Nature & Forms Of Political Empowerment

Nature & Forms of Political Empowerment

A Strategy Paper m c raj, REDS, Tumkur, India

Cognitive and Emotive Approach of REDS

Part I

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Preamble A large section of the indigenous people of India is proud to identify itself as ‘Dalit’ today rejecting the many attempts to ascribe identities to it by the dominant caste groups. The dominant caste groups in India had ascribed many identities to the Dalits in order to subjugate them and later to make the society at large as well as the Dalits internalize these dominantly churned out identities. When the ascribed identities became commonly accepted some of them became assumed identities. They were branded as Rakshasas and Asuras because the Dalit kings and queen refused to acknowledge the gods of the Aryans and refused to perform sacrifices according to their rites. They were ascribed the Chandala identity because the Dalits reused to tread the faith-line of the Aryans. Later when Caste system was evolved and established as a social system of organizing the society on the principles of graded inequality the Dalit people were ascribed the identities of Shudras, ati-Shudras, Panchamas and untouchables. In our own times Narsi Mehta and M K Gandhi ascribed the Harijan identity to the Dalit people. We may not go into an analysis of the possible hidden agenda behind each of these ascriptions. However, we must note that these identities are external to the Dalit people. They are not natural identities. These are not innate arising out of certain characteristics or certain events from within the person or the community. Therefore, these identities never stand the test of time. Since the raison d’etre of these identities remains with the ascriber and not with the Dalits themselves these can be called false identities. For no fault of theirs the Dalit people were subjugated in the course of history in their own land as is the case with most indigenous people across the globe. The subjugation of the Dalit people is the consequence of many carefully designed and executed projects of Brahminization kept alive and kicking today. All the projects were aimed at the denial of basic and fundamental human rights to the Dalit people so as to ‘break their backbone’ of a dignified and human existence. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar opted for this particular dimension of Dalit history that assumes an identity that will be bereft of the ignominies and indignities of the 1

ascribed identities. ‘Dal’ is a Hebrew linguistic root that means exploitation and oppression. In its multiplicity of usage Dal is more oppression based on color than all types of oppression. Caste system is called a color system and the Vedas ascribed different color identity to different caste. We understand that Ambedkar did not want any of the ascribed identity for the Dalit people as it would mean an internalization of subjugation. He wanted an identity that will be nearer to historical truth and will not further consolidate the inferiority complex that was consequential to the Brahminic ascription. The Dalit identity just described what happed to the Dalit people in history and is not value loaded unless it is interpreted with a particular load of value and ideology. In the growth of Ambedkarism after Ambedkar such value loading has taken place extensively. However, it must be noted that Ambedkar is not the one who evolved the Dalit identity. It was Jyothiba Phule who chose this broken identity for the Dalit people and later it was nationally popularized by the Dalit Panther Movement. The question of Dalit identity as a permanent identity is our present concern as it has assumed serious proportions in the post-Ambedkar scenario. The book ‘Dalitology’ by M C Raj, has already stated clearly that one of the biggest challenges before the Dalit people will be to give up their Dalit identity when Dalit liberation ultimately arrives. Contemporary Dalit resurgence has manifested many creative trends of ‘beyond Ambedkar’ instead of blindly carrying forward the chariot of liberation into eternity without ever touching it. The beauty of serious and concerted efforts at Dalit liberation is its creative multiplicity, though some are adamant on duplicity. As long as duplicity does not become and remain a dogma there will be much scope for liberation. The creative multiplicity of Dalit resurgence has given an unprecedented visibility to Dalit liberation struggles. However, in the euphoria of small successes and big visibility a central question remains for all. The question has to be posed in such a way that dealing with it will become the nucleus of Dalit liberation philosophy. What were the Dalit people before becoming historically broken by Brahminism? The simple answer is that we were unbroken. If the Dalit identity came to us as a consequence of our historically becoming broken it means we had an earlier identity as an unbroken people. Dalit liberation will go many steps forward if the innate unbrokenness of the now Dalit people is pulled out of the crumbled citadels of Dalit ‘Indian History’. In fact, a vast majority of contemporary world is becoming ‘broken’ because of racism, globalization and Brahminization. If the world has to rescue itself from becoming completely submerged in the brokenness that has now become the historical identity of about 240 million Dalit people, it has to look at the unbrokenness of the Dalit people as an alternative. The unbrokenness has to be pulled back into our times and made the foundation of governance of future nations.

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Will the ‘ancient’ unbrokenness be able to be the foundation of governance of modern nation state? When we look at the core characteristics of the unbroken people we realize that their governing value premises transcend the limitations of time and the contours of the State. We are speaking of an unbroken civilization that provides unlimited space to all people. Generally there is an assumption that all cultural practices of today in India are Brahminic. We must note that most of the cultural practices of today originally belonged to the Dalit people. Brahminism took these practices into its realm, emptied them of their original liberative meaning, stuffed them with their own dominant interpretations for establishing a dominant social order and re-circulated them in the society for public consumption. Such an effort is being made even today by the Hindutva forces in India and globalization forces in the world at large. Ushering in an unbroken world will mean the rediscovery of original meanings and interpretations in a genuine and assiduous effort to realize an egalitarian society. When we speak of returning to the unbroken quality of existence we are not taking a retrograde step into the past. This is a revolutionary step into the future, as an egalitarian society with unlimited space for all people is futuristic. REDS Thesis Restoration of the unbrokenness of the Dalit people is paramount to ushering in an alternative governance for nations of the world. This alternative governance will deal a fatal blow to Capitalism and Brahminism. There is a need to take a step forward from the Dalit (broken) identity. In order to move towards an unbroken identity we need to restore or rich history and culture.

REDS Strategy We evolve a Dalit assertion that we are neither Hindus, nor Christians, nor Muslims, nor Buddhists. We Dalits are Dalits. We have our own history and culture. We have our own religion, the Dalit Religion. Let us not convert to any other religion in search of dignity and equality. Let us find our dignity and pride in the Dalit religion.

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Part II Resistance as Dalit Politics The history of the Dalit people is narrated through the myths of ancient times. Without elaborating much I give here below a list of the significant protests of Dalit ancestors to the time of Babasaheb Ambedkar. 1.One of the noblest kings in human history, the great Ravana preferred to give his life protesting against the land-grabbing project of Brahminism. He protested against the denial of Land Rights and the right to dignity to his sister by the Aryans who looked down upon women in general and Dalit women in particular as objects that can be used at will and be thrown out when not needed. 2.Shambuka protested against the enslaving norms of Brahminism to deny education rights to the Dalits. He performed Tapas and was killed by Rama for doing just that. 3.Emperor Trishanku protested against the denial of cultural rights by attempting to go to heaven with his human body. 4.Eklavya protested against the denial of the right to choose one’s profession by hiding his caste and became a warrior. 5.Soorpanakai protested against the denial of equality and dignity to women by Rama and Lakshmana. 6.The many kings and queens of the indigenous Dalits1 protested and gave their life for preserving ecology, environment, animal life and for protecting their land from the degrading rituals of the non-Indians. 7.Kadaraiah protested against the denial of the right to freedom to choose by hiding his caste and marrying a Brahmin girl, Maramma. He paid for it with his life. 8.Aralaiah protested against the denial of the right to human dignity by joining hands with Basavanna. 1. 14000 of them according to Ramayana

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9.Shri Narayana Guru protested against the denial of religious freedom by starting a new religion for the Dalits.2 10.Mangooram protested against the denial of life and dignity by starting the Adi Dharm. 11.Ayyankali protested against the denial of land rights to the Dalits and education rights to Dalit women. 12.Muthukuttiswamy protested against the denial of dignity and religious freedom by starting the Ayya Vazhi to liberate a section of Dalits from ‘unseeability’. 13.Jyothibha Phule and Savitribha Phule together protested the denial of education rights as well as the establishment of cultural nationalism by the Maharashtrian Brahminic forces. 14.Babasaheb Ambedkar protested against the denial of all ESC3 rights as well as civil and political rights by vehemently taking up the question of political nationalism at a larger level and for the political rights of the Dalit people. In fact M.S. Gore characterizes the ideology of Babasaheb Ambedkar as an ideology of protest. Unfortunately the protest element of Dalit ideology tends to be confined to Babashab Ambedkar. It must be recognized in the larger interest of Dalit political empowerment that there are innumerable other stars in ancient and modern history who have woven a multifaceted Dalit path of liberation. Contemporary endeavors at Dalit empowerment have been centered on a social psyche of protest rather than on a rational and hard-hitting strategy of political empowerment of Dalit communities. The attempts at political empowerment are concentrated on carrying on a legacy rather than on creating new avenues through those legacies. Despite a long history of protest political empowerment of Dalit communities still remains a pipedream. There are pockets of political empowerment but that is no reason for complacency.

Let me explain. Today protest is part of the dominant design in many parts of the world. State sponsored resistance is an age-old practice so that the rulers are in control of resistance too. In our times we witness such legitimizing mechanisms, In this era of globalization much of our protest is losing its venom because of the subtle strategies of dominant powers to transform the very tool of political empowerment, namely, resistance into a tool of 2. cooption For the Ezhavas of Kerala who liberated themselves from untouchability through this religious path thus making it an arena of disempowerment. 3. Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

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though not any more through Institutions of religions but through agents of the State, conveniently called non-government agencies. Many resistant movements in the Third World countries are financially sponsored by such agencies. They sponsor the movements as long as resistance is ‘containable’ and remains within ‘tolerable limits’. The moment they perceive resistance breaking the boundaries they have set, they sabotage the movements by stopping financial support as well as by setting up networking partners against the movements. They systematically isolate the leaders of these movements and provide financial support to breakaway groups. They know that when resistance moves beyond their tolerance limits it has the potential to become a revolution. They promote NGO activists in the Third World precisely because they do not want any revolution to take place. Therefore, all those with revolutionary potentials are sought after and will be gradually neutralized by encouraging a language of unlimited resistance any by nipping revolutionary action in the bud. Most of the agents are provided funds in their countries by their governments. The ‘resistant’ agents are carefully chosen so that the revolutionary forces will have to think twice to dare to expose them. Women intellectuals, Tribal leaders, Dalit leaders etc. have a natural defense around them as exposing them or attacking them will draw flaks from the general society.

REDS Strategies: Develop organic intellectualism in the communities so that conscientious leaders will not become a creamy layer and leave the community to fend for itself. Develop and spread out community leadership. Each Dalit village should have at least 10 visible and capable Result leaders so that no one leader holds the community for ransom. 11 batches of HPD-D training have been conducted till now. As a consequence about 500 volunteers are spread out in the District to accompany the people in their struggles. Conduct long-term residential training Besides these volunteers a host of village elders have been trained short-terms to known as HPD-D as well as short-term position themselves in leadership locations and get into electoral politics. and one day training for leaders and village people. More than three hundred elderly people have taken up leadership positions in villages through short-term training. 200 hundred of our leaders have won in the last village panchayat elections. In more than 100 Dalit Panchayats more than one thousand village people have been assigned local leadership responsibilities. Half of them are women leaders. A group of eight full time leaders are at the helm of affairs in the movement. 1 50 specially trained Dalit women have taken up second line leadership position in the Movement.

Part III

REDS Theory of Political Empowerment Classical political theory points to a bipolarity of power. One is Power as Dominance. The other is Power as Resistance. Through the many years of experience and reflection in Tumkur District we have developed a Tri-polarity of power. The third pole is Power as Participation.

Pole 1 - Power as Dominance The emergence of the Nation-State in Capitalistic Economic Order has consistently brought to the fore the discourse surrounding people’s power. Capitalism has been wrought with inscrutable shenanigans and communicative incompetence. More than four centuries of uninterrupted discourse on people’s power has consistently brought concentrated power into the hands of a few and has increasingly disempowered a vast majority of the people of the world. Even the bipolar power of the Western and Eastern blocks has now become a myth of the past glory and an unpopular power tower has emerged with the United States of America emerging as the stallion of power and the policeman of the world. The United States of America commands from a position of unequal strength. It often 1

uses blackmailing techniques to achieve what it wants to. Even the United Nations is brought to its knees by the shenanigan of America. The parties with whom it bargains are often cowed down by the knowledge that it has in its array the technology of Star Wars. Settlements through such bargaining are manifestations of power and not of justice. The emergence of the Nation State is the manifestation of a synchronization of a totalitarian power in the hands of an oligarchy in the name of democracy. The discourse of democracy is the official mechanism within the Nation State to offset all resistance to the exercise of a totalitarian power by the Nation State. The Nation State is also the legitimization of the position of some groups in a societal relationship to carry out its own scheme of things and their authority to carry out their designs despite resistance from other social groups and legal hurdles. This is not actually power. It is dominant power. The post-colonial India that fabricated its freedom struggle on the discourse of power has followed the same chicaneries within India. In fact, the two big epics of India, which still streamline and consolidate the thinking of the post-modern ruling class of India, are representation of an unending struggle for dominant power. India, which has opted to follow the Western model of development, has also set a model of peripheralization of vast majority of people from the cycle of power. If it has been generally accepted as the fate of the people of India to be ruled by the `twice born’ at the national level it is the landlord in the village who represents such divine power. In the village Panchayat, for example, the Dalits cannot even sit. They have to stand and `accept’ the judgment of the ‘Dhani’ the Master, the landlord. Are we not speaking of archaic forms of the exercise of power? Yes, we are speaking of archaic forms of the exercise of power but it is happening today. That makes the difference. What angers the sensitive and the sensible common Indian is that it has not stopped with archaic forms but has developed into barbaric forms? Just look at what happened in Melavalli village of Tamilnadu. One Dalit becomes the president of Panchayat. He and seven other Dalits are butchered in broad daylight. The reason? A Dalit dared to win an election and become the President of the Panchayat. The Killers? Dominant caste Vanniyars today, Thevars yesterday. Hoisting one Dalit to the post of the President of India washes all the accumulated guilt of the Caste oligarchy. The question of power to the people, Decentralization of power, Democracy etc., need to be carefully and scientifically analyzed to arrive at a weighed intervention in the Indian Society today and gain political leverage in the given political environment. This is of paramount importance if one has to make an intervention on behalf of and along with the disempowered people. Just one flaw in an objective understanding can propel someone into the camp of the owners of dominant power. The tragedy is that those who shift camps are blissfully unaware of the shift that has taken place within them & the entire time croak about poor & marginalized. Their language is around the disempowered people while their arms are around dominant powers, often inextricable.

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Power as Dominance in India The State in India, whatever might be the different systems and structures it assumed through centuries, was and always is a dominant vehicle of power. There is no evidence of the State in India being a dominant and oppressive power structure before the arrival of the Aryans. Ever since Brahminism established its firm grip over the Indian society it went about setting a normative standard and unleashed sets of normative prescriptions for the objugation of the Dalit people. While dishing out the power to rule to the Kshatriyas it retained in its hold the power to govern, by nonchalantly usurping a spiritual hegemony. Governance is the distribution of values, both material and spiritual. Brahminism began to distribute the material resources of this part of the earth to itself and to its cronies while simultaneously depriving a vast majority of the people of their land and other natural resources. It also distributed spiritual values by establishing Caste System as an imperative form of social organization. Since then no ruler, no king has been able to change this Brahminic order of the society, including the British who had the brutal power with them to transform the governance systems in this country more equitably. Let us leave alone the equitable distribution of material resources, even education has been sanctimoniously denied to the indigenous Dalits. It was in denying education and knowledge to the Dalits that Brahminism was able to retain its hold over the distribution of wealth according to its whims and fancies. This is a monumental evidence of the State in India being in essence a Brahminic State. Many scholars in India are suffering from communicative incompetence. They have a specific agenda before they make their thesis. Their theme is to create an impression in the common reader that the State in India is not Brahminic. They only produce those types of data and evidences which will more or less show the neutral character of the Indian State. Most of us, especially the Dalits, live under the illusion that after the departure of the British from the Indian soil colonialism was wiped out from the face of this part of the earth. The common people are battered with the paradigm that we are Indians, are one people with one culture and national integration is our prime concern and duty. The reality is that India has simply passed from one form of colonialism to another form, more oppressive in many ways than the British colonialism. The class oligarchy in India is also simultaneously a caste oligarchy, which the British were not. They simply left the issue of caste to be dealt with by the Indians themselves. First of all they did not want to antagonize the Indian capitalists by taking any step towards social equality. Secondly, they were not gaining in any way by taking up some of the issues of the Indian society that were deeply rooted in religion. It was advantageous for them to turn a blind eye to certain issues. However, it must be said to their credit that they opened up the doors of the education system to the Dalits thus reversing millennia old injustice to the indigenous people. The battle for India’s independence was es-

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sentially between the dominant economic gulag of Britain and the dominant class-caste combine of India. We are all proud that the looting of India was arrested through the struggles of the Brahmin-Baniya combine for which thousands of ordinary poor Indians laid down their lives. The Combine raised the tempo of animosity against the British down the social order but stealthily joined hands with the same British for business enterprises and establishment of economic empires. But is not the looting of India now being continued by the new economic gulag that has emerged in India? The economic patricians in India are simultaneously the dominant caste forces who have developed enough caste discourses, paradigms, strategies and programs for the perpetuation of their wholesome hegemony over the people of this land. It is not that this particular class of people is a creamy layer within the Indian society. But they have joined hands with the same colonizers whom they fought. With the same philosophy of liberalization, privatization etc. they have built corporations after corporations and have expropriated the wealth of the nation all to themselves. The finance capital and the speculative capital that they have amassed within the country are being pumped into the banks in other countries. This capital forms a major part of the loan that the IMF and the World Bank are lending out to India and the onus of repaying the loan falls on the common taxpayer of this country. It is a well-orchestrated nexus of the hooligans within India and outside. The misery of our people has increased manifold. Therefore, it is evident that the State is not a neutral mechanism of governance. It has to survive by taking sides. By the very fact of its dependence on certain forces for capturing power the owners of the State need to follow the ‘dictat’ of their supporters. Such support may be coming from economic forces, communal forces, caste forces or other dominant ethnic groups. Therefore, the State will be obliged to enact laws and establish systems that will, in the ultimate analysis, serve the interest of those groups or group with whose ‘mercy’ it comes to power. Its roles then vary from allocation, distribution of resources to repression and containment of unrest. In the context of Globalization, for example, the State in the developing countries will be compelled to enact such laws that will protect the interests of the Global investors. The ruling elite of the country may be in a confrontationist position yet may be forced to bend to a collaborationist level. Enactment of repressive laws to contain all forms of protest against foreign dominant forces is ineluctable in such a situation. But repression is not the only means of safeguarding the interest of the dominant elite in a State. It also creates its own systems, which will justify many of its endeavors among the common people. The State then either creates a ‘legitimating ideology’ or makes use of an existing one by conveniently twisting it and popularizes a political formula to gain mass support for its projects. Such ideologies and formulae usually give a false impression to the people of their participation yet in reality will be far removed from it. The common people will not be in a position to identify any such hidden agenda except through a scientific analysis. The cover that the State weaves around its projects is full of such fine thread that it will normally look verry attractive to the

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unsuspecting masses. Only when they are caught in it will they realize the impossibility of extricating themselves from it. In the Globalization context one may point out to such big talks of a ‘New World Order’, ‘Decentralization of Power’, ‘Democracy’, ‘Participation’ etc. as the legitimizing ideology and Panchayat Raj as the legitimizing formula. Therefore, we may conclude that the ‘Project of Panchayat Raj’ is a pet agenda of the State that has bowed its head and sold its freedom to the dominant elite of the world order. In the internal organization of a multi cultural society with its conflicting interest groups, governance by the State may also pose a threat to the dominant elite of particular interest groups or ethnic communities. The governance of rural India is an example to be looked at. The dominant caste elite in the rural communities appropriated for themselves the right to rule their villages through their own normative order. The legislation of the State is generally overridden by this normative order as such an order had more acceptances among the rural people than the law. In fact, the existence of many such laws of the State are unknown to the people and where they know it the rural elite unleash repression on the people to such an extent of creating an impression that the State legal system is ineffective in their context. The conventional rural Panchayats in India where the dominant caste people sit in judgment over the Dalits without giving them any right to prove their innocence may substantiate this point. The State with its legislation and its implementing bodies like the police and bureaucracy provides a lot of room for redressals. This is mainly because of the British legal system, which India has inherited and because of Babasaheb Ambedkar who is the architect of the Indian Constitution. Not that we have any high regard for a British legacy but the Indian normative order did not and would not have allowed much space for the Dalits, Tribals and women. This is borne out by the fact that despite the Constitution atrocities and oppression to continuing in the daily lives of the Dalits and women. For the marginalized people in India, the State, however repressive it may be offers one of the biggest hopes of liberation from the traditional oppressions of the dominant caste forces.

Pole 2 - Power as Resistance As against the extremely fundamentalist Project of Gandhi and Congress came the endeavors of stalwarts like Mahatma Jothibha Phule4, Babasaheb Ambedkar and E.V.R.Periyar. Their effort was to construct a political nationalism for India. They outright rejected the Gandhian Project of graded inequality based on Varnashrama, the cultural nationalism. Their project visualized a society in India, which would be constructed on the values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. (Babasaheb Ambedkar rushes to add that he derived these three principles, not from 4 He was the one who was first given the name Mahatma.

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French Revolution but from Buddhism). They actively resisted the construction of a Nation on dominant cultural values, on caste lines. Equal rights for all people and equal status for all people was what they wanted. Caste system should be resisted and eradicated by the power of people at the bottom. By proposing a three-pronged strategy of Educate, Agitate and Organize Babasaheb Ambedkar advocated power as resistance. The poor and the Dalits must not allow caste system to continue and must resist all forms of inequality in the Indian Society. They should establish their power by resisting all forms of dominance. (Sufficient explanation has been given earlier on Dalit resistance)

Pole 3 - Power as Participation It is in the specific context of the Dalits and local governance that the concept of power as participation needs to be looked into. Against the bipolarity of power as dominance and power as resistance we need to now move into a tripolarity of power as participation. This needs to be distinguished from any blind following and co-option. A section of society that blindly follows a leader or is co-opted by the system may look like participating but will not have any power as decision-makers. Power as participation takes people deep into Governance. Here we take Michael Th. Greven’s definition of Governance as a process of the allocation of values in a given society. Allocation of values implies the allocation of material resources and normative standards. By implication this would mean that participation in Governance is the power to make decisions at the community/societal level and the power to determine the functioning of systems. The road to the power of determination and decisionmaking should be paved with the power of influencing the decision-making. History is full of overwhelming evidence that such a power as participation has not remained with the poor and the marginalized. There have been instances of the assertion of people’s power as participation. It presupposes a transformation of the naïve consciousness of the people into a critical consciousness and congruent capacity building for affecting the mechanisms of Governance. The forces of Globalization especially the economic bodies have usurped the powers of allocation by blurring the political borders of the nation-state. The cultural nationalism of the caste leaders of India has sought to establish power as dominance. According to it the business of governance belongs to a certain caste groups. The determining factor is birth in a particular dominant caste. The political nationalism focused on power as resistance in the sense that the marginalized caste groups and the Dalits must fight for equal rights. But we believe that the poor and the marginalized should go a step further and establish their space in Governance, through conscientious political participation. In the present context of Globalization where the powers of the nation state are depleting through a dominant strategy the poor have to latch on to the same nation state for a certain amount of maneuvering space on their behalf. It is a paradox. However, till there is another form of governance the marginalized 1

people have to capture and expand the political space within the nation state context. Therefore, the type of participation that is being visualized is an aggressive maneuvering towards capturing political power by the marginalized people. This is not possible for any one community in India. It is possible only by a strategic combination of many communities, a combination that may be realized only through an identity formation, strengthening of small community identities and through such realized strengths to forge a larger identity such as the Bahujan identity. Such an identity formation should not attempt at forging an identity that will submerge other specific identities of communities as that will lead only to the establishment of dominant paradigms in the marginalized communities. In the long run one form of exploitation will be replaced by another form. That is not worth all the struggles and fights that the marginalized people and their leaders are putting up. The primary need in this political path to power is the strengthening of small group identities of different communities. The Madhiga people must unite and realize their strength as one community. The Mala people should unite and find their strength. So also should the other communities realize their community strength. From this position of strength should they come together as Dalits. The Dalit identity cannot expect people to lose their respective strengths as Madhigas, Mala, Chamar, Mahar, Pallar, Parayar, and Arundatiyar etc. Political endeavors till now have had a heavy focus on what should be happening outside of a community, in the larger context, to capture political power. Emancipation and liberation have meant action ‘out there’. The general assumption under this paradigm of participation has been that there is a community in existence. While the reality of a community cannot be put into serious question the relative strengths of each community calls for deep introspection and critical analysis. What identity do the members of a particular community have assumed? What type of a leadership pattern is there within the community? Does a community practice direct democracy or a representative democracy? What mechanisms are there within a community towards an elite formation? What checks and balances are there within a community to prevent the formation of a creamy layer that will strive to alienate itself from the community and join hands with the oppressive mainstream forces? What are the normative standards of a community? Have these normative standards come from within the community or have been derived from the Brahminic forces or from other dominant forces such as religion, ideologies, Isms etc. What are the internal organizational mechanisms of the community that binds it together? A series of such and other questions need to be raised. Without diminishing the value of externally aggressive participation in the mechanisms of the nation state, one should also emphasize the need for an internal organization of the marginalized communities for the realization of their community strength, which will in the long run enhance the strength of the political

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struggle for emancipation, liberation and greater participation in governance. As long as some Dalit communities assume the Brahminic culture and religion as their own the respective strengths of these communities will be weakened. As long as some communities among the Dalits are as fundamentalist as the Brahminic forces the cause of Dalit Liberation will be gradually lost. Therefore, reviving and strengthening of the religious-cultural identities of communities and identifying a collectivity in that are of paramount importance. If participation in the processes of governance has to be meaningful and equal it cannot be at the submergence of some communities as it happened in the Dravidian politics of Tamilnadu. The role model that will be set by this ‘submerging emergence’ will be that of the dominant classes and that of Brahminism. The Dalit emergence should in fact defeat any such role models and strive for a new role model that will be based on alternative value paradigms. These new value paradigms will be taken from the religious-cultural context of the marginalized people. While Mahatma Jotiba Phule was the first one in the history of India to open schools for the untouchables, Periyar fought tooth and nail against the Brahminic forces of India in the name of the Dravidian Movement that he started. Babasaheb Ambedkar went many m,any steps ahead with his explicit idea of a political nationalism. All the three of them fought Brahminism in their own specific way. Jotiba Phule refused to have any truck with the Congress party branding it as a Brahminic party. Periyar spearheaded his self-respect movement with five famous ‘no’s. No God, No religion, No Brahmin, No Gandhi, and No Congress. Babasaheb Ambedkar sought the emancipation of the Dalit people first through political path but ultimately through the path of religion. Cultural nationalism in India would mean the firm establishment of Caste system as an instrument of societal organization. Not only that, it would also lead to the Brahminic Order being recognized as the normative order of the Indian society. The legal system then would be designed based on this Order. This was untenable in the Indian context for many reasons. 1.India is not one nation as one can see in many other nations. India is a continent of nations. Each State of India has a different language, different culture. The indigenous people do not belong to the Hindu religion. The Tribal people who are more than 80 million have their own religion. The Dalits who are more than 180 million are not Hindus. There are 130 million Muslims. There are many other minority communities in large number. Moreover, Brahminism whose other name is Hinduism is in its essence DOMINANT. This cannot be said of other religions, though in practice they may be the same or even worse than Brahminism. But Brahminism believes in the graded inequality of people and extols oppression, exploitation and ill treatment of others. Practicing inequality in general and untouchability is a way of gaining a superior birth in the next life. In fact according to it if one touches the Dalits or teaches them the Vedas (Scriptures) one will be re-born as an inferior being.

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2.Babasaheb B.R.Ambedkar and Periyar saw this shenanigan of the Cultural nationalists clearly and the consequences for the Dalits of this country. We may also mention the names of Mangoo Ram, Swami Atchutanand and Birsa Munda as other untouchable and tribal leaders who fought for political nationalism. More than the religious minorities it is the Dalits who would suffer most. Without much support from anywhere outside India the Dalits would have to continue to provide free and cheap labor. Therefore, they decided to fight tooth and nail against the establishment of Cultural Nationalism in India by proposing that India’s nation building should be based political nationalism. Such nationalism would ensure equal political right for the different communities living in India respecting fully their freedom. A Constitution that would ensure the equal rights of all people was made. It was written by no other than Ambedkar himself. This Constitution has been guiding the destiny of India till today. Now with the assuming of political power by the Hindutva forces attempts are being made to review this Constitution to once again bring cultural nationalism through the backdoor. Dr. B R Ambedkar not only led a political movement for the nation as a whole but also laid the foundations for the emancipation of the Dalits. Being an untouchable, Babasaheb Ambedkar wrote in many volumes the philosophy of Dalit liberation. Rejecting Hindu identity for the untouchables and resisting the attempts of M K Gandhi to REDS Strategy Hinduize the Dalits. Take the people a steppredicted ahead of thelong protest They be convinced Babasaheb Ambedkar this ago. psyche. “The third thingmust we must do is not that is no point in political going on protesting We andmust taking pride protest demoas an to bethere content with mere democracy. make ourinpolitical achievement a goal. Protest mustPolitical be only Democracy a strategic means achieve cracy a socialofdemocracy as well. cannottolast unlessgreater there participation in the Instruments and mechanisms of governance of India. lies at the base of it social democracy… We must begin by acknowledging We the must fix there our sight on capturing, expanding and consolidating a Dalit in fact that is complete absence of two things in Indian society. One space of these national governance. Weplane, must we take up in protest in as it is an is equality. On the social have India aonly society of much gradedasinequality, effective means. Glorifying our protest and labelingof us as a On protesting people which means elevation of some and degradation others. the economic should nothave blind aour visioninofwhich providing value based to this country plane, we society thereaare some whogovernance have immense wealth as th of ours. many who live in abject poverty… On the 26 January 1950 we are going against to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social Political empowerment not ainequality… compartment Dalitremove life. Nothis one can honestly and economic life we willis have Weofmust contradiction at say, “ I ampossible not for moment politics”. orPolitics is anwho integral of Dalit culture. the earliest else those suffer dimension from inequality will blow up Therefore, Capturing, expanding andwhich consolidating Dalit space in laboriously governancebuilt will the structure of political democracy this Assembly has so imply a holistic engagement in the our larger society. where It implies overall up”5 When we have a nation through struggles, thereand is minimal checkmating of Brahminism its shenanigans well is as no a proactive creation inequality, exploitation andand oppression, whereasthere dogma that beof the in ‘virtuous cycle’. strategy for of Dalits the lieves inequality andREDS’ untouchability notpolitical only asempowerment a way of life but also as a Dalit is simultaneously social andthe economic. virtuePanchayat we shall which be bold enough to announce conversion of Hindustan into Janasthan, a Nation that is governed by the guiding principles of the elders of the Dalit people.

5. As quoted by Professor D.N.Sandanshiv in Siddharth College of Law Magazine, 1980.

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Details of the realization of these strategies are given in Part IV.

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Part IV Dalit Political Empowerment – REDS as a Catalyst REDS looks at Dalit political empowerment from two major dimensions. Contrary to all previous endeavor, however, serious, sincere and committed they might have been, REDS believes firmly in the need for a strong and systematic internal community governance if not to precede, at least to go hand in hand with participation in national governance. This is the first dimension. The second dimension is that as a strong community that is capable of governing itself Dalit community must aim at capturing and expanding as much space as possible in national governance to the extent that one day the governance of India will become Dalit governance. Then this country will be known as Janasthan.

Internal Governance What is the cumulative consequence of the submergence of the Dalit history and culture under the Brahminic culture? Over many centuries and millennia the Dalit communities have lost the strong normative order and forms of internal governance. Brahminism worked like a slow poison threatening the Dalits here, coopting them there, cheating them treacherously here and so on. A dilution of their strong principles of internal governance handed over orally generation after generation has been possible because of the overriding influence of Brahminism. The same consequences are the results of the conversion of the Dalit people into Christianity and Islam. These three cultures have taken pride in having hoisted the symbols of their pride standing on the debris of the Dalit culture. Not having had a written normative order for internal governance of their society the Dalit culture has been trampled upon with impunity. For the Dalit communities religions and religious systems have remained constant nemesis. Our daily living is continuously being conditioned by the prescriptions of behavior by the dominant caste groups. More than 7,00,000 villages of India are governed by the caste prescriptions of the dominant castes. Almost in all the villages there is a Dalit area that is till today called the ‘Dalit Colony’. The very structure of each village in India is a testimony to an inhuman level of colonization. What prevails in the village day in and day out is the direct and blatant code of behavior determined by the caste village. The village is called united and peaceful if all the people in village abide by a common code of conduct. This is one of the fundamental requirements in any society. Therefore, 1

to anyone who does not go deep into the peculiarities of Indian villages this paradigm does sound quite innocent. However, for the conscientious Dalit there is one inevitable question. Where is the common code of conduct when it has been exclusively determined by the dominant caste religious precepts and practices? Peace on whose terms and on what conditions? There will be peace in the village generally if the Dalit people do not at all question the rationale of the village code of conduct. There will be peace and harmony in the village if the Dalit people quietly take the glasses kept separately for them in the village tea shops, sip their cup of tea, wash the glasses and keep them back in their ‘reserved’ place. If the Dalit people question the rationale of separate glasses and demand tea to be served like anybody else it will be deemed to be a disruption of harmony in the village. There will be peace and harmony in the village if the Dalit people remove the carcasses as a caste duty i.e. as a virtuous job that will take them one step away from untouchability, in the next birth of course. If the Dalits say it is your animal that is dead and therefore, you can remove it or at least join hands with us or pay us for the job that we do, or in the way we remove carcasses from your streets you should also come forward to remove carcasses from our streets, it will be a terrible affront to the dominant castes and a serious violation of the peace of the village. There will be peace and harmony in the village if the Dalit people sweep the streets and clean the gutter as prescribed by the dominant castes. If the Dalits say that after all it is our village. It will add to the luster of the village peace if you also join us in cleaning the village, it is a sure way to insulting the caste lords and will lead to clashes and beating up of the Dalits. Such clashes and atrocity on the Dalits by the dominant caste groups are only for preservation of peace and harmony!!! and for ‘teaching a lesson’ to the Dalits. There will be peace and harmony in the village if the Dalit people take their musical instruments to announce deaths of dominant caste people and beat their drums during their funeral processions. If they go to different villages to inform the relatives of the dead bracing hot sun or heavy rain at no cost at all there will be sure peace in the village. If ever the Dalits demand wages for these services then the village peace will be disrupted, of course by the violence of the dominant castes. There will be peace and harmony in the village if the Dalit people unquestioningly dig the graves of the dominant caste dead. If the Dalits say for the sake of peace and harmony let us all join hands to dig the grave of one of the elders of the village or pay us a certain amount of money for this hard work or you must also dig graves when one of our elders dies, then it is a sure case of the worst violation of village peace and subsequently of the human rights of the Dalit people. There will be peace and harmony in the village only if the Dalit people prepare firewood for marriages in the caste families, only if the Dalits carry lamps in the village processions, only if the Dalits came last with their flowers to gods and

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goddesses, only if the Dalits remove the leaves and plates in which the caste people eat, only if the Dalits willingly accept the leftovers, only if the Dalits are ready to accept the residual development schemes of the government etc. The litany can go and on. Suffice it to say that the peace and harmony prevailing in the Indian villages today is the fruit of the slavery of the Dalit people as well as their forced acceptance of it. It is the compulsive consequence of the meek surrender of the innocent Dalit to bow his head (The Dalit woman generally is not a part of this compromising formula of Dalit men) to the village ‘Dani’ the Lord. Where does so much authority come from? Where does this code of conduct come from? Are they from the Constitution of India? No. In fact, the village governance is an antithesis of the political nationalism proposed in the Constitution of India. The norms and codes of conduct widely prevalent in the post colonial India smack of an ancient form of colonialism which is infused with new life and inflated with renewed vigor by the post modernist educated and informed Indian. Such a knowledge, audacity, arrogance and authority come from religion and the different seats of religious power. Religious books and other Institutions of religion provide the stamp of authority for such archaic forms of village governance. The forces that have a bounden duty to govern the nation state under a rule of law prefers to look the other way when it comes to a question of violations of the human rights of the Dalit people. The dominant caste man is not at all afraid of his gods and goddesses, as he very well knows that these are his mere creations of his ancestors. What he is afraid of is the Dalit approaching the rule of law for justice, both distributive and retributive. This is because even the most radically conscious Indian has a residue at the core of his being, however reluctant he/she may be to acknowledge it, that the Dalit is destined to be outside the periphery of human existence by a divine ordinance. Even the so-called atheists and communist leaders shudder to take up the responsibility of Dalit liberation simply because most of them live by their Brahmin identity. In the Dalit world there is a simultaneously synchronizing effect. Whatever may be the intensity of repulsion a Dalit experiences in his raw nerves against such inhuman forms of governance he has till now generally been abiding by the ‘rules and regulations’ of the village as formulated by the caste masters. The primary reason for this abiding subservience is an internalized fear. Throughout his/her life the Dalit lives in fear of the totally unexpected outcome of his/her otherwise normal behavior. The hidden presence of the caste lord hangs over his/her head like the sword of Damocles. The personality of the caste lord is a shadow that follows the Dalit wherever he/she goes. In any remote area, physically far removed from the ‘Dhani’ the Dalit’s decisions are conditioned by what the he may say or do to him/her as a consequence of his/her decision. The Dalit does not know which of his/her conduct and decision would draw the wrath of the ‘Dhani’ and at what time. If there is no compliance with the normative from the ‘village’ there could be a severe beating up, maiming, and hospitalization etc. not only of him/her but also possibly of his/her family members. It is the community that is

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generally punished for the ‘supposed’ crime of an individual Dalit. Another reason for compliance is the fear that the caste lord would demand the immediate repayment, with interest, of the loan that the Dalit borrowed in times of distress. While lending the money the ‘Dhani’ knew only too well that such ‘loss’ of money would stand him in good stead. The most compelling reason however is the overall dependence of the entire Dalit community on one or other of the caste lords for subsistence. When the Dalit wakes up from sleep every morning the day becomes one of compulsive servility. The binding that the village code of conduct has on the Dalit is not because of any enlightened consciousness that the village rules are evolved for the good of humanity. The ordinary Dalit knows only too well that the caste rules are explicitly meant to subjugate him/her, his/her family and his/her community for the selfish ends of the caste forces. Simultaneously we also witness a ‘Reverse

Bond’

in the Dalit community. There are unwritten codes of conduct within the Dalit community. These codes have been handed down from generation to generation by its observance. These are not consequent to any holy book or any religious authority but because of the emotional bond that exists within the Dalit community. Though there are no seats of power there are families and elders belonging to certain families who are conventionally vested with an informal authority go guide the behavior of the community. On certain occasions when there are guidelines given out by such elders some Dalits make a public show of their dissent, which they would never dare to do vis-à-vis the dominant caste dictates. This is because of the bond they have within the community among one another. They are so confident of the tolerance of one another that they have no hesitation to violate any internal guidance. Since this is not the type of bonding that will take a community forward and leads to regression we call it a ‘Reverse Bond’. The refusal to abide by a community code is born of a bond and not because of the absence of it. It is easy to violate internal norms, as there is no fear of punishment and as there is no visible seat of power to which one has to be accountable. The dominant caste groups make use of this psyche of the Dalits to their best advantage. The fear of the dominant castes is also accompanied by a fear of punishment by the gods. This fear has been instilled into the Dalit psyche systematically by the caste forces. Therefore, we have come to a crucial question. Is it the village code of conduct? Is it the Constitution? Or is it something else that is going to liberate the Dalit communities? An honest and dispassionate reply to this question actually takes us to the need for Dalit Religion. Let me explain. The cumulative consequence of the objugation of the Dalit people for many centuries is the denial of the right to codify their principles of internal governance. This was effectively achieved by the dominant castes by banning education to the Dalits. A constitutional alternative will become irrelevant in this context as the Constitution itself has become a vacant site. The Dalits may clamor for the rule of law but unless the entire nation upholds the rule of law the Dalit space in governance will be restricted and violated at will as it is happening. When the caste 1

society has the audacity to bye-pass the Constitution of India and make religious laws as the ‘de facto’ governing mechanism of the country, the Dalit communities can only think of a revolution as our liberation path. Revolution is not the outcome of a romantic aspiration. It will be the consequence of carefully planned strategies. It will require a common identity and a collective will to succeed. The collective will cannot come about unless a group of people evolves a community sense with their own normative. People do not accept and abide by community norms unless the community itself emerges out of a history and culture. The Dalit people have a history and culture. Dalit religion is a humble attempt to discover in a rational way the history, culture and civilization of the Dalit people. Hence the Dalit assertion “We are neither Hindus, nor Christians, nor Muslims, nor Buddhists. We Dalits are Dalits. Dalit Religion is our Religion”. (Expand here on external Politics and governance.)

REDS’ Thesis REDS’ Strategies The cumulative impact of dominance over Dalit communities through history is the loss of formally structured Internal Normative Order(INO), a privilege that all other communities enjoy. Lack of an INO has lead to the weakening of the internal strength of the Dalit communities and has wreaked havoc with Dalit identity. If Dalits have to effectively participate in national governance their internal community strength has to be restored. If internal strength of Dalit communities has to be restored the INO of the Dalit communities must be revived and consolidated. Political bargaining, capturing and expanding of Dalit space in governance, can sustain themselves only on the strengths that Dalit communities acquire by governing themselves as a community of people. Developing an INO may look like an introversion. True, however, this introversion will produce the type of uncontainable energy in the Dalit communities that it will have to break out naturally into an extroversion. Such a breaking out will lead to a take over of national governance by the Dalit people. Only then can we truly say that India has become free once again.

Economic – Land for Dalits Political a. Internal Panchayat

–

Dalit

b. External– Convergence of Dalit votes on Land Social – Battle against untouchability and atrocity Cultural – Dalit Religion Overriding – International Advocacy and Lobbying

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Part V Strategies of REDS The Strategies of REDS are placed in three timeframes. The first timeframe is the first decade from 1984 to 1993. This is the decade of the NGO REDS. During this period REDS was the front-line leader for the Dalit people taking up their cause in a pioneering fashion as well as educating and organizing the people for struggles. The second timeframe is the second decade starting from 1994 to 2003. This is the decade of the Dalit Jagruthi Samithi, which is the Dalit movement supported by REDS. In this decade the NGO REDS systematically was asked to give up its leadership position and assume a support service role to the Movement. In this decade DJS became a strong front-line leader of the Dalit people. The third timeframe has just started. This is the third decade where Dalit Religion, Dalit Panchayat and Booshakthi Kendra are emerging as focal points of Dalit liberation. In this decade DJS is giving way to Dalit Panchayats for internal community governance with a primary focus on the restoration of the primacy of the Dalit woman. The three timeframes also have had their Strategic Focus and Strategic Locations from which have emerged the many struggles and programmes for the political empowerment of the people. Strategic Focuses flow from Dalit liberation philosophy and the space they provide for creativity is much wider. They are like springboards from which many strategic Locations emerge. Strategic Locations are similar in nature to the focuses with less mixture of philosophical moorings. However, they are much reduced in their scope in comparison to strategic focuses. They give impetus to the emergence of programmes, action, reflection and struggles.

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----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Timeframe Strategic Focuses Strategic Locations ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Decade of REDS NGO

Political Bargaining Power Educate, Agitate, Organize Sangha Model Community Short-term training Organization Effective leadership ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Decade of DJS Power as Participation Long-term training Movement Organic Intellectualism Electoral battles Internationalization Struggles against Alternative leadership Untouchability and atrocity Advocacy & Lobbying International Networking Land Struggles ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Decade of DPs Internal Governance Dalit Panchayats Cultural Resurgence Dalit Religion Community Convergence of Dalit Booshakthi Kendra Votes – One Vote Dalitology Dalit Governance of India 5 acres of land to each Dalit family Booshakthi Vedike Booshakthi Forum International Booshakthi Women’s Forum -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Strategic Offshoots “Jai Bheem’ greeting as a Dalit form of greetings to instill a sense of pride among the Dalits as well as to create a sense of belonging to a community of people. Today the Dalits in many villages and towns greet one another, dominant castes people and government officials with Jai Bheem. Transform the identity of an ‘untouchable’ people into one of a ‘don’t touchable’ people. The common saying in the District among the dominant castes is “hey, do not poke in their affairs. The have DJS and Booshakthi Kendra”. 1

Transform identity of a receiving people into one of giving people. We have a rich history and culture, a worldview and way of life that the world can receive as an alternative to dominant ways, oppression and exploitation. Stop converting to other religions. We are neither Hindus, nor Christians, nor Muslims, nor Buddhists. We Dalits are Dalits. We have our History and Culture. We have our religion. Our Religion is the Dalit Religion. Emergence of women leadership as a strike force and a governing force. Almost all successful struggles in Tumkur District have been led by Dalit women. Dalit cultural symbols have been evolved to give visibility to the Cultural resurgence.

Landmark Empowerment Events (Social, Cultural, Economic and Advocacy events are excluded) 1993 – 110 members of the REDS Sanghas contested the Mandal Panchayat elections. 58 of them won. 18 of the winning candidates were women. There was euphoria all around. However, in the subsequent elections to the post of Presidents they could not contest in the name of REDS as political parties could field their candidates. 1994 – The Dalit Jagruti Samithi was formally inaugurated by Prof. B Krishnappa, the Founder of DSS. There was a gathering of 5000 Dalits in the District. 1999 – Assessment by political parties put the ‘votes on hand’ strength of DJS to 35000 in the District. Politiciansl came out in the open to seek the support of REDS-DJS. Hard negotiations took place. January 2000 – The Declaration of this Millennium as Ambedkar Yuga generated a raging political controversy in the District to some extent in the State. Political parties, RSS, Brahmin Mahasabha and other Caste Groups tried their level best to sabotage the event. It was one of the bitterest controversies in the history of the District. The battle of wits was won by REDS-DJS. The Declaration was a roaring success with 42000 Dalits mobilized by ordinary illiterate and semi-literate Dalit leaders. A few thousand others came on their own from different parts of the country. Prakash Ambedkar was the hero of the day. Four senior Ministers of the Karnataka Government attended the function. It was a terrible slap on the face of politicians and Caste forces. It 1

was the first and the only time when so many thousands gathered together in the history of the District. March 2000 – The Kampalapally Issue once again brought the Dalit people together. Though it was a Caste atrocity in Kolar for DJS it was a political mobilization of its people. Each taluk organized Road Blockade in the entire District simultaneously. Elections 2000 – DJS fielded its candidates in the Panchayat Elections. 200 of them won. DJS evolved a strategy of supporting Dalit candidates in the Taluk and Zilla Panchayat elections apart from three winning candidates at the Taluk Panchayat level. March 2001 – One of the biggest mobilizations of women by DJS took place in Pavagada, a volatile taluk of the District. 3000 women took part in the procession. It was a political show of strength. February 2002 – 6000 Dalit people assembled in Bangalore to release Dalitology. It was a cultural-political assertion of the people in the Capital. More than 1000 of them were from outside Tumkur District. April 2003 – The Great March to establish the Booshakthi Kendra was once again a cultural-political assertion of the Dalit people. Jyothi and Raj walked 25 kms in scorching sun without any stop. 6000 people assembled to welcome and announce the arrival of the Dalit Peeta. November 2003 – The Chief Minister of Karnataka was on a public relations tour with the people of Karnataka. DJS_Booshakthi Kendra decided to stop the CM at the Booshakthi Kendra and present a Memorandum for five acres of land. This was not allowed by the organizers. However, the Minister for Highjer education invited Jyothi and Raj for a discussion and made sure for himself that we were not staging a protest. After we clarified that we were not staging any protest a stop at the Booshakthi Kendra was included in the schedule of the CM. Abot a thousand people gathered in one day’s notice. December 2003 – In the Festival of Dalit Ancestors, Six Dalit Swamijis assembled in the Boosahkthi Kendra with 3000 people. It was a combination of cultural-economic-political assertion. It was announced that in the forthcoming elections to the State Assembly only that party which, incorporated in its official Manifesto, the promise of giving five acres of land to each Dalit family, would get the Dalit votes in the District. Convergence of Dalit votes into one vote became an urgent appeal. Bhoomi Jatha 2004 – Centered on the demand for five acres of land to each Dalit family Jyothi and Raj went on a village tour appealing to people to bring theirl votes into one vote and realize its worth by casting this ONE 1

VOTE to a party that promised to give 5 acres of land to each Dalit family in its Manifesto. Elections 2004 – The Booshakthi Vedike was formed to pressurize the political parties to include the clause of 5 acres of land in their official Manifesto. 13 Districts are represented. Five Dalit Swamijis have also joined the Vedike. The Vedike is known as a Network of Dalit Movements and Dalit Peetas. Perhaps for the first time in the history of Dalit liberation this idea emerged and has been realized. A smaller committee was formed to meet national and State level leaders of all political parties. Elections 2005 – In the elections to the Panchayats in Karnataka, The DJS fielded 452 candidates. 261 of them won the elections. Out of the 261 winning persons from DJS 118 were from the other castes with whom Dalits made an alliance and made them win. In the bargain they were able to make the rest of their candidates win. The Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh invited REDS-DJS to identify all their party candidates and field them in Tumkur District on behalf of their party. The Janatha Dal (S) made it a point to stop at the Booshakthi Kendra in their party march to Tumkur. This was to show to the Dalit people that they were in good terms with Booshakthi Kendra. The Congress organized a public meeting in the Booshakthi Kendra to honor Babasaheb Ambedkar. Once again the motive was the same as the Janatha Dal. The Janatha Dal (S) had included promise of a hectare of land in their draft Manifesto. The leaders met them once again and insisted that it should be five acres of land and nothing less. They agree and it was there in the final official Manifesto. The Booshakthi Kendra immediately gave a call to all the Dalit people in Tumkur District and in parts of Karnataka to support Janatha Dal (S).

Cumulative Impact The cumulative impact of the Cultural Resurgence-cum-Political Mobilization of the Dalit people in Tumkur District has been manifold and multifaceted. 4500 acres of land have been recovered for the Dalit people till now in the District alone.

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Untouchability practices have been reduced to a mere 20% in area of operation. Atrocity was nil in the last three years. Major atrocities have completely stopped. The common talk in the District is not to touch the Dalits as they have REDS – DJS and Booshakthi Kendra. Political parties vie with each other to garner the support of Booshakthi Kendra. The strategy for convergence of Dalit votes into one was applied in the last General Elections to the Legislative Assembly and to the Parliament. The result was unprecedented. Out of the 13 seats in the District Janatha Dal (S) won 8. Though we cannot claim the entire credit for this change in the District our strategies were effective. This was the first time that such a call was given to the people and the rate of success is a sure lesson for the future in a positive direction. Free Caste labor has stopped in most village. People are proud to be Dalits and in order to safeguard their dignity they now work for wages and are sacrifice the little benefit that may come from Caste labor. Dalits are celebrating their own festivals and have started giving up the festivals of other religions. Photos of Hindu gods and goddesses are giving way to the photos of Booshakthi and of the ancestors of the Dalit community.

Conclusion The Vision and strategies of REDS are holistic Dalit liberation. While sustaining the Dalit community with its own identity, culture and history it will also bring Land, political power and social equality within the next 200 years. Tumkur has just set a model in the offing. We do hope this model will spread.

I place before you a few Frames that list out the thesis that have led to effective strategies while at the same time have emerged as a consequence of strategic action. It is cyclic. There is no linear sequence of one being after the other.

Frame I 1

I

REDS’ Overall Strategies

Econ om ic Land for Dalits. 4500 acres of land have been recovered for our people. The struggle for 5 acres of land to each Dalit family is gaining momentum. Already the Janatha Dal(S) officially included this clause in their Manifesto of the last general elections.

Pol it ical Internal – Dalit Panchayat. Already 100 DJS sanghas have been converted into Dalit Panchayats. A target of 900 Dalit Panchayats has been set for the next three years. 50 specially trained women are already in leadership positions apart from the 500 DP women leaders. A Booshakthi Mandali has been formed to spread the message of Dalit INO. Each DP appoints a Booshakthi Sevaki/Sevaka to educate the community. External–Convergence of Dalit votes on Land. During the last general elections 8 out of 13 legislators in Tumkur District won from Janatha Dal(S). DJS gave a call to the Dalit people to vote only for Jantha Dal(S). Some candidates won mainly with the support of DJS. 42000 Dalits were mobilized to declare this Millennium as Ambedkar Yuga. Prakash Ambedkar and Four ministers of the Karnataka Government were present against terrible odds. 200 DJS leaders were elected to the village panchayats in the last elections. The CM of Karnataka had to make a stop at the Booshakthi Kendra because of political compulsions.

Soci al Battle against untouchability and atrocity. During the reporting period of 2003-2004 atrocity was nil. Untouchability practices have been reduced by 80% in the District. Booshakthi Vedike and Booshakthi Forum for Women have been initiated.

Cu lt ura l Booshakthi Kendra, which is a Dalit Peeta has been formally inaugurated. Color symbols have become strong all over the District. Dalit community symbol has been developed. Five Dalit Festivals have become popular. Dalit marriages, Dalit naming ceremonies, Dalit Puberty functions, Dalit Death ceremonies are beginning to gain ground. Dalitology, the Book of the Dalit People has been popularized. This has been augmented by Cosmosity and DALITHINK.

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Frame II

Strategic Offshoots “Jai Bheem’ greeting as a Dalit form of greetings to instill a sense of pride among the Dalits as well as to create a sense of belonging to a community of people. Today the Dalits in many villages and towns greet one another, dominant castes people and government officials with Jai Bheem. Transform the identity of an ‘untouchable’ people into one of a ‘don’t touchable’ people. The common saying in the District among the dominant castes is “hey, do not poke in their affairs. The have DJS and Booshakthi Kendra”. Transform identity of a receiving people into one of giving people. We have a rich history and culture, a worldview and way of life that the world can receive as an alternative to dominant ways, oppression and exploitation. Stop converting to other religions. We are neither Hindus, nor Christians, nor Muslims, nor Buddhists. We Dalits are Dalits. We have our History and Culture. We have our religion. Our Religion is the Dalit Religion. Emergence of women leadership as a strike force. Dalit women have led almost all successful struggles in Tumkur District. Dalit cultural symbols have been evolved to give visibility to the Cultural resurgence. Checkmating of Hindutva through Dalit Religion is taking place. Many people as the Scriptures of the Dalit people have accepted Dalitology. Booshakthi Kendra is recognized as the Dalit Peeta. Dalit resurgence has become an all round checkmating of Hindutva. This has to spread to the entire nation. Dalitism can be the most effective vehicle for the establishment of political nationalism in this country of the Dalit people.

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Frame III

REDS Thesis Restoration of the unbrokenness of the Dalit people is paramount to ushering in an alternative governance for nations of the world. This alternative governance will deal a fatal blow to Capitalism and Brahminism. There is a need to take a step forward from the Dalit (broken) identity. In order to move towards an unbroken identity we need to restore oUr rich history and culture. REDS Strategy We evolve a Dalit assertion that we are neither Hindus, nor Christians, nor Muslims, nor Buddhists. We Dalits are Dalits. We have our own history and culture. We have our own religion, the Dalit Religion. Let us not convert to any other religion in search of dignity and equality. Let us find our dignity and pride in the Dalit religion.

Frame IV 1

REDS Thesis: Protest is truly an identity of the Dalit people. However, there is a need to move beyond the social psyche of resistance as an achievement in itself. Dalit history is full of resistance. However, we have not removed untouchability and denial of rights to the Dalit people. Capitalist and Brahminic forces are constantly on the prowl to identify and co-opt Dalit resistance so that Dalit struggles of human rights and dignity does not become a revolution. Brahminic forces are on high alert so that Dalits may never grab the opportunity to become rulers of this country of theirs. REDS Strategy: Develop an organic intellectualism in the Dalit community through long- term training and community education. 500 young men and women volunteers have been already trained and spread out into the District. Let leadership be widespread in the community with at least 10 leaders in each village. Five of tem must compulsorily be women leaders. There are already one thousand such leaders. 500 of them are women. Keep away from the mechanisms of resistance of the dominant elite who prowl around dishing out revolutionary jargons. Beware of slogans that come from Northern NGOs. Constantly educate people through small booklets, pamphlets, wall posters and wall writing. Every major event is preceded by the publication of a booklet by the Ambedkar Resource Center of REDS. Every year there are at least 10 types of pamphlets and wall posters.

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Frame V

REDS Thesis The cumulative impact of dominance over Dalit communities through history is the loss of formally structured Internal Normative Order, a privilege that all other communities enjoy. Lack of an INO has lead to the weakening of the internal strength of the Dalit communities and has wreaked havoc with Dalit identity. If Dalits have to effectively participate in national governance their internal community strength has to be restored. If internal strength of Dalit communities has to be restored the INO of the Dalit communities must be revived and consolidated. Political bargaining, capturing and expanding of Dalit space in governance, transformation of Hindustan into Janasthana can sustain themselves only on the strengths that Dalit communities acquire by governing themselves as a community of people. Developing an INO may look like an introversion. True, however, this introversion will produce the type of uncontainable energy in the Dalit communities that it will have to break out naturally into an extroversion. Such a Frame IV breaking out will lead to a take over of national governance by the Dalit people. Only then can we truly say that India has become free once again. REDS Strategy: In order to consolidate Internal Governance of Dalit communities Dalitology has been written and is being acknowledged as the Scriptures of the Dalit people. This contains the nucleus of an INO of the Dalit communities. A Bookless people have now become a people of the Book. DJS is giving up its ‘tag’ and is now organizing Dalit Panchayats. Already 100 DJS sanghas have been converted into Dalit Panchayats. DPs are the ultimate decision making bodies for the Dalit communities.

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Frame VI

REDS Thesis Political Theory has focused on the bipolarity of Power as Dominance and Power as Resistance. As against this background REDS has developed a tripolarity. The third pole in REDS’ political theory is POWER AS PARTICIPATION. This participation should propel the Dalit people in the center of National Governance. It implies not only the physical presence of the Dalit people in the Instruments and Mechanisms of national governance but also the governance of the country according to the worldviews and value premises of the Dalit people. This means that the Dalit communities must capture, expand and consolidate their space in the governing mechanisms of this country. By their sheer number, when this happens, the Dalit people will assume the responsibility for the governance of this country. Then this country will be known not as Hindustan but as Janasathan. REDS Strategy Convergence of Dalit votes through Cultural resurgence, Land struggles and Battles against untouchability and atrocity. Handing over responsibility for internal and external governance in the hands of the Dalit woman. Widespread participation in electoral contests through the Dalit Panchayats and not through mainstream political parties.

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The Latest Strategies 1.More than 550 Dalit Panchayats have been formed and a Dalit Panchayat Parliament has been established to look into the internal governance of the community as well as to enhance the community’s participation in the Instruments and Mechanisms of national governance in India. 2.A State level Networking has been strengthened in 13 Districts of Karnataka with also integrated plans to develop the same at the national level. 3.Close association with top level bureaucracy has been set up. A critical cooperation is rendered to them when they request it. Booshakthi Kendra is conducting a sensitization programme in all the Districts of Karnataka for all the bureaucrats of the government in collaboration with the Social Welfare Ministry. 4.A two years Diploma Course in Dalit studies has been started in the Booshakthi Kendra for Dalits from all the States of South India. This course is open to all participants from national and international arena. 5.REDS has also initiated a major campaign at the national level for electoral reforms in India. This campaign will be formally announced with the release of our next book on Dalit Politics. But contacts are being established with national and international organizations to make this campaign a truly effective one. The campaign will be to reform the Indian electoral system to the Proportionate Electoral System from its Majoritarian Electoral System. A research has already been done and the book on Dalit Politics is being written. 6.It must be noted that the campaign for 5 acres of land to each Dalit family started originally from Tumkur and has now become a national movement without REDS being the leader. Others are taking it up on their own. The Dalit color symbols of blue and black also started from Tumkur and has now become national. Dalit Panchayat Movement is also being taken up by many other states and organizations. 7.There have been some bystanders in India who have opted to stand at the sideways of Dalit liberation and be cynical about the strategies of REDS and Booshakthi Kendra. They have constantly generated a refrain that REDS is doing everything on its own. REDS has not wasted its time to keep on explaining all of its strategies to all such bystanders. REDS has opened its doors to all the co-travelers in the path of Dalit liberation who wanted to come and have serious dialogue on all the controversial issues that are proposed in the books written by Jyothi and Raj. All new efforts have to evoke critical reflection. That is the success of new initiatives that people have started thinking about them. REDS has never refused to join hands with any Body in the

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path of Dalit liberation. All the same REDS and Booshakthi Kendra do not want to be constantly threatening the social space of other Dalit brothers and sisters. If anybody wants to reject us they are most welcome to do. That will never deter us from doing what we have set out to do as long as we are convinced of the legitimacy of what we are doing.

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