Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

Major Contemporary Issues Gandhian Relevance

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

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Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

Anurag Gangal Professor, Department of Political Science, and Director, Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Jammu, Jammu - 180006

Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies University of Jammu, Jammu-180006, J&K, India.

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Copy Right © 2008 Author and I-Proclaim Publishers

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About The Author Anurag Gangal is Professor of Political Science and also Director of the Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (GCPCS) at University of Jammu, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir, India. Author has spent nearly quarter of a century as a teacher in the Indian University system. He has been a Visiting Professor at University of Calcutta, Banaras Hindu University and at University of Madras. For three years he has served as member of the Advisory Board of the Jury of Mahatma Gandhi International Peace Prize. Author has had practical experience in applying the Gandhian techniques in the resolution of varied challenges faced by the Indian civil society and the local population of Jammu and Kashmir. In this context, he has been fortunate to work with noted activists and academics like Dr Kiran Bedi, Dr Savita Singh, Dr N. Radhakrishnan, Shri Tushar Gandhi, Professor David Cortwright, Professor Yunus Samad, Professor Amitabh Mattoo, Professor Priyankar Upadhyaya, Professor Anju Sharan Upadhyaya, Professor Frank Thakurdas, Professor William S. Titus, Professor Vaid Ghai and so many others. As an academic, the author is an established and widely recognised writer on international affairs. He is known as a prolific writer and authority in the area of Mahatma Gandhi and world peace; conflict resolution and conflict transformation. He has to his credit four published books and about 25 research articles in national and international journals and also online international research websites of academic institutions. He has published hundreds of topical articles in various national and international newspapers and also in Peace and Conflict Monitor of the University of Peace, Costa Rica. He is currently the Executive Editor, Gandhi Ganga, Research and Activities Journal, GCPCS, Jammu University. He figures on the experts’ panel of several institutions. Whatever author has been able to do till now is mainly the result of his academic training he received from his father, Professor S. C. Gangal who was globally an acclaimed authority on international relations and a renowned Professor of International Politics at the Centre for International Politics, Organisation and Disarmament (CIPOD), School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Author of this book is also privileged to have had his academic and research training learning at the feet of his teachers in University of Delhi from 1976 to 1984. Author has also been engaged in various national and international collaborations for peace and conflict resolution studies and exchanges with institutions like students and faculty of Fletcher School of Law, Boston University (United States), McMaster University, Hamilton, Canada and Gandhi Smriti and Darshan Samiti, New Delhi, India.

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About the Book This book is about Gandhian humanitarian view of challenges to life in a national and international scenario today. Humanity cannot survive without the twin values of truth and nonviolence even for an instant. Despite this self-evident facet of our lives, we humans are akin to go for massive and diabolical violence and ever new inventions towards creating newer weapons of mass destruction on public fronts, and in national and international politics. This is a great paradox. Politics without these values of truth, nonviolence and judicious self-sacrifice is a perverted form of what we generally know as politics. Politics is entirely opposed to any kind of perversion. In effect, the main task of politics is to set right all perversions and disorders. This is what people like Gandhi were doing all their lives. Answers to present day diverse political and other dilemmas, indeed, lie in further normalisation of the role and effectiveness of values and ethics in society and international politics. History has very clearly given us at least two thousand and six years to keep remembering our “golden” and “not so golden past”. We have nothing to lose but our modern susceptible “captive minds” if we come out of this “dynamic historicity” – where we believe that history repeats itself. There is an oft quoted saying of Gandhi: “There is no way to peace. Peace is the only way.” However, Peace is not what the term “peace” means in semantics. Peace is a crusade. It is a movement – continuous and perennial – bringing about so many conflicts enroute. Peace is not realisable without conflicts. Highly interactive conflict resolution attempts represent peace process only. These processes lead to development as well. It is mainly political development that affects every other sphere. It comprises a number of concerns such as nature of democracy, political processes, economic policies and processes, people’s participation in social, political and economic activities. Political development – as such – when observed and examined, takes us to other related questions of international politics. These are relating to impact of population growth, environmental pollution, widespread poverty, unemployment, proliferation of armaments, expanding terrorist mafia and network, weapons of mass destruction and nature of conflicts in different regions of the world. Such matters imprint upon our mind diverse perils to world peace today. Mahatma Gandhi has always been deeply involved in tackling these issues of global, national and regional importance relating to peace and development. The present work, therefore, is an attempt to touch upon various current issues and its relevant perspectives.

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Preface This work relates to a few aspects anent relevance of the philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi or Mohandas Karmchand Gandhi in the twenty-first century. As regards his values of truth and nonviolence – “as old as hills”, they are entirely replete with moment to moment practical utility in our day to day life. Humanity cannot survive without these twin values even for an instant. Despite this self-evident facet of our lives, we humans are akin to go for massive and diabolical violence and ever new inventions towards creating newer weapons of mass destruction on public fronts, and in national and international politics. This is a great paradox. Human beings tend to behave differently in interpersonal, national and international perspectives. In view of this continuing predicament, world teachers and stalwarts like Robi Da, Gandhi, Neta Ji, Nehru and such others in different fields must be forgotten now for, by just remembering them, we are demeaning importance.

Why

should

their value they

be

and

recalled

hypocritically as a mere ritual when they all have

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given us already so much without ever expecting even an iota of anything in return? Indeed, “elephants can never forget a good turn done to them”. Indeed, human memory is not elephantine! Examples that these Indian leaders have set and values of selflessness that they have put on rails are missing in the present-day national and international politics. Once in a while a few sudden and momentary sparks of altruism do emerge here and there. But they do not last. Politics without these values of truth, nonviolence and judicious self-sacrifice is a perverted form of what we generally know as politics. Politics is entirely opposed to any kind of perversion. In effect, the main task of politics is to set right all perversions and disorders. This is what people like Gandhi were doing all their lives. Answers to present day diverse political and other dilemmas, indeed, lie in further normalisation of the role and effectiveness of values and ethics in society and international politics. History has very clearly given us at least two thousand and six years to keep remembering our “golden” and “not so golden past”. We have nothing to lose but our modern susceptible “captive

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minds” if we come out of this “dynamic historicity” – where we believe that history repeats itself. Whatever I am saying here is coming out of my own utterly captive mind. I do not possess any element of originality. I am not a wise person. I owe all my ideas and analyses and observations to Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Paramhansa Yoganand’s Autobiography of a Yogi, George Orwell’s 1984 and other such writings. There are so many other individuals who have influenced me in diverse ways. Amitabh Mattoo, Savita Singh, Priyankar Upadhyaya, Anjoo Upadhyaya and a few others can be regarded as contemporary inclines or influences upon me. Above all others, my father S. C. Gangal; and my versatile genius mentor Ram Dutt Magotra / friend Ashutosh Magotra alias “Duwanee Wale Hakeem Ji” is among those without whom my existence is worthless. I have learnt a lot from Tushar Gandhi and Kiran Bedi also. My various visits to villages around Delhi and Jammu have all led me to think on the lines of the need for moving beyond Gandhi’s time now. David Cortright has also had an influence

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upon me specially through his book Gandhi and Beyond. There is an oft quoted saying of Gandhi: “There is no way to peace. Peace is the only way.” However, Peace is not what the term “peace” means in semantics. Peace is a crusade. It is a movement – continuous and perennial – bringing about so many conflicts enroute. Peace is not realisable without conflicts. Highly interactive conflict resolution attempts represent peace process only. These processes lead to development as well. It is mainly political development that affects every other sphere. It comprises a number of concerns such as nature of democracy, political processes,

economic

policies

and

processes,

people’s participation in social, political and economic activities. Political development – as such – when observed and examined, takes us to other related questions of international politics. These are relating

to

environmental unemployment,

impact

of

pollution,

population

growth,

widespread

poverty,

proliferation

of

armaments,

expanding terrorist mafia and network, weapons of mass destruction and nature of conflicts in different

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regions of the world. Such matters imprint upon our mind diverse perils to world peace today. Mahatma Gandhi has always been deeply involved in tackling these issues of global, national and regional importance relating to peace and development. The present work, therefore, is an attempt to touch upon various current issues and its relevant Gandhian concerns and explanations based largely on how to go for establishing and enhancing nonviolent truths and their efficacy in our life. Several people and institutions have helped me in writing this work or book in different ways. Apart from my colleagues at the Department of Political Science and at the Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at University of Jammu, I am specially indebted to Amitabh Mattoo, Savita Singh,

Priyankar

Upadhyaya,

Anjoo

Sharan

Upadhyaya. I also owe a lot to my students and researchers working with me in the pursuance of their academic strides into the world. David Cortright, Yunus Samad and University of Tuft Group visiting our Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies in August 2007 have also added in their own way to my understanding of realities of

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international politics and peace and conflict studies. Sandhya Gupta from Fletcher School of Law and Neeraj from University of Boston have also brought me out from Platonic shadows of the cave into the light of day. My wife Renu Gangal and my son Purvansh Gangal have put so much of efforts into my academic and every other type of evolution that I cannot but express my utmost sense of gratitude to them. Without them and their support, I just cannot move even an inch forward. There are so many others who have helped me differently in my extended family of blood relations. From a small little child to the eldest member of this network, everyone, has helped me even at the cost of their own physical and material loss while forgetting their all other difficulties for my sake. As such Surbhi Gupta, my sister and her husband Atul Gupta, my brother-in-law; Rama Agarwal, my mother-in-law; O.P. Agarwal, my father-in-law; Pradeep Agarwal, Rajeev Agarwal and Sunil Agarwal – my brother-in-laws, Alka Agarwal, Abha Agarwal and Kanchan Agarwal – my sister-in-laws, Sanjeev Aggarwal, my very special brother-in-law

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and his wife Rekha Aggarwal – my very special sister-in-law; our children Anant, Ankita, Arush, Akshi, Anushka, Arnav, Aman, Shivangi and Shreya -- I owe them, each one of them, so much that I cannot really repay what they have done for me despite my best of efforts in this direction. My publisher, office and library persons of the Department of Political Science and of the University of Jammu have also extended full cooperation to me. I express my heart felt thanks for all that they have showered upon me from time to time. Some of my colleagues have been of more help than others, specially, Karuna Thakur, Ellora Puri, B. B. Anand, Kishor Sharma, Vishal Sharma, Yog Raj Sharma and Ranjeet Kalra among several others. I owe them all a lot for all the support coming from them throughout. Despite all help from various quarters coming to me in writing this book, I, alone, am responsible for my work and any mistakes or anomalies that may appear in the book in spite of all care that has gone into the final publishing of the manuscript.

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I am dedicating this book to my parents, namely, my Father, Professor S. C. Gangal and my Mother, Mrs Saroj Gangal and to my mentors Duwanee Wale Hakeem Ji Shri Ram Dutt Magotra and Pundit Ashutosh Magotra. Without their Blessings, I would not have been able to devote my life to creative pursuits at all. They are the doer(s) not “I”. Their will be done, not mine.

Anurag Gangal

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Content Chapters

Pages

About the Author

5

About the Book

7

Preface

9

Content

17

1. Introduction: Major Issues

19

2. Globalisation

37

3. Kashmir Question

65

4. Terrorism

101

5. Conflict Resolution

121

6. Human Security

157

7. World Peace

197

8. Conclusion: Beyond Perversions

217

Bibliography

235

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Chapter One Introduction: Major Issues

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Chapter One Introduction: Major Issues Relevance of the ideas of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi is self-evident in view of massive disputes, conflicts, warfare and massacres taking place in different parts of the world. These as well as other challenges to world peace have only one option today. This is the option of realising the truth and going the nonviolent way. Even if Gandhi is put aside on the shelf, there are but the Gandhian openings only. The question of relevance actually must not arise. Absolute nonviolence in intent is necessary while nonviolence in general in action will have to be observed. The nonviolence of the brave alongwith violence of the brave will have to be there. Violence of the brave is required when a person or group of people do not have sufficient courage to go for nonviolent methods bravely. Such violence may be used to deal with utter violent and criminal exceptions in a given society. Nonviolence and peaceful methods are not merely tools for bringing more permanent peace for a society with more positive orientation but they are our only alternatives to go for a normal, healthier, creative and productive civil society. On the other hand, the present day technological development and its quest for “excellence” and efficiency are leading to a crisessyndrome. It is aggravating a number of crises and problems all over

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the world such as over population, proliferation of armaments, pollution, poverty, peculiar unemployment,

educational void,

starvation, malnutrition and ever increasing acquisitive instincts. Aforesaid contexts are further subjected to the “toppings” of corruption in corridors of power, plagiarism and cheating in education, pervasive trends in the practice of hypocrisy and sycophancy appear to be main reasons behind most of our problems today. All this combined with increasing efficiency and technological excellence further aggravates the situation. Technology is widening its horizons without fulfilling basic needs of drinking water, electricity, food for all and employment for all. Amartya Sen, an Indian Nobel Laureate in Economics, presents a very interesting and highly readable work entitled Development as Freedom, OUP, Oxford, 1999. He rightly says that freedom includes nearly every type of

social,

political,

economic

and

individual

standpoints.

Development is possible only when all these freedoms including diverse facilities and opportunities are made duly accessible to common people. The scenario in India is still going in the different direction. India has entered into its sixtieth year of independence on 15 August 2007. Yet the condition of a few handful of people is improving only while majority of them are still suffering and reeling under great scarcities and socio-economic and political burdens. India is known to have set examples for other developing and poorer nations, especially,

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in the area of technological upliftment and heavy industrialisation of the economy in such a short time. In the latest context of globalisation, civil society, good governance, human security, and culture of peace as well, India is doing much better vis-à-vis a number of other poorer countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America (AALA nations). Yet realities within the Indian social, economic and political ethos cannot be ignored. One cannot but become quite sarcastic when writing about such concerns. By all means, India is moving to fulfil development, energy, communication and basic needs of the country uniquely. India has technology and human resources both. No doubt there are nearly seven 07 million Indian citizens who do not get drinking water at all even after 60 years of independence. Is this not a crisis situation!!! These Indians without water are apparently Yogis who can live without water and food. Is that really so? What they do not get for themselves, they are haplessly leaving it for others to consume – provided food and water are made available for millions of other citizens. Apparently, this is the situation. This peculiar circumstance is their in other areas as well. Leaders and businessmen are becoming ever richer not only in India but also in the entire South Asia. India’s is merely a representative case to understand the larger picture in Africa, Asia and Latin America.

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Drinking Water Front Again, in India, basic need of water presents an appalling condition. A bit of sarcasm and satire naturally enters into its explanation. This is an exercise by 07 million people into natural voluntary (?) preservation of drinking water for those who need it more. However, does fulfilling the need of one means sacrificing the requirement of the other needy persons? This results into highly saddening phenomenon. Urban dwellers then get at least a few drops of soiled water in their glowing taps in tiled bathtubs and shining kitchens. This is resulting from the sacrifice of “07 million Yogis” who do not get any drinking water at all. This water is further preserved into household utensils drip by drip by needy urban dwellers. One utensil is filled up very fast in about twenty four hours. Thus, taking a full bath may not be possible. But at least the purifying touch of water can be felt by dipping fingers in the fulsome water filled cans! Is this not a great achievement for a poor though speedily developing India. Indeed, the credit goes to our water management departments, power ministers, political energy boosters and power brokers. Is this not an instance of sacrifice of the people, by the people for the people? Clearly, power enriches and absolute power enriches absolutely! Save (?) Electricity and Energy Indian Government has gained a lot in energy saving through least possible use of electricity in particular. That is why Indian

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Government, through its media, is on a special spree to teach its population how to save electricity in “voltage banks” for posterity to use it in an emergency. What apparently Government wants here is that people must learn to put off all their lights and electronic gadgets whenever electricity comes alive for a little while again and again after scheduled and un-scheduled cuts. This is the best way to practice “limits to degenerating growth” and set examples for developed nations not to waste their electricity 24 hours a day every week. Developed nations, therefore, are going into a pit of modernity with inherent threats of ever more chances of electrocution due to continuous supply of deadly electric currents. Such free use and supply of electricity is dangerous for the precious life of every Indian citizen. Indian Government knows it fully well. In India, threat of electrocution is much lesser because it is provided to urban areas only about 05 to 06 hours a day, effectively speaking. Therefore, the threat of electrocution is reduced with a boon for longer and safer life for common Indian citizens and individuals. This shows how really caring the Indian Government is! One wonders if India intends to enter into the nuclear power generation also only in this too caring a way. Even during the 05 to 06 hours a day of palpitating electric supply, it keeps coming and going every 15 to 30 minutes in order to ensure safety and security of the people using it. Such caring electric supply is also giving people training in national defence. This training

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will come handy at times of warfare and bombardment by an enemy country. People thus become well trained for “black outs” during strategic air-strikes. This electric rigmarole as a child’s play is carried on so enthusiastically by our technicians and electricity linemen that it ensures fully the quick discharge of inverter batteries at home and offices in view of repeated defence training through recurring “black outs”. Therefore, the electricity generation pattern and its intermittent supply is also helping employment generation by providing ample opportunities to expansion of inverter and battery production units. The connection between them is growing day by day. Education in Intuition and Logic Aforesaid water and electricity perspective is closely linked to educational priorities of India. In view of governmental stress more on saving electricity than on using it, our belief in the development of intuitive power of children is also emerging very clearly. Indian Government is providing repeated and ample opportunities for selfstyled meditation specially when unscheduled electricity cuts take place not only during the day but also at night. This is obvious because above mentioned water and electricity saving does not allow children even to study under the street light. Hence, there is no other option but to go for meditation only. This helps them grow vastly their intuitive power. As such, they pass their various examinations through perspiration, inspiration, meditation and intuition! A highly

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visionary population, indeed, is on the anvil in the sixtieth year of India’s independence. India has a very bright future especially through water and electricity projects of Government of India. What to talk of the nuclear aspect then? It is also likely to go for similar type of a very bright future!!! The best part of this Governmental policy of learning through perspiration and inspiration emerges when they teach to save what is not there at all. In other words, Indian citizens learn to save electricity although it is not with them fully for about 17 to 18 hours a day. Graphical Savings in Banks This training in developing a habit to save energy, electricity and water is having multi-fold dimensions. This can also lead to very strong financial base for the Indian nation. Such a continuous training from their childhood, teaches our unemployed youth how to save income without earning anything much! That is why our national savings in the banks are now having an upward graph with unparalleled positive magnitudes. Indians thus learn to save through logic. They have learnt to create from nothing and that is what logic is about! Saving energy, water, electricity and income is necessary even though we may not be having them with us fully and permanently. Yet, one wonders whether electricity can be put in a bank to be used when needed! This policy of electricity saving may protect it from ongoing electric thefts as well.

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Indian Revenue and Income Tax This is combined with Indian Revenue and Income Tax kaleidoscope also. There are only a few big business houses that are known not to be paying their taxes fully through maintaining multiple level of accounts and projections. This is possible only in the private sector and also in the public undertakings. Otherwise, in the area of governmental and semi-governmental employees in thousands of institutions, all levied taxes have to be paid to government. No duplicate accounts can be maintained here. However, in this area of salaried people in the government and semi-government concerns and institutions, salaries are about five to six times less vis-à-vis the private concerns and the corporate sector. In comparison to equivalent jobs in developed countries like United States, United Kingdom and Canada etcetera, salaries in India in private and corporate sector are about four to five times less. While in the public and governmental sector, salaries are about ten times less. Despite this situation, taxes appear to be five to ten times higher in terms of simple and objective mathematical calculations. Despite such a pattern of taxes and salaries, Indian Government has to face tremendous challenges in the generation of funds for national development. Interestingly, a university teacher who gets around 30,000 thousand rupees salary per month in India will get nearly $ 5,000 per month in a university in United States or Canada. This will mean

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about rupees 2, 00,000 per month. Out of this monthly amount, about 60, 000 rupees will be given to taxes to the US or Canadian governments. Their, even today, one can get a reasonable house on monthly rent of about $ 1,000 and a brand new car for a small family for about $ 2,000. Daily expense per person in United States comes to be between $ 20 to $ 50 on an average. In India, a person who gets a salary of 30,000 thousand rupees per month, will be giving nearly 5,000 rupees for house rent every month. A small car will cost him rupees 2, 00,000. His daily expense per person will be between rupees 200 to 500. On this amount of salary, an Indian citizen pays taxes to the tune of about 5,000 rupees monthly after all the maximum savings and so-called rebates. Hence, even the magnitude of taxes in India is also superlative in a peculiar way. This simple and day to day mathematics is making Indians go berserk. Their appear to be emerging prospects of a civil war in India in view of such situations. What does it signify? It shows discrepancy, imbalance, matter of fact ways of the Indian Government and its advisors and experts. They don’t see the common citizen while formulating their policies. They are more involved in their theoretical excellence vis-à-vis other international conceptualisations and practices. They are more concerned with presenting a beautiful picture on paper and print. Hyperbolic surveys are entered into and their explanations are

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presented – and policies are formulated. Standards are also set for action mostly on paper. One very popular example of such performance of Indian Governmental institutions can be seen in the actual functioning of Bhartiya Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL). Mobile Communication and Networking This logic of improvisation and creation from without has provided great support and strength to the communication networking of the Indian Government. One small sample of success in this field can be seen in the mobile phones networking of Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL). This example is merely a tip of the iceberg. The reality is, however, profound and even vast and massive. What is this real instance of success? This is a continuous paradigm. Recurring specially in smaller towns and border areas. Using BSNL Cellone then becomes a matter of pride for common people. These Cellone connections leads to marvellous responses form BSNL when mobile numbers are dialled. This becomes a spectacular exercise in ringing literary music! “Try later”, “…not answering”, “Network busy”, “Error in connection”, “Cannot allowed”, “Out of range”, “User unavailable” etcetera. Recurrence of such things by themselves becomes rhapsody musical errors! Despite all this mis-management and policy dis-orientation, India is still the best among all other developing and poorer nations of

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Asia, Africa and Latin America (AALA). This, indeed, is a commonly known fact. South Asian and AALA Countries’ Challenges Poverty, pollution, proliferation of armaments, increasing population, drinking water scarcity, unemployment, globalisation’s onslaught, mutual and other nuclear threats, modern technology and illiteracy etcetera are the major problems in South Asian and AALA nations alongwith modern terrorism. These troubles further lead to other mutual conflicts, tensions and skirmishes. At times, such problems and conflicts result into massive mutual warfare as well – causing vast destruction of precious human lives and material valuable property. Most of these conflicts and challenges become ever more complex and permanent in nature with every effort of resolving them. For example, terrorism in India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Nepal is turning into one of the most disastrous phenomena to deal with in South Asia, South West Asia and West Asia. This problem has now engulfed United States, United Kingdom, Italy and Australia also in a very serious way. The situation is such that political systems in almost all South Asian, South West Asian and West Asian countries have failed completely. Mafia is freely functioning while, specially in India, judiciary is becoming hyper-active – crossing its own limits and framework. On the one hand mafia is filling the power vacuum

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created by political perversion and, on the other hand, judiciary is functioning like an executive branch of government. Is it advisable that each branch of government does not function on its own and its work may be done by another branch? In these countries, only the politicians, mafia dons and business community are prosperous. All others are suffering from one or the other kind and level of poverty. The poverty thresh-hold or the poverty line in India is generally an income below 45 Rupees a day, i.e., about 1350 Rupees a month. Al those earning this much or less than this amount are much below the poverty line. About 25% of Indian population is therefore below the poverty line. While, in reality, even those who earn even ten times of this amount every month, they are also very poor with highly dissatisfactory standards of living. In this sense, nearly 60% population of India is very poor. In other words, about sixty crore or 600 billion Indian population is very poor. One wonders whether Indian political decision makers ever see this reality. Such is the case in other South Asian countries also. They are actually worse than India. All the data mentioned above are also, indeed, commonly known to all concerned based on various governmental and nongovernmental sources. Method and Purpose The purpose of writing this book is three fold. First, it is to bring together author’s scattered strands of ideas and thought together into one volume. Secondly, it is to put forward quite a few un-written

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and hither-to-fore un-spoken perspectives on issues like poverty, basic needs thesis, proliferation of armaments, ecology and environment and population explosion vis-à-vis questions of development and human security and globalisation etcetera. Thirdly, the purpose is to bring forth a meaningful debate on the ideas presented in this work. The major present-day issues in national and international contexts are discussed within the larger framework of the Gandhian philosophy and its relevance today. This is being done here in an analytical mould while giving more importance to ideas and themes in comparison to statistical and mathematical data. More space is given here to certain issues like globalisation, Kashmir question, Human Security and other such aspects while issues like poverty, pollution, proliferation of armaments and population are generally discussed mainly in relation to other detailed perspectives. Various issues that are not discussed into separate chapters do show their lesser importance at all. These issues will be taken up in a different volume latter. In the present volume, main emphasis is on India, South Asia, Conflict Resolution and World Peace including Human Security. Conclusion India and other AALA countries, specially South Asian nations, face so many other challenges also alongwith above mentioned anomalies of poverty and development. Some of these challenges are common to all countries of the world, specially the

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problems of proliferation of armaments, terrorism, human security, globalisation, pollution, ecological decay and expanding mosaic of diversified conflicts among and within nations. This set of problems and challenges is further leading to emerging gaps, peculiar syndromes and varied discrepancies between ever rising expectations, technological requirements, existing social, economic and political traditions and levels of development in AALA countries. The only way to see the ‘light of day’ appears to be the road to nonviolence, love and peace. Such a nonviolent option is commonly known as the Gandhian way. Whether the world wants this or not – there is no other way. As Gandhi often said’ “Peace is the only way”. Gandhi’s way is straight and his path is seen easily. But it is difficult because complexities of modern life make it so. If political leaders and other official and non-official functionaries of political systems in AALA countries keep on adding one after the other complexity upon complications, then these political systems will never be able to come to fruition for posterity. Set standards, set goals, set and simplified methods will have to be established in reality and not just on paper and files. Most of the governments and leaders in these countries, specially in South Asia, are ‘paper governments and paper leaders’ quite like ‘paper tigers’. They will have to rise above their ‘paper nature’. Otherwise, the present state of affairs will continue to haunt poor people and poor nations of these countries forever – a situation where only politicians

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are minting money and mainly they are becoming prosperous at the cost of their own fellow poor citizens. Further continuance of these paradoxical circumstances is going to pose a very serious threat to those who are prosperous today. They are soon likely to face a full circle civil war like the well known ‘French Guillotine’! This is not too far away. It is going to happen in next ten years in South Asia. West Asia and South West Asia is already suffering from it. Hence, let the political system in South Asia and AALA countries start functioning, otherwise, as a political scientist I can predict, only just about a decade is left to set things right. No one is going to gain from a ‘guillotine’ and a civil war. There is need for effective regeneration of political system in AALA countries – such a system which is away from present-day well established perversions of politics. This is possible only through realising of the Gandhian values of nonviolence, truth and modernity. Gandhi,

essentially,

is

not

against

modernity,

machines,

mechanisation and technology. No doubt Gandhi has criticised them vehemently a number of times. Even then he is very much in favour of these tools of modernisation. Concurrent global trends are also somewhat Gandhian in nature as regards the benevolent aims of globalisation and liberalisation towards excellence, good governance, and evolving of a civil society the world over. In other words, the ultimate aim is to do away with the labyrinthine system of governments into evolution of a

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civil society based on nonviolence because there is no room for violence in anything even distantly related to a civilised world. Violence of any sort is primarily linked to inhumanity, illiteracy, crime, uncivil and animal like. Violence is never human. State and government are institutions largely based on brute force and infliction of fear on its inhabitants and citizens. As such, movement towards civil society is a Gandhian aim while looking forward to a globalised world. The world has to move only in the Gandhian direction if it has to survive and prosper.

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Chapter Two Globalisation

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37

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38

Chapter Two Globalisation Mahatma Gandhi has seldom written about strictly modern process of globalisation. He could not because present-day globalisation was far away in his own time. He has still reflected on related areas of international federation, world peace, exploitation of the weak by the stronger nation, freedom, equality, dignity of the individual, primacy of the individual in a socio-political system, mechanisation, media and trade etcetera. As such, Gandhi has a vision for unity of mankind, universal brotherhood and “…living association of human beings…” the world over. Similarly,

contemporary

globalisation

encompasses

phenomenological paradigmatic evolution of technological trends from the late-nineteenth to twenty-first century in the fields of information, communication, multi-media, trade, commerce, finance, international institutions / relations, national development, political systems, and ecological patterns etcetera. A common special feature of these predispositions anent globalisation is the apparent unity of mankind found, among others, in the “coming together” of even distant nations through technology regulated regimes of internet, satellites, supersonic jets, multinational corporations and constantly receding international trade barriers. The modern surging ahead in multi-media

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technology is bringing in its wake a global transformation. Entire world has now become a “Global Village"1 International organisations and kindred activity towards common global ends of sharing, knowing and coming together through mutual excellence are manifest processes of “globalisation”. The “Global Village” phenomenon is obviously an integral part of globalisation. Marshall McLuhan coined this term “Global Village” in 1960s to express his belief that electronic communication would unite the world by brining together diverse cultures and distant people of the world. Therefore, global village does not really represent the “shrinking of the world” but widening of the electronic instantaneous communication network for brining people into togetherness. Nearly, all information and communication rests upon the click of a “mouse”! Globally established really open society without any walls is in the “offing”. This Global Village is very different from the decentralised village-based economy and polity preferred by India’s Father of the Nation – Mohandas Karmachand Gandhi. For him: • city,

It is the individual(s) who compose a village, town, municipality,

metropolis,

cosmopolis,

megalopolis,

necropolis, state, nation-state and international society of nations.2 •

It is their (individuals’) vows of satya (truth), ahimsa

(nonviolence),

astaeya

(non-stealing),

aparigraha

(non-

possession) and brahmcharya (chastity) that characterise the

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

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foundation of the larger socio-political and economic edifice. These are also known as panch yama of Patanjali’s Yogsutra. •

Gandhi begins with the individual in the village and

ends up with the individual in the comity of nations.3 •

Discipline, vows and values are accorded highest place

in Gandhi’s “experiments with truth”. If these values and the individual are “intact” in any system of technology and politics, Gandhi is ready to embrace it fondly although he is generally known to have written in his Hind Swaraj, “ I cannot recall a single good point in connection with machinery”.4 The current movement towards Globalisation also appears to be having a number of APPARENT Gandhian values such as: 1) global unity and integration, 2) fast growing antipathy to mass-violence (at least in principle on a wider plain) specially in the aftermath of the terrorist attack on New York’s trade centre on 11 September 2001, 3) an evidently receding trend in ideological clashes among nations (specially between liberalism and socialism), 4) globally expanding mosaic of acceptance of the Gandhian principle of nonviolence among nations and their leaders (see specially India’s response and patience to terrorist violence and attacks) and

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5) end of or doing away with “war as an instrument of national policy” at least among countries of the European Union. In this age of Globalisation and increasing regional cooperation, Canada appears to be functioning like a great catalyst in the observance of Gandhi’s principle of the fusion of precept and practice for attaining higher aims of human welfare. Gandhi’s “practical-idealism” is reflected in a number of projects financed by the Canadian Government in India and other developing and poorer countries.5 Canadians are also extending their hands of friendship to Indian Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Canadians have helped NGOs like Manav

Kalyan Sansthan, and Conflict-

transformation and Peace Awareness Gandhian Society of India (COPEAP) to deal with the menace of landmines in border areas during 1999 to 2000.6 In this sense, at least, globalisation is certainly adding to the solution of numerous challenges facing the humanity at large. This hypothesis, however, needs to be systemically analysed. Certain pointers arise. What else is Globalisation? What are the ‘other’ major characteristics of “globalisation”? Is globalisation really necessary? Has it really become a part of our lives? Are there any disparaging indicators of globalisation? Does globalisation serve the cause of billions of poor people in Afro-Asian and Latin American (AALA) countries? What is the relationship of globalisation with the

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five “Ps”, namely, Population, Poverty, Pollution, Proliferation of armaments and Peace of the world? The Other Side of Globalisation Gobalisation has its other aspects too. This refers to the primacy of technology in the process of globalisation and its pejorative impact. First, it is technology and ideology. Secondly, it is obsolescence in technology. Thirdly, it is inherent exploitation of poorer people through technology. Fourthly, it is the environmental threats through technology. Fifthly, modern technology is blind to human values. Sixthly, this technology is leading to social and political disruptions through utter materialism and ever-growing quest for modern armaments. Seventhly, modern technology is creating several

problems

like

population

explosion,

poverty

and

unemployment etcetera for poorer nations. Last but not least, it is believed that globalisation is a continuous process towards a “new and

just

world

order”.7

Will it be a new world order or just a movement for inception of a captive mind society and “think police state” of George Orwell?.8 Indeed, these posers need to be examined here, especially, on the basis of Gandhi’s Indian Home Rule or Hind Swaraj first published in 1908. Gandhi has provided a very severe critique of industrialism, modernisation, railways, allopathy and modern parliamentary democracy etcetera.

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44

1. Science of techniques or technology has entered the realms of meta-rationality and meta-materialism focussing on speed, comfort, efficiency, accuracy, information, fusion and fission leaving behind the philosophy of science based on twin parameters of knowledge and reason. Technology is racing ahead of “time” and “space” in the twenty-first century after cutting across the limits of “philosophy” and biases of “ideology” from sixteenth to twentieth centuries. There are countless examples with latent and manifest interconnections. One invention and concomitant development(s) lead(s) to a further action, reaction and causal outcome(s). •

From the age of gunpowder, bullets and bombs to imperialism.

•

From the age of aeroplanes, atom bombs, machine guns, radio, telephone and electricity to colonialism, neo-colonialism and effective “socialism of the vanguard of proletariat”.

•

From the age of light machine guns, AK-47s, AK-57s, nuclear arsenals, inter-continental ballistic missiles, cyber-warfare, global terrorist network, satellites, computers, information explosion and information dissemination multi-national regimes to disintegration of erstwhile

Soviet Union,

universalisation of technologies functioning alike in every type of political system and globalisation through World

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45

Trade Organisation, United Nations, European Union and multi-national corporations (MNCs) etcetera. 2.

Fast growing rate of obsolescence in modern

technology is generating a storehouse of dumps upon dumps of waste material. It is not only the storage aspect but also the question of the need for keeping pace with “technological convulsions”. It is very obvious when ink cartridge of a desktop printer bought today would not be available in another two years time. Even if it would be available, users of the latest DTP flash will look down upon the earlier DTP model and its cartridges. •

This trend is there in foreign trade and international politics also. Whenever there emerges – on an average, every second year – a new version of an aircraft and warplane in a developed country, the old one is either sold cheaply or “gifted” to a developing or poorer nation for its “state-of-the-art” national security and defence from a neighbouring regime.

•

This craze for the “latest” is visible in academics and in the modern “love life” as well. Knowledge is becoming not so much of virtue and wisdom but more of an “amount, quantity and quality of information”. This collectivity of information is now being regarded as knowledge! Older and classical masterpieces of literature

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in almost every subject or discipline are treated as completely outdated. •

The materialistic process of globalisation looks askance at the science of spiritualism. Even the modern “love” is increasingly becoming a “quick fix” affair. “Time” and “space” are needed and time and space are scarce!9 What a dichotomy? Man is turning subservient to technology. An unseen Frankenstein is hovering over us and we do not want to recognise its shadows sapping our reflexes!

•

George Orwell’s 1984 and its “think police” appears to be in the offing.10 He shows in this novel that a time would come when the entire world will be integrated into three continents with the withering away of modern States. This will be a situation of continental sovereignty and not the sovereignty of nations or States. The network of information dissemination will be so penetrating that it will be able to detect what citizens of a continent would be thinking. As such, whenever there will be a digression in the prescribed standards of thinking the rulers will send their Think Police to arrest the violator of thinking-codes! Is globalisation moving in that direction?

3.

“Technology” originates from two Greek words

“tekhne” and “logos” i.e. “craft” or “art” and “science” of craft and art for practical purposes. Concise Oxford Dictionary brands it as “the

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application of scientific knowledge for practical purposes”.11 Clearly “science” is away from “good” or “bad”. Does it mean that “little thinking” goes into scientific use of a technology? How dangerous such technology can be! That is why technology is generally silent about the needs of an individual due to implicit vested interests of “technological sustenance” and incessant expansion. Modern technology, otherwise, cannot work profitably. As such, individual needs and comforts are converted into a requirement of masses. Only then technology works wonders through mass-production, mass media, mass-democracy, mass-education, mass-culture, massive-warfare and destruction etcetera. This massive and top-heavy technology is very sweetly spreading automotive glamour, comfort and efficiency across an international network of poor nations via multinational corporations and “needy” governments. 4.

Despite widespread governmental and international

organisational environmental protection machinery, rationality of human ingenuity is perspiring to reach even the “space” environs to bring viruses like Respiratory Virus (SARS) and Acquired Immuno Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) etcetera. All these viruses are lately known to have travelled from Space through satellites and space shuttles.

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48

Technology is, therefore, polluting not only this spaceship earth but also Space with “rebound impact”. One wonders what type of rationality is this? It is known in the vernacular that modern transport system and air conditioning equipments are breaking the ozone layer time and again as a result of adding chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) to atmosphere. It is causing several skin diseases and ultra violet radiation. Still the world is continuing with what is really not required in the present technological form. The need of the time is to realise the “end or limits of rationality” where human beings can live safely. The Gandhian thought has a ready-made prescription for these ills of modernity. What we require is simply to evolve a bridge between materialism of the West and “moralism” of the Orient.12 5. Modern technology is generally blind to human values since “science” is “value-free”. One instance relating to prevention of AIDS may suffice in this matter. Most of the governments use mass media to drive home a message that it is “necessary to use condoms to prevent AIDS” today. None of them stress the need to enhance power of self-restraint! Why? Clearly if they do so then who will buy condoms? People are, thus, being encouraged towards ever-greater “indulgence” in favour of technological and related vested interests!

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49

The essence of social cohesiveness is being forgotten. Indulgence in social immorality is becoming a fashionable act and a social norm for everyone to follow and cherish. Is this a sign of “modernity and technological advancement”? 6. Social disruption and promiscuousness is transforming into

a

global

phenomenon

in

the

name

of

technological

“professionalism”! Human relationships are being projected into biological and emotional needs through Internet and mass media. Does this signify a feather in the development of civilisation? This author has experimented with Internet and mass media for about five years to pose this pointer now. Familial fragmentation, especially, in the developed world is so apparent that it is leading to mercurious dimensions. This trend is infectious. In the name of technology, this inclination is widening with the pace of human thought and imagination. Dissatisfied men and

women

are seeking solace in

momentary information

dissemination and exchange of ideas. Is it really “modernisation”? 7. Modern technology is also creating several problems like population explosion, poverty and unemployment etcetera for poorer nations.13 Increasing birth rates, decreasing death rates, illiteracy and mass-deprivation of education and displacement of labour and people -- as a result of technological efficiency syndrome -- leading to widespread unemployment etcetera are factors responsible for

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50

multiplying population among poorer nations of the world. The world population is about 6.6 billion today. Nearly 70% population of the world is living in the so-called third world developing and “underdeveloped” nations. These nations have also about 70% natural resources of the world as well! Wide spread poverty and gross starvation among poorer nations requires their poor population to go for God-given fertility to empower their economic prospects and enlighten their sources of easily available natural entertainment or relaxation. Any other type of “development” is beyond their perception until “development” affects their lives in any “meaningful” terms. More than one billion population in the world is starving 14

today.

Not more than one billion dollars are required for this

purpose. If the entire world goes fully vegetarian then this problem can be solved almost “instantly”, as it were.15 Such a “sojourn” needs commitment, devotion, sense of conviction and massive mediaattention. Who will bell the cat? This is, indeed, a difficult question. 8. Technology requiring globalisation for its mere sustenance, as such, has become a gargantuan bird of prey leading to moral degradation and uncalled for exploitation of natural resources including manpower. This is disturbing a natural order of things, human beings and inherent system engulfing even the rule of law. One of the most glaring stances of such fundamental failure can be seen in wide spread professionalisation of terrorism in the world.16

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Gandhi on Globalisation The prospects of present-day globalisation in the Gandhian traditions of thought and practice are not very difficult to see today. A few quotations from Gandhi’s writings may help open Platonic “shadows of the cave” as it were. Writings and sayings of Mahatma Gandhi and majority of commentators and critics of Gandhian philosophy have shown not only inherent but also explicit significance of the idea of oneness of humanity, individual’s dignity and self-reliance for Swaraj in Gandhi’s practical-idealist perspective of politics. Gandhi has never regarded himself as a system builder. His experiments, however, have led him to evolve – for several commentators and analysts like S. C. Gangal, Mahendra Kumar, Raghavan Iyer, Savita Singh, Ramjee Singh, Johan Galtung and others – a Predominantly Nonviolent State as his second best Ideal and a Nonviolent Society as his ultimate Ideal for establishing a vibrantly creative global and just political ethos where cooperation, equality and nonviolence has replaced exploitation, inequality and bloody warfare and mutual hatred. Similar ideas are currently being propagated and discussed by internationally acclaimed authors and statesmen alike even if they are apparently not so much directly influenced by Gandhi.17 What is Gandhi’s concept of holistic process of globalisation? It is a practical-idealist concept. Gandhi called himself a practicalidealist. Gandhi has never written or said much about globalisation in

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particular as a term with specific meaning that is being attached to it currently. Yet he had foreseen almost all major trends and strands of globalisation today in a positive and creative mould. For him: It is impossible for one to be an internationalist without being a nationalist… Our nationalism can be no peril to other nations inasmuch as we will exploit none just as we will allow none to exploit us.18 The satyagrahi must maintain personal contact with people of his locality. This living association of human beings is essential to a genuine democracy.19 I have no doubt that unless big nations shed their desire for exploitation and the spirit of violence of which war is the natural expression and the atom bomb the inevitable consequence, there is no hope for peace in the world.20 Mechanisation is good when hands are too few for the work intended to be accomplished. It is evil where there are more hands than acquired…21 I entertain no fads in this regard [i.e., his avowed opposition to mechanisation and capital-intensive technology]. All that I desire is that every able-bodied citizen should be provided with gainful employment. If electricity and even automatic energy could be used without…creating unemployment, I will

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not raise my little finger against it…. If the Government could provide full employment to our people without the help of Khadi hand-spinning and handweaving industries, I shall be prepared to wind up my constructive programme in this regard.22 Under Swaraj (self-rule) of my dream, there is no necessity of arms at all.23 To reject foreign manufactures merely because they are foreign, and to go on wasting national time and money on the promotion in one’s own country of manufactures for which it is not suited would be criminal folly, and a negation of the Swadeshi spirit.24 Decentralisation of political and economic power, reduction in the functions and importance of State, growth of voluntary associations, removal of dehumanising poverty and resistance to injustice … will bring life within the understanding of man and make society and the State democratic….. The nonviolent State will cooperate with an international organisation based on nonviolence. Peace will come not merely by changing the institutional forms but by regenerating those attitudes and ideals of which war, imperialism, capitalism and other forms of exploitation are the inevitable expressions.25

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[I am not against all international trade, though imports should be limited to things that are necessary for our growth but which India -- and for that matter any poorer country -- cannot herself produce and export of things of real benefit to foreigners.]26 Gandhian Prospects of Globalisation On the basis of the above-mentioned parts of this research work, an attempt is being made here to evolve a Gandhian strategy for prospective road to globalisation especially in the light of quite a few existing relatively harmful trends and patterns. Gandhi is one with former United States (US) President Bill Clinton’s statement: “ the central reality of our time is that the advent of globalisation and the revolution in information technology have magnified both the creative and destructive potential of every individual, tribe and nation on our planet.” 27 Gandhi has a holistic approach to human problems, in which reform or reconstruction should concentrate, more or less at the same time, at all levels of human existence and activity, i. e, individual, local, national and international levels. Globalisation is an ever-accelerating trend of modern “civilisation”. Gandhi, going much beyond Bill Clinton, finds in this civilisation:

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I.

“…. people living in it make bodily welfare the object of life.

II.

“…. If people of a certain country, who have hitherto not been in the habit of wearing much clothing, boots etc., adopt European clothing, they are supposed to have become civilised out of savagery.

III.

“…. [Ever increasing mechanisation] is called a sign of civilisation.

IV.

“Formerly, only a few men wrote valuable books. Now, anybody writes and prints anything he likes and poisons people’s minds.

V.

“…. As men progress,… [they] will not need the use of their hands and feet…. Everything will be done by machinery.

VI.

“…. Formerly, when people wanted to fight…they measured between them their bodily strength; now it is possible to take away thousands of lives by one man…. This is civilisation.

VII.

“….. [Earlier] men were made slaves under physical compulsion. Now they are enslaved by the temptation of money and of the luxuries that money can buy.

VIII.

“ There are now diseases of which people never dreamt before, and an army of doctors is engaged in finding out theirs, and so hospitals have increased. This is a test of civilisation.

IX.

“…. Today [not earlier when special messengers were needed to send a letter], anyone can abuse his fellow

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by means of a letter [of email] for one penny. True, at the same cost, one can send one’s thanks also. X.

“…now, [people] require something to eat every two hours so that they have hardly leisure for anything else [more meaningful].

XI.

“….. This civilisation is such that one has only to be patient and it will be self-destroyed.” 28

Gandhi has said and written anent vast areas of life and human concerns. In this context, he has made a very bold exposition in his Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule. On 24 April 1933, he says – on page 04 in the beginning of this booklet, “I would like to say the diligent reader of my writings and to others who are interested in them that I am not at all concerned with appearing to be consistent. In my search after Truth I have discarded many ideas and learnt many new things. Old as I am in age, I have no feeling that I have ceased to grow inwardly or that my growth will stop at the dissolution of the flesh. What I am concerned with is my readiness to obey the call of truth, my God, from moment to moment, and, therefore, when anybody finds any inconsistency between any two writings of mine, if he still has faith in my sanity, he would do well to choose the later of the two on the same subject.”29 Real globalisation for Gandhi is possible only through Panch yama of Patanjali, i.e., nonviolence, non-stealing, Truth, nonpossession and chastity. Global though sectoral reformation

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programme for regeneration of every individual is needed for balancing the negative effects of the process of globalisation. It was Gandhi’s conviction that individuals – of whom the nations and global communities are constituted – must have priority in any scheme of reform or reconstruction. Yet another idea in Gandhi’s scheme is that any durable programme of reconstruction must be marked by a measure of coordination and integration at various levels of social action through voluntary effort. Press and media have a very significant role in this sphere. Media, for Gandhi, must be having unmistakable autonomy and self-reliance with little dependence on advertisement revenue. The cultivation of nonviolence by the individual and the establishment of non-exploitative economy at different levels will lead eventually to the emergence of what he calls nonviolent nationalism. Ultimately, these nonviolent nations will function under a world federation or international organisation on the basis of: • • • • • • • •

Political and economic independence without any type of colonialism or imperialism and exploitation. Voluntary effort with dedication and commitment. Goals and means not imposed from above but developed from within. Equality for all. As such every nation must feel as tall as the tallest. Decentralisation at political and economic spheres. General disarmament. Unilateral disarmament. International society as a voluntary organisation.

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• • • • • •

Common good of all. Bigger nations ready to “give” to the smaller nations. Amicable and peaceful settlement of all disputes. Small international police as long as the world is able to develop a general belief in nonviolence. Free, open, alert and impartial Media. Preponderance to mutual sense of service.30 Such a blue print should be the guiding spirit of present-day

globalisation. In this pattern of globalisation, the individual has specially a two-fold significance for Gandhi. First, proper education and training to the individual for understanding and imbibing the values of a normal society. A normal fraternity, for Gandhi, is one where development does not pose diverse types of threats to the individual and humanity. For evolving such a normal course of life for true globalisation, a Global Education Order must be established through value-related and need based education. Nearly all aspects of human life are to be covered in this programme ranging from material, moral, emotional and cultural to spiritual needs of the individual. The individuality, creativity, identity and voluntary efforts have to be the fundamental terms of reference in the launching of such a global education order. Secondly, Gandhi emphasises the role of the individual in decision-making and in sharing the national and international responsibilities. There is no place for undemocratic or authoritarian regimes in Gandhi’s agenda for globalisation. To steer clear of undemocratic or authoritarian tendencies, Gandhi suggests two more

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correctives of (i) limited State power and (ii) socio-economic decentralisation. As regards the former, Gandhi is one with Thoureau’s principle that “that government is best which governs the least.”31 To quote Gandhi: I look upon an increase in the power of the state with the greatest fear because…it does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality which lies at the root of all progress.32 In order to curb emergence of authoritarianism, the size and role of police and military, for Gandhi, has to be limited to dealing with thieves, robbers, raiders from without and a few emergencies only. It would be better if police and military perform largely the role of a body of reformers.33 Gandhi looks forward to the emergence of a world where “no state has its military.”34 Socio-economic decentralisation is yet another corrective measure to curb undemocratic tendencies. Gandhi’s global vision moves upward from the individual and a federation of village republics to an international federation of nations in a society marked by voluntary cooperation and decentralisation. Aldous Huxley, while supporting Gandhi, says, “…democratic principles cannot be effectively put into practice unless authority in a community has been decentralised to the utmost extent possible.”35 The modern inter-linking of people and economies under contemporary globalisation must give careful attention to the

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Gandhian pointers in this age of technology for keeping away from the pejorative aspects of concurrent science and development patterns. Otherwise, globalisation will prove to be a “nine days wonder” only.

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References and Notes 1

V. A. Patil and D. Gopal, Politics of Globalisation, (Authors Press, Delhi: 2002), pp. 01 – 11. “The term ‘globalisation’ was first coined in the 1980s, but the concept stretches back decades, and even centuries, if you count the trading empires by Spain, Portugal, Britain and Holland. The resolve of Western states to build and strengthen international ties in the aftermath of World War II laid the groundwork for today’s globalisation. It has brought diminishing national borders and the fusing of individual national markets. The fall of protectionist barriers has stimulated free movement of capital and paved the way for companies to set up several bases around the world. …. Supporters of globalisation say it has promoted information exchange, led to greater understanding of other cultures and allowed democracy to triumph over autocracy. Critics say that even in developed world, not everyone has been a winner. The freedoms granted by globalisation are leading to increased insecurity in workplace….. Many see globalisation as a primarily economic phenomenon, involving the increasing interaction, or integration, of national economic systems through the growth in international trade, investment and capital flows…, one can also point to rapid increase in cross-border social, cultural and technological exchange as part of the phenomenon of globalisation. The sociologist, Anthony Giddens, defines globalisation as a decoupling of space and time, emphasising … instantaneous communication, knowledge and culture … shared around the world simultaneously.” See pp 01 – 02. World Trade Organisation (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IBRD) or World Bank, United Nations (UN) and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) etcetera are a few major international organisations regulating the process of globalisation. 2 Mahatma Gandhi places an individual at a prime spot in the social, political and economic setup in society. There is a widespread misconception that Gandhi stresses “de-emphasis of individual self in pursuit of higher goals.” David P. Brash and Charles P. Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies (Sage, California: 2002), p. 05. Individual’s self-knowledge is the highest goal and the best instrument to bring inner, national and global peace and development for Gandhi. G. N. Dhawan, The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1957), Chapters 03 – 07 and pp. 312 – 351. 3 Ibid. 4 Young India, 17 June 1926; Harijan, 22 June 1935 and 15 September 1946; M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938), p. 08, Preface by Mahadev Desai. See also Raghavan Iyer (ed.), The Moral and Political writings of Mahatma Gandhi: Truth and Non-violence, Volume – II, (Oxford, London: 1986), p. 181. Gandhi is against “destructive” and “exploitative” mechanisation only. 5 See Business Times, April 1998. 6 Kashmir Times, Daily Excelsior, (both daily newspapers from Jammu, J&K, India), Hindustan Times, files concerning such programmes in Jammu, Samba, R. S. Pura and Akhnoor border areas alongwith a few seminars in Udhampur in J&K and also in Nagpur in Maharashtra in India during 1995 to 2000. 7 Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations (OUP, Oxford: 1999), pp. 206 – 212. See Nicholas Crafts, “Globalisation and Growth in the Twentieth Century” , IMF Working Paper, WP/0044, Washington DC, April 2000; However, for Gandhi, globalisation “ is SWARAJ when we learn to rule ourselves ….. But such swaraj has to be experienced by each one for himself.” G. N. Dhawan, op. cit. n. 2, p. 281. The three pillars of this one and integrated global world are: (i) It should be nonviolent, (ii) It should be

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non-exploitative and cooperative and (iii) It should be based on the reform, regeneration or education of the individual, and work its way up to the international and global level. See M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1948), Volume – I, pp. 28, 308 – 310. See also The Hindu (New Delhi), 05, 06 and 07 January 2003. 8 The famous novel 1984 by George Orwell, noted writer of political fiction whose relevant work was published in 1948. 9 One wonders whether a “moral doctor” is needed today? This is suggested by Kimberly Hutchings, International Political Theory: Rethinking Ethics in a Global Era (Sage, London: 1999), pp. 182 –184, see p. 183 particularly. 10 George Orwell, 1984 (Penguin: 1948), see especially the Appendix of the novel where characteristics of the “think police” are explained in great detail. 11 Judy Pearsall (Ed), The Concise Oxford Dictionary (Oxford University Press, New York: 1999). 12 There is need for set global standards and well-established norms under the dynamics of globalisation. Global Education Pattern (GEP), Global Ethics and Justice (GEJ), Global Values (GV) etcetera are required to be evolved at regional and global levels despite evident diversity of society, language and culture in the world. Only then globalisation can really lead to the Gandhian oneness of humanity and the world. This will be a distinct move towards justice and dignity of the individual away from dominance and exploitation. Even the current agenda of research in international politics is moving towards studies on establishing “justice” in global society. This is how a movement to bridge the gap between ethics and material development appears to have already begun. See Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations (OUP, Oxford: 1999), pp. 171 – 174. 13 Anurag Gangal, New International Economic Order: A Gandhian Perspective (Chanakya, Delhi: 1985), Chapter – II, pp. 34 – 64. Also V. T. Patil and D. Gopal, op. cit., n. 1. pp. 07 – 21.

14 Jan Tinbergen, Reshaping the International Order (London: 1977), p. 30, 46. This figure has currently doubled to nearly 02 billion people starving in the world today. See Brash and Webel, op. cit. n. 2, p. 498. 15 Jan Tinbergen, Ibid.

16 Anurag Gangal, "Forms of Terrorism", B.P. Singh Sehgal (ed.), Global Terrorism: Political and Legal Dimensions (Deep and Deep, New Delhi: 1995). See also Peter Wallensteen, Understanding Conflict Resolution (Sage, London: 2002), pp. 228 – 230. 17 Bill Clinton, Amartya Sen, Kofi Annan, George Bush, Atal Behari Vajpayee, Tony Blair, Dalai Lama and so many others. In this age of gross and massive conventional / nonconventional violence, Gandhi’s nonviolence is becoming highly relevant although it is not being put to meaningful practice. Gandhi has had little to say about globalisation. He had certainly written anent international federation of nations of the world. 18 S. C. Gangal, The Gandhian Way to World Peace (Vora, Bombay: 1960), p. 90. 19 G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 2, p. 284. Emphasis added. 20 M. K. Gandhi, op. cit. , n. 7, Volume – II, pp. 163 – 164. Emphasis added. 21 Harijan, 16 November 1939.

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22 Quoted in Ram K. Vepa, New Technology: A Gandhian Concept (New Delhi: 1975), p. 170. 23 S. C. Gangal, “Gandhian Approach to Disarmament” paper presented at a seminar on “ Perspectives on Disarmament” held under the auspices of Gandhi Peace Forum(GPF), Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 11 April 1978. 24 From Yervada Mandir ( Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1933), p. 96 – 97. 25 G. N. Dhawan, The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi (Ahmedabad: 1957), p. 341. 26 G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 25, p. 96. 27 Brash and Webel, op. cit., n. p. 113. Emphasis added. 28 Raghavan Iyer, op. cit., n. 4., pp. 212 – 214. Parentheses and Emphasis added. 29 Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938), p. 04. 30 Anurag Gangal, op. cit., n. 13, pp. 29 – 30. 31 Young India, 02 July 1931. 32 N. K. Bose, Selections from Gandhi (Ahmedabad: 1948), p. 42. 33 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War (Ahmedabad: 1948), Volume – I, Chapter – II and pp. 145, 324. See also S. C. Gangal, The Gandhian Way to World Peace (Vora, Bombay: 1960), pp. 100 – 101. 34 S. C. Gangal, Ibid. , p. 100. 35 Encyclopaedia of Pacifism, (London: 1937), p. 100.

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Chapter Three Kashmir Question

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Chapter Three Kashmir Question Any Kashmir watcher can say that majority of Pakistanis want to be a part of a “sovereign democratic” Pakistan and not the one ruled by military dictators. India must assure Pak citizens her full moral support in realising this vision. Otherwise the Kashmir tangle will never be solved. Indeed, as such, there are several related contours anent the Kashmir question especially from a Gandhian perspective. Only about one hundred and sixty years of the history of Jammu and Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar is replete with instability and blood-bath. This is not a very long time-span in international politics. It - especially -“instability” generally occurs from the very inception of a newly established political setup. But why this blood-bath, time and again? Pakistan’s “non-Islamic” desire for the merger of entire Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) with her Motherland is not the reason for it. Even religion and the socalled “two nation theory” are also not the real cause of it. In effect, Pakistan means continuous expansion until the goal is reached specially in the eyes of its rulers. How? It will be seen in the following pages in this chapter.

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Gandhi Relating to Kashmir For Pakistan, this precarious situation is necessary for her sheer existence and endless search of identity. This is also a GANDHIAN perception not just because a few novices like are saying so. Instead, Mahatma Gandhi has had very clear views on diverse dimensions in this matter. The most

relevant

among

such opinions and Gandhi’s analyses are being reproduced here in brief in his own words: --Mahatma Gandhi had given his “consent” to Indian Government’s defence measures in Kashmir in 1947 because the Government was not committed to nonviolence or “pacifism”.1 --For Gandhi, in the absence of a general belief in nonviolence, it would be well to defend a nation with all its violent might bravely instead of surrendering cowardly. 2 --“I am firmly convinced that the Pakistan demand as put forth by the Muslim League is un-Islamic. I have not hesitated to call it sinful. Islam stands for the unity and brotherhood of mankind, not for disrupting the oneness of the human family.” 3 --“There may be arguable grounds for maintaining that Muslims in India are a separate nation. But I have never heard it said that there are as many nations as there are religions on Earth.” 4

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--“The ‘two nations’ theory is an untruth. The vast majority of Muslims of India are converts to Islam or descendants of converts.” 5 --“As a man of nonviolence cannot forcibly resist the the proposed partition if the Muslims of India really insist upon it .But I can never be a willing party to the vivisection.” 6 --“If eight corers of Muslims desire it, no power on earth can prevent it, notwithstanding opposition violent or non-violent.” 7 --“To undo Pakistan by force will be to undo Swaraj.”8 --“If India and Pakistan are to be perpetual enemies and go to war against each other, it will ruin both the Dominions and their hard-won freedom will be soon lost .I do not wish to see that day.”9 --“To drive every Muslim from India and every Hindu and Sikh from Pakistan will mean war and eternal ruin for the Country.”10 --“What is the situation? It was right for the Union Government to rush troops, even a handful, to Srinagar. That must save the situation to the extent of giving Confidence to the Kashmiris….The result is in the hands of God . Men can but do or die. I SHALL NOT SHED A TEAR IF THE LITTLE UNION FORCE IS WIPED OUT, LIKE THE SPARTANS

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BRAVELY DEFENDING KASHMIR NOR SHALL I MIND …. MUSLIM, HINDU AND SIKH COMRADES, MEN AND WOMEN, DYING AT THEIR POST IN DEFENCE OF KASHMIR. THAT WILL BE A GLORIOUS EXAMPLE TO THE REST OF INDIA.” “Such heroic defence will infect the whole of India and we will forget that the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs were ever enemies.”11 --“I am amazed to see that the Government of Pakistan disputes the veracity of the Union’s representation to the UNO and the charge that Pakistan has a hand in the invasion of Kashmir by the raiders. Mere denials cut no ice. It was incumbent upon the Indian Union to go to the rescue of Kashmir when the latter sought its help in expelling the raiders, and it was the duty of Pakistan to co-operate with the Union. But while Pakistan professed its willingness to co-operate, it took no concrete steps in that direction….” “A war will bring both the Dominions under the sway of a third power and nothing can be worse. I plead for amity. And goodwill…. The understanding should however be genuine. To harbour internal hatred may be even worse than war.” 12 An attempt to bring above-mentioned select-references in a nutshell will focus our attention on the major directions of an obvious and clear Gandhian perspective in this matter. The major pointers anent this entire context are apparently very challenging and

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gratifying in nature. They call for wider perception on the part of our Governments and people. What are these challenging though highly gratifying Gandhian pointers? Are they having the potential of enlightening our darker age-in several ways today? First, Gandhi never wanted partition of India. It was personal and political rivalry between Jawaharlal Nehru and Mohammed Ali Jinnah that ultimately led to India’s vivisection while religion, socalled two nations’ theory and protection of minorities’ interests etc. became easy instruments used for serving one’s own personal political aggrandizement through the public postures of fighting for securing the cause of the people at large. Secondly, Mahatma Gandhi would opt for violence of the brave instead of nonviolence of a coward. Even in the current Indian phase of proxy-war-and-invasion against Indian territory and people by Pakistani agents/forces, Gandhi would go for-despite his inner wish to the contrary-effective, brave and obviously violent retaliation by our Army, Air Force, Navy, Police and other paraMilitary forces. Thirdly, Kashmir (i.e. all the Jammu and Kashmir including the Pak Occupied Kashmir) rightfully belongs to India. India, however, must be ready to part with her rightful claim if magnanimity on her part so requires as the largest and most powerful country in South Asia. If Pakistan has a few reasonable needs and wants which India can help satisfy, it must be done with a sense of

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duty towards younger partner. This is also a diplomatic and political requirement. Fourthly, there is no truly original Muslim person in the entire South Asia. All are converts to Islam. May be it is for this reason that Pakistan is wrongly directing its national and external forces of Jihad towards India. Fifthly, rivalry between India and Pakistan is continuously attracting other powers to enter the realms of cooperation and conflict in South Asia. Therefore, this Kashmiribone-of-contention is clearly having its very grave international ramifications also. Sixthly, the nuclear power and armaments race has further complicated the India-Pakistan tangle and the larger South Asian peace. Just see how could Pakistan claim Jammu and Kashmir when Pakistan-by itself-had always been one small though important part of the larger whole i.e. India. How can one part of a whole ask for sovereign rights over another part of a larger nation like India? Is it possible through persistent violence and terrorism in Kashmir? The beauteous land of Kashmir, despite political instability, has mostly been without bloodshed with the exception of the years after 1989.What a great tragedy of blood bath is occurring now in Jammu and Kashmir almost on routine or daily

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basis. All this is just because Pakistani Governments and agents do not want India to move on peacefully towards continuous development and prosperity. Pakistan is simply proving to be a nuisance for India. Nuisance is like a bullying attitude which does not end until the bullied decides to call it a day. This is high time when India must decide to end this bullying by Pakistan. Otherwise, we should be ready for our tryst with never ending terror and militancy on Indian soil because the very existence of any Pakistani Government and its governors appear to be depending more on Indian discomfiture and loss of precious Indian lives than on anything else. Gandhian Options How to go for it? There are several ways and options. All of them have apparently not been considered or tried till now, especially, the Gandhian ones. We can see and analyze them one by one : (1.) Mahatma Gandhi will prefer a nonviolent action in this regard provided it does not come out of cowardliness and one’s helplessness. One such suggestion can be of finding more a political solution to the entire problem than largely a military option. The first option in this matter is to openly involve our political scientists for finding political solutions in this regard. This applies even to current-- about more than a decade old -militancy in Kashmir. Military, in reality, should not be involved in dealing with a situation like that of Kashmir. When we have very

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clearly identified forces of invaders only then our military can be given orders straightway to throw away the aggressors outside the Indian borders. Otherwise, involvement of military will prove to be quite fruitless. What we need here is proper development of infiltration detection and counter-terrorism measures including commando operations at the behest of Indian Government. Such “Counter Terrorism Commando Operations” can be planned regionally and sector-wise in view of strategic location, language and over-all attitudes of citizens of a particular area. However, at every stage of development of such counter terrorist forces and at every possible level of operations, the political scientists of the concerned area must be continuously consulted because they are the best judge in all matters relating to political strategy, war, peace, order and disorder in society etc. Other social scientists cannot do this job for that sharp edge of political acumen rests with a political philosopher and academic only. Politicians are merchants of political perversions in the main today. Our military and politicians, therefore, need deeper and real political expertise for having positive and meaningful scenario before them.

Real politics is away from

perversions and manipulations. 13 (2.) Another option for resolving the Kashmir question is of opening all borders freely for respective citizens of all the South Asian nations. There is an inherent people’s political-

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psychology in such cases which works and resolves the immediate problems threatening the socio-political order. Obviously, some strategic and political vigil will be needed for a very long time in the beginning. This aspect can be taken up at the level of a South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Foreign Ministers meet and at a Summit meeting. (3.) There is nothing wrong in conducting a plebiscite in the whole of Jammu and Kashmir. According to the concerned United Nations resolution, such a plebiscite can be conducted only when all Pakistani foreign troops move out from there. Otherwise, plebiscite cannot be conducted. Since Pakistan has not removed its forces from our Kashmir till today, it is incumbent upon us to fight these foreign forces tooth and nail until they are pushed out of our territory. If we are not doing it for the last fiftythree years then we are clearly not performing even our national duty. (4.) However, Pakistan must never be merged militarily with India completely in order to save the nation, region and the world from ultimate ruin. Yet, Pakistan must be stopped from spreading fear and terror in the name of Jihad. Otherwise, increasing foreign interference in South Asia will soon transform this land of traditional peace into a region worse than West Asia. The above mentioned options are completely Gandhian in nature inasmuch as they are to be opted for in the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence. If any

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other options are tried, the result will be further complicating the web of Kashmir again and again. Even the option of maintaining the status quo is also not going to solve the crisis. This approach is actually escalating the situation year after year. This is the similar approach, which Britain had adopted towards Hitler’s Germany. This policy was later maligned as uncalled for “appeasement”. This policy of “appeasement” is known as one of the major causes of the Second World War. Original Scheme of Pakistan Historically, every Pakistani is, in essence, “an Indian first and everything else afterwards.” These are Jinnah’s words about the original scheme for the creation of Pakistan. Apparently, the very act of the creation of Pakistan shows, in a way, acceptance of some or the other kind of appeasement policy towards a handful of Muslim elite by the Britishers and leaders of Indian National Congress. The Kashmir Question is merely an extension of that policy today. The original scheme of Pakistan, put forward by Choudhary Rahmat Ali--post-graduate student-was an ambitious plan to conquer a large part of the world from Myanmar to Turkeyincluding entire West Asia-in the name of Islam, Musalman and Jihad. For Jinnah, it was a “crazy scheme”.14 Jinnah's patriotism for India can be easily seen in: United Kingdom, British Parliament’s Minutes of Evidence given before the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms

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(

session

1932-33

),Volume-II,p.1496;Sangat

Singh,

Pakistan’s Foreign Policy ( Delhi:1970 ), pp. 3-4, 55, 56, 57-70; Sharifuddin Pirzada, Evolution of Pakistan ( Lahore: 1963 ),p.30. These references tell us that: This Emmanuel College student at Cambridge University had extended a very ambitious plan for the creation of PAKISTAN obviously at the behest of the Britishers at large. As such, each LETTER in the name of “P” “A” “K” “I” “S” “T” “A” “N” represents a particular territory or geographical area. Jinnah is on record to have called this plan “a crazy scheme” only in these references. According to this proposal : “P” = Punjab, “A” = Afgania ( North West Frontier Province ), “K” = Kashmir, “I” =

Iran,

“S” = Sindh ( including Kutch and Kathiawar ), “T” = Turkistan, “A” = Afganistan, “N” = Baluchistan (representing last letter in Baluchistan). THIS IS WHAT IN REALITY CALLED “PAKISTAN PAINDABAD OR ZINDABAD”.

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Pakistani intentions appear to be clear from the very beginning. Accordingly, Pakistan is moving only in that direction very cautiously. Calculated moves are there. See, first, the Pakistani movement in Kashmir, Punjab and the whole of India in the form of repeated armed intrusions, the so-called proxy-wars and several other violations of international law from time to time. For Pakistan, Kashmir is a window to the world for achieving her original plans of conquering the planet, as it were! Erstwhile Apple of an Eye United Kingdom and United States are realizing their folly now. Pakistan is bent upon destroying even its creators (United States, United Kingdom etc.) like a Frankenstein currently in the name of politics of Jihad. There is nothing bad in it if one’s intentions are clear. But the foundations of Jihad cannot be laid down on motivated political self-interests. IN THIS MATTER ABSOLUTE SELFLESSNESS HAS TO BE GIVEN TOP MOST PRIORITY. This is not to be seen as a cherished value now-a-days. Pakistani rulers are using religion not as a purifying mechanism for ultra-perversion of personal political ambitions but they are applying religion merely as a utility or tool to subserve their very own interests. A pertinent question, here, arises. Why the United states, United Kingdom and other Western powers have somewhat suddenly taken an about turn from favouring their erstwhile “apple of the eye”-Pakistan? It is mainly because Pakistan is now openly

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adopting dangerous postures towards them in league with quite a few “religious minded” billionaires from West Asian part of the world. On the other hand, major Western nations appear to be strategically interested in Kashmir - especially its higher reaches - for a few military/satellite related bases to keep, as

it

were,

“an

instantaneous eye” on China, Russia and other Commonwealth of Independent States, West Asia, Pakistan, Afganistan and on India’s emerging nuclear and economic power status in the world. Even in this age of “information explosion”, “ inter-continental ballistic missiles” and “ laser weapons”; conventional elements and sources of national interest and national power still have their own place and importance: land, location, strategic environment, overall geography, natural security and the “global reach factor” are amply available in Kashmir , especially, for an “high-tech giant” like the United States. In this presentation, it has been stated that Gandhi was not totally opposed to India’s military help to Kashmir in 1947, and would not have minded continuing it if necessary. Strictly speaking, this is not in accordance with Gandhi’s widely known approach to the resolution of conflicts -- national or international. But the reason why he did not oppose it was because India as a nation of the modern world was not a nonviolent State. Therefore, it could not but provide its assistance in the defence of Kashmir only in this way rather than sit back in a cowardly manner. It must be stressed, and

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stressed strongly, that for Gandhi violence was always preferable to cowardice. Last but not least, Gandhi would have wanted ( like he advised the North West Frontier Province-NWFP-Government in 1935 in the

context of

tribal raiders’ attack ) to find

out

Pakistan’s legitimate grievances, if any, and remove them as best as it can be possible to do so. It must be stated that this last mentioned approach has also not yet been fully tried out. It’s high time that a beginning is successfully made in this direction also at the earliest and with an open mind. Despite all confidence building measures, this all out approach is indeed missing. Indeed, Gandhi’s nonviolence is not a set theory for all times to come. It is highly dynamic in nature. It is always evolving in essence. According to Gandhi, it can be practised by individuals, by groups of persons and by nations alike. Thus he writes, “It is blasphemy to say that nonviolence can only be practised by individuals and never by nations which are composed of individuals.”15 One has to see Pakistani rulers and people from different angles. The rulers in Pakistan have mostly been adopted the policy of crescent oriented geographical and religious expansionism in the name of the ‘unity and oneness of Islam’. That is what we have seen in these pages here. Their crescent ranges from Myanmar to Turkey. This is the most dangerous aspect of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Every

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nation has to be careful of this underlying phenomenon behind the creation of Pakistan. There, also appears a distant possibility of Pakistani people rising against their own government for the final reunification with India in view of the successful and highly stable and secular nature of latter’s democracy. The Government of Pakistan itself has become a Frankenstein for its own nation. One has to be patient, and the result will soon be their in another twenty years time! Indian Kashmir: Governing Follies The governance of Kashmir, especially in India, has always been very bad. Pakistani side of Kashmir is also equally bad if not worse. It will, however, be better to see the Indian side because one can hope for some improvement here. The nature of governance has also further compounded the Kashmir tangle for the people in Kashmir and Indian citizens in general. There is de facto and de jure governance in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).Governmental system and infrastructure is very much in vogue. Yet, it is a mix of modern and traditional feudal practices and presumptions that really run the government and various departments. Ethnic biases, family ties and unaccounted financial exchanges impress upon the functioning of the government and institutions. Very peculiar characteristic trends have surfaced since the launching of Indian Railways from Jammu in 1979. People and

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citizens of J&K are at least as much rich as they are not poor individually and in familial terms. Starvation and poverty is not there in this sense. Almost everyone has food to eat. However, the Government of Jammu and Kashmir is nearly always bankrupt. Indeed, there is no need to point out the apparent relationship within this perceptible paradoxical situation. The micro level and macro level perspective of the State Government and people are highly un-Gandhian although certain exceptions are there relating to personal values and functioning. Otherwise, Jammu and Kashmir State is going towards a civil war in the years to come. Mainly the disciplined soldiers of Indian Army are responsible for whatever little positive nuances that may be there in the State. Yet all soldiers of the Indian Army are not fully disciplined. In essence, violence and money power are ruling the roost. Only nonviolence and upright Gandhian values combined with strict discipline of individuals and professionalism can save the people of the State from the threat of a civil war. Gandhi is known to have visited Srinagar and Jammu also on 1 – 2; and 3 and 4 August 1947 respectively.16 Gandhi’s visit to J&K apparently added and additional impetus to Maharaja Hari Singh finally deciding to join the Indian union. Gandhi also extended his full support to the Indian army attacking the Kabailies invading Kashmir in the autumn of 1947 later. It was only around this time that Gandhi had seen in Jammu and Kashmir a shining example and a ray of hope

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anent communal harmony when entire India was under the spell of communal hatred, violence and massacre. Gandhi was also wholly against India’s partition. Indeed, India’s partition in 1947 was mainly the result of mutual political aspirations of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru. None of them were ready to sacrifice their own vested interest for one another and for the welfare of a united India although both of them made several other contributions to the cause of independence of India and Pakistan. Nehru and Jinnah were not ready to listen to Gandhi’s wisdom on the question of India’s partition. The legacy of India’s partition is still hovering over the state of Jammu and Kashmir even today in diverse ways. Vested Interests First, in view of a peculiar hobnobbing of local and national vested interests, Indian Army could not go ahead with its strategy to throw out invaders from the original and united Indian Kashmir, i.e., including the so called Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. Had this occurred, a number of leaders and stalwarts in J&K would not have been there on the political horizon at all. As such, J&K would have had not merely 7 but at least 17 seats in Indian Sansad or Parliament! Vested interests in J&K – in league with the national political set up – have inflicted an unparalleled blow to the cause of political freedom and representation of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Gandhi was

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not a party to such an apparent plan of political exploitation and perversion against the inhabitants of Jammu and Kashmir. Gandhi is also known as the greatest apostle of peace and nonviolence in the world today. Gandhi is globally popular as a proponent of practicable nonviolence. Yet his ideas and philosophy are often put forward in a vernacular way mostly based on hearsay and rumours. That is why Gandhi is frequently equated with the real cause behind partition of India and the hanging of noted patriots like Sardar Bhagat Singh and others. Gandhi never favoured partition and hanging of patriots like Bhagat Singh.17 However, most of the hanged Indian patriots during the period of British regime admired Gandhi for his nonviolent strength and dedication to values of patriotism, humanity, nonviolence, honesty and integrity. It was, however, unfortunate for the entire Indian subcontinent that the two most dynamic leaders like Nehru and Jinnah did not pay any heed to Gandhi’s words and vision of an independent and united India. One wonders whether some of the noted leaders of Jammu and Kashmir were also party to this obvious “personal rivalry plan” of Jinnah and Nehru. Article 370… Secondly, Article 370 of the Constitution of India and provisions of Instrument of Accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India are such that they mainly represent the historical compulsions of the J&K State. If the J&K State so desires, Article 370 – its parts related

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to J&K -- can be abrogated anytime in favour of its complete merger with the mainstream Indian territory and the larger Indian ethos. Of course, it is the Indian Parliament that will have to make an amendment to this effect. But there has to be a demand from the people and Assembly of the J&K State. All this primarily rests with the Vidhan Sabha (Legislative Assembly) and Vidhan Parishad (Legislative Council) of the J&K State and not so much with the Sansad especially where such a demand from the people of J&K is concerned. Otherwise, J&K and its citizens will always remain at a distance from the Indian mainland and the larger Indian political and effective cultural assimilation. As a result of the concerned instrument of accession, citizens of J&K have seldom been able to develop a natural and fuller sense of belonging to India specially in view of the historical compulsions of the State so clearly reflected in the instrument of accession and in the Article 370 of the Constitution of India. Therefore, the essence of the so called Kashmir problem lies in this twin syndrome of constitutional and historic differences between Indian citizens and citizens of Jammu and Kashmir. All citizens of J&K are Indian citizens but all Indian citizens are not citizens of Jammu and Kashmir – constitutionally, historically, politically and sociologically speaking. It is so despite all the glorious sacrifices that a number of citizens of J&K have made for the defence of India and also for the growth and development of the

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nation. Any sane and thinking mind is forced to think – in this overall perspective of J&K – that why at all an instrument of accession was entered into when Jammu and Kashmir has always – since ancient times – been an integral part of India. The instrument of accession in its existing form appears to be a political vendetta against the people of Jammu and Kashmir who wanted to go for fuller democratic regime on the lines of egalitarianism under a wholly united India. Instrument of Accession, indeed does not represent wishes of the people of J&K. As such, it is quite un-Gandhian in nature and an imposition from above. So clearly Gandhi has indicated that: Our nationalism can be no peril to other nations inasmuch as we will exploit none just as we will allow none to exploit us. Relatively Richer People :: Backward State Thirdly, the J&K State is very poor and highly backward although its citizens are reasonably richer than majority of other Indian citizens in other Indian states. This is a very interesting paradox. The Indian and Jammu and Kashmir Governments have been engaged more in offering diversified subsidies to the people of J&K instead of creating an environment where people learn to stand on their own feet. The general trend here is to look up to Government even for every routine thing and need. The Government, specially

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those who run it, on the other hand, care more for their own needs than the requirement of its citizens. Hence, Government is poor and its people are rich due to various well known reasons. There is, therefore, need to train most of the administrators and leaders in Government in the fundamentals and application of Gandhian philosophy leading them not only to see but also really go for the “light of day”. It is necessary to understand the value of sincerity, accountability, loyalty and service to people. Citizens of the state also need to realise that it is the government which depends upon them and not vice versa. The Gandhian idealism may not be necessary today. Gandhian practical-idealism is, indeed, a must for real development – especially in this age of globalisation. It is a well known fact that globalisation rests on efficiency, excellence, set standards, good governance and fulfilling what citizens need in their basic routine life. In reality, if citizens of a state do not have a need fulfilled, then leaders of that state cannot have that need fulfilled for themselves. If people in a state are living on footpaths, the political leaders and administrators are also to follow suit until they are able to provide for basic needs of their people. That is why, in general, it is often said that most of the politicians and administrators are somewhat unabashed in their attitude to people and devoid of any fundamental sense of self-respect for themselves. They continue to enjoy what other citizens cannot. If citizens do not get what they need

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for their basic needs, then there is something drastically wrong with the government of the state and the people who are running it. It does not mean that every citizen has to be provided with a uniformed chauffer driven limousine like the president or governor of a state. Yet, certain norms of professionalism have to be followed and ever new opportunities to citizens will have to be provided for basic growth and development on an impartial basis. What Amartya Sen also says is required. For Amartya Sen, considering and measuring development on the basis of GDP, national per capita income and other such widely accepted economic yardsticks is misleading and improper. For him, a nation with people having widespread education, necessary leisure time, proper and fulsome food, electricity for everyone, shelter for all and clothing for everyone along with near complete human security and a great inner sense of security can be regarded as developed instead of a country having high GDP etc without the fulfilment of basic needs. In J&K, basic needs can be fulfilled only when there is a great sense of selfrespect and high regard for moral values among leaders and administrators in the government. That is why Nobel laureates like Amartya Sen regards development as freedom and the fulfilment of basic needs of the people.18 Violence and Militancy Fourthly, violence is a challenge which has massive contours and expanse in J&K. Terrorists’ violence is there not only in J&K but

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also the world over. However, in J&K, it is of special nature. As against insurgency and terrorism, the J&K is having militancy and state sponsored violence. This militancy appears to have its links not only on South Asian regional level but also global levels of networking. The immediate cause behind this rise of militancy is near non-functioning of state and national governments in fulfilling the basic needs of the people. One historical reason or cause of militancy in the J&K State is also the legacy of partition of India and highly conflictual vested political interests of political leaders of India and Pakistan. Yet another reason behind militancy is massive and easy availability of destructive armaments and their distribution network through weapons mafia spread all over the world. Going to the very depth of resolving this menace of terrorism and militancy is necessary instead of any policy of appeasement and “carrot and sticks”. In this context also, Gandhian practical-idealism based on nonviolence is the only way ahead for permanent solutions in this regard. There is no other way. Modern violence and militancy cannot just be gunned down. There has to be a policy and strategy for this purpose. It should be short, medium and long term policy dealing with all aspects from the human security angle of development and nonviolence both. Modern terrorists are not usual criminals. They represent an international network spread globally with massive global reach,

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capacity, intent to attack any part of the world almost in a jiffy – maybe more quickly than the army of United States. Any ad hoc treatment of any problem has never been dear to Gandhi. Proper link has to be established between human values, policy options material readiness, actual action and strategy to deal with a challenge. One must also be ready to deal with probabilities of the future. It seems that the Indian government and J&K State are neither ready to face existing challenges nor the prospective eventualities. It means that mere force and its blatant use will not solve problems of humanity. Even Albert Einstein is one with Gandhi when he says: We need an essentially new way of thinking if mankind is to survive. Men must radically change their attitudes toward each other and their views of the future. Force must no longer be an instrument of politics…. Today, we do not have much time left; it is up to our generation

to

succeed

in

thinking

differently. If we fail, the days of civilised humanity are numbered.19

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Unemployment Fifthly, Jammu and Kashmir is also plagued with the ever widening menace of unemployment. In every village only about 20% population appears to be meaningfully and fruitfully employed. There is need to expand the horizon of local employment generation because Government of J&K is not able to offer jobs to all aspiring youth and other citizens in the State. More opportunities for purposeful employment on a professional and impartial basis are necessary. Governmental agencies do not function properly in this matter. Widespread corruption at highest levels is generally known to have entered in a very systematic form. Established institutions like J&K Public Service Commission also suffer from these diseases of corruption and malfunctioning. In other words, parallel governments are known to be functioning within the official system. This is the most disgraceful aspect of the public service in J&K. It is also said that J&K is the most corrupt State in India next to Bihar. What the J&K require is village to village level planning to deal with the problem of unemployment. It is necessary even for dealing with prospective militancy as well because it is mostly the unemployed youth who is more likely to become easy pray to enrolment in various terrorist outfits. Unemployed youth is more susceptible to be lured to violence and militancy. Unemployment becomes a tool for militant groups to recruit its cadres and expand their reach in almost every nook and corner the world.

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Unemployment is also one of the reasons behind militancy emerging as a modern profession among youth today. Quite like professions of military, police and para-military forces of the State, militancy has also become a parallel underground profession for our misguided youth. Such an emerging situation has very dangerous portents. This can lead to socio-political anarchy on a massive and wide scale. The J&K Government does not appear to have been working on these lines for a securer future. Tourism and Cottage Industries Sixthly, tourism, carpet weaving, food, dairy farming, silk products, honey products and Khadi industries can provide the nodal point for resolving the unemployment peril. This aspect has also been exploited only partially. Several departments have already been opened by the Government in the State in this regard. These are functioning in their own way. What, however, is needed is largely the de-governmentalisation and more activation of the people in solving their own problems. Governments have become mainly an instrument of force and deeply ingrained corruption. Indeed, Gandhi is known to agree to an oft quoted epitaph: “That government is best that governs the least.” As such, Gandhi says: I look upon an increase in the power of the state with the greatest fear because…it does the greatest harm to

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mankind by destroying individuality which lies at the root of all progress.20 In the field of employment generation, institutions and individuals other than belonging to the Government must be encouraged more than ever earlier. The bureaucratic and other strings should not be attached while giving more space to people and their increased participation. The main industries of the State, namely, tourism, farming and animal husbandry are largely dependent on governmental initiatives mostly subjected to red-tape bureaucratic orientation and corruption. Full potential of the State even in these areas has yet not been explored. Education Seventhly, Jammu and Kashmir is the only State in India where education is avowedly free up to the university level. This is partially

true

mainly

in

the

autonomous

institutions

and

establishments of the State Government. As against the national literacy rate of 44.18% for males and 19.55% for females, the J&K State has a literacy rate of only about 26.67% -- and we know that merely being literate does not mean education by it self.21 Education necessitates a number of other things also such as vocabulary; perception; information; efficiency in using modern tools of information technology; set standards of excellence in acquiring knowledge and proficiency in dissemination of information; impartial

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and highest standards of examination; global and common standards of syllabi at every level of education; regular periodic exchange of ideas and activities through multiple levels of mutual collaboration among educational institutions, people and community and effective involvement of educators, researchers and students in policy making and implementation etcetera. In this perspective of education, not even 1% population of J&K is educated at all! That is why, on a rough estimate based on more than twenty years experience in the J&K education system, competence, merit, efficiency, talent, qualifications and expertise are of little consequence in the State. There is a parallel system of underground degree, diploma and certificate acquisition system having a price tag on so many aspects of otherwise due processes of perspiration, diligence and competence. An Animal Farm of incompetence is churning its vigour and vitality day after day. Here, Gandhi’s Constructive Education Programme can be of great benefit for the vast majority of the J&K State. It can be a source of great practical inspiration though it may be modified according to the requirements of the present contexts. 22 Displaced Persons Last but not least, almost 10% population of J&K falls in the category of displaced persons today. About ten Lakhs are displaced persons. Among these, nearly three Lakhs are Kashmiri pundits. Other people are from the categories of migrants since 1947, Sikhs,

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Hindus, Muslims and Scheduled Castes etcetera. Added to these are also the displaced persons belonging to border areas and militancy inflicted areas of R.S. Pura, Akhnoor, Manwal, Sambha, Kishtwar, Badarwah and other regions of the State. All these are being represented voluntarily by Panun Kashmir (Ajay Chirangoo, Kuldeep Raina, M.K. Teng and others) and Kaushal Sharma etcetera. There are different camps and several villages inhabited by displaced persons in J&K. Their problems are such that they can be understood only when political leaders at state and central level stay a few days of their lives in the concerned camps and villages. Otherwise problems of displaced persons can never be grasped fully. Gandhi has been doing this when needed. For example, Gandhi went to Champaran to understand challenges faced by the indigo workers in 1917 under the British Raj. As a result, the problems of the indigo farmers were resolved with the interjection of Gandhi at that moment. Hence, some sacrifice is needed on the part of political leaders. Only a few surveys for knowing the plight of displaced persons will not really serve the purpose. Action and sacrifice is needed on the part of political leaders and people of the State of J&K. Sacrifice is essential. It is a practical device to deal with numerous challenges. The current trend of political leaders enjoying power and comforts will not do. Political leaders and bureaucrats have to come out of their comfortable shells and experience what displace persons are suffering from.

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Gandhi – as a practical-idealist -- always lived his life with the sufferers. He never enjoyed power despite opportunities available to him. One is reminded of an oft quoted line from Plato’s Republic, “Until philosophers are kings and kings and princes of the world have the power of philosophy, cities will never have rest from evils.” Hence, let the populism of democracy gain its wisdom from the merit and genuine talent from competent, diligent and practical visionaries of society. Otherwise, anarchy will prevail ever more. What Gandhi Wants What a man wants from birth till death is primarily peace and prosperity. Gandhi is also for peaceful prosperity of individuals and nations alike. All essential needs of every individual must be fulfilled first. Other things must follow. This is the key to Gandhian peaceful life. That is why Gandhi, after his years in South Africa, is always seen wearing just one small piece of cloth upon his person in order to feel the real and practical difficulties of vast Indian masses suffering from gross poverty. Gandhi believes in the doctrine of opting for voluntary poverty when our other compatriots in India are poor at large. From here flows his ideas of Trusteeship and mutual sharing of wealth and resources. What Gandhi is suggesting are very easy and common options for dealing with diverse challenges. From fulfilling basic need of salt at very low cost for every poor and common individual, he moves on

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to national security and international peace in the similar vein. As long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and political belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines of nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system can work alongside existing defence forces. Such simple but effective steps can be taken up at the level of Central and State Governments only when India has evolved a defence policy. These simple Gandhian solutions to complex current tangles certainly need spirited and sincere long-term initiatives for transforming prevalent meta-conflict orientation towards a belief that despite continued struggles, conflicts, war and weapons of mass destruction-peace and nonviolence as a way of life are practical options. Despite mass violence and increasing crime graph, we are all living a nonviolent life in our routine affairs. What we need is merely to think and act in the most common and obvious terms. We are not doing it. This is possible even in this age of globalisation. We must learn to sit together like common human beings without attaching unnecessary airs to our own persons. That is why Albert Einstein has said, ''Generations to come will scarce believe that such a man as this, in flesh and blood, ever walked upon this earth.'' One of the greatest admirers of Gandhi is Albert Einstein, who sees in ''Gandhi's nonviolence a possible antidote to the massive

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violence unleashed by the fission of the atom.'' B R Nanda writes in the 2001 edition of Britannica Encyclopaedia, ''In a time of deepening crisis in the underdeveloped world, of social malaise in the affluent societies, of the shadow of unbridled technology and the precarious peace of nuclear terror, it seems likely that Gandhi's ideas and techniques will become increasingly relevant.''

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References and Notes 1 Hindu Dharma, pp. 61-62. See also S. C. Gangal, Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, New Delhi, Criterion Publications, 1988, pp. 6273, 115-120. 2 S. Radhakrishnan, The Bhagadgita, London, 1948, “Introduction”, pp. 24-25. 3 Harijan, 06 October 1946, p. 339. 4 Ibid., 11 November 1939, p. 336 5 Ibid., 06 April 1940, p. 76. 6 Ibid., 13 April 1940, p. 92. 7 Ibid., 04 May 1940, p. 117. 8 Ibid., 05 October 1947, p. 335. 9 Ibid., 28 September 1947, p. 339. 10 Ibid., p. 332. 11 Ibid., 09 November 1947, p. 406. 12 Ibid., 12 January 1948, p. 509. 13 Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj; Mary E. Clark, Ariadnae’s Thread: Search for New Modes of Thinking, New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1989. 14

United Kingdom, British Parliament’s Minutes of Evidence given

before the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms (session 1932-1933), Vol. 2, p. 1496. 15 M. K. Gandhi, For Pacifists, p. 69. 16 Ikbal Kaul, “The Mahatma’s Kashmir Mission”, Kashmir Sentinel, Jammu and Srinagar, 16 August – 15 September 2000. 17 Paresh R. Vaidya, “Of Means and Ends”, Frontline, Vol. 18, No. 08, April 14 – 27 2001. 18 Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom, Oxford, OUP, 1999.

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19 Barash and Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies, Sage, Thousand Oaks, 2002, p.3. 20 N. K. Bose, Selections from Gandhi Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1948, p. 42. 21 Government of Jammu and Kashmir State sources mainly. 22 http://www.gandhimanibahvan.org/gandhiphilosophy/philosophy_consprogrammes_bookwritten.htm

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Chapter Four Terrorism

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Chapter Four Terrorism Author is highly grateful to Mark Juergensmeyer for his timely publication “Gandhi vs. Terrorism” in Daedalus, Vol.136, No.1, 2007, pp. 30-41. But for the relatively negative approach of Juergensmeyer when he reasons out his preference for Gandhian nonviolence to deal with the menace of terrorism today, he has written a bold piece in recognition of the power of nonviolence in the modern world – specially for tackling the challenge of terrorism after 9/11 attacks on New York Trade Tower and the Pentagon and the recent terrorists’ attack on India’s trade capital of Mumbai. Gandhi is known to have lived amidst violence and terrorism quite like the type that we see in the world today. India has come across a lot of violence when Gandhi returned from South Africa in 1915. Before coming to India, Gandhi had suffered from violence in South Africa. Yet he never resorted to retort through violence. It is indeed in historical records that Gandhi has always succeeded while using his own precept and practice of nonviolence against violence. Gandhi’s views on violence leads us to think that violence seldom succeeds. Gandhi, as such, has written and debated widely on the themes of violence and terrorism. It would be well to reproduce quite a few paragraphs from Juergensmeyer’s above mentioned article here:

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India was on the verge of a violent confrontation with Britain when, in 1915, Gandhi

was

independence

brought movement

into

India's

from

South

Africa, where as a lawyer he had been a leader in the struggle for social equality for immigrant Indians. In India, as in South Africa, the British had overwhelming military superiority and were not afraid to use it. In 1919, in the North Indian city of Amritsar, an irate British brigadier-general slaughtered almost four hundred Indians who had come to the plaza of Jallianwala Bagh to protest peacefully. But

the

nationalist

side

was

countering with violence of its own. In Bengal, Sub-has Chandra Bose organized an Indian National Army, and, in Punjab, leaders of the Ghadar movement -supported

by

immigrant

Punjabis

in

California -- plotted a violent revolution that anticipated boatloads of weapons and revolutionaries transported to India from the United States. These Indian anarchists

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105

and

militant

Hindi

nationalists

saw

violence as the only solution to break the power of the British over India. Terrorism Versus Nonviolence Debate Gandhi's

views

about

violent

struggle were sharpened in response to Indian activists who had defended a terrorist attack on a British official. The incident occurred in London in 1909, shortly before Gandhi arrived there to lobby the British Parliament on behalf of South African Indian immigrants. An Indian student in London, Madan Lal Dhingra, had attacked an official in Britain's India office, Sir William H. Curzon-Wylie, in protest against Britain's colonial control over India. At a formal function, Dhingra pulled out a gun and, at close range, fired five shots in his face. The British official died on the spot. Dhingra was immediately apprehended by the police; when people in the crowd called him a murderer, he said that he was only fighting for India's freedom.

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Several weeks after Gandhi arrived in London, he was asked to debate this issue of violence with several of London's expatriate Indian nationalists. His chief opponent was Vinayak Savarkar, a militant Hindu who would later found the political movement

known

as

the

Hindu

Mahasabha, a precursor to the present-day Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party. At the time of the 1909 assassination Savarkar was reputed to have supplied the weapons and ammunition for the act, and to have instructed the ardent Hindu assassin in what to say in his final statement as he was led to the gallows. The young killer said that he was "prepared to die, glorying in martyrdom."1 Shortly before the debate, Gandhi wrote to a friend that in London he had met practically no Indian who believed "India can ever become free without resorting to violence." 2 He described the position of the militant activists as one in which terrorism would precede a general

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revolution: Their plans were first to "assassinate a few Englishmen and strike terror," after which "a few men who will have been armed will fight openly." Then, they calculated, eventually they might have to lose "a quarter of a million men, more or less," but the militant Indian nationalists thought this effort at guerrilla warfare would "defeat the English" and "regain our land." 3 During

the

debate,

Gandhi

challenged the logic of the militants on the grounds of political realism. They could hardly expect to defeat the might of the British military through sporadic acts of terrorism and guerrilla warfare. More important, however, was the effect that violent tactics would have on the emerging Indian nationalist movement. He feared that the methods they used to combat the British would become part of India's national character.

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Hind Swaraj Several weeks later Gandhi was still thinking about these things as he boarded a steamship to return to South Africa. He penned his response to the Indian activists in London in the form of a book. In a preliminary way, this essay, which Gandhi wrote hurriedly on the boat to Durban in 1909 (writing first with one hand and then the other to avoid getting cramps), set forth an approach to conflict resolution that he would pursue the rest of his life. The book, Hind Swaraj, or, Indian Home Rule, went to some lengths to describe both the goals of India's emerging independence

movement

and

the

appropriate methods to achieve it. He agreed with the Indian radicals in London that Britain should have no place in ruling India

and

exploiting

its

economy.

Moreover, he thought that India should not try to emulate the materialism of Western civilization, which he described as a kind of "sickness."

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The thrust of the book, however, was to counter terrorism. Gandhi sketched out a nonviolent approach, beginning with an examination of the nature of conflict. He insisted on looking beyond a specific clash between individuals to the larger issues for which they were fighting. Every conflict,

Gandhi

contestation

on

reasoned, two

was

a

levels--between

persons and between principles. Behind every fighter was the issue for which the fighter was fighting. Every fight, Gandhi explained in a later essay, was on some level an encounter between differing "angles of vision" illuminating the same truth. 4 It was this difference in positions-sometimes

even

in

worldviews--that

needed to be resolved in order for a fight to be finished and the fighters reconciled. In that sense Gandhi's methods were more than a way of confronting an enemy; they were a way of dealing with conflict itself. For this reason he grew unhappy with the

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label, 'passive resistance,' that had been attached to the methods used by his protest movement in South Africa. There was nothing passive about it--in fact, Gandhi had led the movement into stormy confrontations

with

government

authorities--and it was more than just resistance. It was also a way of searching for what was right and standing up for it, of speaking truth to power. In 1906 Gandhi decided to find a new term for his method of engaging in conflict. He invited readers of his journal, Indian Opinion, to offer suggestions, and he offered a book prize for the winning entry. The one that most intrigued him came from his own cousin, Maganlal, which Gandhi refined into the term, satyagraha. The neologism is a conjunct of two Sanskrit words, satya, 'truth,' and agraha, 'to grasp firmly.' Hence it could be translated as 'grasping onto truth,' or as Gandhi liked to call it, "truth force."

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What

Gandhi

found

appealing

about the winning phrase was its focus on truth. Gandhi reasoned that no one possesses a complete view of it. The very existence of a conflict indicates a deep difference over what is right. The first task of a conflict, then, is to try to see the conflict from both sides of an issue. This requires an effort to understand an opponent's position as well as one's own-or, as former U.S. Secretary of Defence Robert

McNamara

advised

in

the

documentary film The Fog of War, "Empathize with the enemy." Gandhi’s View of Conflict The ability to cast an empathetic eye was central to Gandhi's view of conflict. It made it possible to imagine a solution that both sides could accept, at least

in

part--though

Gandhi

also

recognized that sometimes the other side had very little worth respecting. In his campaign for the British to 'quit India,' for instance, he regarded the only righteous

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112

place for the British to be was Britain. Yet at the same time he openly appreciated the many positive things that British rule had brought to the Indian subcontinent, from roads to administrative offices. After a solution was imagined, the second stage of a struggle was to achieve it. This meant fighting--but in a way that was consistent with the solution itself. Gandhi adamantly rejected the notion that the goal justifies the means. Gandhi argued that the ends and the means were ultimately the

same.

If

you

fought

violently you would establish a pattern of violence that would be part of any solution to the conflict, no matter how noble it was supposed to be. Even if terrorists were successful in ousting the British from India, Gandhi asked, "Who will then rule in their place?" His answer was that it would be the ones who had killed in order to liberate India, adding, "India can gain nothing from the rule of murderers." 5

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A struggle could be forceful--often it would begin with a demonstration and "a refusal

to

cooperate

with

anything

humiliating." But it could not be violent, Gandhi reasoned, for these destructive means would negate any positive benefits of a struggle's victory. If a fight is waged in the right way it could enlarge one's vision of the truth and enhance one's character in the process. What Gandhi disdained was the notion that one had to stoop to the lowest levels of human demeanour in fighting for something worthwhile. This brings us to the way that Gandhi would respond to terrorism. To begin with, Gandhi insisted on some kind of response. He never recommended doing nothing at all. "Inaction at a time of conflagration is inexcusable," he once wrote. 6 Beneath Contempt He regarded cowardice as beneath contempt. Fighting--if it is nonviolent--is

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"never demoralizing," Gandhi said, while "cowardice always is."7 And

perhaps

Gandhi's

most

memorable statement against a tepid response: "Where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise violence."8 Occasionally violence does indeed seem to be the only response available. Gandhi provided some examples. One was the mad dog. On confronting a dog with rabies, one must stop it by any means possible, including maiming or killing it.9 Another case that Gandhi offered was a brutal rapist caught in the act. To do nothing in that situation, Gandhi said, makes the observer "a partner in violence." Hence violence could be used to counter it. Gandhi thus concluded, "Heroic violence is less sinful than cowardly nonviolence." 10

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115

Gandhian Strategy A

Gandhian

strategy

for

confronting terrorism, therefore, would consist of the following: Stop an act of violence in its tracks. The effort to do so should be nonviolent but forceful. Gandhi made a distinction between

detentive

force--the

use

of

physical control in order to halt violence in progress--and coercive force. The latter is meant to intimidate and destroy, and hinders a Gandhian fight aimed at a resolution of principles at stake. Address the issues behind the terrorism. To focus solely on acts of terrorism, Gandhi argued, would be like being concerned with weapons in an effort to stop the spread of racial hatred. Gandhi thought the sensible approach would be to confront the ideas and alleviate the conditions

that

motivated

people

to

undertake such desperate operations in the first place.

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Maintain the moral high ground. A bellicose stance, Gandhi thought, debased those who adopted it. A violent posture adopted by public authorities could lead to a civil order based on coercion. For this reason

Gandhi

insisted

on

means

consistent with the moral goals of those engaged in the conflict. These are worthy principles, but do they work? This question is often raised about nonviolent methods as a response to terrorism--as if the violent ones have been so effective. In Israel, a harsh response to Palestinian violence has often led to a surge of support for Hamas and an increase in terrorist violence. The U.S. responses to jihadi movements after the September 11 attacks have not diminished support for the movements nor reduced the number of terrorist incidents worldwide. Militant responses to terrorism do not possess a particularly good record of success. Violence begets violence and absolute violence leads to complete extinction. Nonviolence, on the other hand, cuts at the roots

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of violence. Nonviolence paves the pathway to peace and ultimate victory in which even the loser is not hurt. Gandhi, therefore, even while dealing with state “terrorism” of the British, always succeeded in his nonviolent attempts to resolve numerous conflicts.11 Sometimes violence has to be used under certain inevitable circumstances as already shown in this chapter earlier. Yet violence is the way to self-destruction. Nonviolence is an ever alive process – it never ends and it is timeless. Violence kills and nonviolence never kills. That is why vast international resources are being spent on establishing the processes of nonviolence for resolving conflicts and tensions through multi-track diplomacy and instruments of institutions like the United Nations etc. What is really required is also benevolent intent of political will, determination, patience, perseverance and a general belief in the force of nonviolence. Violence does not succeed.12 Modern terrorism is indeed not a random response of an individual or a group of individuals. Terrorism has become an army of disciplined and well trained soldiers beyond national frontiers. They have their own philosophies, morals and ethics. In addition to their networking and armaments, their real strength comes from their philosophies – ethically sound and morally soothing to them though esoterically. Hence, the terrorists will have to be dealt with nonviolently – with nonviolence providing the strong base for confronting the terrorists ethically as well. Otherwise, terrorism will

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118

flourish ever more. Terrorists go for massive violence with ethical base beneath their act.

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References and Notes: 1 James D. Hunt, Gandhi in London, New Delhi, Promilla and Co. Publishers, 1973, p. 134. 2 Government of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. 9, Delhi, Publications Division, 1958,p. 509. 3 M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, 2nd ed., Ahmedabad, Navajivan, 1938, p. 69. 4 Young India, 23 September 1926. See specially Mark Juergensmeyer, Gandhi's Way: A Handbook of Conflict Resolution, rev. ed., Berkeley, University of California Press, 2005. 5 Op cit. n. 1. 6 Harijan, April 7, 1946. 7 Young India, October 31, 1929. 8 Young India, August 11, 1920. 9 Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. 14, 505. 10 Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. 51, 17. Note: References 1-10 in this chapter are almost wholly reproduced from Mark Juergensmeyer, “Gandhi vs. Terrorism” in Daedalus, Vol.136, No.1, 2007, pp. 3041 with emphasis added in different ways. I express deep sense of gratitude to Mark for writing such a commendable piece on Gandhi and terrorism. 11 Erik H. Erikson, Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Nonviolence, New York, W. W. Norton, 1993, pp. 413-416. 12 Michael J. Nojeim, Gandhi and King: The Power of Nonviolent Resistance, Westport, CT, Praeger, pp. 91, 288.

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Chapter Five Conflict Resolution

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Chapter Five Conflict Resolution Existing system of conflict resolution appears to be too distant from deeper nuances of conflicts. These include such aspects as unique and peculiar area, locality and culture specific dimensions amongst the involved parties to a conflict. For example, in India – Pakistan conflict, short term and long term vested interests and human psyche of the people and political elites have seldom been taken into account in any conflict resolution venture. Even so-called confidence building measures (CBMs) are also somewhat superficially hyped about with all ice-creams, sweet-limes, rare wines and crowdcollecting cultural gatherings where only those are able to come who form an elite – and thus, they have generally remained away from the realities and pains of more recent and emerging as well as prolonged conflicts. Conflicts: Types and Resolution There are at least about 250 ways of conflict resolution. Quite a few recent editions / publications have enlisted these methods. For instance, among others, Gene Sharp and Joan V. Bondurant have written extensively in this matter.1 There is, among several others, also a very comprehensive conflict resolution portal – extremely informative and very dependable. Malaviya Centre for Peace Research is yet another institution providing highly useful

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information and exercises in applied theory of conflict resolution – with special orientation towards Afro-Asian and Latin American concerns of poorer countries. Conflicts, disputes, proxy wars, wars, guerrilla warfare, cyber

warfare,

terrorism,

militancy,

insurgency,

drugs

and

armaments’ trade mafia and ecological degradation among nations pose greatest threats to prospects of conflict resolution today. Related to these is also the question of violation of human rights in different ways. This further leads to infliction of diverse injustices especially on weaker sections of this spaceship earth. About 41 major and perpetual conflicts are on in the world today in the form of wars, terrorism, civil wars, insurgency, sporadic occasional violence etcetera. These conflicts are there mainly in 33 countries of Asia, Africa, America and Europe – including North America, Latin America, West Europe, West Asia and Central Asia.2 If we look deeper into these countries and their conflicts (as mentioned above), it will be easy to find that most of the major racial, ethnic, language related and perennial religious conflicts have not found their way into the common categorization and listing of conflicts. Therefore, in reality, the world is facing at least estimated 300 different and sustained conflicts of serious nature. Every country is having at least – on an average – two serious conflicts of different type.

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Every conflict must, however, be treated as yet another opportunity for positive conflict resolution with the help of a few select techniques from among the available nearly 250 methods. One thing must be very clear. Waging war and finally winning it just cannot be regarded as a method of resolving a conflict. Crushing a revolt is also not a method of conflict resolution. Any method not in line with a “civil society” is not to be regarded as a way of resolving conflict. Conflict Resolution is primarily a nonviolent civilian way of solving a conflictual tangle. Otherwise, no conflict in the world can ever be solved. There are quite a few common and established ways of resolving conflicts especially among nations on international plane. On the social and interpersonal levels, the law of the land and diverse pulls, pressures and communication options – formal and informal – constitute various methods of resolving conflicts. Governmental, nongovernmental and semi-governmental channels of nine tracks of diplomacy also comprise this list. Variation Set standards and roadmap to conflict resolution through negotiation, mediation, arbitration, and adjudication are not new to this world. These established methods and ways of conflict resolution do not suffice in view of present-day international, common global, regional and other local challenges and conflicts. See, for instance, conflicts in Africa, Asia and Latin-America. West-Asian, Central

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Asian, South-West Asian conflictual field is different from what can be seen in Latin-America and in Africa (minus South Africa). Moreover, conflicts in United States, Canada and European Countries (minus Turkey) are quite similar. Yet their range, intensity and circumstances differ a lot. Conflicts in Turkey, South Africa and Italy are entirely different not only from one another but also from any other country of the world. There are also some conflicts that are very much built into the modern systems of efficiency and excellence! These conflicts emerge from prolonged personal and institutional tensions and depressions. Social, cultural, political and economic ethos is of great significance in understanding and resolving conflicts. Therefore, merely having and applying a ‘given and set’ system of conflict resolution will not be able to do much in the face of mundane and varied problems such as ‘Islamism’ and not Islam, Ethnicity, Racialism, Linguistic conflicts, Jews and Palestinian tangle, India-Pakistan conflicts, Terrorism, prolonged religion oriented cleavages, socio-political threats emerging from modern technology and ‘modernity’, environmental and ecological hazards, degeneration of values in society combined with other international conflicts relating to territorial disagreements etcetera. These conflicts and challenges alongwith questions of poverty, starvation, continued and extended population explosion, proliferation of armaments, widespread pollution of air, water and soil, increasing unemployment, deep-rooted corruption, massive

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illiteracy, and armaments trade global and national nexus further require more thoughtful conflict resolution modus operandi or ever new modes of conflict resolution. New Thinking A new thinking has to go into this – away from vested interests of current type. Real vested interest that must go into evolving this innovative global plan must be resolution of conflicts in a better and more sustained way. Otherwise, the ongoing process of globalization will also not succeed – for obvious reasons of prevailing conflicts in the world. Existing conflicts keep generating divisive impetus and forces among nations and people alike. This trend has to be stopped or at least creatively impeded through proportionate digression and productive regeneration towards global and federated unification. Application of conflict resolution methods needs wider people to people transnational active participation and continued interaction. It must not remain nearly an exclusive domain of academic experts, political negotiators, and diplomatic officers only. Otherwise, conflicts and their resolution will make possibilities of peace ever more conflictual through their methodological and technical expertise quite away form realities of conflicts. Methods and technical profundity is required absolutely. This knowledge must, however, percolate down to every common person. That is how things

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have to be planned for future. This, indeed, is a field of international and global policy making. Even the exercise of theory building in conflict resolution has to be more exhaustive, comprehensive and all inclusive democratically and voluntarily. Establishment of democracy in every country has to be a real universal truth for conflict resolution to succeed. Even the present-day process of globalization also necessacitates a primarily “border-less and conflict-free world”, as it were, for the emergence of a global civil society. This is a prequalification of a globalized world. Prolonged conflicts hamper good governance, excellence and efficiency – so necessary for globalization through free flow of interactive information, goods, technology and efforts of people. The essence of globalization is seen in a nonviolent and largely peaceful world. Conflict resolution and globalization are mutually interdependent and closely linked to one another. These two are so much intertwined that they march forward together. In the seriously conflict ridden areas, meaningful activities relating to agriculture, food production, employment opportunities, technological development etcetera become, as it were, “out of bounds” for the concerned population and inhabitants. Multiple regions of such anarchistic conflicts are not difficult to see especially in Africa, Southeast Asia, West Asia and Central Asia etcetera. Such regions of conflicts and pockets are living examples of “Hell on

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Earth!” Future “Hells” on Earth must, however, be discouraged and not pampered in any way what so ever. Conflict Provention There are several ways. This is also possible through John Burton’s “provention” and proactive prevention of prospective conflicts.3

For Burton, provention (not merely prevention) includes

better education from the time of early school days in understanding causes of conflicts. A well groomed culture of conflict resolution is, therefore, needed in the global civil society today. The global community of nations is, however, not giving serious and concerted thought to the need of a ‘well groomed international system of conflict resolution and prevention’. Events of 11 September 2001 are logical corollary of massive violence and weapons of mass destruction available to the institution of State and their apparent smuggling and clandestine trade through various channels. How to relate this challenge of conflict resolution to realities of conflict “provention” and long term streamlining? In this matter, on the governmental plane in particular, it is mainly the intelligence agencies’ input and filtered reports that generally form the basis for gathering information. On this basis, steps and policies are formulated for prevention of conflicts in future. This by itself is an incomplete exercise. Intelligence gathering is always insufficient because it is done by professionals who are

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generally not integral actors and participants in the concerned conflict. Instead, they are involved, at best, merely as involuntary duty bound observers. Clash of Civilisations! Quite a few authors and noted experts like Samuel P. Huntington and others have also extended a thesis of clash of civilisations in the twenty-first century. Huntington says: It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations

and

groups

of

different

civilizations. The clash of civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.4 Indeed, it is not always easy to agree with Huntington. Civilisations do not clash. Ideology, economy and culture are highly technical terms and they do not entirely constitute a civilisation. When modern nation-states and globalisation oriented international politics were not there, ‘civilisations’ still prevailed. The essence of a

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civilisation are in the particular ‘way of life’, societal values, ethical ethos, set and evolved standards of an individual’s character, popular ways and standards of social entertainment, and preservation, creation and evolution of knowledge (and not so much of ‘information’) in a given social and political regime. However, the political aspects are but off-shoots of the essence of civilisation. Therefore, civilisations can never clash. They are permanent and ever evolving. Yes, they maybe destroyed physically by an eventuality of the dropping of a nuclear bomb upon them as it nearly happened in the case of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 when about 80,000 living and pulsating human beings were killed and exhumed into thin air almost instantly. This example is merely an example of the possibility of annihilation of a civilisation in future especially in view of maddening 50,000 nuclear arsenals resting with the United States and Russia minus other nuclear powers today. “Every such warhead has nearly twenty times the destructive power of the atom bomb dropped at Hiroshima on 06 August 1945”. 5 Conflict resolution will have to be “preventive” and futuristic as well. An international authority for conflict resolution on the basis of the principle of a world federation of nations may be created with in the United Nations system of independently. Exclusive task of such an authority must be only conflict resolution. Otherwise, civilizations will not clash but they will be completely destroyed and annihilated.

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Gandhian Conception However, the Gandhian perception on conflict resolution is more straightforward especially when he suggested the Jews community in Palestine they should have never left their country Germany under any circumstances. Conflict

resolution

stands

mid-way

between

conflict

management and conflict transformation in international politics. Mahatma Gandhi regards nonviolence as the main approach to resolution of nearly every type of conflict among nations, races and human beings. He observes in Harijan in 1938: German persecution of the Jews seems to have no parallel in history. The tyrants of old never went so mad as Hitler seems to have gone. And he is doing it with religious zeal. For he is propounding a new religion of exclusive and militant nationalism in the name of which many inhumanity becomes an act of humanity to be rewarded here and hereafter. The crime of an obviously mad but intrepid youth is being visited upon his whole race with unbelievable ferocity.

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If there ever could be a justifiable war in the name of and for humanity, a war against Germany, to prevent the wanton persecution of a whole race, would be completely justified. But I do not believe in any war. A discussion of the pros and cons of such a war is therefore outside my horizon or province. But if there can be no war against Germany, even for such a crime as is being committed against the Jews, surely there can be no alliance with Germany. How can there be alliance between a nation which claims to stand for justice and democracy and one which is the declared enemy of both? Or is England drifting towards armed dictatorship and all it means? Germany is showing to the world how efficiently violence can be worked when it is not hampered by any hypocrisy or

weakness

masquerading

as

humanitarianism. It is also showing how

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hideous, terrible and terrifying it looks in its nakedness. Can the Jews resist this organized and shameless persecution? Is there a way to preserve their self-respect, and not to feel helpless, neglected and forlorn? I submit there is no person who has faith in a living God need feel helpless or forlorn. Jehovah of the Jews is a God more personal than the God of the Christians, the Musalmans or the Hindus, though, as a matter of fact in essence, He is common to all …one without a second [one] and beyond description. But as the Jews attribute personality to God and believe that He rules every action of theirs, they ought not to feel helpless. If I were a Jew and were born in Germany and earned my livelihood there, I would claim Germany as my home even as the tallest gentile German may, and challenge him to shoot me or cast me in the dungeon; I would refuse to be expelled or

to

submit

to

discriminating

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treatment. And for doing this, I should not wait for the [other] fellow[s] Jews to join [you] me in civil resistance but would have confidence that in the end the rest are bound to follow my example. If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept the prescription here offered, he or they cannot be worse off than now. And suffering voluntarily undergone will bring them an inner strength and joy which no number of resolutions of sympathy passed in the world outside Germany can. Indeed, even if Britain, France and America were to declare hostilities against Germany, they can bring no inner joy, no inner strength. The calculated violence of Hitler may even result in a general massacre of the Jews by way of his first answer to the declaration of such hostilities. But if the Jewish mind could be prepared for voluntary suffering, even the massacre I have imagined could be turned into a day of thanksgiving and joy that

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Jehovah had wrought deliverance of the race even at the hands of the tyrant. For to the god fearing, death has no terror. It is a joyful sleep to be followed by a waking that would be all the more refreshing for the long sleep. It is hardly necessary for me to point out that it is easier for the Jews than for the Czechs to follow my prescription. And they have in the Indian satyagraha campaign in South Africa an exact parallel. There the Indians occupied precisely the same place that the Jews occupy in Germany. The persecution had also a religious tinge. President Kruger used to say that the white Christians were the chosen of God and Indians were inferior beings created to serve the whites. A fundamental clause in the Transvaal constitution was that there should be no equality between the whites and coloured races including Asiatics. Indians were consigned to ghettos described

as

locations.

The

other

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disabilities were almost of the same type as those of the Jews in Germany. The Indians, a mere handful, resorted

to

satyagraha

without

any

backing from the world outside or the Indian Government. Indeed the British officials tried to dissuade the satyagrahis (soldiers of non-violence) from their contemplated step. World opinion and the Indian Government came to their aid after eight years of fighting. And that too was by way of diplomatic pressure not of a threat of war. But the Jews of Germany can offer satyagraha under infinitely better auspices than Indians of South Africa. The Jews are a compact, homogeneous community in Germany. They are far more gifted than the Indians of South Africa. And they have organized world opinion behind them. I am convinced that if someone with courage and vision can arise among them to lead them in nonviolent action, the winter of their despair can in the twinkling

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of an eye be turned into the summer of hope.6

Nonviolence and Conflict Resolution Ours is an era replete with human comforts, luxuries and mass consumerist cultural milieu. These trends are also germinating into fertile conflictual fields sowed with seeds of perennial massive warfare, professional terrorism, nuclear blackmailing and global super monitoring.7 Effective democratic values and ideological conflicts are being sidelined for good. The in thing is globalisation of the order of George Orwell’s 1984. But for apex human activity and profession of politics, everything else is on its way to utmost professionalisation and technical and managerial training for technological excellence. Despite state-of-the-art professional fashioning of every human activity, two major areas, namely, politics and nonviolence, still need global attention anent training and disciplining. Otherwise cities are least likely to have rest from their evils of promiscuity, social insecurities and recurring emotional breakdowns. This is required even for recent econological adjustments and research. Nonviolence is a way of life while politics is an act of bringing order to human existence. Former is present in our daily routine though it is seldom noticed for it comes to us inherently and naturally. We tend to notice

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merely exceptions of violence, conflicts and tensions. Our continued and primary attention to exceptions of perversion in politics also applies to us similarly. It is because of our tendency of noticing only the uncommon. Modern media is also covering mainly those happenings as “news” which are exceptionally perverse, violent, negative and superhuman. Abnormalcy thy name is news! It sells in the form of advertisements and other media activities. Perversion is being read, seen, heard and even consumed by most of us nearly all the while. Humanity is becoming ignorant of what is normal. Normal life style and politics is away from gross perversion and nearer to religion or universal values of common ethics. While the modern and secular democratic trend is leading this spaceship earth astray from fundamental values of daily human life. This is being done in the name of keeping politics clean from personal religious faiths. That is how politics – the main spirit behind all activity – moves into scientific realms of objectivity and truth today! Fanaticism is not religion. Religion is also not fanaticism, prejudice and bigotry. The highest form of self-realisation needs similar religious type of discipline, training and scientific outlook in every religion. Even spiritual self-realisation is not entirely different from political statesmanship and professionalism.8 Religion must, therefore, be given its due place as a source of fundamental common

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human values. These values need to be systematically absorbed and applied in every sphere of modern life. The Road to Nonviolent Conflict Resolution This is possible through a mathematical and scientific practical course of step-by-step individuals transformation on a local, national, international and global plane. This has to be tried and researched in a practical way. This is the road to Mahatma Gandhi’s practical-idealism. Despite embracing quite a few ideas of “no-tax campaign” or non-cooperation of David Thoreau, John Ruskin’s “individual’s good in good of all”, “barber’s work is as valuable as that of a lawyer” and “eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow” and Leo Tolstoy’s “extreme nonviolence”, Gandhi added dynamic uniqueness to all these propositions through his own experience and application.

His

practical

route

to

conflict-resolution

and

transformation, therefore, resides in a very unique Gandhian action programme through: i)

Nonviolence

ii)

Satyagraha

iii)

Sarvodaya

iv)

Education

v)

Discipline

This is Gandhi’s vibrant pentagon. No terrorist can even try dismantling it once it is applied in a proper practical perspective.

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Here, some relevant quotations of / for Gandhi may be of interest for us: My honour is the only thing worth preserving.9 Standing on the brink of social disaster in our western world, it would be rather glorious thing if we could humble our pride sufficiently to appropriate from the east what we need most desperately in the west, a strong enough faith in the efficacy of ethical forces to achieve social justice without wading through blood to get.10 It is a blasphemy to say that nonviolence can only be practiced by individuals and never by nations which are composed of individuals.11 Gandhi’s nonviolence is a dynamic concept inasmuch as its theory and practice went on growing and evolving as long as he lived. That is why his ideas are often considered to be mutually contradictory. What Gandhi says here is that he and his perceptions are always developing across diverse experiences. For him, in Hind Swaraj, whenever there appears a contradiction in his writings and

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even otherwise, the later context or view must be given precedence over the earlier ones.12 Continuity and change are the two systemic features of nonviolence. It grows with human tryst with challenges, trials and conflicts. This Gandhian nonviolence is a positive concept for it is the nonviolence of the brave that is being aspired for. Nonviolence of a coward has no room in the Gandhian order of things. Gandhi prefers violence of the brave instead of nonviolence of a coward.13 This concept or precept of nonviolence is put into practice through individual and corporate satyagraha. That goes for endless quest for truth alive and not static. Humility and requestful attitude is the cornerstone of this strategy for peace and harmony. There are several stages and levels of satyagraha. A number of prerequisites are also there. A satyagrahi is known as a nonviolent soldier. He has to be trained as such. This training includes education and discipline. Only a select lot of determined individuals with unflinching faith in the power of nonviolence can be a part of such a nonviolent army of satyagrahis. Nonviolence cannot succeed without this faith and universal belief in the efficacy of nonviolence or ahimsa. What are these discipline, training and education in the Gandhian mould? These are fundamental principles of Patanjali’s Yogapradeep known as Pancha Yama.

Ahimsa, Satya, Asteya,

Brahamcharya and Aparigrah are Pancha Yamas.

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Ahimsa is compassion for all living beings. Satya is truthfulness. Asteya means not to steal. Brahamcharya is control of senses. Brahamcharya is used mostly in the sense of abstinence, particularly in relationship to sexual activity. Brahamcharya does not necessarily imply celibacy. Rather, it means responsible behavior with respect to our goal of moving toward the truth. Aparigraha is not even to aspire to acquire and hoard wealth and mundane things of this world such as comforts etcetera. Aparigraha means to possess only what is necessary, and not to take advantage of a situation or act greedy. Aparigraha also implies letting go of our attachments to things and persons. There is a process of soldier like training of satyagrahis for attaining the ultimate goal of Sarvodaya or good of all. This is not a Bethamite principle of “the greatest happiness of the greatest number”. Gandhian nonviolence has to be practiced. Reading alone would not do. Even otherwise, from a scientific perspective, a real researcher is one who goes into the field and tests the practicability of an idea already proven in a particular situation. Limitations of Existing Conflict Resolution Long established methods of conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict transformation are mostly arising from a present day context of a sheer helplessness in view of numerous national, regional, international and global conflicts and challenges to

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peace and “prosperity”. The Gandhian nonviolence, on the other hand, is such an area of managing, resolving and transforming diverse types of conflicts that it starts not from helplessness but from courage of conviction and essential belief in the caressing power of nonviolence. Nonviolence cannot be discussed on and on. It needs i) courageous negotiators, ii) soldiers without weapons iii) unflinching faith in ahimsa iv) self-confidence with patience and perseverance and v) certainly not the bullish audaciousness. Such nonviolence is replete with great potential to deal with a number of modern day dangerous conflictual human concerns. Nonviolence empowered with the tools of satyagraha has succeeded, among others, in gaining political independence both for India and Pakistan form our dear British counterparts upon whom “Sun never set”! The usual conflict resolution is a well established process of resolving a dispute or a conflict by providing each side's needs, and adequately addressing their interests so that they are satisfied with the outcome. Conflict resolution aims to end conflicts before they start or lead to physical fighting. Resolution methods can include conciliation, mediation, arbitration or litigation. Sometimes disputes and conflicts may simply be avoided without actually resolving them. At times, it may even be desirable

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that the concerned parties may disagree. However, one thing is clear. It is that a conflict is a state of opposition between two parties. There are different types of conflicts. This list can never be fully exhaustive. Broadly speaking, about eleven types of conflicts are recognized: i) intra-personal conflict, ii) interpersonal conflict, iii) group conflict, iv) organizational conflict, v) community conflict, vi) intra-state conflict, vii) inter-state conflict, viii) international conflict, ix) global conflicts, x) regional conflicts, xi) “communal” or conflicts between different religions, xii) racial conflicts. For resolving these conflicts, several diplomatic tracks are also already there. As regards quite a few apparent and friendly conflicts between United States (US) and India, Track 6 diplomacy is also proving to be highly fruitful for evolving short-term and long-term relationship of mutuality and growing commitment and faith.14 All these methods of conflict resolution are also highly dynamic. These are being applied widely for several years now. The present day conflict resolution methods are, however, not really so nonviolent for they arise from an intense interest based orientation of cooperation and ever more cooperation out of a mutual assured fear among nations and individuals alike. Nonviolence of the Gandhian order, on the other hand, does not suffer from such a, as it were, cliché. Therefore, what is the harm if this approach is also developed alongside other prevalent ways of conflict resolution? Nonviolence is also highly free from any religious

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bias in nature inasmuch as it is presently coming from a secular mind of Gandhi who is regarded as an undisputed leader not only the downtrodden but also of the saner minds in the world. Scientific Experimentation The need is to make experiments with an open mind and objective scientific outlook. Gandhi had this faith in social and political experimentation. A positively practical attitude to evolution of ever new avenues and vistas of knowledge must never be put aside. There are quite a few masterly works by Gandhi and his commentators anent his views on conflict resolution, discipline, life style, political, military and economic decentralisation, stateless society, development, peace and a federation of nations leading to security, i.e., social, military, political, legal, economic and ecological etcetera. A two volumes study by M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and Politics are a few noted and well known

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works throwing ample light on Gandhi’s concept of conflict, security and peace.15 These studies, among others, point understandably to a Gandhian security and peace strategy comprising three concentric and systemic spheres or circles leading to a securer world. Human

relations

are

not

hierarchical,

horizontal, vertical and pyramidal. They are spherical and ocean like. It is perennial process. Each thought and act interacts from within and without. This is an endless mutually interwoven melting of one into another. Moving to and from one to another. Inner energies must be provided creative outlet not only for all purposes but also for defence policy, security network and foreign policy etc. As Gandhi says, for the global conflict reduction, there must be: …ever widening, never ascending circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom. But it will be an oceanic circle whose centre will be the individual always ready to perish for the village, the later for the circle of villages, till the last … becomes one life

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composed of individuals, never aggressive in their arrogance but ever humble, sharing the majesty of the oceanic circle of which they are integral parts.

Therefore, the

outermost circumference will not wield the power to crush the inner circle but will give strength to all within and derive its own strength from it… No one… [will] be the first and none the last.16 Utmost priority, apparently, is to be given to good understanding and relations with immediate neighbours like Pakistan and others. A holistic security climate has to be expanded from the inner most circle of neighbours and beyond. That is how three broad conflict reduction security buffer spheres may be created through very friendly relations based on utter mutual faith and nonviolence. Armaments Race In the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence and love, i.e., truth, this pattern must still be strengthened despite continuing armaments race and “overkill” capacities of WMDs or nuclear, biological and chemical (NBCs) weapons. These weapons cannot provide us security inasmuch as they are there for mutual massive destruction and spreading terror. These weapons do not defend us. They are meant to kill during wars and terrorise during peacetime. About thirty countries already possess these WMDs. Anti-

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tank nuclear bullets are also in use. Nearly 100, 000 nuclear bombs are also there among these states. United States and Russia alone share more than half of this arsenal.17 Only less than an iota of present-day stockpiles of armaments was there in Gandhi’s time. Practical-idealism of Gandhi emerges even more clearly when he says in this context: It [nonviolence] is of universal applicability.

Nevertheless,

perfect

nonviolence, like Absolute Truth, must forever remain beyond our reach.18 Perfect nonviolence is impossible so long as we exist physically, for we would want some space at least to occupy. Perfect

nonviolence

whilst

you

are

inhabiting the body is only a theory like Euclid’s point or straight line, but we have to endeavour every moment of our lives.19 This impossibility of “perfect nonviolence” does not prevent an initiative in this direction. As long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and political belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines of nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent

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national defence system can work alongside existing defence forces in every country. Action Programme What more is needed today concerns not so much the conflict resolution outlook for Gandhi. It is the conflict reduction, conflict prevention, nonviolent perception and action, and Gandhian nonviolent foreign and defence policy orientation among nations is required more than anything else. An action programme on a global scale can also be developed on following lines: 1. Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and other related forces may be there in the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence. 2. Conflict Reduction Comprehensive Security will be the most fruitful phenomenon when citizens and nations of the world do not have to bother about it as their top most priority. 3. Security without weapons is necessary as an ultimate aim. It is inherent and increasing sense of insecurity that goes for weapons. Real security is when one does not even have to think of armaments. That means a very positive and healthy security environ. 4. Concentric spheres of conflict reduction and security must be grasped properly for creating a comprehensive security environ globally step by step.

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5. Development, Environment protection, Employment for all, Balanced population, Eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow, Universal disarmament, Unilateral disarmament, doing away with nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. 6. Security must not become a fetish of an age or era. 7. Nonviolence is possible only in a gallant and brave world of citizens. 8. Cowards cannot be nonviolent. 9. Violence is preferred vis-à-vis nonviolence of a coward. 10. Highly decentralised pattern of economy will be less prone to instantaneous and long-term conflicts. 11. Highly decentralised political setup helps wider participation alongwith lesser abuse of political power. 12. Nonviolent Brigades must also be developed and trained in panch yama. 13. All armed forces and Nonviolent Brigades must be given training in panch yama discipline. 14. Comprehensive Conflict Reduction policy must be visionary based on experiences of history, present-day situation and prospective possibilities and every potential visualisation. 15. The most powerful country in the world must be an

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important aspect of a defence policy formulation. 16. Collaborations with foreign mercenaries must be avoided to the greatest possible extent. 17. Exports from foreign countries must be made only in such areas where there is no other alternative in the interest of citizens of a country. 18. Mechanisation and modern technology is to be adopted in areas where it is necessary for national self-reliance and not otherwise. 19. Open borders with immediate neighbours must be preferred. 20. Free people to people contact must be given priority. War like Situation Several thousand people are being massacred daily in the world today. This is quite a war like situation on a larger plane. This is no small matter when it relates to precious human lives of so many global citizens. Every human life is as precious as the life of all other individuals. It is not only weapons, wars and terrorists but also diplomatic instruments of peace are also singing the ‘cacophony’ of violence. That is why T. Schelling says: The power to hurt is nothing new in warfare,

but…

modern

technology…

enhances the importance of war and threats of war as techniques of influence, not of

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destruction; of coercion and deterrence, not of conquest and defence; of bargaining and intimation… War no longer looks like just a contest of strength. War and the brink of war are more a contest of nerve and risk taking, of pain and endurance… The threat of

war has

underneath

always

been

international

somewhat diplomacy...

Military strategy can no longer be thought of ... as the science of military victory. It is now equally, if not more, the art of coercion, of intimidation and deterrence... Military strategy ... has become the diplomacy of violence.20 This “diplomacy of violence” is not the only concern of conflict reduction in this age of globalisation and emerging “global village”. Other major dimensions are there in varied areas of rising human needs and expectations such as: (i) threats to political stability of different regimes, (ii) operational aspects of democracy, (iii) widespread terrorism for avowed

self-determination,

(iv)

ethnic

crises,

(v)

economic

exploitation and determinism, (vi) political and economic violence, (vii) expanding frontiers of security and threat perception of modern states, (viii) widespread economic deprivations, (ix) dangerous

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fallout of

modern technology,

(x) population

imbalances, (xi)

widening gamut of corruption in higher echelons of economic and political power, and (xii) poverty, (xiii) unemployment and (xvi) proliferation of armaments etcetera. Conflict resolution must be given a sustained release booster of nonviolence through a systemic understanding of conflict reduction, foreign policy, defence policy and econological aspects. Otherwise, Platonic dwellers of the cave will not be able to come out unto the open skies.

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References and Notes 1

Sharp, Gene, The Methods of Nonviolent Action, Porter Sargent, Boston, 1973, pp. 60-70; see also Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1988, pp. 36-104. 2 Http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/index.html see also http://www.crinfo.org 3 Burton, John, Conflict: Resolution and Provention, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990; see also John Burton and Frank Dukes, Conflict: Practices in Management, Settlement & Resolution, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1990, specially Chapter 20. 4 Huntington, Samuel P., “The Clash of Civilisations?”, Foreign Affairs, 1993. See also http://history.club.fatih.edu.tr/103%20Huntington%20Clash%20of%20Civilizations %20full%20text.htm 5

Gangal, S.C., Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion, New Delhi, 1988, pp.14-15. 6 Harijan, 26 November 1938 (emphasis added). 7 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace, UNESCO's Office of Public Information, Paris, 2000. 8 It is because both have to pave the way for self-government. 9 Ronald J. Terchek, Gandhi: Struggling for Autonomy, Vistaar, New Delhi, 1998, n. 3, p. 214. 10 Reinhold Niebuhr, “What Chance has Gandhi?”, Christian Century, 1931, p. 1276. 11 For Pacifists, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1949, p. 89. 12 Hind Swaraj, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1948, preliminary pages just before “Contents”. 13 Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan, 1948, pp. 303, 451; See also Young India, 12.08.1926, p. 201. 14 There are currently nine tracks of diplomacy recognised more widely: i) government to government, ii) unofficial policy oriented non-governmental exchanges, iii) businessman to businessman, iv) citizen to citizen exchange programmes of all kinds, v) media to media based efforts and exchanges, vi) religion, vii) activism, viii) research, ix) training, and education. 15 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, Third Edition, 1948; M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – II, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, First Edition, 1949; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War, OUP, London, 1968; S.

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C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion Publications, 1988; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, 1958; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan, OUP, New Delhi, 1985 and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and Politics, Boston, 1979. Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House, 1958, Volume – II, pp. 580 – 581.

16

17E.J. Hogendoorn, A Chemical Weapons Atlas, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September/October 1997 Vol. 53, No. 5. 18

Harijan, 05 September 1936, p. 236.

19Harijan,

21 July 1940, p. 211.

T. Schelling, “The Diplomacy of Violence”, in R. Art and R. Jervis (Eds), International Politics, fourth edition, Harper Collins, New York, 1996, pp. 168 – 182.

20

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Chapter Six Human Security

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Chapter Six Human Security Security for Gandhi is a holistic phenomenon. In his Ideal society, there is no room for weapons other than nails of a woman. Security has nothing to do with weapons of any sort in the Gandhian arrangement of things. As regards atom bomb – of Hiroshima and Nagasaki type – Gandhi says, “I regard the employment of the atom bomb for the wholesale destruction of men, women and children as the most diabolical use of science….. Unless now the world adopts nonviolence, it will spell certain suicide for mankind.”1 For him, it is more a matter of opting for a way of life. Gandhi is in favour of a nonviolent and more civilised life style. In today’s world, human security is possible only when the basic requirements of freedom and development are fulfilled. Gandhi adds yet another aspect to the concept of human security. Wielding weapons for any purpose shows a great sense of insecurity and fear among those who possess them. Otherwise, weapons may not be needed for “security”. German Action Committee is also demanding similar type pf security by saying that “Security is not war, torture and terror”.2 Highest form of security is possible in a civilised and gentle world where even armed battalions do not coerce. Until there is widespread voluntary effort towards conflict-transformation by individuals and states alike, the cities of the world will not have rest

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from armed conflicts, wars and mass murders. Weapons cannot provide security. It is the morale and faith in God and truth that leads to real sense of security. Modern weapons and technology is leading to widening net of insecurity among peoples and modern armies. The Gandhian conception of security can provide a great sense of strength and conviction to modern global citizen. However, for this, a process of transformation has to begin for helping evolve a general confidence in the ways of Gandhian nonviolence. “Change is the law of nature.” It is a widely and universally accepted fact of human life over the ages. This law, however, does not change. Change involves innovation and zest for life. Modern technology is indeed its most glaring example. The ultimate end of this surging ahead of modern technology is in the “changelessness and timelessness” of the need for security, prosperity, development and peace. Ephemeral nature of change moves forth towards fulfilling the perennial needs of this spaceship Earth. ‘What changes’ is subject to a cycle of moving forward to attain the utmost need and truth. ‘What does not change’ attracts endless exploration for ageless human need of a permanent security. Can there ever be an enduring sense of security “as a living fact” for all individuals in this world replete with recurring experiences leading to innovations and acts of mass destruction through terror, mishaps and cold blooded, planned or schematic onslaughts against humanity at large?

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Gandhian Precept Quest for an answer to this query cannot but lead us to largely an unexplored perspective of nonviolence in the Gandhian conception of realities of human life. Present-day global needs and diverse scenarios of WMDs, depletion of resources, pollution, terrorism, increasing promiscuity in modern “civil society”, balance of terror and mutual suspicions among peoples and nations alike appear to be self-defeating. Mahatma Gandhi is a known proponent of nonviolence and peace in the world. He has widely written on war, peace and security vis-à-vis individuals, states and vaster global perspectives. Gandhi, however, is not a system builder in thought and action. He is a perceiver of reality as a “practical idealist” interweaving the two cords of human knowledge and dynamics in life. Gandhian vision is alive with holistic perception of truth, foresightedness and scientific analysis. What matters here is mutual compatibility between intent, aims and means used for security in a larger human context Gandhi sees an inherent linkage between knowledge, virtue or wisdom on the one hand, and security of a civil society comprising understandably connected individual(s), groups, administrative units, polis

of

different

magnitudes,

provinces,

sovereign

states,

international and global organisations, on the other hand. There is very clear line of thinking and continued relationship amongst these aspects of security from the level of an individual to an international

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establishment and global order. Security, defence, apt strategic environs and peace have to begin with the individual first. Other levels of security will have to follow suit. That is why Gandhi says, “There cannot be internationalism without nationalism.” This is the Gandhian order of holistic logic that must be adopted for a securer and more peaceful world. United Nations adopted such a human concept of security only in 1998 while Gandhi had it in his writings and speeches since 1908 when he wrote his Hind Swaraj. As such, Gandhi’s view of security for both an individual and a state can be have meaningful only through certain inter-related measures taken by the world community of nations over a period of time. These measures are: -- Global conventional and nuclear disarmament. -- Preservation of environment and ecology. -- Resolving the population, poverty and unemployment menace. -- Thinking more of peace than about war and weapons. -- Globalisation with a human face. -- Evolving a world culture where smallest should feel the tallest. Security without Weapons ! Security for Gandhi is not merely strategy and technique of defeating an invading army. It is not an international, as it were, wrestling among nations with weapons of mass destruction. Security,

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for him, does not mean disbandment of modern armies and other disciplined forces. It is also not merely self-defence. Security, for him, initially is a notion based on logic of why should there be a threat in the absence of some solid political and economic gain. In other words, gainful motive has to be there. The nature and perception of such a motive emerges here as more important. Peace and development through security are the essence of modern conception of security. Instead, for Gandhi, security is possible through peace and development only. The major difference in these two views is primarily that of emphasis. The Gandhian perspective considers security as a natural corollary of development and peace. It is not weapons and machines but pulsating human beings who are of real significance. Everything else is secondary. An inherently ever widening twenty-first century contradiction and security predicament is there in available stockpiles of weapons providing a peculiar sense of security replete with threats of complete human extinction. Modern security is possible through mutual assured destruction (MAD). What a dilemma it is! This trend shows a specific direction of thinking. This needs transformation. That is why Barash and Webel say: However

one

judges

the

desirability of peace or legitimacy of (at least some) wars, it should be clear that peace and war exist on a continuum of

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violent / nonviolent national behaviours and that they constantly fluctuate. Neither should be taken for granted, and neither is humanity’s “natural state.” The human condition – whether to wage war or to strive to build an enduring peace – is for us to decide.3 Similarly, nonviolence is the Gandhian way of life. Nonviolence comes naturally to human beings. This is part and parcel of their existence, survival and evolution. Violent behaviour is always an exception. Albert Einstein is also one with Gandhi when he says: We need an essentially new way of thinking if mankind is to survive. Men must radically change their attitudes toward each other and their views of the future. Force must no longer be an instrument of politics…. Today, we do not have much time left; it is up to our generation

to

succeed

in

thinking

differently. If we fail, the days of civilised humanity are numbered.4 A noted botanist in the mid twentieth century, Luther Burbank, explains a very sensitive aspect of security and peace

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through an experiment for developing a spineless and thornless variety of cactus. He says: While I was conducting experiments to make ‘spineless’ cactus, I often talked to the plants to create a vibration of love. ‘You have nothing to fear.’ I would tell them. ‘You don’t need your defensive thorns. I will protect you.’ Gradually the useful plant of the desert emerged in a thornless variety.5 The need is to make experiments with an open mind and objective scientific outlook. Gandhi had this faith in social and political experimentation. A positively practical attitude to evolution of ever new avenues and vistas of knowledge must never be put aside. There are quite a few masterly works by Gandhi and his commentators anent his views on discipline, life style, political, military

and

economic

decentralisation,

stateless

society,

development, peace and a federation of nations leading to security, i.e., social, military, political, legal, economic and ecological etcetera. A two volumes study by M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict; Johan Galtung’s “A

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Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and Politics are a few noted and well known works throwing ample light on Gandhi’s concept of conflict, security and peace. It is primarily on the basis of these studies that an attempt is being made here to recapitulate major pointers in the area of Gandhi’s nonviolent conception of security, conflict, peace and development.6 These studies, among others, point understandably to a Gandhian security strategy comprising three concentric and systemic spheres or circles leading to a securer world. Human relations are not hierarchical, horizontal, vertical and pyramidal. They are spherical and ocean like. It is perennial process. Each thought and act interacts from within and without. This is an endless mutually interwoven melting of one into another. Moving to and from one to another. Inner energies must be provided creative outlet not only for all purposes but also for defence policy, security network and foreign policy etc. As Gandhi says, there will be: …ever widening, never ascending circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom. But it will be an oceanic circle whose centre will be the individual always ready to perish for

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the village, the later for the circle of villages, till the last … becomes one life composed of individuals, never aggressive in their arrogance but ever humble, sharing the majesty of the oceanic circle of which they are integral parts.

Therefore, the

outermost circumference will not wield the power to crush the inner circle but will give strength to all within and derive its own strength from it… No one… [will] be the first and none the last.7 Utmost priority, apparently, is to be given to good understanding and relations with immediate neighbours like Pakistan and others. A holistic security climate has to be expanded from the inner most circle of neighbours and beyond. That is how three broad security buffer spheres must be created through very friendly relations based on utter mutual faith and nonviolence. In the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence and love, i.e., truth, this pattern must still be strengthened despite continuing armaments race and “overkill” capacities of WMDs or nuclear, biological and chemical (NBCs) weapons. These weapons cannot provide us security inasmuch as they are there for mutual massive destruction and spreading terror. These weapons do not defend us. They are meant to kill during wars and terrorise during

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peacetime. About thirty countries already possess these WMDs. Antitank nuclear bullets are also in use. Nearly 100, 000 nuclear bombs are also there among these states. United States and Russia alone share more than half of this arsenal.8 Only less than an iota of present-day stockpiles of armaments was there in Gandhi’s time. Yet, practical-idealism of Gandhi emerges even more clearly when he says in this context: It [nonviolence] is of universal applicability.

Nevertheless,

perfect

nonviolence, like Absolute Truth, must forever remain beyond our reach.9 Perfect nonviolence is impossible so long as we exist physically, for we would want some space at least to occupy. Perfect

nonviolence

whilst

you

are

inhabiting the body is only a theory like Euclid’s point or straight line, but we have to endeavour every moment of our lives.10 Impossibility of Perfect Nonviolence This impossibility of “perfect nonviolence” does not prevent an initiative in this direction. As long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and political belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines

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of nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system can work alongside existing defence forces. Such simple but effective steps can be taken up at the level of Central and State Governments only when India has evolved a defence policy. These simple Gandhian solutions to complex current tangles certainly need spirited and sincere long-term initiatives for transforming prevalent meta-conflict orientation towards a belief that despite continued struggles, conflicts, war and weapons of mass destruction-peace and nonviolence as a way of life are practical options. Despite mass violence and increasing crime graph, we are all living a nonviolent life in our routine affairs. (i) What we need is merely to think and act in the most common and obvious terms. We are not doing it anent resolving our more serious and potentially volatile conflicts. (ii) This is possible even in this age of globalisation. We are also not opting for nonviolent ways when most of the nations and majority of population in the world are reeling under one or the other type of overt, covert and subtler exploitation in politics, trade and mass media. (iii) We must learn to sit together like common human beings without attaching unnecessary airs to our own persons. That is why Albert Einstein has said, ‘Generations to come will scarce believe that such a man as this, in flesh and

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blood, ever walked upon this earth.’ One of the greatest admirers of Gandhi is Albert Einstein, who sees in ‘Gandhi's nonviolence a possible antidote to the massive violence unleashed by the fission of the atom’. B R Nanda writes in the 2001 edition of Britannica Encyclopaedia, ‘In a time

of

deepening

crisis

in

the

underdeveloped world, of social malaise in the affluent societies, of the shadow of unbridled technology and the precarious peace of nuclear terror, it seems likely that Gandhi's ideas and techniques will become increasingly relevant’. This relevance has to be put in action as Gandhi always said, ‘My life is my message.’ This action is possible at least at three levels without affecting adversely the current surging ahead of modernisation and globalisation. First, at individuals’ unilateral and voluntary level. Secondly, at the level of voluntary organisations. Last but not least, at the

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level of a national government voluntary mobilisation and necessary socialisation on a

vaster

plane.

The

international

perspective will follow suit on its own as a logical outcome or natural corollary of other three levels.11 Security Dilemma There is also a related aspect of a ‘security dilemma’ or striker’s falling into the pit instead of scoring a few points through excessive rebound play in the carom board game among inter-state “patrons” of civil society today. One’s security becomes a threat to another player in the globalising twenty-first century’s global civil culture. Politics by all means is an integral part of such activities. Security then becomes a menace to its preserver itself. When ‘security’ is leading to ‘insecurity’ then why this hullabaloo and concern for security of individuals and nations alike? Whom who is benefiting? Why this is happening? No doubt, security is a must for all as a fundamental need and human right to life. This need has to be fulfilled. Security beyond this need emerges into an utterly self-aggrandising global nexus and Mafia causing loss of precious human lives of brave soldiers and common citizens alike. Indeed, “How much land does a man require ?” Individuals among peoples of the world understand this predicament. Nations and statesmen and nations are bound to ignore it for they have to act

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otherwise. Security for peace is relentlessly negating its purpose. Amassing of WMDs, terrorism of different types including nuclear terrorism further proves this glaring logic and reality. No state has ever achieved the security it desires without becoming a menace to its neighbours. Apart from ‘genuine’ concerns about security needs of a state, there are other reasons also leading to ever widening arms race. They are all practical pointers to national leaders’ strong belief in military might as their only real protection when they are facing an irritating and hostile opponent: …the financial profits to be made, desire for advancement on the part of individuals whose careers depend on success in administering or commanding major new weapons

programmes,

political

leaders

pandering to bellicose domestic sentiment, and inter-service rivalry within a state.12 All these are realities of modern deep-rooted political perversion. Politics -- as political thinkers, actors and Gandhi in particular say – is concerned primarily with establishing truth and order in society. Ongoing diverse manipulations in politics represent something different than what is political. Manipulations and perversions of civil society in this age of globalisation are presenting intriguing trends:

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Bringing together of global trade and economy to a notable extent.
Smaller traders, investors, entrepreneurs, and industrial units facing far greater challenges.
Increasing burden of poverty, population, pollution, proliferation of armaments and (precarious) peace, i.e., ‘five Ps’ on Afro-Asian and Latin American (AALA) countries.
Emergence of United States and Europe as relatively more stable global economic and political peace zones of the world.
Widening

framework

of

work

and

space

for

international actors, organisations and operators.
World peace through WMDs deterrence based on dwindling foundations of mutual terror.
Terrorist groups having their own share from state-ofthe-art weapons.
Preventing a situation of a third world war through institutionalised terror.
Security threat from terrorism and ‘War on Terrorism’. These trends further complicate quest for a comprehensive security perspective when most of the states in the world are able to ensure at best ‘a pretence of security’ despite their constantly burgeoning military budgets. Even for their limited military security

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needs, these countries depend, expressly or implicitly, either on other great powers or on so-called ‘collective defence / security’. Such wasteful security scenario point to a need for a more comprehensive policy of defence and security especially for poorer AALA countries in general and South Asia in particular. Nonviolent Security Pointers Gandhi has spoken and written profusely on nonviolence, security, peace, war, conflict, world order and world federation of nations etcetera. He, however, has never explained any aspect singularly or in piecemeal fashion. He has never written exclusively on security issues alone or separately. May be, it is for this reason, Gandhi has evolved a holistic and a very comprehensive vision of security and world peace. Accordingly, political, economic and military decentralisation of resources and power is necessary for his concept of Swaraj based on self-reliance, self-sufficiency and really effective independence and freedom. Only such independence can assure security. Gandhi’s second best ideal is for a democratic system driving its strength directly from villages especially in the Indian context. It is not possible for a modern State based on force, nonviolently to resist forces of disorder, whether external or internal…. (However,) it is possible for a

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State to be predominantly based on nonviolence.13 Gandhi, in reply to a question – “Is not nonviolent resistance by the militarily strong more effective than that by the militarily weak?” – says: This is a contradiction in terms. There can be no non-violence offered by the militarily strong…. What is true is that if those, who are at one time strong in armed might, change their mind, they will be better

able

to

demonstrate their

nonviolence to the world and, therefore, to their to their opponents. Those who are strong in nonviolence will not mind whether they are opposed by the militarily weak or the strongest.14 As

regards

training

of

the

nonviolent army, Gandhi says: A very small part of the preliminary training received by the military is common to the nonviolent army. These are discipline, drill, singing in chorus, flag hoisting, signalling and the like. Even this is not absolutely necessary and the basis is

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different. The positively necessary training for a violent army is an immovable faith in God, willing and perfect obedience to the chief of the nonviolent army and perfect inward cooperation between units of the army.15 A nonviolent State must be broad based on the will of an intelligent people, well able to know its mind and act up to it. In such a State the assumed section can only be negligible. It can never stand against

deliberate

will

of

the

overwhelming majority represented by the State. … If it is expressed nonviolently, it cannot be a majority of one but nearer 99 against one in a hundred.16 In such a state, armaments race is not required. As V. K. R. V. Rao puts it: unless the armaments race is brought to an end and effective steps are taken towards disarmament… there is no use talking of a new international order (or security)…. This was Gandhi’s view and it becomes

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truer and more urgent in its need for recognition today.17 Under Swaraj (self-rule) of my dream, there is no necessity of arms at all.18 Alas, in my swaraj of today there is room for soldiers…. I have not the capacity

for

preaching

universal

nonviolence to the country.19 Gandhi has seldom given a piecemeal treatment to challenges he faced in his life. He has said and written anent varied aspects of life and human concerns. In this context, he has made a very bold exposition in his Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule. On 24 April 1933, he says – on page 04 in the beginning of this booklet: I would like to say the diligent reader of my writings and to others who are interested in them that I am not at all concerned with appearing to be consistent. In my search after Truth I have discarded many ideas and learnt many new things. Old as I am in age, I have no feeling that I have ceased to grow inwardly or that my growth will stop at the dissolution of the flesh. What I am concerned with is my

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readiness to obey the call of truth, my God, from moment to moment, and, therefore, when anybody finds any inconsistency between any two writings of mine, if he still has faith in my sanity, he would do well to choose the later of the two on the same subject.20 [In 1942, Gandhi said that if he survived the attainment of freedom by India, he would] … advise the adoption of nonviolence to the utmost extent possible and

that

would

be

India’s

greatest

contribution to the peace of the world and the establishment of a new world order.21 Writings and sayings of Mahatma Gandhi and majority of commentators and critics of Gandhian philosophy have shown not only inherent but also explicit significance of the idea of essential harmony and oneness of humanity. Gandhi has never regarded himself as a system builder. His experiments, however, have led him to evolve – for several commentators and analysts like S. C. Gangal, Mahendra Kumar, Raghavan Iyer, Savita Singh, Ramjee Singh, Johan Galtung and others – a Predominantly Nonviolent State as his second best Ideal and a Nonviolent Society as his ultimate Ideal for establishing a vibrantly creative global and just political ethos where

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cooperation, equality and nonviolence have replaced exploitation, inequality and bloody warfare and mutual hatred. Similar ideas are currently being propagated and discussed by internationally acclaimed authors and statesmen alike even if they are apparently not so much directly influenced by Gandhi. Holistic Approach Indeed, Gandhi’s holistic notion of security is a practicalidealist concept. Gandhi has never written or said much about security in particular as a term with specific meaning that is being attached to it in the strictly military sense. Yet he had foreseen almost all major trends and strands. Gandhi is one with former United States (US) President Bill Clinton’s statement:

“…globalisation and the revolution in

information technology have magnified both the creative and destructive potential of every individual, tribe and nation on our planet.” Gandhi has a holistic approach to human problems, in which reform or reconstruction should concentrate, more or less at the same time, at all levels of human existence and activity, i. e, individual, local, national and international levels. Security of every individual citizen of the world today has its globalised dimensions too. Ever new weapons, trading and economic network unfolding newer and subtler exploitative ways of human comforts, mutual destruction and domination. This is an ever-

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accelerating trend of modern “civilisation”. Gandhi, going much beyond Bill Clinton, finds in this civilisation: …. people living in it make bodily welfare the object of life. …. If people of a certain country, who have hitherto not been in the habit of wearing much clothing, boots etc., adopt European clothing, they are supposed to have become civilised out of savagery. …. [Ever increasing blindfolded mechanisation]

is

called

a

sign

of

civilisation. ….Formerly, only a few men wrote valuable books. Now, anybody writes and prints anything he likes and poisons people’s minds. …. As men progress,… [they] will not need the use of their hands and feet…. Everything will be done by machinery. …. Formerly, when people wanted to fight…they measured between them their bodily strength; now it is possible to take away thousands of lives by one man…. This is civilisation.

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….. [Earlier] men were made slaves under physical compulsion. Now they are enslaved by the temptation of money and of the luxuries that money can buy. ….There are now diseases of which people never dreamt before, and an army of doctors is engaged in finding out theirs, and so hospitals have increased. This is a test of civilisation. …. Today [not earlier when special messengers were needed to send a letter], anyone can abuse his fellow by means of a letter [of email] for one penny. True, at the same cost, one can send one’s thanks also. …now, [people] require something to eat every two hours so that they have hardly leisure for anything else [more meaningful]. ….. This civilisation is such that one has only to be patient and it will be self-destroyed.”22

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Real holistic security for Gandhi is possible only through Panch yama of Patanjali, i.e., nonviolence (ahimsa), non-stealing (astaeya), Truth (Satya), non-possession (aparigraha) and chastity (brahamcharya). Global though sectoral reformation programme for regeneration of every individual is needed for balancing the negative effects of the process of globalisation. It was Gandhi’s conviction that individuals – of whom the nations and global communities are constituted – must have priority in any scheme of reform or reconstruction. Yet another idea in Gandhi’s scheme is that any durable programme of reconstruction must be marked by a measure of coordination and integration at various levels of social action through voluntary effort. Press and media have a very significant role in this sphere. Media, for Gandhi, must be having unmistakable autonomy and self-reliance with little dependence on advertisement revenue. The cultivation of nonviolence by the individual and the establishment of non-exploitative economy at different levels will lead eventually to the emergence of what he calls nonviolent nationalism. Ultimately, these nonviolent nations will function under a world federation or international organisation on the basis of: 1. Political and economic independence without any type of colonialism or imperialism and exploitation. 2. Voluntary effort with dedication and commitment.

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3. Goals and means not imposed from above but developed from within. 4. Equality for all. As such every nation must feel as tall as the tallest. 5. Decentralisation at political and economic spheres. 6. General disarmament. 7. Unilateral disarmament. 8. International society as a voluntary organisation. 9. Common good of all. 10. Bigger nations ready to “give” to the smaller nations. 11. Amicable and peaceful settlement of all disputes. 12. Small international police as long as the world is able to develop a general belief in nonviolence. 13. Free, open, alert and impartial Media. 14. Full employment. 15. Preponderance to mutual sense of service.23 Such a blue print should be the guiding spirit of present-day quest for security and globalisation. In this security perspective, the individual has specially a two-fold significance for Gandhi. First, proper education and training to the individual for understanding and imbibing the values of a normal society. A normal fraternity, for Gandhi, is one where development does not pose diverse types of threats to the individual and humanity.

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Normal Order of Things For evolving such a normal course of life, a Global Education Order must be established through value-related and need based education. Nearly all aspects of human life are to be covered in this programme ranging from material, moral, emotional and cultural to spiritual needs of the individual. The individuality, creativity, identity and voluntary efforts have to be the fundamental terms of reference in the launching of such a global education order. Secondly, Gandhi emphasises the role of the individual in decision-making and in sharing the national and international responsibilities. There is no place for undemocratic or authoritarian regimes in Gandhi’s agenda of security and peace. To steer clear of undemocratic or authoritarian tendencies, Gandhi suggests two more correctives of (i) limited State power and (ii) socio-economic decentralisation. As regards the former, Gandhi is one with Thoureau’s principle that “that government is best which governs the least.”24 To quote Gandhi: I look upon an increase in the power of the state with the greatest fear because…it does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality which lies at the root of all progress.25 In order to curb emergence of authoritarianism, the size and role of police and military, for Gandhi, has to be limited to dealing

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with thieves, robbers, raiders from without and a few emergencies only. It would be better if police and military perform largely the role of a body of reformers.26 Gandhi looks forward to the emergence of a world where “no state has its military.”27 Socio-economic decentralisation is yet another corrective measure to curb undemocratic tendencies. Gandhi’s global vision moves upward from the individual and a federation of village republics to an international federation of nations in a society marked by voluntary cooperation and decentralisation. Aldous Huxley, while supporting Gandhi, says, “…democratic principles cannot be effectively put into practice unless authority in a community has been decentralised to the utmost extent possible.”28 The modern inter-linking of people and economies under contemporary security debate must give careful attention to the Gandhian pointers in this age of technology for keeping away from the pejorative aspects of concurrent science and development patterns. Otherwise, it will prove to be a “nine days wonder” only. For Gandhi, in the larger context of security, peace, freedom, equality and nonexploitative society, there are several other important realities. Such as: …Our nationalism can be no peril to other nations inasmuch as we will exploit none just as we will allow none to exploit us.29

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186

The

satyagrahi

must

maintain

personal contact with people of his locality. This living association of human beings

is

essential

to

a

genuine

democracy.30 I have no doubt that unless big nations shed their desire for exploitation and the spirit of violence of which war is the natural expression and the atom bomb the inevitable consequence, there is no hope for peace in the world.31 Mechanisation is good when hands are too few for the work intended to be accomplished. It is evil where there are more hands than acquired…32 I entertain no fads in this regard [i.e.,

his

mechanisation

avowed and

opposition

to

capital-intensive

technology]. All that I desire is that every able-bodied citizen should be provided with gainful employment. If electricity and even automatic energy could be used without…creating unemployment, I will not raise my little finger against it…. If the

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187

Government

could

provide

full

employment to our people without the help of Khadi hand-spinning and hand-weaving industries, I shall be prepared to wind up my

constructive

programme

in

this

regard.33 To reject foreign manufactures merely because they are foreign, and to go on wasting national time and money on the promotion in one’s own country of manufactures for which it is not suited would be criminal folly, and a negation of the Swadeshi spirit.34 Decentralisation of political and economic power, reduction in the functions and importance of State, growth of voluntary

associations,

removal

of

dehumanising poverty and resistance to injustice … will bring life within the understanding of man and make society and

the

State

democratic…..

The

nonviolent State will cooperate with an international

organisation

based

on

nonviolence. Peace will come not merely

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188

by changing the institutional forms but by regenerating those attitudes and ideals of which war, imperialism, capitalism and other forms of exploitation are the inevitable expressions.35 [I am not against all international trade, though imports should be limited to things that are necessary for our growth but which India -- and for that matter any poorer country -- cannot herself produce and export of things of real benefit to foreigners.]36 Gandhi is clearly having a very comprehensive view

and

understanding of security based on a nonviolent way of really civilised life. He is presenting an out line of normal human behaviour away from cut-throat conflicts and massive wars of mutual hatred. In this attempt, he is visualising security as a manifold concept running into every aspect of life. An action plan may well be in line with the larger tenor of this research piece here: Gandhian Comprehensive Security Action Plan 1. Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and other related forces may be there in the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence.

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2. Comprehensive Security will be the most fruitful phenomenon when citizens and nations of the world do not have to bother about it as their top most priority. 3. Security without weapons is necessary as an ultimate aim. It is inherent and increasing sense of insecurity that goes for weapons. Real security is when one does not even have to think of armaments. That means a very positive and healthy security environ. 4. Concentric spheres of security must be grasped properly for creating a comprehensive security environ globally step by step. 5. Development, Environment protection, Employment for all, Balanced population, Eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow, Universal disarmament, Unilateral disarmament, doing away with nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. 6. Security must not become a fetish of an age or era. 7. Nonviolence is possible only in a gallant and brave world of citizens. 8. Cowards cannot be nonviolent. 9. Violence is preferred vis-à-vis nonviolence of a coward. 10. Highly decentralised pattern of economy will be less prone to instantaneous devastation at one go in the event of bombardment by the enemy forces. 11. Highly

decentralised

political

setup

helps

wider

participation alongwith lesser abuse of political power.

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12. Nonviolent Brigades must also be developed and trained in panch yama. 13. All armed forces and Nonviolent Brigades must be given training in panch yama discipline. 14. Comprehensive Security policy must be visionary based on experiences of history, present-day situation and prospective possibilities and every potential visualisation. 15. The most powerful country in the world must be an important aspect of a defence policy formulation. 16. Collaborations with foreign mercenaries must be avoided to the greatest possible extent. 17. Exports from foreign countries must be made only in such areas where there is no other alternative in the interest of citizens of a country. 18. Mechanisation and modern technology is to be adopted in areas where it is necessary for national self-reliance and not otherwise. 19. Open borders with immediate neighbours are preferred. 20. Free people to people contact must be given priority. Conclusion: Whither Security Several thousand people are being massacred daily in the world today. This is quite a war like situation on a larger plane. This is no small matter when it relates to precious human life of so many global citizens. Every human life is as precious as the life of all other

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individuals. It is not only weapons, wars and terrorists but also diplomatic instruments of peace are also singing the ‘cacophony’ of violence. That is why T. Schelling says: The power to hurt is nothing new in warfare,

but…

modern

technology…

enhances the importance of war and threats of war as techniques of influence, not of destruction; of coercion and deterrence, not of conquest and defence; of bargaining and intimation… War no longer looks like just a contest of strength. War and the brink of war are more a contest of nerve and risk taking, of pain and endurance… The threat of

war has

underneath

always

been

international

somewhat diplomacy...

Military strategy can no longer be thought of ... as the science of military victory. It is now equally, if not more, the art of coercion, of intimidation and deterrence... Military strategy ... has become the diplomacy of violence.37 This “diplomacy of violence” is not the only concern of security in this age of globalisation and emerging “global village”.

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192

Major security dimensions are there in varied areas of rising human needs and expectations such as: (i) threats to political stability of different regimes, (ii) operational aspects of democracy, (iii) widespread terrorism for avowed

self-determination,

(iv)

ethnic

crises,

(v)

economic

exploitation and determinism, (vi) political and economic violence, (vii) expanding frontiers of security and threat perception of modern states, (viii) widespread economic deprivations, (ix) dangerous fallout of

modern technology,

(x) population

imbalances, (xi)

widening gamut of corruption in higher echelons of economic and political power, and (xii) poverty, (xiii) unemployment and (xvi) proliferation of armaments etcetera. In the light of these major security threats, Gandhi suggests that there are four pillars of a peaceful Gandhian world order: 

It should be nonviolent. 

It must be non-exploitative and cooperative. 

It has to be based on the reform, regeneration and

education of the individual.  through

It must work its way up to the global or international level reform

or

nonviolent

reorganisation

(including

democratisation) at other (or preceding) levels of society, such as local or national.

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193

What Gandhi is emphasising here relates very closely to the well known UNESCO aphorism that says: Since war begins in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defence of peace must be constructed.38

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References and Notes 1Harijan,

29 September 1946.

2

http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2008/03/06/18483933.php David P. Barash and Charles P. Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, 2002, p. 25. 3

4

Ibid. p. 3.

5

Paramahansa Yogananda, Autobiography of a Yogi, Jaico Publishing House, Bombay, Second Indian Edition, 1975, Twelfth Impression, p. 353.

6 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, Third Edition, 1948; M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – II, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, First Edition, 1949; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War, OUP, London, 1968; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion Publications, 1988; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, 1958; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan, OUP, New Delhi, 1985 and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and Politics, Boston, 1979. 7Pyarelal,

Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House, 1958, Volume – II, pp. 580 – 581. 8

E.J. Hogendoorn, A Chemical Weapons Atlas, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September/October 1997 Vol. 53, No. 5. 9 Harijan, 05 September 1936, p. 236. 10 Harijan, 21 July 1940, p. 211.

11

Daily Excelsior, Jammu, 08 April 2004 (Edit page).

12Barash

and Webel, Op. Cit., n. 1, p.203.

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194

195

13

Harijan, 12 May 1946. Raghavan Iyer (Ed.), The Moral and Political Writings of Mahatma Gandhi, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1986, pp. 448 – 450.

14

Ibid.

15

Ibid.

16

Ibid.

17“Disarmament and Development”, Gandhi Marg, New Delhi, May – June 1982. 18M.

K. Gandhi, For Pacifists, Ahmedabad,1949, p. 43.

M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Op. Cit., n. 5., Volume – I, p. 28. 20Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938, p. 04. 19

Harijan, 21 June 1942. Harijan, 22 June 1935 and 15 September 1946; M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938), p. 08, Preface by Mahadev Desai. See also Raghavan Iyer (ed.), The Moral and Political writings of Mahatma Gandhi: Truth and Nonviolence, Volume – II, (Oxford, London: 1986), pp. 212 – 214., Parentheses and Emphasis added. 21 22

Anurag Gangal, New International Economic Order: A Gandhian Perspective (Chanakya, Delhi: 1985), Chapter – II, pp. 29 - 30.

23

24

Young India, 02 July 1931.

25

N. K. Bose, Selections from Gandhi (Ahmedabad: 1948), p. 42.

26 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War , Op. Cit., n. 5., Volume – I, Chapter – II and pp. 145, 324. See also S. C. Gangal, The Gandhian Way to World Peace (Vora, Bombay: 1960), pp. 100 – 101. 27

S. C. Gangal, Ibid. , p. 100.

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195

196

28Encyclopaedia 29 30

of Pacifism, (London: 1937), p. 100.

S. C. Gangal, Op. Cit., n. 24, p. 90. G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 5., p. 284. Emphasis added.

31M.

K. Gandhi, op. cit. , n. 5., Volume – II, pp. 163 – 164. Emphasis added.

32Harijan,

16 November 1939.

Quoted in Ram K. Vepa, New Technology: A Gandhian Concept (New Delhi: 1975), p. 170. 34 From Yervada Mandir ( Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1933), p. 96 – 97. 33

35

G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 5., p. 341.

36

Ibid. p. 96.

T. Schelling, “The Diplomacy of Violence”, in R. Art and R. Jervis (Eds), International Politics, fourth edition, Harper Collins, New York, 1996, pp. 168 – 182.

37

38

UNESCO Preamble

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

196

197

Chapter Seven World Peace

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

197

198

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199

Chapter Seven World Peace In this age of professionalism and globalisation, “professional politics” is needed for peace in this century. It requires, for true politics of world peace today, dedication of revolutionaries like Mahatma Gandhi, Mao, Lenin, Marx (not necessarily violence as a tool used by some of these great men) and others. Otherwise, Hiroshima and Nagasaki may always be there. In this age of technology only a great sense of professional discipline, training, education and establishment of a systemic carving out of prospective political leadership can save coming generations for posterity. Amateurism and "adhocism" of previous century has no takers today. Exceptional dedication, devotion and training pave their way towards charismatic mass appeal. The professional help of political scientists must be sought in this matter. They can help establish precedents and set trends. After all, politics must be the domain of political scientists at large. Isn't it? Without their overwhelming wisdom and support based on socio-political values, no democratic setup can ever achieve peace in the present age of technologicalisation and globalization. Politics and Peace Despite inherent uncertainty of politics, its omnipresence and ubiquitous nature can never be put aside. "Politics" is a highly specialized field of activity. Such a specialized field must not be left

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200

to the mercy of self-styled political leaders emerging either overnight or almost from-no-where in the history of their own peculiar political experience. The need of the hour is well-embedded political niche of properly equipped political scientists and their commitment, dedication, devotion and determination. Political knowledge and discipline of a political scientist must become the raging path-finder. This is necessary to grasp the true meaning of politics. Politics must never be misunderstood as highly manipulative activity replete with corruption, violence, exploitation, terrorism, extortions and murders upon murders-of precious human lives and values for power, and power for ever more power. THIS IS NOT POLITICS AT ALL. POLITICS IS POWER AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR THE ULTIMATE END OF SARVODAYA OR WELFARE OF ALL. POLITICS, AS SUCH, IS PEACE. THIS, INDEED, IS THE WELL KNOWN

GANDHIAN

CONCEPTION

OF

PEACE

AND

POLITICS. It is apparent that diehard politicians of today are not likely to agree for their professional training and education. For them, their experience and rendezvous with life are providing real ground for lifetime training and dedication. What we need today is a "practicalidealist" Gandhian approach to peace. This is necessary at all levels of planning, formulation, legislation, execution, judiciary, and policymaking. All such aspects need to be examined with a meaningful participation of political scientists. This appears to be the only

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

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201

recourse "for cities" to have their long-over-due rest from their widespread EVILS. Politics is there not merely by virtue of modern politicians and their political parties etc. The theory and practice of politics is in reality an exclusive realm of political scientists. However, the current perversion of "politics-as-it-is" does not depict the reality. Indeed, "Until political scientists and trained political actors are rulers or the rulers and governors of this world take recourse to wisdom-ofpolitical-scientists, cities will never have rest from their perversion of politics today." "Beware the fury of the patient man,' John Dryden had warned three hundred years ago. Unfortunately, the ruling authorities have excellent reason to ignore that piece of ancient wisdom."1 Politics means ecological settings of man and society and even much beyond. Any imbalance and ignorance is a very serious threat to a normal and peaceful world order. As such, along with the current rage of information explosion and craze and fashion for the latest, more important is going for knowledge and wisdom that rest in virtues and values. There is a general phenomenon quite popular among modern academics. It is that they regard the present system of university-education and institutions of higher learning as storehouses of knowledge.2

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202

Limits to Growth Mahatma Gandhi, however, is more in favour of delving deep into the realities of life. He does not support the present-day university system of higher learning .This is his position in essence. For him, simple and an activist approach to life leads to real depths of knowledge. Life must not depend so much-as it is today-upon acquisitive instincts but on self-restraint, Aristotelian mean/balance and widespread normalcy in socio-political order emanating from the individual.3 Such ideas for the followers of Gandhi are known as the Gandhian view of life. When similar ideas are extended by others without reference to Gandhi then they are generally not called Gandhian. Yet Mahatma Gandhi's relevance anent pertinent questions and their answers does not increase or decrease.4 Hence -- for ulterior reasons -- if we do away with Gandhi in the absence of larger belief in nonviolence, truth, nonstealing, nonpossession and brahmcharya etc. , even then it is the following main concerns and development paradoxes which are likely to dominate human minds throughout the twenty-first century: i) limits to growth ii) impact of information technology upon man iii) over-production of conventional/other weapons iv) over-exploitation of natural/other resources and ever widening consumerism v) professionalization of conventional and nuclear

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203

terrorism and similar acts vi) modern technology, environmental pollution, human survival vii) preservation of depleting resources viii) preserving political-ecological balance for a normal life with least possible socio-political tensions ix) religion of equality and humanity and not merely rituals x) preserving dignity of man xi) quality of life without degenerating aspects of modernity xii) above mentioned threats to local, national, regional, international and global peace Practical Idealism Inevitable As such Gandhian "practical-idealism" is going to be the real IN thing of human rationality and vision in the twenty-first century. Whether we want it or not Mahatma Gandhi will be there -- either in name or in deeds of the generations to come. No "commitments" can run away from this reality.5 Priorities of our commitment must change knowingly. Indeed, "commitment" is always necessary for becoming a professional activist in any area of life. Gandhi has always been an activist and a political worker. His philosophy or "way of life" is also primarily derived from his lessons of life and "experiments" through diverse experiences. Most of the present-day

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204

political leaders, however, are not able to learn so much from their life. Maybe because "politics" is currently considered more as an instrument of subversion, exploitation and manipulations instead of the Gandhian sarvodaya or welfare of all. Sarvodaya is not possible when almost every nook and corner of world politics is having a “political leader” by virtue of birth, criminal activities, money power or sheer bullying of the gentle and weaker lot. It is happening among nations also .Gandhi had unmistakably foreseen this predicament in his Hind Swaraj in 1909. In this booklet, Gandhi characterizes modern civilization as a "disease" and "a nine days wonder". Even around the time of his assassination on 30 January 1948 - especially just about two weeks earlier-Gandhi said, "this (modern) civilization is such that one has only to be patient, and it will be self-destroyed." Given the presentday widespread "balance-of-terror"- with its plans for mutual assured destruction (MAD) even outside the purview of the erstwhile "cold war" today -- disintegration and destruction is continuing. We have it from so knowledgeable a source as Jan Tinbergen's Report to the Club of Rome: "in the rich countries there is growing concern about the conservation of non-renewable resources and … about how to keep the world in a stationary state." In the above mentioned contexts, a beginning has to be made. For Gandhi, "one step is enough" to start an effort.

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205

The world into the twenty-first century is going to realize its past follies of giving the reigns of politics to "Tom, Dick and Harries" from time to time. Politics as an activity and as a discipline is at the apex

of

Aristotelian,

Hobbesian,

Marxian

and

Gandhian

phenomenology. There is an oft-quoted phrase in English: "Let fools contest for forms of government." Indeed, if matters relating to government are left to "fools" then who will govern! Therefore, a first step in this direction must be high degree of commitment to politics by the modern political scientists. Political leaders must seek their help in every related area regularly. Political scientists must extend specially designed courses and training programmes to politicians -obviously on a voluntary basis in the beginning. Such a first step can bring the modern "Bizarre Politicians" nearer to realities of a normal political order away from manipulations and extortions etc. After all, the company one keeps is also very important. Predicaments and Challenges The twenty-first century has numerous other predicaments, perversions and emerging perspectives, namely, high conflict orientation of society and politics, technologicalised human creativity, the forgotten missing link between two hithertofore apparently separate concepts of conflict and cooperation and George Orwell's idea of a "THINK POLICE" in future! Along with this there is also the larger question of global degeneration of our combined "global

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206

village". These are the major five directions of challenges before humanity today. The first challenge is in the area of the prevailing Darwinian and functionalist notion of conflict, especially, the particular way in which man is generally trained, over several past centuries now, to THINK on certain given lines of thought. This view of conflict/war is based on Heraclitus's noted aphorism: "War (or conflict) is the father of all things. "The basic principle here is that "as there are contending elements in nature, so there are conflicting ideas and interests among men .To Darwin … conflict is a constant phenomenon and the cause of evolution." 6 Johan Galtung has, however, presented a very interesting tenor of "A Gandhian Theory of Conflict" in David Selbourne (ed.), In Theory and in Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan.7 For him, "What makes Gandhi different from other thinkers … is his insistence that there are no barriers among men which the goal of integration cannot transcend … an integration directed against no one, but rather … an integration for humanity”. Moreover, Gandhi is optimistic about the prospects for approaching, if not completely realising, the ideal here in this world. In the case of compromise, Gandhi very often spoke in favour of it even at points where it seemed as if the struggle could be won, all grievances redressed, and the claims of a campaign of Satyagraha met in full. Such readiness to compromise can only be understood in

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207

the light of Gandhi's belief that the point is not to 'win' the conflict, but so to proceed in the entire struggle that the best possible basis for post-conflict life is established. A general inclination in favour of compromise, however, does not imply any willingness to engage in compromise over fundamentals."8 This is clearly a departure from the prevailing and widespread Darwinian as well as functionalist mode of thought. Accordingly there are enough repulsions, wars, struggles, contradictions, disagreements, confrontations, opposition and conflicts in Nature. For Gandhi, each conflict is merely the result of uncalled for imbalances occurring through diverse human interactions. How can it be the basis of "all things" then? The real questions are: How these imbalances can be prevented? How imbalances occur? What is the real basis of human nature in its interactions from within and from without? Nature lives more by attraction, inherent mutual love and peaceful orientations for Gandhi. Other things are largely resulting from misconceptions drawn on the basis of ages old continuous search for modernity in terms of ephemeral additions of information upon every latest piece of information - mainly numerical piling up and "loading/downloading". Gandhi is for permanent knowledge and truth. As such, each conflict is an opportunity for its "creative resolution" for peace and wholesome development.9

Hence, for

Gandhi," Conflict was a challenge (which) offered (greater) possibilities of contact… with whom you stand in an interesting and

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

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208

significant relation." Such creative understanding of conflicts (and not just functional cooperation from moment to moment) is likely to become the foundation of the ensuing century. It is already scientifically seen, in above mentioned analysis, that how modern technological world is going towards a logical end of having created a Frankenstein for itself in the form of uncontrolled surging ahead of technology today. Violence Scientifically not Necessary The only saving grace for us here is in an interesting answer of 346 members out of 378 members of the American Psychological Association. The question: "Do you hold…..there are present in human nature in eradicable instinctive factors that make war between nations inevitable?" About 91% 0f members replied "NO".10 This answer reflects the essential elasticity and teachability of man's mind. It all depends upon the training of human mind; body and spirit from the very beginning .We are teaching ourselves - till now -- the conflict-prone Darwinian and functionalist syndrome. We all need to go out of this rut. T.H. Pear, J.P. Das, J.R. Anderson and, even earlier, Sigmund Freud are a few noted psychologists of the previous and current centuries - among several other contemporary academics who believe in the basic need of keeping a balance between aggressive and loving instincts of man . Otherwise, for them, conflict will always be the outcome. Excess of "love" and "aggression" both lead to situations of conflict and war.11

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209

A general notion about human thinking is that no earthly force should ever try to control it for such an act would be in gross violation of the current and established democratic norms .Yet even the modern democratic

life-styles

and

education

are

deliberately

being

"implanted" into the minds of homosapiens! Is it not indoctrination? Or is it "education"? WHY CAN'T THEN A GANDHIAN WAY OF LIFE SHAPE THE FUTURE OF OUR PROGENY? This will be more optimistic and fruitful way of carving out our more peaceful and brighter prospects. We have interestingly already seen that Gandhian ideas without bringing in his name are being proposed by the modernday saner elements also. Actually, the socialists, Marxists, capitalists and several others are in reality talking in a Gandhian vein, at least, in the ultimate analysis. Isn't it there a common global vision emerging here in Gandhi's "practical-idealism"? The functionalist and Darwinian conceptions of conflict and cooperation consider these two aspects as mutually opposite realities (as if the twins shall never meet!) . While, in the Gandhian way of life, there is a link between these two apparent opposites. This link is to be seen in the "self-restraint" and need of a balanced or normal life. Therefore, conflict and cooperation are not like two separate parallel lines of geometry. They are mutually and positively interlinked.12 What after all is this normal life in a Gandhian vision? Answer to this question is clearly inherent in the aforesaid major twelve points

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210

of this research article. Even otherwise this article is replete with the conception of a Gandhian normal socio-political order.13 The twenty-first century is still in its phase of infancy. It is growing despite a vast multitude of technology related problems. On the one hand, the world is getting "connected" into becoming a global village while on the other hand; there is “Internautian" phenomenon of privacy versus information-explosion. Similarly, there is also a very well-known "captive-mind" thesis of Syed Hussain Altas vis-àvis modern education and on going endless automation leading to degeneration of human brain cells due to technological-productradiation, over-exposure and under-utilization of natural human creativity etc. These are but a few examples of the "unfolding" of the present century. In view of these realities, Mary E. Clark and A.K. Saran are interested in "new modes of thinking" and for a real "metanoia".14

This metanoia involves grass-root movements and

root-and-branch transformation of current direction of man's thinking. Such action and thinking, however, would not involve massive efforts towards "de-technologicalisation" and "de-industrialisation". Peace, Global Quest and Education In contrast to aforesaid possibilities, our present century is racing towards "intercontinental integration and regionalization" of global society and politics. The European Union is apparently one of the first to go in this direction by attempting to evolve common currency, security, foreign policy and by upgrading the European

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Parliament. George Orwell had foreseen this type of division of the world into three major continents under the overall governance of a “think-police". This think-police -- obviously through technological modern tools of audio-video paraphernalia - is supposed to police human thinking in George Orwell's 1984. As such, widespread expansion, compression, technological and global integration along with a possibility of an optimistic though logical metanoia appears to be expected trends of the twenty-first century. Of all these prospective happenings, only those can be regarded as creative for world peace which make the concerned imbibe and assimilate the spirit of the Gandhian way by applying it meaningfully to the contemporary situation.15 Some socio-political experimentation may be sought for securing a better and more peaceful future. "…a small, autonomous Centre should be established, preferably by non-governmental public effort, charged with the following tasks: one, promoting Gandhian thinking through creative and holistic research; two, designing and conducting an educational programme in Gandhian thinking for voluntary novices; and, three, devising and conducting a programme for educators in Gandhian thinking. … The Centre will take only a small number of students who evince a minimum competence and real keenness to be initiated into Gandhian thinking and the Gandhian way. Their material needs will be met during the programme, but no inducements or attractions will be offered. The method of education

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will be one that makes sufficient demands on students for selfeducation. Dialogue, discussion, meditation, thinking and guided reading, field work and lectures too, if necessary, may be mentioned here as educational devices to be used in the Centre. This is only by way of illustration. Different methods may be followed for individual students. The idea is to keep the system as flexibly structured as may be consistent with the discipline required for the effectiveness of any serious educational enterprise. The aim of this educational programme will be to create maieutic design and a moral support-system for metanoia. The students will gradually experience a transformation of their mind -- a turning away and turning towards, of their consciousness and a change in the centre of their thinking. A change in their character is bound to follow. … It should be clearly understood that in so far as an educational programme of this kind is at all successful, the graduate (will have to be a very determined person to succeed in life). … it is through … (patience) of such graduates that a Gandhian, that is, a normal, ethos may slowly come to be formed."16 Indeed, "new modes of thinking" for world peace are the real requirements of the twenty-first century.17 Which way should we go? It is for us to decide. The world is already going in one particular direction of ever higher degree of technological advancement. Despite this, the modern technology has not yet touched the level of refinement of having created a human-being (despite cloning): full of

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life and vibrating with energy through medulla oblongata. Only birth, live humans, death and blood are perhaps a few areas where modern technology has not yet been able to enter fully. Everywhere else it is there today. How long this current surging ahead of high technology can continue? Such technology by nature is ephemeral in essence for what it maybe today; tomorrow it may become obsolete. A basic poser here is how long can we continue and sustain ourselves

vis-à-vis

hyper-dynamic

modern

technological

perspectives? Is it merely a question of sustenance? Can we go even beyond the problems of survival and sustenance? Can't there be a global technological world resting on true freedom and dignity of the individual without any type of fear and terror? Until we go beyond the rut, the Gandhian conception of peace cannot become lifetime "practical-idealism" of our age. Wither world peace? It is not difficulty to see and perceive. "When can we begin to act?" is the question of essence. How long this shying away is possible? Establishing Gandhian link between our needs for Knowledge, Information, Technology and Peace is the top priority today. Nothing else can succeed.

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References and Notes 1 Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze, The Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze Omnibus (Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 1999); see specially India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity, p. 87, the third portion of this omnibus volume. 2 Immanuel Wallerstein and Others, Open the Social Sciences, (Vistaar, New Delhi: 1997). Another aspect of this reference number two also needs further explanation relating to the real meaning of politics. "Ecology" literally means "planetary housekeeping" and not merely environmental and other types of pollutions. "Politics" is an all inclusive master science with its continuous concern for establishing harmony in socio-political system at different levels from local to global perspectives. That is why political science cannot but enter the "politicalecological" paradigm for proper grasp of reality today. See also: O.P. Dwivedi, "Political Science and the Environment", International Social Science Journal (Canada: 1980), p.377; Vandana Asthana, Politics of Environment, (New Delhi: 1995). In the modern interdisciplinary age, political science must put more emphasis on studies such as highly systematic explorations in political-ecology, political-sociology, political-economy, political-psychology, political-anthropology and political-history etc. For this purpose, opening up of The Department of Political Interdisciplinary Studies can also be initiated at the behest of the University Grants Commission (UGC) in all the recognized universities interested in such an exercise. 3 Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations, (Oxford University Press, New York: 1999). See also Mary E. Clark, Ariadnae's Thread: Search for New Modes of Thinking,( St. Martins Press, New york:1989 ). Jag Preet Singh, "The Political Ecology of India", M.Phil. Dissertation submitted to the University of Jammu (Department of Political Science), Jammu [India] on 05 June 1998 (the World Environment Day). 4 Kanti Bajpai and Harish C. Shukul (eds), Interpreting World Politics: Essays for A.P.Rana, (Sage &Vistaar, New Delhi: 1995). Ronald J. Terchek Gandhi: Struggling for Autonomy, (Vistaar, New Delhi: 2000). S.C. Gangal and K.P. Misra (eds), Gandhi and the Contemporary World: Studies in Peace and War, (Chanakya Publications, New Delhi: 1981). Ashish Kothari, Understanding Biodiversity: Life, Sustainability and Equity (Orient Longman, New Delhi: 1997). 5 Sumi Krishna, Environmental Politics: People's Lives and Developmental Choices (Sage/Vistaar, New Delhi: 1996); Vandana Shiva, Ecology and Politics of Survival: Conflicts Over Natural Resources in India (Sage/Vistaar, New Delhi: 1991).Also Anurag Gangal, New International Economic Order: A Gandhian Perspective, (Chanakya, New Delhi: 1985). 6 Krishanlal Shridharani, War Without Violence: A Study of Gandhi's Method and its Accomplishments (London: 1939). Charles Darwin, The Origin of Spices by Means of Natural Selection or Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for

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Life(London:1968);Johan Galtung, "Pacifism from a Sociological Point of View", The Journal of Conflict Resolution,(1959) No. 3,p.67. See also Johan Galtung, "Gandhi's Views on the Political and Ethical Pre-condition of a Non-violent Fighter", Pran Chopra (ed.), The Sage in Revolt: A Remembrance (New Delhi: 1972), p.203. 7 Johan Galtung, "A Gandhian Theory of Conflict", In Theory and in Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan, (Oxford, Bombay: 1985). 8 ibid. 100-101. 9 UNESCO Yearbook on Peace and Conflict Studies: 1980(Connecticut: 1981), Pp145-165. Ibid. Op. Cit. n.7. 10 Quincy Wright, A Study of War, Vol. 1. (Chicago: 1942), p.27; Karl Mannheim, Man and Society (London: 1942), pp.122-123. 11 T.H.Pear (ed.),Psychological Factors of Peace and War(London:1950),p.162;J.P.Das,The Working Mind: An Introduction to Psychology,(Sage, New Delhi:1998);J.R.Anderson,Cognitive Psychology and its Implications(W.H.Freeman and Company, New York:1995). 12 Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence (Princeton: 1958); also her book (ed.), Conflict: Violence and Nonviolence (Chicago: 1971). 13 G.N.Dhawan, The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi (2nd edition), (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1957); S.C.Gangal, Gandhian Way to World Peace (Bombay: 1960); Op.cit.n.4. 14 A.K.Saran, "On the Promotion of Gandhian Studies at the University Level", S.C.Gangal and K.P.Misra (eds), Gandhi and the Contemporary World, (Chanakya, New Delhi: 1981), pp.-177-200, esp.-189,190. 15 E.F.Schumacher, Small is Beautiful (New York: 1973); Ivan Illich, Deschooling Society (Harmondsworth: 1973); Arne Naess, Gandhi and the Nuclear Age (London: 1960). 16 A.K. Saran, Op.cit. n.14. See also: M.K.Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Ahmedabad: 1939). 17 Mary E. Clark, Ariadnae's Thread: Search for New Modes of Thinking, (St. Martins Press, New York: 1989). Note: More stress here is being put on showing how even the so-called nonGandhian (not admirers and followers) authors of our present-day world are thinking on somewhat Gandhian lines.

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Chapter Eight Conclusion: Beyond Perversions

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Chapter Eight Conclusion: Beyond Perversions The latest global contexts in international politics relate to special focus on seven concerns of human security. These have come into vogue with the publication of the Human Development Report of 1994. Seven Heavens! These are known as economic, food, health, environment, personal, community and political security and development matters of high priority including energy needs and sustainable development for ensuring a fulsome and secure future. Only in this perspective, United Nations Framework Conference on Climate Change was also held in Bangkok from 31 March to 04 April 2008. All this in line with the follow up of the Kyoto Protocol brought into force with effect from 2005 – having about 175 signatories as member nations and institutions.. In view of this quest for security and development, it may be said that the “Gandhian option of politics away from generally widespread perversions of politics” is now appearing to be in the offing. Indeed, there is no other way to peace but for the Gandhian way. Dandi Spirit Interestingly, it was only in the month of April 1930 that Gandhi had completed his historic Dandi March successfully. This

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march also symbolised the victory of “right over might” according to Gandhi. It this Gandhian nonviolent determined spirit that the world leaders need today. When looking for hope and positive forces among nations – who otherwise are marred with diversified vicious violence against humanity – one tends to question whether there is still an iota of Gandhi in every individual and nation! The answer appears to be in the affirmative. On 05 April 1930, 61 years old Mahatma Gandhi reached Dandi in Gujarat after walking 241 kilometres in 24 days. He then defied the law by making salt. It was a brilliant, non-violent strategy by Gandhi. To enforce the law of the land, the British had to arrest the satyagrahis in millions. As such, Indian freedom struggle finally gathered momentum both inside and outside India. Dandi Civil Disobedience Movement had started on 12 March 1930. Is Mohandas Karmachand Gandhi worth his name and fame in this age of Weapons of Mass Destruction, Missile Warfare, Nuclear Warheads, Modern Networking of Human Hearts and Culture, Information Technology, Satellites, Globalisation, ''Think Police'' and the versatile ''Drink, Dance and Dine'' scenario ? This is an obvious query in the minds of millions of Indian and global youth and ''saner' intellect. Answer to this ''interlocution'' rests on our own courage of conviction and degree of commitment.

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Gandhi is known as a ''practical-idealist''. Gandhi's life is, indeed, his message. He is also known as a ''prohibitionist'', a teetotaller and a protagonist of ''no-smoking''. Yet, Mahatma Gandhi entertained quite a few smokers and alcohol-takers like Maulana Azad and Jawaharlal Nehru respectively. Gandhi, similarly, is a great critic of modern mechanisation and also of centralisation of political, economic and any other type of power and resources. He wants a nonviolent society and not the State paraphernalia (representing force and might) in the ultimate analysis. Gandhi is in favour of a self-governing civil society. Despite this, he seldom used his status and mass-popularity to impose his beliefs on others. When required, he had the mettle to stand all alone against the world. As regards mechanisation and centralisation of power and resources also, Gandhi was always sensible and ready to make necessary humanitarian adjustments where details of a matter were concerned, especially, in the interest of poorer individuals and national welfare. Similarly, in trade, industry and economic development also, Gandhi is in favour of imports of goods, services and materials despite his fundamental objection to such activities. Gandhi, in essence, is not a Mahatma. He is a common person like all of us. He never liked this title of Mahatma given to him by Robindra Nath Thakur and Indian people. Gandhian Ethics

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However, the Gandhian ethics of life are not the sole property of the so-called Mahatma Gandhi. Every person is inherently a Mahatma Gandhi even in this age of massive and widespread conflicts and wars. What a man wants from birth till death is primarily peace and prosperity. Gandhi is also for peaceful prosperity of individuals and nations alike. All essential needs of every individual must be fulfilled first. Other things must follow. This is the key to Gandhian peaceful life. That is why Gandhi, after his years in South Africa, is always seen wearing just one small piece of cloth upon his person in order to feel the real and practical difficulties of vast Indian masses suffering from gross poverty. Gandhi believes in the doctrine of opting for voluntary poverty when our other compatriots in India are poor at large. From here flows his ideas of Trusteeship and mutual sharing of wealth and resources. What Gandhi is suggesting are very easy and common options for dealing with diverse challenges. From fulfilling basic need of salt at very low cost for every poor and common individual, he moves on to national security and international peace in the similar vein. As long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and political belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines of nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system can work alongside existing defence forces.

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Such simple but effective steps can be taken up – not only globally but also at the level of Central and State Governments from within -- when India is able to evolve a defence policy worth its name. These simple Gandhian solutions to complex current tangles certainly need spirited and sincere long-term initiatives for transforming prevalent meta-conflict orientation towards a belief that despite continued struggles, conflicts, war and weapons of mass destruction-peace and nonviolence as a way of life are practical options. Despite mass violence and increasing crime graph, we are all living a nonviolent life in our routine affairs. Thinking Beyond Perversions What we need is merely to think and act in the most common and obvious terms. We are not doing it. This is possible even in this age of globalisation. We must learn to sit together like common human beings without attaching unnecessary airs to our own persons. That is why Albert Einstein has said, ''Generations to come will scarce believe that such a man as this, in flesh and blood, ever walked upon this earth.'' One of the greatest admirers of Gandhi is Albert Einstein, who sees in ''Gandhi's nonviolence a possible antidote to the massive violence unleashed by the fission of the atom.'' B R Nanda writes in the 2001 edition of Britannica Encyclopaedia, ''In a time of deepening crisis in the underdeveloped world, of social malaise in the affluent societies, of the shadow of unbridled technology and the precarious

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peace of nuclear terror, it seems likely that Gandhi's ideas and techniques will become increasingly relevant.'' This relevance has to be put in action as Gandhi always said, ''My life is my message.'' This action is possible at least at three levels without

affecting

adversely

the

current

surging

ahead

of

modernisation and globalisation. First, at individuals unilateral and voluntary level. Secondly, at the level of voluntary organisations. Last but not least, at the level of a national government voluntary mobilisation and necessary socialisation on a vaster plane. The international perspective will follow suit on its own as a logical outcome or natural corollary of other three levels. Otherwise, ''cities will never have rest from their evils.'' Be it the ''Kashmir'' or any other issue, they all can be streamlined in this way. In this centenary year of the writing of Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj, it is necessary to recapitulate a little from this magnum opus. Mahatma Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule is relatively a prosaic presentation from a literary, linguistic and stylistic perspective. Almost all its translations are also like this only. This is not a masterly work in this sense. Its dialogue form is quite esoteric. It appears as if all answers to questions asked were formulated much before the asking of queries. Questions were apparently inserted afterwards. It is more of a monologue than a dialogue in real sense of its actual impact upon a reader of Hind Swaraj. This is, indeed, just one aspect of this unprecedented and, otherwise, excellent work.

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Hind Swaraj As we know, 2008 is centenary year of its writing in 1908; and 2009 will be the centenary year of the first publication of Hind Swaraj. This booklet -- of about 96 pages – has had two editions and umpteenth number of reprints in Hindi and English languages alone. It has been published in all constitutionally recognised Indian languages as well. Nearly 200, 000 copies of Hind Swaraj have been printed in English and Hindi since its first publication. There are also so many pertinent issues raised in this small booklet that its relevance is continuously increasing manifold with the passage of every year. Hind Swaraj has shreds of strands from modern, post-modern to post-post-modern trends of writing and analysis. These visionary themes, interestingly, are also replete with vehement criticism of modern mechanisation, industrialisation and technologicalisation. Hind Swaraj is, thus, beyond the limitations of time, space and locale. However, reading of this booklet alone does not suffice to grasp Gandhi and his ideas in fuller terms. Satyagraha and Poverty Atul Chandra Pradhan has further explained Gandhi’s relevance anent Gandhian Satyagraha as an instrument of dealing with several perversions in modern times. Orissa Review, September-October 2007 from pages 52 – 55 presents his views as follows:

Satyagrahi has to pass through five difficult phases: "First people will greet

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you with indifference; next they will ridicule you; then they will abuse you; next they will put you in jail or even try to kill you. If you go through these five stages successfully, you will get to the most dangerous phase — when people start respecting you. Then you can become your own enemy unless you are careful." Gandhi considered Satyagraha to be a positive movement. During the struggle for freedom he placed before the Satyagrahis a constructive programme. He is reported to have said that "if once constructive work was accomplished there would not be any need left for outward Satyagraha." …..violence and disruptive forces sometimes seem to threaten the very foundation of our social fabric. In such a situation constructive work needs to be intensified as the only remedy for social maladies.

As

pointed

out

by

K.G.

Mashruwala constructive work will create "proper conditions for the urge for

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goodness, inherent in man to grow and gather strength to effectively check the forces of violence and to put on the right track

man's

age-long

endeavour

to

eradicate poverty, ignorance, filth, disease, narrow-mindedness, inequality and open or concealed slavery which makes his earth a living hell. Indian PM on Gandhi Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, during his visit to South Africa on 02 October 2006 gave highly momentous views on the subject of relevance of Gandhian Philosophy today as reported by the Times of India: ‘Every generation has rediscovered the relevance of Gandhiji's message. I was heartened to see recently that back home in India the most popular movie this festival season is a film about a young man's discovery of the universal and timeless relevance of the Mahatma's message,’ Singh said in an obvious reference to the use of Gandhian methods in modern times termed as 'Gandhigiri' in the movie.

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On a day packed with sentimental visits to memorials to the Mahatma, Singh's schedule included a tour of the settlement established by Gandhi in 1904 on the outskirts of Durban and culminated in a ceremony to celebrate the centenary of the Satyagraha at the Kingsmead stadium here, the famous venue of international cricket matches. With

South

African

President

Thabo Mbeki and other dignitaries present at the stadium, the Prime Minister said that today's commemoration was a reminder that no one must forget the scene where Satyagraha was born "particularly when 9/11 has become imbibe with horrific significance". Posing the question as to the relevance of Gandhi's message today, Singh answered it by saying, "What of the relevance of his message today? ‘Genocide,

ethnic

cleansing,

religious and territorial wars and the evergrowing menace of international terrorism are afflicting many parts of the world. In

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this

background,

the

Mahatma's

philosophy of peace, tolerance and the interdependence of humankind is surely even more relevant than a hundred years ago.’ Recalling his visit to Petersburg, where Gandhi was thrown out of an all white train compartment and to the Phoenix settlement, Singh said Gandhi practiced the values he preached--selfhelp, dignity of labour and community living. He expressed India's gratitude to the Government of free South Africa for what it had done to preserve the legacy of Gandhi

in

this

country

[http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2062181.cms].

A Few Quotes of Gandhi’s Gandhi has written widely on the question of the relevance of nonviolence and Satyagraha. Here are a few more of his quotations in this regard. These are taken from Harijan, vol. 7, pp. 301-302; vol. 5, p. 41; vol. 9, p. 156. and Collected Works vol. 17, p. 460; vol. 26, p. 140; vol. 48, p. 416.:

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I hope also to show to India and the Empire at large that given a certain amount of capacity for self-sacrifice, justice can be secured by the peacefullest and cleanest means without sowing or increasing bitterness between the English and Indians. . . . [These qualities of self-sacrifice and justice] alone are immune from lasting bitterness. They are untainted with hatred, expedience or untruth [Emphasis added]. Let the philosophy I represent be tested on its own merit. I hold that the world is sick of armed rebellion. History shows that when a people have been subjugated and desire to get rid of the subjection they have rebelled and resorted to use arms. In India, on the other hand, we have

resorted

to

means

that

are

scrupulously non-violent and peaceful and strangers have testified and I am here to

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give my testimony that in a great measure we seem to have succeeded in attaining our goal. I know that it is still an experiment in the making. I cannot claim absolute success as yet but venture to suggest that experience has gone so far that it is worthwhile to study the experience. I further suggest that if that experience becomes a full success, India will have made a contribution towards world peace for which the world is thirsting. Indeed, whether Gandhi’s name is proclaimed or not and his philosophy is adopted or not, his ways provide the only option for the world to follow if it wants to survive and prosper.

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Thomas, Raju G. C., and Amit Gupta, eds. India's Nuclear Security. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000. Tickner, J. Ann. Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post-Cold War Era. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. Van Belle, Douglas A. Press Freedom and Global Politics. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2000. Wells, Donald A., ed. An Encyclopedia of War and Ethics. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996. Wetzel, David, and Theodore S. Hamerow, eds. International Politics and German History: The Past Informs the Present. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1997. Wolpert, Stanley. Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Yahuda, Michael. The International Politics of the Asia-Pacific: 1945-1995. London: Routledge, 1996.

Articles

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"Anti-Terrorism Law: Urgent and Necessary." Manila Bulletin 21 May 2006: NA. Beichman, Arnold. "A War of Cultures." The Washington Times 6 Sept. 2001: 15. Bergesen, Albert J., and Yi Han. "New Directions for Terrorism Research." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 46.1-2, 2005: 133+. Birdsall, Nancy. "Asymmetric Globalization: Global Markets Require Good Global Politics." Brookings Review Spring 2003: 22+. Chabot, Sean. "A Culture of Peace in Motion: Transnational Diffusion of the Gandhian Repertoire from India to the U.S. Civil Rights Movement." International Journal of Humanities and Peace 16.1 (2000): 63. Clark, Thomas W. "Gandhi in Question." The Humanist July-Aug. 2006: 45+. "Terrorism." The Columbia Encyclopedia. 6th ed. 2004. Crimm, Nina J. "High Alert: The Government's War on the Financing

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of Terrorism and Its Implications for Donors, Domestic Charitable Organizations, and Global Philanthropy." William and Mary Law Review 45.4 (2004): 1341+. "Defining Terrorism; Conferences Produce Meager Results." The Washington Times 2 Dec. 2005: A21. Ediger, Marlow. "War and Peace in the Curriculum." Journal of Instructional Psychology 30.4 (2003): 288+. Falk, Richard. "Religion and Global Governance: Harmony or Clash?" International Journal on World Peace 19.1 (2002): 3+. "Fighting Terrorism - ASEAN Style." Manila Bulletin 21 Jan. 2007: NA. Ford, Neil. "Indian Connection Gathers New Momentum: With the Emergence of China and India, Africa's Traditional Trading Patterns and Partners Are Changing. India, with Long Established Cultural Connections with South Africa, Is Becoming an Increasingly Important Trade and Investment Partner for the African Nation. Neil Ford Reports." African Business Nov. 2006: 70+.

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"G-8 Scoreboard." The Washington Times 20 July 2006: A16. "General Assembly Condemns Terrorism Wherever and by Whomever Committed; Hostage-Taking and Abduction Condemned by Security Council." UN Chronicle Feb. 1986: 37+. Gordon, Haim. "A Rejection of Spiritual Imperialism: Reflections of Buber's Letter to Gandhi." Journal of Ecumenical Studies , 1999: 470. Graham, Carol. "Can Foreign Aid Help Stop Terrorism? Not with Magic Bullets." Brookings Review Summer 2002: 28+. Green, Nicole W. "International Politics." Foreign Policy Winter 1998: 124+. Gunnell, Yanni. "Comparative Regional Geography in India and West Africa: Soils, Landforms and Economic Theory in Agricultural Development Strategies." The Geographical Journal 163.1, 1997: 38+. Halwani, Raja. "Terrorism: Definition, Justification, and Applications." Social Theory and Practice 32.2, 2006: 289+.

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Hamill, James. "South Africa and the Commonwealth Part One: The Years of Acrimony." Contemporary Review July 1995: 13+. "Human Security Act of 2007 Signed; Landmark Law a Weapon to Fight Int'l Terrorism GMA Assures Law Won't Be Used against Critics." Manila Bulletin 7 Mar. 2007: NA. Hundt, David. "The New Global Politics of the Asia Pacific." The Australian Journal of Politics and History 52.3, 2006: 513. Ishii, Kazuya. "The Socioeconomic Thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi: As an Origin of Alternative Development [1]." Review of Social Economy 59.3 (2001): 297. Jahanbegloo, Ramin. "Beyond Nationalism: The Universality of Nonviolence." Futures 37.9 (2005): 1049+. Juergensmeyer, Mark. "Gandhi vs. Terrorism." Daedalus 136.1 (2007): 30+. Kaldor, Mary. "Wanted: Global Politics -- New Types of Violence are on the Rise, and the only Exit Route is Political." The Nation 5 Nov. 2001: 15. "Let's Talk about It." The Washington Times 7 Feb. 2004: A12.

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Mohanty, Manoranjan. "Parties to Panchsheel: India-China Relations and the Nuclear. Explosions in South Asia." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 31.2 (1999): 58-64. "Oil Boom, Global Politics Boon to Africa." Manila Bulletin 30 June 2007: NA. Palti, Leslie. "Combating Terrorism While Protecting Human Rights." UN Chronicle Dec. 2004: 27+. Reisman, W. Michael. "International Legal Responses to Terrorism." Houston Journal of International Law 22.1 (1999): 3. Shuja, Sharif. "Terrorism in Southeast Asia: Australia's Security Threat and Response." Contemporary Review Winter 2006: 445+. Smith, Anthony. "Religion in Global Politics." New Zealand International Review 24.4 (1999): 30. Suter, Keith. "Terrorism and International Law." Contemporary Review Oct. 2005: 216+. Wilson, James Soemijantoro. "Why Foreign Aid Fails; Lessons from Indonesia's Economic Collapse." Law and Policy in

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International Business 33.1 (2001): 145+. Yesufu, Adenike. "Women and a Culture of Peace." International Journal of Humanities and Peace 16.1 (2000): 19

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