Mlu U Tiv Ken Nigeria

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BOOK REVIEW. MLU U TIV KEN NIGERIA.

ONOV TYUULUGH: Makurdi. Nigeria. Supagrafix, 2008. 133pp. (Price not stated). ISBN 978-36305-5-5. Reviewed by Zacharys Anger Gundu. PhD. Department of Archaeology Ahmadu Bello University Zaria. The Book, Mlu u Tiv Ken Nigeria by Onov Tyuulugh is a courageous attempt at understanding the Tiv position in the Nigerian project. It is written in Tiv language as a deliberate attempt to challenge readers and call attention to the endangered status of the Tiv language. The author wants all Tiv people to begin to engage and think through the Tiv question using Tiv language as a medium to ensure the language survives the threat of extinction. In a way, I find it clumsy that I am reviewing this book in English when its written in Tiv. The author had asked that the review be in English for the benefit of those here, today, who may not understand Tiv language. This is an anomaly which has made me very uncomfortable and whose advantage remains to be seen. Mlu u Tiv ken Nigeria is written in six chapters. The first chapter which is introductory is an outline of Tiv history and details of the Tiv contribution

to the Nigerian project. The author attempts a catalogue of Tiv contributions to Nigeria starting from the pre colonial period. He argues that even though this contribution is indelible having saved Nigeria a couple of times, both the colonial government and successive Nigerian governments since independence have treated the Tiv with characteristic disdain to the point that, the Tiv today have little or nothing to show for giving their sweat, blood and, intellect to the survival and sustenance of the Nigerian project. He aptly titles this chapter, Tom- agogo - a powerful imagery and parallel indicating that the tireless Tiv labour of love for Nigeria is not valued and nothing more than the ceaseless ticking of the clock. The second chapter entitled Kwagh u Tor Tiv is a discussion of the evolution of the Tor Tiv institution. The author argues that the discrimination suffered by the Tiv people under the colonial government gave them food for thought and propelled their best who were directly at the receiving end of this discrimination to agitate for a paramount ruler who would articulate the Tiv interest and represent them as other paramount rulers were doing for their people. A rich and detailed history of the intrigues and manipulations leading to the emergence of Makir Dzakpe as the first Tor Tiv in September 1947 is given. The intrigues leading to the

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emergence of Gondu Aluor, Akperan Orshi and Alfred Akawe Torkula to the Tor Tiv title are also vividly revealed. An assessment of the reigns of each Tor Tiv is done and the reader goes with the strong impression that the institution has not achieved as much as one would have expected. Contrary to popular history, Onov Tyuulugh has demonstrated that probably with the exception of Gondo Aluor, the emergence of all others to the exalted position of the Tor Tiv was heavily tainted by politics much of which was dirty and achieved by stealth. In chapter three, the author makes a compelling argument that even though the Tiv are hardworking and very thoughtful people, they have continued to suffer neglect and marginalization in Nigeria because they have abandoned critical aspects of their core culture and values. According to him, the Tiv have abandoned their initial spirit of competition for another in which the object and the competitor (s) are subverted and ultimately destroyed because no one is willing to give another a chance. He also identifies, Ya Na Angbian, (the Tiv gift to Nigerian politics otherwise called zoning) inordinate ambition (Gerasha), lack of team spirit, land disputes, poor agricultural practices, Iyuhwe and lack of entrepreneurship as skewed values that

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have continued to stand between the Tiv people and a viable position in the Nigerian project. In chapter four, the author makes a case against the military as the institution that has wretched the Nigerian project. Incessant military incursions into the polity have according to the author, ravaged the country through arbitrariness, lack of accountability, corruption and impunity. The author concludes the chapter by arguing that democracy is the preferred system of governance and that Nigerians have generally fared better under democratic governments. Chapter five is a wish list by the author. He calls it Isharen Yase. According to him, Nigeria has gone past the Tiv and it will take extraordinary action to catch up more so when there is apathy and many seem to be lazy about the challenge and are unwilling to team up for the common good. The author thinks a Tiv breakthrough in the Nigerian project is however not impossible and will come if the Tiv people place premium on education, scientific research, technology, housing, roads, fertilizer and agro chemicals, water and electricity, irrigation and health. In the last chapter, the author attempts a critical assessment of party politics in Tivland arguing that Tiv politics is bereft of ideas and dominated

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by money, mischief and deceit. He argues that in the past and the present, we have put money ahead of life, knowledge, truth and our long cherished cultural values, an aberration that has not only made the Tiv people careless in the choice of their leaders but has continued to damage them collaterally in the Nigerian project. The author ends the book by arguing that the Tiv people must wake up from their slumber and ensure that their politics is transparent and aimed at giving a chance to their best to fight and assert the Tiv interest in the Nigerian project. Onov Tyuulugh’s book is a compelling reading for any student of the Tiv question in Nigeria. It is a wake up call for the Tiv political class and a powerful engagement with Tiv elites. While the book indicts the political class and elites for the Tiv predicament in Nigeria, it attempts to argue that all hope is not lost and, that determination, clarity and the ability to place the common good over and above individual interests is what it takes for the Tiv to have their fair share in the Nigerian project. For the political class and those aspiring to join their ranks, the book is a hidden treasure and only those who will have the discipline to read it cover to cover will know its worth and what value it can add to their struggle to lead the Tiv. We know that the Tiv population in Benue alone is more than the entire

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population of Kwara state, Ebonyi, Gombe, Ekiti, Bayelsa, Taraba, Cross River and Nasarawa states. While these are standing alone as political units, the Tiv are sharing a state with others (and grumbling) who are obviously doing better in the Nigerian project than they are. How did the Tiv get this rough deal in Nigeria? Do the Tiv have an agenda which is sufficiently clarified and can be disambiguated from the narrow interests and agendas of their sons and daughters? Is the Tiv political class aware of this agenda? Is it possible for a people who place more premium on pieces of meat to even have a political agenda? The Tiv plight reminds one of the fact that today, what is propelling the world is not numbers nor natural resources but ideas. Onov’s book is a very good book. Its reading of Tiv culture , history and contemporary challenges in Nigeria is very passionate and extremely courageous. At a time many are silent in order to curry favours, at a time many are sycophantic to get a legroom in the corridors of power, at a time many are complacent and satisfied with our poor farming systems, at a time knowledge seems to have exploded in Tivland, we hear him shouting that leadership has failed the Tiv people, that our knowledge is really NO KNOWLEDGE unless we impact positively on the collective good. We hear

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him saying Adudu u Tiv gba usu opirin ngu ga. This is exemplary courage for which he deserves commendation. We however do not share some of Onov’s views. For one, Onov’s reading of early Tiv history is not entirely correct and, more importantly, his chapter three is extremely contentious. The chapter titled Tiv Wundu Gbaando gives the impression that the Tiv have abandoned an ideal (Gbaaondo) and are chasing new values that are counterfeit. The problem is -and for me this is a rather big problem-to what extent are the skewed values articulated in the chapter new values embraced after the abandonment of the old values?. The Tiv concept of Ka Akperan Ikpa I Ande , Gerasha, Ijooave and iyuhwe have been with them for a very long time. These are not even specific to the Tiv. Take Iyuhe for example, which group or community on earth has not been afflicted by this social cancer? Iyuhe abounds in the Bible (the God of the Bible announces Himself as Aondo u gban Iyuhe), we see Iyuhe everywhere in the Church, in other ethnic groups and even in intellectual circles. This indicates in our opinion that Iyuhe is not specific to the Tiv and we must stop using it as an excuse for our backwardness. The concept of Ijoove is even more interesting. Was there a time in the past when the Tiv had a developed team spirit before its abandonment? This is

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very debatable . We can talk of a Tiv team spirit in times of stress but there is characteristic tendency for each to withdrawn to his(her) tent when the stress is over. Have the Tiv not abandoned Dr. Alexander Gaadi who singlehandedly took up the Federal Government and the ‘butcher of Zaki Biam’ over the invasion and massacre of the Tiv by elements of the Nigerian army. ? We can make the same argument about the Tiv lack of entrepreneur spirit (Ivor Veren), one is not sure whether the Tiv have ever been successful entrepreneurs in the past. Onov also seems to be too optimistic in this book. He details the money challenge in Tiv (Nigerian) politics and the pitiable Tiv preference for pieces of meat in negotiating leadership positions and then argues for the possibility of Tiv progress without a concrete suggestion of how the Tiv (and other Nigerians) can overcome this money challenge and embrace issue based politics. We are of the opinion that the Tiv by preferring those who have money (acquired by whatever means), those who can beat them, those who can rig elections and those who lead with impunity have made a choice . This means unless and until the majority are convinced that this choice is a wrong one , it will be difficult for the few who think otherwise to be held and considered as serious alternatives. For each passing election, it is

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becoming more and more difficult for the ordinary person in Tivland (and Nigeria) to use his or her voice to bring about the change we need in the land. The political class because of greed, corruption and impunity is limiting the chances of peaceful change in our land. It is quite ironical that the Tiv political class believes that they must grab before they can make an impression in Tivland (and in Nigeria) even when their emptiness is clearly showing in the level of poverty, insecurity, suffering and decay the Tiv have continued to go through in Nigeria. In some sense, the book, Mlu U Tiv Ken Nigeria is prophetic. When the political class abandons their mandate and the common good, the most effective way of regaining control for the good of all is sadly through the use of force. For even the Bible says ‘Or u ii koom nan man nan nembe ikyor yo, asombu nan fese je mwar akela lu ga’. We are approaching such a time in Tivland and Nigeria when all will be convinced that the only viable way forward is to regain control by force, what the politicians have taken by force and stealth. This leads us to another area of disagreement with Onov Tyuulugh. Onov argues that democracy is better than military governance and we ask, on what basis? Yes, we know that incessant military incursions in the polity have led to distortions and political mutations. Yes, we have had evil and unaccountable

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military leaders , yes, we have known corruption and lost tons of money under the military , yet have we really fared better under civil rule? Do we indeed have a democracy in our land today? How many of us are satisfied with what we see of our government today and how many are convinced that with their level of dissatisfaction they can change what is not working properly today in the next election by merely voting for an alternative? . Are we not merely resorting to that lazy argument that there is no viable alternative to democracy? How many of us remember that countries like Ghana were cleansed and stabilized only after the military had made a point of spilling blood? How many of us remember the rebuilding of modern Turkey under General Ataturk?, the reclaiming of Iran by popular revolution spearheaded by the Ayatollah Khomeini? and popular uprising in other places including Georgia and the Philippines? A last point of departure. The Tiv question cannot be properly addressed if the culpability of the intelligentsia is not clarified and exposed. Compared to many of us seated here today, the JS Tarkas of the first Republic and the Aper Akus of the second Republic were not as educated. To what extent has education helped to clarify (or complicate) the Tiv question? We have seen in our time, professors and PhD holder literally struggling with unschooled

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muscle men to steal the ballot and deny their mothers and fathers the opportunity to cast a fair ballot. Teachers and lecturers in their large numbers invade INEC as adhoc staff and are responsible for much of the rigging that takes place in Tiv land. Educated civil servants school greedy politicians in the art of theft and impunity. What has happened? and, how can we justify the huge investment in our education? How can we get our education right when Commissioners, Governors and top politicians are not willing to put their children and wards in the public school system? How can our education impact agriculture, commerce, our health systems and, development? How can we explain the fact that there is a University of Agriculture on Tiv soil and yet the Tiv are one of the most backward farmers in the world? How else can we explain the Tiv fixation on yams when guinea corn, cowpeas, melon, benniseed and groundnuts are far more profitable crops. How is yam with all its attendant nutritional problems still a preferred crop by the Tiv when its cultivation requiring huge parcels of land and huge man hours is even prone to conflict? How many people know that fish grown in ponds on plots of land less than half a football field can be harvested and sold for more than yams grown on Akundu asule pue.? What is the logic of the Tiv fixation on land when this is no longer a serious

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resource of production? Why are the Tiv not researching their problems in Nigeria? Why are governments (in Benue and Nigeria) contemptuous of education and research? How can we get it right? How can the Tiv arrive at an agenda for their ‘liberation’ and hold those leading them accountable for the success of that agenda? If Nigeria breaks up today and everyone runs to pitch his(her) tent, where can we pitch our own?

How can we arrive at what

works and discard what does not work? I invite every Tiv person to read this book. If for nothing, it will wake you from slumber , to beginning to ask those critical question about the Tiv position in the Nigerian project and take those crucial steps to be active on behalf of the Tiv people in Nigeria. The Tiv must dream with their eyes open in Nigeria, otherwise they have no chance, I am convinced this is what Onov Tyuulugh is telling readers of his book. Bless you. 22nd October, 2009.

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