
343
ii.
7,
2
;
7, 12.
Pharsalus,
;
v. 6,
in
10.
Pheidon, tyrant of Argos,
v. 10,
6.
Pheidon, of Corinth, ii. 6, Philip, King of Macedonia,
Egypt,
v. 10,
iii.
Philosopher, the,
may be allowed
to discuss practical questions, i. i; has no difficulty in ii,
8-10; acquiring wealth, ib. must go below the surface of i his life iii. as 8, ; things, distinguished from that of the 6: statesman, vii. 2, philo sophers, the, not agreed about 2 the opinions slavery, i. 6, of natural philosophers about ;
13;
Plato, criticisms of;
8, 10.
12,
4.
v. 3,
;
15. iii.
14,
9, 10.
government ii.
15,
i Piraeus, ii. 8, Pittacus, ii. 12,
13.
16.
Philolaus,
physicians about marriage, ib. ii law about physicians 16,
2
;
3,
4;
of men and J
i-
3>
ways 14
forms of
differ in kind, r
7)
women
i.
i
,
the virtue not the same, ;
9~n ; slaves not al to be harshly treated, ib.
;
disadvantages of
com
munity of wives and children, ii.
i.
3-c. 5
;
of
common pro
ib. 5; vii. 10, perty, 9; the unity of the state may be carried too far, ii. 2, 2-c. 3,
4
;
6 4>
;
5,
women ought
13 ; men and not to have the
Index
344 same
pursuits, ib. 5,
24
dan
;
ger from the rulers being always the same, ib. 25, 26; hap piness should not be confined Plato to one class, ib. 27 has neglected the foreign rela ;
tions of his state, ib. 6, 7 ; amount of property allowed by
him
insufficient,
ib.
9
he
;
should have limited population 10as well as property, ib. he has not said 4 14 7, how the rulers and subjects are ;
;
related, ib. 6, 14; not property in land
to a certain extent ?
should
why
be increased
ib.
1
5
;
diffi
culty of living in two houses, ib. 16; the best state not made up of tyranny and demo 18 ; the state of cracy, ib.
Laws
the
really
a mixture of
oligarchy and democracy, ib. 18-22 Plato s distinctions between good and bad constitu ;
his account of the classes necessary to a state, tions, iv. 2, ib. 4,
3
;
has not recog Polity in his enu
12-15
nized the
;
meration of constitutions, ib. 7, i his theory of revolutions, v. 12, 7-18; his error in saying that the guardians should be fierce to those whom they do that not know, vii. 7, 5-8 a valiant city needs no walls, ib. 8 the that ii, crying of children should be checked, ib. ;
:
:
6;
17,
his
inconsistency
in
retaining the Phrygian mode, the merits of 8-13
viii. 7,
Plato
:
s
writings,
ii.
6,
6
;
he
departs from ordinary practice more than other legislators, ib. 7,
i
;
peculiarities suggested
by him,ib. his
censure
monian
12: of the
12,
justice of
Lacedae
constitution, ib. 9,
34:
how far right in wishing that his city should not be near tie 1-4 speech of Aristophanes in the Symposium criticism of quoted, ii. 4, 6 the Republic, ib. i, 3-c. 5; of the Laws, ib. 6. sea, vii. 6,
:
:
Pleasure, always sought by man 12 ; kind, i. 9, 16; ii. 7, denied by Plato to his guardians, ii. 5, 27; is regarded differ ently by different persons, viii. the pleasure of living, 3, 5 iii. 6, 4; relation of pleasure to happiness, vii. i,6; thenatural ;
pleasure given by music,
viii. 5,
8: 15, 17, 25; 6, Pleasures, the, which are unac companied by pain, ii. 7, 12. ii,
Poetry, better judged by the many than the individual, iii. n, 3. Polity: see Government, the Con stitutional.
Polycrates,
v. ii,
9.
Polygnotus, the painter,
viii.
5,
21.
Poor, iii.
everywhere abound, 6 v. I, covet 14
the,
8,
;
;
the goods of the rich, iv. ii, their degraded state in 9 ;
Hellenic
ib.
cities,
5-7;
willing to fight if they are sup ported by the state, ib. 13, 9; equal to the rich in democracies, vi. 2, 9 the surplus revenue distributed among them in the ;
extreme democracy,
may
ib. 5, 7 ; if their
cause a revolution
numbers increase, v. 3, 6-8; begrudge the extravagance of courts, ib. II,
humanely iv.
13,
19
8
;
;
should be
20; 7, should be helped
treated,
ii.
5-11. by the rich, vi. 5, Population, decline of, at Sparta, ii. 16; importance of regu 9, lating, ib. 6, 10-14; 7, 4-
Index 6; 9, 15;
14-19; vii. 5, i; 16, changes of government brought about by the natural increase of population in Hellas, J 3; iv. 6, 5; 13, 15, 10 ; vi. 5, a limit of 5
i".
;
population necessary to good 6, 10 7, government, ii. 6, 1 vii 4 4-" 55 9. ;
-
5
9>
i; 16, 15. Poverty, not the cause of the worst crimes, ii. 7, 10; always antagonistic to riches, iv.4, 19 the parent of revolution and 5,
;
1 3 (but cp. v. 1 2, of the essential characteristics of democracy, vi.
crime, 17); 2,
ii.
6,
one
7-
Priests, are not political officers,
necessary to the state, vii. 8, 7,9; should be taken from the aged citizens who are past state service, ib. iv.
2
15,
;
189; their duties, vi. 8, 20 ; required to take their meals 6. at common tables, vii. 12, Property, a part of the household, i ; a condition i ; i. 8, 4, 9,
but not a part of the state, vii. in the sense of food, 8, 4 provided by nature for all, i. 8, 9; 10, 3; the pleasure of Plato s 8 property, ii. 5, limit of property unsatisfactory, ib. 6, 9 ; the limit should be such as to enable a man to live both temperately and liberally, i ; ib. vii. 5, inequality of ;
;
;
14property at Sparta, ii. 9, 15; 3, 10; 12, 19; v. 7, a great cause of revolutions, ii. 2-6. 7, Property, community of cism of Plato s scheme, ;
(see
Plato)
opposed 4,
;
to
16;
criti ii.
5
common property human nature, ib.
exists in a modified
friends, ib.
among
degree
6,
10, 9 found to some extent at Sparta and Tarentum,
7
vii.
;
;
J 6; would 7! y idestroy the virtues of temper 8ance and liberality, ii. 5, i o would not produce the marvellous results which Plato "
5>
5>
;
1 1
ib.
expects,
equalization
;
proposed by Phaleas,
of,
12
12,
ib. 7
;
would not remedy
;
the deeper evils of human nature, ib. 7, 8-13, 18. Property qualification, required in the holders of various offices, iv.
16;
4, 24; 5, 7; vi. 4, 5; not to be iv. excessive, ought in oligarchies should 13, 7
iii.
ii,
6,
i;
3,
;
be fixed according to two stan 2 dards, vi. 6, changes in, a ;
cause of revolutions, v. 3, 8, 10 the 16-18; 7, 6, 9 evil may be remedied by pe riodical revisions of the census, ;
;
10, ii.
ib. 8,
Proportion, importance 2i
13,
15; 3, 7
;
vii.
;
iv.
12
6; 7,
;
v.
8;
iii.
of,
i,
12-
8,i2;
9,
10.
4,
Psammetichus, son of Gordius, tyrant at Corinth,
v. 12,
Pyramids, the, of Egypt,
3. v. ii,
9-
Reason, an element of virtue, vii. 10-13; 15, i3 7; is the master artificer, i. 13, 8; di vided into two parts, the specu
and the practical, vii. 14, 10 ; is the end towards which nature strives, ib. 15, 8; in tended by nature to control the lative
passionate or irrational element in the soul, i. 5, 6 6 13, vii. 8 is not 14, 9 15, found in the animals, i. 2, n; ;
;
;
;
Index
34* vii.
12
13,
;
exists in slaves to
alimited extent, 1.5, 9; 13, 3; is not readily obeyed by those who have great advantages over others, iv. II, 5; may be
overcome by passion, 33
ri
;
31
>
!
takes, vii. 15,
v.
8,
9,
9-
18-21
;
ib.
i
3,
democratic
;
mea
sures taken by Cleisthenes and others after a revolution, ib. 2,
3~5
10,
vi. 4,
;
1
8
;
revolutions
imme
may make mis
may happen
7.
diate change in the constitution,
Religion, matters of, used to be entrusted to the kings, iii. 14, 3, 14 (cp. vi. 8, 20); the tyrant should have a care of 25; the ex religion, v. n, pense of public worship should be borne by the state, vii. 10, the officers of religion, 10: vi.
de jure and de facto, iii. 2, 34 should old debts be paid5
;
vii.
9
8,
;
Religious worship, one of the conditions of the state, vii. 8, 8.
Representation, principle of, once existed in the government of
Mantinea, vi. 4, 4. Republic, the, of Plato
iv. 5,
without an
v. i,
35
Rhegium,
ii.
8.
14;
12,
v.
12,
13-
Rhodes,
10,
ii.
v. 3,
3;
4, 5
;
a-
5,
Rich, the, one of the elements of the state, iv. 4, 15; every where few compared to the poor, 8, 6; v. i, 14; often hindered by the cares of property from attending to public busi 6 (butcp. i. 7, 5); ness, iv. 6, possess the external advantages of which the want occasions
iii.
crime, iv. 8, 4 (cp. ii. 7, 10); have too much power in so-called
see
aristocratical governments, iv. 6; v. 7, 12, 7; their en
see Leisure. Retail trade, not a natural mode of money-making, i. 9, 4, 1 2 arises out of the barter of
croachments more dangerous to
necessary articles, ib. 9-12. Revolutions, their objects, v. i their causes, ii. 7, 2, 5, 10; v. 2; 3; 4; 10, 13; 12, 14-18; their occasions, v. 1 1 the preventives of 4 7, 6 them, ii. n, 15 ; v. 7,
v. 9, 10 should be protected against the demagogues, v. 8, should be 20 vi. 5, 3 relieved from useless state ex 20 vi. 5, 9 ; penses, v. 8, should be generous to the poor,
:
Plato.
Rest
:
;
;
;
;
;
5
6
;
;
ii; vi. 4, 16-20; 5 9 revolutions in democracies, ;
;
in oligarchies, ib. 6 ; v. 5 in constitutional governments,
the state than those of the poor, 6 constantly in antago iv. i 2, nism to the poor, ib. n, 7 i ;
;
;
;
;
8 10 should vi. 5, 13, be public-spirited and munifi
iv.
;
;
cent, vi. 7,
6
;
are often spoilt
in
in aristocracies,
childhood, iv. 13; can alone afford the expense of keeping
in monarchies, ib. 10; 7; in tyrannies, ib. ; 1 1 ; Plato s theory of revolutions, criticized, ib. 12, 7-18; questions raised after revolutions; citizens
Riches and poverty, the opposing elements of the state, v. i, 14; 8, 14; riches more de sired by men than honour, iv.
;
ib.!7; ib.
7,5J
by indulgence 1 1
,
6
;
v. 9,
horses, iv. 3,
2.
Index 8
13,
16
v. 8,
;
vi.
;
2
4,
;
Solon wrong in thinking that no bound has been fixed to See Wealth. riches/ i. 8, 14. Royalty, the form of government in which one rules for the best, iii-
3
7>
!
v. 10,
analogous
3;
to aristocracy, v. 10, opposed to tyranny, iii. iv.
2
2,
v.
;
2,
7,
2
10,
better than the rule of
;
is
;
7; 5 it
thelaw?
16; arose (i) from the government of families by the iii.
15
;
6 ; 7, i ; 12, eldest,!. 2, 3; (2) from services rendered by the first chiefs, iii.
v.
3,
weakness lower classes,
8;
i5,n;
;
various forms
ii.
is
5>
despotic
;
Lacedae
only a general
33
i, 2
J
once 6 has
10,
life),ii. 9,
H;
(2) the
I3,n;
(i) the
:
monian (which ship for
(3)
iv.
existed in Crete,
3>
12
14,
from the of the middle and
10,
;
iii.
;
16,
14, i;
(among Bar
(5) the absolute
monarchy, ib. the people to whom
15 royalty is suited, ib. c. 17; causes of revolutions in mon means of their archies, v. 10 ;
1-3; preservation, ib. n, royalty more often destroyed from within than from without, ib. 10, 36 ; true royalty un
known vii.
in later Hellas, ib.
14,
Rule
3.
essentially different 2 ; 3, other, i. i, 7,
i
;
5-7; the
37;
SeeKing, Monarchy.
the various kinds of rule
;
12; 13, vii -
the
found
ruled
the better the rule, ib. 5, 2, 7 5 v. n, 34; the rule of free men better than despotic au thority, vii. 14, 19; rule over others, not the highest object of
the legislator, ib. 14, 14-22; rule must be learnt by obedience, iii.
10,
4,
14;
6
vii. 9,
;
6-
14.
Ruler, the, ought to have moral virtue in perfection, i. 13, 8 the virtue peculiar to him, iii. 4, ;
must learn to govern by 17 obedience, ii. 11, 14 iii. 4, 6 ; 14, 6 the 14 vii. 9, rulers ought to remain the same, ;
;
;
;
2, 4-8 ; dangers arising arrangement, ii. ii.
vii.
5,
2
14,
;
from this 24-27 ;
3; the difficulty solved, 14, the elder rule, and the younger
vii. if
vii. 9,
5;
14,
5.
6,
8, 14 ; iv. torships, iii. 14, 2 ; (4) the monarchies of 10, 11-14; theheroicage, iii. 14,
;
and
ruler
2 ; 5, throughout nature, i. 2, 2-7; the better the ruled,
obey,
14; iv. barians), 14, 2 ; (3) the ancient Dicta 10, iii.
347
3,
distinction
2
from each
4; 4-8;
5, iii.
6; 6,
6 i4>
;
between
the
;
Salamis, victory
Samos,
iii.
13,
of, v. 4, 19 ; v. 3,
8.
12
;
9-
"i
22. Sardanapalus, v. 10, Science, the, of the statesman, 2
I,
;
10,
i
;
iii.
12,
I
i. ;
of the master, i. 3, of the slave, 2, 4 4 7, ib. 7, 2, 3; in all sciences the whole must be resolved into the 3 parts, ib. i, every science capable of improvement, ii. 8, 1 8 ; the philosophical student of science must not neglect any iv. i,
3
;
;
;
;
i ; all sciences detail, iii. 8, at some good, ib. 12, i ;
aim
the political science the highest of all sciences, iii. 1 2, I aims at the good of the state, vii. 2, the subjects which it in 4 ;
;
cludes,
iv. i,
3-1
1.
Index
34 8
vii. 14, 3. 3. Scylletic Gulf, the, vii. 10, Scythians, the, vii. 2, 10, II.
Scylax,
Sedition
Revolution.
see
:
i
8
8,
;
would not
;
be promoted by extreme cation,
ii.
unifi
Senate see Council of Elders. Senators see Councillors. Servant, the, a kind of instrument :
:
in the arts,
i.
2
4,
many
;
ser
vants often less efficient than a the servants few, ii. 3, 4 who are employed in daily life, those with whom we most often children 4 disagree, ib. 5, ;
;
not to be vants,
vii.
much
too
left
17,
Sesostris, king of
to ser
Egypt,
vii. 10,
i,6. Seuthes, v. 10, 24. Shepherds, lead the laziest life i. 6 some 8, among men, times combine brigandage with 8 their other occupations, ib. form the second best material of a democracy, vi. 4, i, II ;
;
;
make excellent soldiers, ib. Sicily,
ii.
4
10,
Sicyon,
v. 12,
Simos
(?),
;
v. 12,
II. 13.
1
leader
at
3.
17. Slave, the, does he exist by nature ? i. 6-c. 6 different from the 4, ;
female (except
among Barba
how
2-4; rians), ib. 2, lated to his master, ib.
;
the slave in the
command
of
only
[against Plato, Laws, vi. 777], i. I3, 14; place of the slave in the management of the family, ib. i the slave an 8, 4 5, 9 ;
;
instrument taking precedence of other instruments, ib. 4, 2 ; the animals, ministers to the needs of life, ib. 5, 9; the science proper to him, i. 7, his share in virtue, ib. 2, 3
like
;
2-14 9; I3
13, 8,
in reason, ib. 5, 3 ; has not the
;
deliberative faculty, ib. 13, 7; is nearer to his master than the mechanic, ib. 13 ought to be trained in virtue by him, ib. Slaves, how related to 14 :
artisans,
i.
iii.
ia
4,
13
13, ;
5,
;
ii.
7,
22;
3; forbidden
gymnastic exercises in Crete,
ii.
19 difficulty in managing 22 them, ib. 9, 2-4; vii. i o, 13; the different classes of 5,
;
;
12 ; children of slaves, iii. 4, slaves only admitted to citizen
ship in extreme democracies, ib. vi. 4, 16; slaves can 5, 7 not form a state, iii. 9, 6 can ii ; not be self-sufficient, iv. 4, licence allowed to them in
re ;
-
;
tween slave and master, when natural, does not exclude kind ib. slave and ness, 6, 9 ;
democracies and tyrannies, v. ii vi. 4, 20 some ii, ;
times
;
emancipated by tyrants
to serve as a guard,
2-5 3, i-35 4, 5; vii 3, 55 not always distinguished by nature from the freeman, i. 5, 10 8 the relation be 6, ;
6
6,
;
party
Larissa, v. 6, Sirrhas, v. 10,
common interest,
;
i.
a
iii.
;
See Slave.
7.
;
must not be addressed
;
8.
2,
3
language
Self-sufficiency, the, of the state, 8 ; the end and the best, i. 2, vii. 5,
master have a ib. 2,
v. II,
32; should be encouraged by the of vii. freedom, 10, hope 14; their company dangerous for children, ib. 17,
Slavery, is i. 5; 6.
it
7.
according to nature
?
men should not think slavery to live according to the constitution, v. 9, 15.
Slavery it
;
Index Slaves, the art of acquiring, a species of hunting or war, i. 7, 5
vii.
;
21.
14,
v. 10,
Smerdis,
19.
Society, political, the highest of all
i communities, exists, not for mere companionship, but for the sake of noble actions, i. i,
;
9, 12-14; man designed by nature to take part in society, 8-1 6 iii. 6, i. 2, bene 3 fit conferred on mankind by the iii.
;
;
establishment of society, i. 2, 15 society cannot exist with out judicial decisions and punish ;
vii. 13, 6. ments, vi. 8, 9 Socrates see Plato. Soldiers, according to Plato, should be taught to use both ;
:
hands alike, herds
make
vi. 4,
1 1
;
ii.
constitutions, ib. 7, the soldier must have
1-3 a good knowledge of the mili ;
12; soldiers tary art, vii. 1 1 , as necessary to the state as artisans or husbandmen [against 10Plato, Rep. ii. 369], iv. 4, 17;
vii.
4,
4-7;
8,
7
;
9,
the soldiers should be 10 taken from the youth, the coun cillors from the old, vii. 9, 3-10 14, 5 should form ;
;
;
served, ii. 8, 9 ; iv. 13, 9. Soldiers, light-armed, always at tached to democracy, vi. 7, 2 ;
in
Egypt,
the
heavy-
armed
in popular insurrections, ib. 3 ; the younger citizens in oligarchies should be trained in the exercises of light infantry, ib.
Solon,
i.
14
8,
2-6 (cp.
ii.
;
iii.
6
7,
8)
ii,
;
;
iv.
12,
n,
n. Sophocles, quoted, i. 13, Soul, the, rules by nature over the body, i. 5, 4-6 ; poste rior to the body in order of 9; more generation, vii. 15, truly a part of an animal than the body, iv. 4, 14 ; the beauty of the soul less easily seen than that of the body, i. 5, ii ; the interests of soul and body the same, ib. 6, 10; the ir rational element in the soul subject to the rational, ib. 5, 6; 13, 6; vii. 14, 9; 15, 8 the divisions of the soul, ;
;
a separate caste, as
master
generally
15-
excellent soldiers, relation of the dif
ferent kinds of soldiers to the different
7 ; form (with cavalry) the natural military force of an oligarchy, vi. 7, 1,2 ; generally worsted by the light-armed in popular insurrec the principal tions, ib. 3 magistrates elected from those who are serving, or who have at Athens, v. 3,
12; shep
12,
349
ib.
i.
5-7;
5,
6;
i3,
iii.
4,
10, ; 9, position of the soldiers in the constitution of Hippodamus, ii. 8, 2, 8-
9; the soul never wholly free from said to be passion, iii. 15, 5
12.
or to possess harmony,
10
i
;
Soldiers,heavy-armed,citizenship constitutional governments 16 ; iii. confined to the, ii. 6,
in
7,
4; 17,
growth of
4; their
Hellenic states, taken from the
iv.
13,
10;
importance in iv. 13, 9-12
;
roll of citizens
6;
vii.
14,
9; 15, ;
viii.
5,
25-
Lacedaemon. Speculation, life of, opposed to Sparta
:
see
that of contemplation,
3!
H.
vii.
State, the, is the highest of
munities,
2
;
9-22. i.
i ,
i
;
is
com
based upon
Index
35*0
the relations of husband and wife, father and child, master and
and subject, ib. 2 15; formed of a union
slave, ruler 13,
;
of villages, ib. 2, 8 exists for the sake of a good life, ib. iii. ;
;
6-14
,
;
ii
iv. 4,
vii. i,
;
not for the
i; 8, 4, 8; sake of alliance and security,
iii.
6-14; is distinguished from an alliance because it has 9>
an ethical aim,
ii.
3
2,
iii.
;
9,
from a nation, because it is made up of different elements, 2 is n t necessarily ii3 formed by a number of persons 8
;
3 ; 9, residing together, iii. 3, a) ; 9-12 ; (but cp. ii. i, is a work of nature, i. 2, 8, 9 ; prior to the family or the ib.
12; 13, 15 composed of dissimilar parts or 2 ii. iii. elements, 2, 3 i,
individual,
:
;
6-8
iv.
;
I
3, 4, 7; 1-4; v. i, 12-15; 3, 6 ; vii. 8 the parts not to be identified with the conditions of i the state, vii. 8, the parts and conditions enumerated, iv.
4,
;
;
12,
;
;
i-6;
3, 7
;
vii.
7-20;
4,
compared
animals, iv. 4,
8,
to the parts of
7-9
the state
:
depends for its identity mainly on the sameness of the constitu must be able to de tion, iii. 3 fend itself, ii. 6, 7 147, ;
;
17
;
1,
10 4, should be ;
ii. 2,
8
;
i>;
i-
vii. 4,
13,
6;
9
iv.
5
15,
self-sufficing,
i.
2,
end, as the individual,
;
1-3
;
13-15 may, like an individual, be wanting in self-discipline, v. ;
3
14,
of virtue,
14-
;
;
;
vii.
16;
2,
;
must have a care 8
iii.
vii.
9, 13, 9 must be happy, 4) (cp. iv. 7, not in regard to a portion of the citizens, but to them all, ii. ;
;
27
5,
;
vii.
7
9,
united
is
;
by friendship among the citizens, iv. n, 6; iii. 9, 13 5, 7; v. ii, 5 (cp.vi. 5, 7); must pay great regard to edu cation, i. 13, 8; 15; ii. 7,
ii.
;
v. 9,
1 1
;
viii. i
must not be
:
to fortune,
left
ii.
ii,
15,
13, 9; is not the growth of a day, v. 3, 11 is the preserved by principle of vii.
16;
;
2, compensation, 4-7; is sometimes left at the mercy of the army by the violence of ii.
faction, v. 6,
13
;
its
perma
nence can only be secured by the toleration of all elements, ii. 9, 22 ; iv. 9, 10 ; 12, i v. ;
5
8,
;
5
9>
5
vi.
2
6,
;
any
state, however ill-constituted, may last a few days, vi. 5, i :
the various claims to autho rity in the state,
14; 10
;
12; 13;
iii. 9,
iv. 8,
~4; what share may be allowed I
3>
ordinary citizen?
vii-4; virtue,
vii.
3 conquest, ib. 2 14, 22 rests upon justice, i.
state
i has the same 5, and therefore the same life and ;
;
;
8 ;
size,ii.6,6;iii.3,4-7;
;
2;
8; vii. 4, 11 5, i 8, should not exceed a certain ;
12 ; must have the virtues of leisure, vii. 15, i can lead a life of virtuous activity isolated from others, ib. 2, 16 3, 810 is not made happier by 9,
8;
iv. 13,
5-8;
iii.
ii,
vi. 4,
1-5, 9; vi. in
to
the the
65; j}
5 (cp. ii. 12, 5). State, the ideal, of Aristotle, would require (i) a defensible position, vii. 5, 3; (2) a rate naval force, ib. (3)
mode
6-9; courageous and intelligent
citizens, ib. 7
;
(4) the exclusion
Index of mechanics and tradesmen from citizenship, ib. 9, 1-8 (5) slaves and Perioeci to till 14
not despise small things, ib. 3, I 10 ; 4, II 2 7, 8, must he have virtue, or is skill alone sufficient ? ib. 9, 1-4; must know the real effect of
and
political measures, ib. 9 ; will use tear as a means to bind the state together, ib. 8, 8 ;
;
the
soil,
ib.
8; 10,
9,
13,
; (6) common meals, ib. 10, 1-8, 10; (7) subdivision of the land into two parts, public
1 1 ; (8) private, ib. [for a. central situation, ib. 2 ; 3 J I] near, but not
the city ] 5>
>
upon, the sea, ib. 6, healthy site, ib. II, I water supply, ib. 3 fortifications
8-1
and
2
;
;
1-6; a a good
proper
;
and walls,
ib.
5,
an arrangement of houses
which
;
will not suppose that the great ness of the state depends merely on size, vii. 4, 4 the life of the statesman contrasted with the life of the philosopher, ib. 2 , 6. Statesman, the, the rale of, dif ;
ferent
from other kinds of
i-
*; 3.
combine the advantages of beauty and
Stentor,
6 ; an acropolis, security, ib. for the temples, and a freemen s
Symposium,
streets
will
ib. 12,
i-6; govern ment buildings and a trader s
agora,
agora, ib. 7. State, the best [absolutely], the enquirer into, must examine the best ideal and actual forms of
government,
ii.
i; differs from
i,
the so-called aristocracies be cause the citizens are absolutely 2 12 iv. 7, good, iii. 13, ;
(butcp. iii. 4, 5); presupposes the best life, vii. I in compari son with it, all existing govern ;
ments maybe called perversions, iv. 8,
i.
State, the best [under ordinary
circumstances], iv.
3;
i,
1 6). (cp. ii. 6, State, the best [for
n,2i
mankind
in
;
acquisition only,
i.
8,
15; 10,
i ought also to be acquainted with the art of money-making, ib. ii, 13; must be able to re
ment,
evil sat their
v. 4,
3; 8,
commence 9; must
rule,
i-
45
7>
ii.
vii.
4, Sybaris, v. 3,
ii, 12. the, of Plato
see
:
Plato. i.
Syracuse, v. 3,
iii.
;
-4,9;
5>
6, 23, 28,
10
7,
16;
15,
I
13; 4, 8; 10,
n,
30-2;
2
7,
5>
10; 6,
;
12,
6,
12.
Syrtis (?), a district of Southern Italy, vii. 10, 5.
Tarentum, 2
7,
;
21
iv. 4,
vi. 5,
iv. 4,
Tenedos,
;
v. 3,
7
;
10.
Telecles, of Miletus,
iv. 14,
4.
21.
8 Thales, of Miletus, i. 1 1 , [probably the Cretan poet],
:
12,
ii.
7-
Theagenes, tyrant of Megara,
v.
9-
Thebes; ii. 9, 10 iii. 5, 7 ;
16;
10, ;
v.
3,
5
12, ;
6,
15; vi 7, 4Theodectes, quoted, i. 6, 7. Theodorus, the actor, vii. 17, -
13-
;
cognize
i,
5,
i. 3 ii, general], iv. i, Statesman, the, is properly con cerned with the natural art of
;
;
Theopompus, king of Sparta, II,
Thera, one of the Sporades, 4>
v.
2.
5-
iv.
Index ii.
Thessaly, vii.
12,
22
5,
2
9,
;
;
Thetes, the (in Solon s constitu tion),
ii.
Thibron,
6.
12, vii.
14,
31
12,
;
of,
at
6.
Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, iii. 13, 16; v. 10, 13. v. 5,
Thrasymachus, Thurii,
12.
viii. 6,
Thrasyllus,
;
9,
12.
Timophanes of Corinth,
v.
6,
12.
Timophanes, of Mitylene,
v.
4,
6.
Trade
see
:
Commerce.
12; vii. 9, 3 ; ought to be excluded from citizenship, vii. admitted to office at 3 9, ;
Thebes after they had retired from business ten years, iii. 5, ;
vi. 7,
4
.
near
Triopium, promontory Cnidus, ii. 10, 3.
II vii. 16, Troezen, v. 3, 7Tyrannicide, esteemed honour ;
able in Hellas, v. 10,
26.
;
;
33
causes of revolution means of ; ii ; ib.
j
in tyrannies, ib. 10 their preservation,
governments into which tyranny
may change, ib. 12, ii. Tyrant, the, is the natural enemy of the freeman, iv. 10, 4 ; v. ii, 13 cuts off his rivals, iii. ii, 13 13, 16-19; v. 10, rules over involuntary sub 5 jects as the king over voluntary,
rules for his
;
;
aims at pleasure, 14, 7 10 ; the king at honour, v. 10, is guarded by mercenaries, iii. 10 sometimes v. 10, 14, 7 obliged to emancipate the slaves, v. n, 32 ; is much under the influence of flatterers, iv. 4, 1 2 28 v. 1 1, destroys the spirit and confidence of his iii.
;
;
;
;
;
n, 4, 13, 15; among them, ib. 7
subjects, v.
Tyranny, the government of the
monarch who
powers of the magistrates, ib. 5, 8 10, always a short 5 lived government, ib. 12, i; rarely becomes hereditary, ib.
;
Traders, the employments of, de void of moral excellence, vi. 4,
7
own
sends spies
;
them to quarrel, ib. 8 oppresses them by war and taxa incites
2 ; iv. 8, 5 7, akin to v. 10, 10, 3 9 27 ; v. 10, democracy, iv. 4, u, 30; n, 12; hardly to
and women, ib.
be called a constitution,
loves the bad,
interests,
iii.
;
;
;
i
;
10,
royalty, 2
2,
3
;
;
iii.
;
7,
4,
;
does not
justice i
i
iv. 8,
the perversion of i 5; 17, 2; 27; 5,
rest
;
iv.
10,
upon natural
or expediency, iii. 17, all the vices both of
has
7; in Sicily,
v. 8,
;
often arose out of oligarchy, v. 13, 13; was common in an cient times, owing to the great
>
7,
ii
n,
iv.
Io
4.
12
u,
v. 3,
;
extreme oligarchy or democracy,
17.
6. Athens, v. 6, 10. Thracians, the, vii. 2, Thrasybulus (brother of Hiero), v. 10,
ii, 30, 35
;
government
the,
Thirty,
and oligarchy, v. is unendur able to freemen, iv. 10, 4; r. 11, 13 may arise either from
democracy 10,
3.
tion, ib. ib.
fers
14
10
;
distrusts his friends,
gives licence to slaves
;
1 1
v.
;
n,
vi. 4,
12
;
foreigners to citizens, ;
is
ness, ib.
;
20
;
pre ib.
capable of any wicked ;
is
full
of self-indul
23; gence and sensuality, ib. may also preserve his tyranny by father of his playing the
Index 17-33; must be on his guard against assassins,
of the state, iii. 9, 6-8; vii. 13, 9 (cp. iv. 7, 4); gives a claim to superiority in the state, iii. i; has 9, 14, 15; 13, many kinds, ib. 7, 4 ; cannot ruin those who possess her, ib. 2 is a mean, iv. ii, 10, 3 how far required in the great officers of state, v. 9, 1-4; must be at least pretended by
country, ib.
especially against those who think that they have been in
30 must conciliate the poor or the rich, whichever is the stronger, ib. 32. Tyrants, the, of Hellenic cities put down by the Lacedae sulted, ib.
monians,
;
iii.
3
2,
;
v. 10,
30
;
;
of Sicily, by the Syracusans, v.
the tyrant, ib. ii, 25, 34; is regarded as a secondary object
30.
10,
most of the ancient, demagogues, v. 5, 4 sometimes great
Tyrants,
originally 6 10, ;
10,
can 5 by mankind, vii. i, not be separated from happiness, :
vri.
;
magistrates, or kings, ib. 5,
8
9
;
8,
results
from nature, habit, and reason, 7-io; 10-13;
ib. 13, is not a
6.
9
Usury, the most unnatural mode of money-making, i. 10, 5 ; 11,
i
2; 3, 3; 2, 3; 13; 5;
i,
5;
;
5.
Tyrrhenians, the, iii. 9, Tyrtaeus, v. 7, 4.
;
*5>
matter of chance,
;
3 should it the aim of education?
political life, ib. 2
be made viii. 2
3-
ib. 13,
how far consistent with the
;
;
;
consists in hating and lov
too much regarded by Hellenic legislators, vii. 14, 15; is not the sole aim of
ing and rejoicing aright, ib. 5, 1 should not (as is done by 7 the Lacedaemonians) be sup
education, viii. 2, 3; 3, 1 1 ; is not sought after by men of noble
posed inferior to external goods, 35 (cp. vii. i, 5) nor be 9. practised with a view to the
Utility,
mind,
ib. 3,
:
"
12.
;
single object of success in war,
5) 9i cannot be included under a general definition, i. 13, 10 must be taught to the
vii. 2, 9; 14, 16; the virtue proper to the slave, the woman, the child, ii~3 5 of the ruler and the subject different, ib. 4-6; iii. 4, 7-18; of the ruler, practical wisdom, of the subject, 18 ; of true opinion, iii. 4, men and women not the same, l6 iiii3 9-" 13. 4. less required in the artisan than the slave, i. 13, 12 (cp. vii. f the citizen relative to 7) 9 the constitution, iii. 4, 1-7 i y 7) i v. 9, of the good 3
slave
man
Village, the,acolonyofthe family, i. 2, 6; the state a union of
J
8. villages, ib. Virtue, the especial characteristic of aristocratical governments, ii.
5-10;
ii, ;
iv.
7;
v. 7,
5)
6
:
I3>
5-
often allied to force, i. 6, 3 more a concern of household 7
345
9,
"
;
management than wealth, ib. 1 i 3, depends upon the supre ;
:
of the rational principle in the soul, ib. 6; vii. 14, 9;
macy
>
>
;
-
;
12; by his master, ib. ought to be the aim and care
A
>
!
absolute, iii. 4, 1-7 7; of the good citizen:
vii. 13,
a
;
;
Index is
identical with that of
it
man
the good
10 4 5, 8; of the citizen ?
iii.
;
;
18; vii. 14, in the perfect state,
iii.
4,
5
;
2. 12; iv. 7, 13, Virtue, military, is found in the iii. masses, 4 the social, 7,
6 the Athens, ib. 13 6, 6. Thirty, ib. 6, War, the Persian, v. 3, 4, 7 4, 8 7, 4 effect of, upon ;
;
;
Athens,
i.
justice,
16;
2,
iii.
13,
3-
Virtues, the, of women and child ren important to the state, i. J5 5 of the state 13. 5 and the individual the same, vii. I, 12 of the military life, :
9>
;
9.
">
of leisure,
vii.
34;
vii. 15,
15,
3;
I.
part of the art of acqui when directed against wild beasts and against men who are intended by nature to be
sition
slaves, i. 7, 12; vii. 5 8, 21 exists for the 2, 15 14, sake of peace, vii. 14, 13,22 i; a school of virtue, ii. 15, 1 1 ; a 9, remedy against the dangers of prosperity, vii. 15, constant war a part of 3 10 ; tyrannical policy, v. n, success in war the sole object of the Lacedaemonian and Cretan ;
;
;
constitutions, 2,
progress in tactics,
ii.
iv.
war 13,
34, 35;
9,
16; 15,
9; 14, :
6;
invention of 10 of siege ;
machines, vii. 1 1, 9 improve ment of fortifications, ib. 12. \Var, captives taken in, ought they to be made slaves ? i. 6, ;
1-8. War, the Peloponnesian ; losses of the Athenian nobility, v. 3, 7
;
battle of
Oenophyta,
ib.
5 capture of Mitylene, ib. 6 ; battle of Mantinea, ib. 4, 9 ; the Sicilian expedition. ib. the Four Hundred at ;
;
5
8
v. 4,
;
;
the Sacred, v. 4,
:
7-
Wealth, always antagonistic to poverty, iv. 4, 19; forms an element of the state, ii. 7, 16 ;
iv. 4, 15; vii. 8, 7, 9; in cludes many varieties, i. 8, 3 ; 2 i vJ [the true kind] has a limit, i. 8, 12 ; i, 14 9, popularly confused with coin, ib. 9, not so much a 10, 14 concern of household manage 3>
;
ment
as virtue, ib. 13,
I
;
must
be used with both temperance and ii.
liberality,
vii. 5,
8;
6,
r.
Wealth, too highly valued Sparta and Carthage, ii. 7, *3 ii, 8-12; iv. J
4
;
vii.
12,
1 1
;
War, a
;
;
ii.
viii. 6,
;
is
;
;
at 9, 7,
the chief characteristic of
n, 9 ; iii. 8, 7; ii vi. 3, 19 ; v. 10, confers a claim to supe 2, 7 J 4riority in the state, iii. 9, 6, 15; 12, 8, 9; 13, 1-5; with associated popularly good birth and education, iv. 8, 4, i. See Riches. 8; v. 7, Wealthy, the, have the external advantages of which the want ii.
oligarchy, iv. 4,
;
tempts men to crime, ii. 7, 10; y ar e apt to be spoiled 3 by the luxury in which they are i
-
;
8>
6
reared, iv. ii,
;
v. 9,
13
;
form one of the classes necessary to the state, 8,
7
Whole, its
the,
parts,
and
14,
15;
vii.
i.
must be resolved into i,
therefore
parts, ib.
iv.
See Rich.
9-
2,
i 3 ; 8, prior superior to the ;
12-14;
"i-
J 7>
the part belongs entirely to the whole, i. 4, 5 ; every 7
;
Index and tyrannies,
whole has a ruling element, the whole and the ib. 5, 3 part have the same interest, ib.
cracies
10 ; the virtue of the parts 6, relative to the virtue of the
vii.
whole, ib. 13, 15 ; the happi ness of the whole dependent on the happiness of the parts, ii. 5, the sophism 27 ; vii. 9, 7
part their nature to their off
;
;
that
the parts are
if
whole
little
the
3; the care of the part and the care of the whole inseparable, viii. I, is
v.
little,
8,
has
the,
virtue to the
man,
a i.
different 13,
3-
16 shares in the 12 ; iii. 4, deliberative faculty, i. 13, 7\Vomen, should be trained with a view to the state, i. 13, 15 ;
ii.
9,
5)
;
cannot have
the same pursuits as men, ii. 5, 24; said to have been common
among
certain
Libyan
tribes, ib.
have great influence warlike races, ib. 9, 7 caused great harm to Sparta by their disorder and licence, ib. 3,
vi.
;
20
4,
ib.
cease to bear children after
16; marry too young, 1
6,
5,
spring, ib.
1 1
,
commonly
;
fifty,
should not ib. 6 j im
14.
Women
and children, the com munity of, proposed by Plato,
12 ; he has not ii. i, 12, 3 explained whether he would extend it to the dependent classes, ib. 5, 18-24; objec tions of Aristotle (i) unity would not be promoted, ib. 3, 2 2 there be a general would ( ) neglect of the children, ib. 4 ; ;
:
3-
Woman,
(cp.
u
9
;
among
!
5- 1 3 possessed two-fifths of the land in Laconia, ib. 15 ; too proud in oligarchies to be !
controlled, iv. 15, 13; have often ruined tyrannies by their v. ii, 23; are allowed great licence in demo
insolence,
;
(3) the parentage of the children could not be concealed, ib. 8; (4) expiations would be impos i ; sible, ib. 4, (5) the conceal
ment of relationship would lead to unnatural crimes, ib.
1-3,
10; (6) affection would be weakened, ib. 4-9; (7) the transfer of children to another rank would be found impractic 10 (8) the household able, ib. would be neglected, ib. 5, 24. ;
Xerxes,
King of
Persia, v.
21.
Zaleucus, ii. 12, 12. Zancle, v. 3,
7.
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