Levin Adoption.pdf

JSNT2ZA (2006) 415-442 Copyright © 2006 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi) http://JSNT.sagepub.com DOI: 10.1177/0142064X06065693

τΐϋϊ Jornalfo,AtSiukofAete*

Jesus, 'Son of God9 and 'Son of David9: The 'Adoption9 of Jesus into the Davidic Line* Yigal Levin The Academic College of Judea and Samaria, Ariel 44837 and Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan 52900, Israel Leviny 1 @mail.biu.ac.il

Abstract The authors of both thefirstand third Gospels, by insisting on both Jesus' divine paternity and his Davidic descent, pose a conundrum: if Jesus was not Joseph's biological son, in what sense is he the Davidic Messiah? Most modern scholars assume that Joseph must have adopted Jesus in some form or another, thus giving him Davidic status, and many even point to such adoption as a 'Jewish custom'. This article examines this assumption and shows that adoption was unknown in Jewish law of the period. Furthermore, such adoption was well known in Roman law, especially among the aristocracy. In the case of such emperors as Augustus, whose adoptive fathers had been deified posthumously, this gave them the status ofdivifilius, 'son ofgod'. The inclusion of such a Roman concept into the Gospels may be an indication of the Gentile, rather than Jewish, cultural backgrounds of the evangelists.

Key Words Adoption, messianism, Son of God, Son of David, Davidic, deification.

Introduction The author of the Gospel of Matthew, often thought of as 'the most Jewish 1 of the Gospels' (Saldarmi 1994: 1; Boice 2001:13), goes to great pains to point out Jesus' Davidic heritage, presumably since he felt this to be a * The research for this paper was conducted during my tenure as visiting research fellow at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. I wish to thank Dr Irven Resnick, UTC s Chair ofExcellence in Judaic Studies, and all of my colleagues at the Department of Philosophy and Religion for making my stay a pleasurable one. 1. For recent summaries ofthe debate on Matthew's ' Jewishness', see Carter 1996: 20-24, Senior 2001: 7-12 and my own discussion below.

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prerequisite to his Messianic status. This is most immediately obvious, of course, right at the start, where the author 'builds up' to his Annunciation andNativity narratives with a carefully constructed, 41 -generation geneal­ ogy, beginning with Abraham, going through David and his royal descend­ ants (although some are omitted for various reasons) and culminating with 'Joseph the husband of Mary, of whom Jesus was born, who is called the 2 Messiah' (Mt. 1.16). In fact, the aim of the genealogy is made clear right from the start: 'An account of the genealogy of Jesus the Messiah, the son of David, the son of Abraham' (Mt. 1.1). This is further emphasized in v. 20, in which the angel calls Joseph 'sonofDavid',3 and in seven additional passages throughout the Gospel in which this title is used of Jesus (9.27; 12.3; 12.23; 15.22;20.30-31;21.9;21.15),nottomentionin Jesus' 'Christological debate' with the Pharisees in ch. 22. On the other hand, practically in the same breath, the author of Matthew goes on to proclaim that Mary, Joseph's betrothed and Jesus' mother, was a virgin, precluding any notion of Joseph's being Jesus' 'real' father ( w . 16,18-24). The same is also true of the author of the Gospel of Luke, who begins his Annunciation story with the angel Gabriel appearing 'toavirgin engaged to a man whose name was Joseph, of the house of David' (Lk. 1.26-27). In v. 32 the future son is described: 'He will be great, and will be called the Son of the Most High, and the Lord God will give to him the throne of his ancestor David'. The next chapter tells how Joseph went from Nazareth 'to the city of David called Bethlehem, because he was descended from the house and family ofDavid' (2.4),andLuke, too, traces Jesus' genealogy through Joseph to David (and then all the way to 'Adam son of God'), though seemingly by a different genealogical route (on which see Fitzmyer 4 1981:488-98 and most any other commentary on Luke). However, Luke also insists on Mary's virginity, explaining, through the angel, that, 'the

2. All biblical quotations arefromthe NRSV unless stated otherwise. 3. Although Davies and Allison (1988:207-208) following several other scholars (e.g. Kingsbury 1976:591), consider this to be a later redactional addition to Matthew, since 'son ofDavid' is elsewhere reserved for Jesus alone. 4. As pointed out by Bovon (2002:136), the term ευομίζετο, 'he was considered to be (the son of Joseph)' in Lk. 3.23 could mean either 'he was considered to be Joseph's biological son (but I, Luke, know this is not true)' or 'he wasrightfullydeclared to be Joseph's son (and I, Luke, agree with this)'. Bovon prefers thefirstoption; to me this seems to lose the whole point of the comment. In the opinion of Freed (2001:21), this comment is a later editorial addition in any case.

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Holy Spirit will come upon you, and the power of the Most High will overshadow you; and therefore the child to be born will be holy, and he will be called Son of God' (Lk. 1.35). The Jewish world of thefirstcentury CE had several different concepts of the future Messiah, of which the Royal Davidic Messiah was but one.5 Nowhere in the Hebrew Bible is the word rrtöD used of a future Davidic saviour. The earliest-known specific statement of this hope is in the firstcentury BCE Psalms of Solomon (17.21-32), where, in v. 32, the future 6 Davidic saviour is called χριστός κυρίου. However, within the literature of the New Testament, and hence within the early Christian community that produced that literature, the concept of Jesus' Davidic descent was apparently a given 'fact'. Besides its multiple attestation in Matthew and in Luke-Acts, it is also affirmed by Mark (10.47-48; 12.35-37), by Paul (Rom. 1.3), by the author of 2 Timothy (2.8) and by John of Patmos (Rev. 3.7; 5.5; 22.16), and implied elsewhere (see also Rowland 1998). The concept of the Virgin Birth (or, more correctly, the Virgin Concep­ tion), however, is unique in the New Testament to the first chapters of Matthew and of Luke.7 It is never referred to in the rest of those Gospels or anywhere else in the New Testament. Paul seems not to have known of it and in fact does not even mention Mary by name (Fitzmyer 1978:33). 8 But whatever its origin, for the authors of Matthew and of Luke it too seems to have been a given.9 My purpose here is not to question the

5. The issues of the origins of Jewish messianism and its influence on early Christianity are too vast to be even considered in this article. For a partial overview, see Vermes 1973:130-40; Hanson 1992; Schiffinan 1992; Talmon 1992; Schniedewind 1994; Collins 1995; Pomykala 1995: 127-264; Strauss 1995: 35-57; Lenowitz 1998: 31-32; Horbury 1998; Brooke 1998; Oegema 1998; Knohl 2000; for a critical view of this book, see Broshi and Eshel 2001. 6. Cf. Strauss 1995:40-43; Atkinson 1999; idem 2001, esp. pp. 329-76. 7. Assuming the validity of the commonly held 'two source' or 'Markan priority' theory of the composition of the Synoptic Gospels on one hand, and considering the vast literary differences between the annunciation, birth and infancy accounts in Matthew and Luke on the other, I would posit that both drew their storiesfroma common oral tradition, independent of Mark, 'Q' or each other, which each transformed into writing in his own way, in accordance to his own purposes and style. 8. Despite claims by such scholars as Wenham (1995:339-41), based on Gal. 4.4 'God sent His son, born of a woman'. See Matlock 2000, who reads this as a simple affirmation that Jesus was born in the natural manner. 9. Though both Johnson (1968) and Burger (1970: 72-91) have maintained that Jesus' Davidic descent was not a part of the Jesus Movement's original claim. In their

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historicity of either tradition.101 would like to focus on the way in which the authors of Matthew and Luke could presume both doctrines without even attempting to address the obvious contradiction between them—in other words, how could Jesus be both the physical son of God, born of a virgin, and be descended from David through his father? What were the evangelists thinking?

'Son of God' in Israel, in the Ancient Near East and in the Roman World For a start, it seems important to point out that, from both Jewish and Roman points of view, there is absolutely no reason that Jesus, as the Anointed King, could not have been both 'Son of God' and a son of man. The Jewish scriptures picture all humans as God's 'children' (as the author of Luke emphasizes in 3.38), Israel as his 'firstborn son' (Exod. 4.22-23; Jer. 31.8) and David especially so (Pss. 2.7; 89.26-27 [MT 27-28]). Luke

view it was added to the Jesus story by the author of Mark and then expanded upon by Matthew and Luke. Tatum (1977) has claimed that both the birth narratives and the genealogies are 'constructions' of Matthew and Luke meant to affirm Jesus' messianic status. Cf. Vermes 1973: 213-22; Fitzmyer 1981: 335-42; Davies and Allison 1988: 221; Strauss 1995:77-85; Freed 2001:51-52; Meier 1991:220-22 and literature there. Both Nolan (1979:149,154) and Meier (1991:216-19) also briefly entertain the notion of Jesus' Davidic descent being a later theologoumenon, before stating that the many and varied witnesses to this claim make it likely an original part of the Jesus movement. Brown ( 1993:68) likewise considers it to be 'a pre-Matthean insight', while considering the genealogy itself to have been composed by the author of Matthew. More recently Byrne (2003:81) conveyed 'the impressionthatthis "messianic issue" was a confounded nuisance with which the authors [of the Gospels - Y.L.] had to deal'. For a survey of the problem and a critique on Burger's position, see Strauss 1995: 57-74. 10. Certainly enough has been written about both. As it would seem, the general consensus among those scholars who do believe that Davidic descent was an integral part of the earliest Jesus tradition is that (a) it is not implausible that Joseph's family, like other Jewish families of the time and even many centuries later, did trace their ancestry to the House of David and (b) that Davidic descent was not an important enough trait of the expected Messiah to have been 'invented' by Jesus' early followers (cf. Vermes 1973:156-57; Nolan 1979:64-71; Meier 1991:216-19; Brown 1993:50512). Also cf. Bauer 1995, who shows the centrality of the kingship motif in the first Gospel. As for the Virgin Conception, it has been claimed that Mary's premature pregnancy would have been far more 'convenient' to simply omit, unless it was also a part of the earliest tradition or as an answer to Jewish and Pagan charges of illegitimacy (cf. Vermes 1973: 213-22; Meier 1991: 220-30; Brown 1993: 517-42).

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himself recalls Jesus promising the disciples that they will be 'children of the Most High', if they are 'merciful, just as your Father is merciful' (6.35-36). But this is never meant in the physical sense, to the exclusion of human paternity. In fact, in 2 Sam. 7.12-14, God promises David of his 'offspring after you, who shall come forthfromyour body... I will be a father to him, and he shall be a son to me'. In other words, God will be the 'father' of David's biological son!11 From a scriptural viewpoint, the establishment of Jesus the Messiah as 'Son of God' did not necessitate his being born of a virgin. The same is true within the early church. The writer of Mark, for example, uses the term 'Son of God' repetitively, without any need for a virgin birth to explain the concept. To him, the idea of a Royal Messiah being God's adopted son seems quite natural (cf. Juel 1992; Collins 1999).12 The idea of divine fatherhood or 'adoption' of kings is also well known in the Ancient Near East (cf. Paul 1979-80; Knoppers 1998:98). Egyptian Pharaohs, while inheriting their fathers' throne, were considered to be 'sons of Re' (cf. Baines 1998). Likewise in the Iliad{\ 0.144), Odysseus, öioyeves Λαερτιάδη, 'Zeus-born son of Laertes', was heir to his father's throne and at the same time 'born of Zeus' (Gordon 1977). A NeoBabylonian 'Akkadian Prophecy' speaks of a divine 'son of the king' (Heintz 1992:64). But in none of these cases did such 'divine-born' rulers ever deny their humanparents. While Plutarch, when telling of Alexander's 'becoming' the son of Amon/Zeus, attributes this 'pronouncement' to the Egyptian priest's faulty Greek {Alexander 27.9), a sufficient number of other sources make it clear that Alexander both enthusiastically accepted the title, and continued to defend the honour of his human parents.13 The same would have been true in the Roman tradition. As shown by Collins (2000) in connection with the Gospel of Mark, the term υχος θεού would have been very familiar to the Gospel's Gentile readers. Several of 11. For additional biblical and post-biblical uses of this motif, see Brin 1971. 12. By stating this I in no way presuppose an 'adoptionist' Christology, but rather that the idea of adoption served as part of the background for both Mark and Paul's use of the term. In any case, the subject of this investigation is not Jesus' divine descent but rather his human one. 13. See Aune 1992: 412. For a discussion of Alexander's 'adoption' by AmonZeus, see Scott 1992: 16-19. Severalfiguresin the more distant Greek and Roman legendary past, such as Achilles and Aeneas, were said to have had human fathers and divine mothers. It is doubtful, however, that they would have had much influence on first-century 'Christian' thought.

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the early Roman emperors, most notably Julius Caesar, were deified after their death, making their heirs into divifilius, literally 'son of the deified'. Furthermore, in the provinces, especially the eastern ones, these emperors were worshipped as gods in their lifetime (Mellor 1990:193). In 26 or 25 BCE a sanctuary to Σεβαστός (as Augustus was known in Greek) was dedicated in Ephesus; a papyrusfromEgypt of the same year mentions the sale of a red cow by the slave of a Roman citizen in 'the fifth year of the dominion ofCaesar, son of a god' (Millar 1984:37-38). While both Sextus Pompey, son of Pompey the Great, and Marc Anthony had already issued military coins in the eastern Mediterranean with their portraits executed in the likeness of Neptune and Sol, right after his victory at Actium in 31 BCE Augustus's coins, with himself in divine image and with the legend divifilius, began to appear throughout the Empire (Pollini 1990:334-63). When Augustus also became Pontifex Maximus, another title that would become de rigueur for all future emperors, he had two obelisks with his full title, Imp. Caesar divif. Augustus/Pontifex Maximus, erected in Rome, with two more placed in front of his own shrine, the Caesareum, at Alexandria in Egypt (Bowersock 1990:3 84). Augustus and his successors had numerous images of themselves in the guise of Jupiter and other gods placed throughout the Empire (for an in-depth treatment of this subject see Zanker 1990).14 There were even such images in Judea. Herod the Great built three temples to his patron Augustus: one in Samaria, which he also renamed Sebaste for the emperor (Josephus, Ant. 15.296-98), one at Caesarea Maritima, also named for him (Ant. 15.339) and a third at or near Paneas, the later Caesarea Philippi (Ant. 15.363-64).15 And while the Flavian Vespasian could not claim to be a Julio-Claudian by either descent or adoption, he certainly made it clear to the inhabitants of Rome and of the provinces that his Principate was no less divine, through omens, oracles, temples and coins. And like Julius Caesar, Vespasian too was deified posthumously, making his sons Titus and Domitian into divifilii (K. Scott 1975:1-60). In fact, atop the famous Arch of Titus in Rome, on which the spoilsfromthe Jerusalem Temple are depicted, is the inscription Senatus Populusqe Romanus Divo Tito Divi Vespasiani F. Vespasiano Augusto ('The Senate and People of Rome to the deified Titus Vespasian 14. The influence that this image, of the ruler as both (son of) god and high priest, might have had on early Christology is a fascinating topic, but beyond the purview of this article. 15. For the archaeological remains of all three, see Overman et al. 2003 and references there.

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Augustus, son of the deified Vespasian') (P.J.E. Davies 2000: 22, with photograph on p. 20). However, none of these Roman rulers ever denied his father's human origins. The idea that divine descent precluded human parentage seems to be unique to thefirstchapters of Matthew and Luke. Even within the New Testament, the prevalent view seems to have been that Jesus only became 'Son of God' at either his baptism (cf. Mk. 1.9-11) or his resurrection (Paul in Rom. 1.4 and even as quoted by 'Luke' in Acts 13.33!). So how, according to Mathew and Luke, could Jesus have been both the son of Joseph, descended from David, and the Son of God, born to a virgin? The evangelists did not seem to concern themselves with this apparent contradiction, and many scholars have just assumed that they and their audiences were simply not perturbed by it. In their minds, Jesus could obviously have been both.16 As put by Albright and Mann (1977: 6), 'both evangelists were faithfully recording the traditions which they received, whatever the inconsistencies'.17 Joseph's 'Adoption ' of Jesus: A non-Jewish Concept The problem did cross the minds ofmany ofthe more modern commentators, especially on Matthew. Some, such as Milton (1962:177-78, followed by Nolan 1979), have considered this to be the very 'paradox of the person of Jesus Christ.. .which denies any attempt to reduce Jesus Christ to a mere inspiredprophet, or to a pagan demigod, or to a phantom'. But the solution that most commentators have suggested has been that Jesus was considered Joseph's son by adoption, either simply through the act of marrying Mary andraising Jesus ashisown(Mt. 1.24-25), circumcising him and presenting him in the Temple (Lk. 2.21-24), protecting him from Herod (Mt. 2.1316. Cf. Hare 1993: 8; Strauss 1995:126-29; Flusser 1998: 25; Freed 2001: 21. 17. One notable exception is Saldarmi ( 1994:170), who does recognize the tension and posits that Matthew's message, both here and in ch. 22, is that by being 'Son of God' Jesus' status is actually higher than that ofDavid. Byrne (2003:84) reads a similar message into Luke's Nativity story. An alternative, 'feminist', interpretation is that of Schaberg (1987:34-77), who assumes that Matthew knew of and accepted Jesus' being illegitimate (that is, that Mary had conceived by another man). The same is true, in her opinion, for Luke, who 'indicates that he has taken over a tradition that Jesus was fathered by some unnamed man' (p. 101 ). In her belief, both evangelists used 'the Holy Spirit', not as an excuse, but as a theological statement: 'more profoundly than the unnamed biological father, more profoundly than Joseph the legal father, God parents the illegitimate Messiah' (p. 68).

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14), travelling with him for the festivals in the Temple (Lk. 2.41-51) and teaching him a vocation (Mt. 13.55), or through some unspecified legal act.18 For Kingsbury, for instance, this is the very message ofthe Gospel: 'although Jesus is the son ofDavid by adoption, his ultimate origin lies in God' (2001:164). In any case, the general assumption is that Jesus inherited his Davidic status by means of adoption.19 But when pressed for either precedence or proof of such adoption, the vast majority of commentators simply refer to 'Jewish custom' or 'Jewish Law'. As early as 1930, Machen stated that in the Jews' 'Semitic way of thinking', they looked upon 'adoptive fatherhood in a much more realistic way than we look upon it' (Machen 1930: 129). Six decades later Meier (1991: 217) still claimed that, the Jewish milieu out of which the Infancy Narratives came regularly traced a child's genealogy through his or her father, whether or not the 'father' was actually the biological parent.. .in the eyes ofthe Old Testament, the legal father is the real father, whether or not he physically procreated the child.

Or in Kingsbury's words, Since in Jewish circles it was the acknowledgment of a male child by a man that made that child his son and not the physical act of procreation as such, the fact that Matthew depicts Jesus as being adopted into the line ofDavid (1.20,25) does not mean that his Davidic lineage is in any sense questionable (1976: 548).

Donfried, after a long explanation of Jewish marriage laws and the importance of a woman's remaining a virginfromher 'erusin (betrothal) to her nisu'in (entrance to her husband's home, often up to a year later), then states that Jesus 'is a true Davidid, for Joseph, "son ofDavid" (1.20), acknowledged him by naming him' (1978: 83-85). Johnson (1969:185), followed by Davies and Allison (1988: 185; 220) quote the Mishnah in 18. Cf. Waetjen 1976: 227; Beare 1981: 61; Davies and Allison 1988: 219-20; Richard 1988:146; Barnett 1990:19; Green 1995: 55-56; Schnackenburg 1995:103; Senior 1998: 38; Carter 2000: 65. 19. An alternative solution has been to assume that the genealogy in Luke is actually that of Mary, who was therefore also of Davidic descent (Barnhouse 1952:45-47; Voss 1965:68; Boice 2001:17). Fitzmyer (1981:497) traces the popularity ofthis explanation to the latefifteenth-centuryAnnius Viterbo. There is, however, no scriptural basis for this theory and it in fact contradicts Lk. 3.23, which specifically states that Jesus 'was the son (as was thought) oí Joseph son of Heli...' Such an assumption of inherited status through Jesus' mother wouldhave also been extremely unusual in both the Jewish and Roman cultural and legal milieus, which were totally patrilineal.

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B. Bat. 8.6, 'If a man says "This is my son", he may be believed'. Others 20 point to the levirate marriage law of Deuteronomy 25.5-6 as a precedent. The general hypothesis is apparently that since both evangelists, or at least Matthew, were ostensibly Jews, writing at least in part to a Jewish audience, their legal assumptions must have also been based on the Jewish law ofthe time. In fact Brown (1993:139), after making the same assump­ tions, even goes on to claim that, 'legal paternity is not an easy concept 21 for the non-Semite'! However, while adoption is known in some Ancient Near Eastern legal 22 codes, Jewish law, both in antiquity and in the modern era, has no such legal institution. Though there are several biblical stories that would seem to suggest something like adoption (e.g. Abraham complaining that Eliezer 'son of my house' will inherit him [Yaron 1960: 7], Ephraim and 23 Manassehby Jacob, Moses by Pharaoh's daughter, Ruth's child by Naomi, Esther by Mordecai and Raguel by his son-in-law Tobias), almost all of these are cases of adoption within the existing family, often by women, who had little, ifany, legal status to pass on, and in no case can it be shown that such an 'adoption' had any legal consequences.24 As summarized by Tigay, 'if adoption played any role at all in Israelite family institutions, it was an insignificant one'. Also 'for the post-Exilic period...there is no

20. As early as c. 200 CE, Julius Africanus (as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 1.7.1-17) suggested that, while Matthew's genealogy traced Jesus' descent by νόμο$ (custom or law), Luke's traced it by <|>uois (nature) and that Joseph was the son of James by levirate marriage with his brother Heli's widow. Taylor (1920:88) even went so far as to state that the verb εγένυησευ ('begat' in the KJV; 'was the father of in NRSV) 'must clearly indicate legal parentage'. While this is still considered plausible by some scholars even today (cf. Morris 1992:22), others (such as Johnson 1969:140-44; Brown 1993: 504; Hare 1993: 7; and Bovon 2002: 135-36) correctly reject any such notion. 21. Brown makes a similar claim when discussing the later tradition that Mary, too, was a Davidid, writing: 'Gentile writers often did not understand how Jesus could be truly a Davidid through Joseph who did not beget him... ' (Brown 1993: 288). 22. Cf. Roth 1997: 50,119,155. 23. Mendelsohn 1959. See also Donner 1969 and Greengus 1975. For a critique of Dormer's thesis, see Scott 1992: 62-75. In Scott's opinion, Donner's definition of 'adoption' is too narrow, and should also include cases of'legitimization' and of'foster­ age'. He then goes on to list just those above-mentioned cases as examples of such 'adoption' in both the Hebrew Bible and in Second Temple Jewish sources. 24. Also see Feigin 1931, who supposed Jepthah to have been adopted by 'Gilead' andread adoption into D"n lö-KH inEzra 10.44, but withno proof and with no awareness of legal issues in either case.

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reliable evidence for adoption at all' (Tigay 1971:300).25 Only one ofthe Jewish papyri from Elephantine mentions something like adoption, apparently of a manumitted slave (Yaron 1961: 40). 26 And while several biblical passages, based apparently on Ancient Near Eastern terminology, use the idea of adoption as a metaphor for the relationship between God and either Israel or her king,27 these are only metaphors. In the case of levirate marriage, the child remains with his birth parents, only assuming his dead childless uncle's name.28 And while later Halakhah did recognize therightofalegalguardian(epitropos, 'apotropos *) to designate his charge as the heir to his property (for which see Falk 1978: 326-31), this was never seen as creating ties that superseded those that the child had with his natural parents (Schereschewsky 1971). The above-quoted Mishnah actually deals with inheritance, under the assumption that a man would know his real son, with no reference to adoption. In fact, Jewish Halakhah has no word to even express the concept.29 While, presumably, a man's taking in a foundling and raising him as a son would be considered 'a good deed',30 such defacto adoption does not give the child any inherited status. For example, the 'adopted' son of a priest would not be considered a priest, and a boy and girl adopted by the same parents would be allowed to marry each other without fear of incest (Gold 1987:443). And while a child is expected to respect his adoptive parents, he is not supposed to 25. Once again, Scott (1992:75-88) shows that Hellenistic Jewish sources such as Philo are aware ofthe concept, but fails to show that they considered it to have become a part of normative Jewish practice. 26. Horbury and Noy ( 1992:74-78) also cite an epitaphfromLeontopolis, in which a deceased Jesus beseeched a certain Dosetheus, in their opinion either an adopted son or a manumitted slave, 'bewail me.. .you are my child, for I departed childless'. It is doubtful whether this can be taken as proof of legal adoption, and in any case no inheritance of status or property is involved. 27. Brin 1971; Paul 1979-1980; Malul 1990; Scott (1992:88-117) focuses mostly on the way these texts were understood in Second Temple sources. 28. The property ofthe deceased would probably have gone to his surviving brother (the child's birth father) in any case. Cf. Num. 27.8-9. 29. The term föK, used in modern Hebrew, is a recent innovation; cf. Gold 1987: 444; Elon 1994: 827; for an overview of modern Israeli adoption law, cf. Shifman 1989; for a view of other modern Jewish adoption issues, see Rosenberg 1998. 30. Cf. b. Sank. 19b: 'Whoever brings up an orphan in his home is considered by Scripture as though the child had been born to him', though one should note that the actual talmudic context of this oft-cited quote is a discussion ofthe assumed 'adoption' ofthe children of David's wife Merab by her childless sister Michal, also a wife of David, and thus even this refers to adoption by women within an existing household.

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perform theritualsof mourning upon their death (Linzer 1970:80; cf. also Gold 1994). In a nutshell, there is nothing in Jewish law, in either the Hebrew Bible or in later Halakhah, which can be seen as the model by which Jesus, Son of God, could have been considered the legal, but not genetic, heir to the Davidic throne.31 How, then, could Jesus have been considered both the physical Son of God and the legal son ofDavid? The answer must be found in the primary legal system that was current in the Mediterranean world during the first century CE and that the authors and audiences of Matthew and Luke would have been most familiar with—that ofthe early Roman Empire. Adoption in Roman Law and Practice In stark contrast to Jewish law and, in fact, to that of most other ancient societies, the Roman paterfamilias ofthe late Republic and ofthe early Empire had almost unlimited power to define his own familial ties and loyalties. He could marry almost whomever he wished (but only one at a time) or choose not to marry at all (though this was frowned on), he could form ties andalliances with other families through marriage of his children, he couldrefuse to recognize his ownbiological offspring by either exposing or selling them, and he could obtain offspring of his own desire through adoption(Corbier 1991a).32 As Saller(1994:43) expressed it, 'The Romans

31. There have been very few New Testament scholars who have recognized this. One of these was Lyall (1984: 70-81), when discussing adoption metaphors in the Pauline epistles, but he did not apply this to the Nativity stories in the Gospels. Schaberg has also admitted that 'Adoption was not known as a legal institution in Jewish law of the period' (1987:217 n. 160), but then goes on to assume at least defacto adoption in her analyses of both Matthew (p. 58) and Luke (p. 101 : 'Joseph assumes the public role ofthe legal father of Jesus'.). Another resolution, suggested by Jones (1994), is that the wholepointofthestoryistoshowthat Jesus is a 'Davidic-type' Messiah, by 'subverting' the Jewish messianic ideal to the idea of Christ. In the view of Freed (2001: esp. 4951), Joseph's acceptance of Mary did not constitute a legal adoption of Jesus. Freed points out that Matthew, as opposed to Luke, never refers to Joseph as Jesus' 'father'. He assumes that the genealogies of Jesus were pre-existing documents, composed to show Jesus' Davidic lineage, that were then incorporated into the narratives of Matthew and Luke. None of these, however, solves the problem of how or why the evangelists could have juxtaposed these Davidic genealogies with the Virgin Birth narratives—if Joseph was not the father, and there was no such thing as legal adoption, then what was the point in highlighting Joseph's Davidic descent? 32. For a description of Greek adoption practices, see Scott 1992: 3-7.

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considered the bonds of family and kinship to be biologically based but not biologically determined'. The Roman legal systemhad an extremely well-defined concept ofadoption; in fact, ithadtwo such concepts. Thefirst,more formal type of adoption recognizedby Roman law was called adrogatio, and involved the adoption of an adult male sui iuris by an older, usually married but childless adult male.33 The adrogatio had tofirstbe approved by the Roman pontiffs, after which ihepontifex maximus put the matter before the comitia curiata. If approved, the adrogatio had far-reaching legal consequences: the person being adrogated would formally abjure the status of his gens, in essence causing his birth-family to become legally extinct.34 The less-formal type of adoption, called adoptio, could involve male minors as well as females, and was not contingent upon their consent.35 The main effect of adoption was that the adoptee came into the patriapotestas ofthe adopter, and cut off all legal obligations towards his birth-family.36 He became a member ofthe gens and tribus of his adopter andassumedhis status: apatricianadopted by a plebeian became a plebeian and vice versa, a slave adopted by afree-borncitizen would be manumitted (Watson 1971: 30-33). This does not mean that the adoptee had no ties with his birth-parents; the law still recognized a connection (Dixon 1992: 112).Corbier(1991a: 142)evenmentionscasesoftheadopteeappropriating both his natural and his adoptive ancestors. We should recognize, however, the very basic difference between the Roman concept of adoption and our modern one. Unlike modern adoption, which is seen primarily as a humanitarian measure of providing a family 33. These rules, as spelled out by Cicero in De domo suo 13.34, were not absolute. There is also literary evidence ofthe occasional adrogatio impúberis, the adoption of a minor (Watson 1971: 32 n.l). 34. When Tiberius was adopted by Augustus, he gave up his Claudian name for Augustus's Julian one and surrendered his financial independence to Augustus's patriapotestas (Suetonius, Tiberius 15; Rawson 1986: 16). 35. A number of non-legal texts from the late republican and early imperial eras mention a sort of'testamentary adoption' by means of a deceased adopter leaving a will, bequeathing his status and requesting that the designee take the deceased's name. Though the precise legal method by which this was done is not clear, it seems rather different than the standard 'live' adoption process. For example, women, who could not adopt, could designate their heirs in this manner (Watson 1967: 89-90; Corbier 1991b: 64; Salier 1994: 79 η. 15). 36. Even when, as in the case mentioned by Terence, Adelphoe 47 and 114, the birth father was still alive (cf. Watson 1967: 88).

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for children that have been either orphaned or 'given up' by their birthparents, and secondarily as providing a 'solution' for childless couples, for the Roman, adoption was intended for the adoptive father, as a means ofensuring the continuity ofthe family's name, wealth andrites(hereditas 37 nominis pecuniae sacrorum) through an appropriate heir. One should note that the wife ofthe adopter did not become the legal mother ofthe adoptee (Corbier 1991b: 63). Despite all of this legal freedom, it would seem that Romans did not practice adoption as frequently as one might expect. Hopkins (1983:49) cites 4 per cent of late republican consuls who are known to have been adopted (also cf. Sailer 1994: 181 n. 1). During the reign of Nero, the senatorial aristocracy practised adoptions of expediency in order to advance their political ambitions (Corbier 1991b: 75-76). In general, adoption was a strategy employed mostly by the upper classes (Dixon 1992:113), in the early Empire most famously by the Julio-Claudian family (Corbier 1991a: 143). In fact, of all ofthe Roman rulers from Caesar to Marcus Aurelius, only Claudius, Vespasian and Marcus Aurelius were survived by natural sons, and Claudius's son Britannicus was murdered by Nero, Claudius's adopted son (Rawson 1986:12). Adoption was only possible between Roman citizens and not, for instance, between Romans and JunianLatins (Gardner 1997:40). It was also not always advantageous. If a free-born citizen was adopted by an ex-slavefreedman,his rights of inheritance and his marriage prospects could be weakened (Gardner 1997: 40-41). The mostcommon type of adoption was actually between relatives, often an uncle adopting a nephew, sometimes a grandfather and grandson (Corbier 1991b: 67-74). Most famous of these adoptions was that of Julius Caesar and his grand-nephew Octavian, later Augustus. Augustus himself later adopted Gaius and Lucius, sons of his daughter Julia and of his companion and ally Marcus Agrippa, 'buying them from their father by a symbolic sale,38 and initiated them into administrative life when they were still young, sending them to the provinces and the armies as consuls elect' (Suetonius, Augustus 64.1 [trans. Rolfe 1951:221 ]). Both, however, 37. Although Hopkins (1983:49-50) does cite the 'cautionary tale' of twice-consul L. Aemilius Paullus, who gave away two ofhis sons to be adopted by nobles, after which both ofhis remaining sons died, leaving him legally childless! 3 8. The procedure of 'Coin and Scales' (per assem et libras emptos) accompanying adoption (Gardner and Wiedemann 1991:103 n. 1). The form of purchase consisted of touching a scale (libra) with a coin (as) three times in the presence of a praetor (Rolfe 1951: 220 η. a).

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died while still in their teens, forcing Augustus to adopt his son-in-law Tiberius, who was confirmed as his successor in 14 CE (Lacey 1996:227). An additional aspect of Roman adoption law was the cultic one. Every Roman family had its own genius, or family deity. In 44 BCE the Senate awarded Julius Caesar, already Pontifex Maximus, the title Parens Patriae, making him in effect the paterfamilias of all Rome. When Octavian/ Augustus claimed his heres to Caesar's titles as well as his property, he also took control ofthe office ofPontifex Maximus, though he only took the office for himself in 12 BCE. At this point people began taking oaths by the genius of Augustus, as theirpaterfamilias. Ten years later Augustus too was awarded the title of Parens Patriae (Lacey 1996: 181-87), thus completing his 'inheritance' of Caesar's cultic status. Besides Caesar, this title had been formerly used only of Romulus (Lacey 1996: 193).39 Augustus, however, went one step further by causing the Senate to declare his late adoptive father a god in his ownright,building a temple to the deified Julius and adopting for himself the title of divifilius.This was an innovation, for while deification of rulers (Roman ones included) was common in the East it was unknown in Rome itself. So Augustus set a tradition by which an emperor underwent apotheosis (transformation into a god) after his death (Mellor 1990: 193). By posthumously declaring Caesar to have been a god, Augustus himself became the son of a god, albeit adopted, while still very much alive.40 To what Extent Did Roman Law Influence Jewish Custom? As already shown by Lyall (1969; 1984) and by J.M. Scott (1992), these and other concepts of Roman law did have an enormous influence on the writings of Paul. But this, perhaps, is to be expected. Paul himself, at least according to Acts (16.37; 22.25-29; 25.10ff.), was a Roman citizen, and most ofthe churches to which he wrote were in Roman colonies (such as 39. Even if, as noted by Lacey (1996: 193 n. 18), use ofthe title for Romulus is historically dubious, the very idea is conceptually important; like Augustus looking back to his adoptive ancestor's title, so does Jesus refer to David's title of 'thè Lord's Anointed'. 40. It is important to understand that Roman adoption law was not static, but rather changed over the centuries in keeping with changes in Roman society itself. After the collapse ofRoman law in the west, legal adoption all but disappearedfromthe countries of Western Europe until well into the modern age. For an overview, see McKnight 2001.

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Corinth, Philippi and the cities of Galatia—not to mention the church at Rome itself), where Roman law would have been in effect (Lyall 1984: 23-25). However,Paul,asillustratedbyBarclay(1996:381-95),was 'ananoma­ lous Diaspora Jew', one who had a high degree of Jewish education and who had made a conscious decision to forsake Jewish law as a way of attracting Gentiles to his gospel. While he did travel among Jews and preach in synagogues, he certainly would not have limited his associations to those included in Jewish law. Within the Jewish communities themselves, however, these Roman concepts seemed to have had little or no influence. Generally speaking, the Roman and Jewish legal systems were based on very different premises (cf. Β. Cohen 1966: 29). 41 As put by Katzoff (2001: 157): Though Roman law spread through the Empire and swept before it local systems and practices.. .it appears to have had little impact on Jewish law. In contrast to Greek law, from which important legal institutions were adopted, one is hard put tofinda convincing instance of a particular Roman legal institution which became part of Jewish law.42

In fact Applebaum (1989: 155-65) shows how the Jewish population of Judea, even that part which had previously been essentially Hellenized, rejected Romanization to a large degree. He particularly cites the fact that in civil courts in Judea Greek law was preferred over Roman, and that under the Severi, Jewish legal autonomy was actually strengthened.43 And so, to a Judean ofthe first century CE, the very concept of legal adoption, in which the adopted son inherits the adopter's legal status, would have been totally foreign.

41. One example of this is the status of women, who under Jewish law had the capacity to deal with their own inherited property (Yaron 1960: 138). 42. Katzoff then goes on to discuss what he see as the one exception: the recognition of mere speech as binding in the constitution of a dowry, known in Hebrew as d'varim haniqnim ba 'amira, 'things acquired by speech' and by the Roman term dotis dictio. An additional case in which Jewish law may have been influenced by the Roman is in the rabbinic statute of 'Matrilineal Descent' in determining the status of a child of intermarriage, as stated in m. Qidd. 3.12 (B. Cohen 1966:134-45; S.J.D. Cohen 1999: 263-307, though he admits that there are other explanations for the similarities). One case in which the Jewish and Roman legal systems started off with similar assumptions and ended up with different rulings is that of intestate inheritance—cf. Yaron 2001. 43. For a summary of the impact of Greek culture on Judaism in general, see Hengel 1980, though his survey stops short ofthe Roman Period.

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However, we must remember that while Joseph, Mary and Jesus did live in Judea, the Gospels of Matthew and Luke were presumably written elsewhere. To what extent do the Jewish legal sources that I have cited represent the lifestyles of Jews in Egypt, Antioch, Asia Minor or even Rome? Could the evangelists have been portraying what would have been customary in some ofthe Jewish communities ofthe Diaspora? This question is a difficult one to answer, because of the paucity of sources about the Diaspora during this period. This is especially true when we attempt to examine if and how a particular aspect of law, in this case that of adoption, was practised in the Diaspora and whether those that did practise it considered themselves to be acting within the Jewish tradition or the Roman. Even going beyond this, the sources that we do have make it clear that Diaspora Jewry was by no means monolithic in its degrees ofsocial assimilation, linguistic and educational accult^^ (the terms are taken from Barclay 1996: 92-102). As shown by Barclay and others, most communities ofthe Diaspora included some individual Jews who were well assimilated, intermarried, Greek-educated and who participated in pagan rites, others who largely adhered to their ancestral customs and stayed awayfromGentile society, and many more who lived quite comfortably in both worlds. A classic example of such a 'middle-ofthe-road' Jew who was well educated in both Greek and Jewish learning was Philo of Alexandria (about whom cf. Barclay 1996: 158-80; Dyck 2002). However, our sources also show us that most Jewish communities in the Diaspora enjoyed a large measure of internal legal autonomy, centred on the proseuchai or synagogue (cf. Fitzpatrick-McKinley 2002; Gruen 2002: 104-23; Rajak 2002). The community of early Roman Alexandria had its own gerousia or 'senate' and a powerful ethnarch (Barclay 1996: 43-49)—privileges that were terminated during the reigns of Gaius and Claudius and the 'Diaspora Revolt' of 115-17 CE (for more on the legal and political status ofthe Alexandrian Jews, see Kasher 1985). Also, in the northern Mediterranean communities such as those of Antioch, Asia Minor and Rome, while there were Jews who abandoned their cultural heritage in various degrees, the core ofthe Jewish community retained its separate worship, ritual calendar,44 observed the Sabbath, practised 44. As recently emphasized by Sacha Stern (2002), the Jews were the only Mediterranean people to hold on to their old lunar calendar rather than replace it with the Roman solar one.

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circumcision, preferred endogamous marriages and educated their children to carry on their traditions. They also duly contributed to the Jerusalem Temple (and later paid the Roman-imposed fiscus ludaicus). Barclay (1996: 402) defines the Diaspora Jews as an 'ethnicity' defined by 'a combination of kinship and custom, reflecting both shared genealogy and common behaviour'. My conclusion from all of this is that thefirst-centuryDiaspora Jewish communities, as diverse as they were, did preserve a high degree of adherence to the Jewish law and customs, and exhibited at least a nominal attachment to Judea and its Temple (on which see Barclay 1996:418-23; Gruen 2002:127-32). That there were many individuals of Jewish descent who were quite comfortable in their Gentile surroundings and who did not live their lives in adherence to Jewish law is undeniable; it is, however, perfectly plausible to speak of a more-or-less consistent 'Jewish law' throughoutthe Mediterranean communities. Not a single one ofthe sources that we have from those communities mentions anything like the Roman concept of adoption. The Adoption of Jesus by Joseph, Roman Law and the Evangelists Joseph's presumed 'adoption' of Jesus is not a precise cognate to the adoption law ofthe Romans, nor would we expect it to be. Roman law itself was in a state of constant fluctuation, and certainly the way it was practised in the far-away provinces ofthe eastern Mediterranean, where the first and third Gospels were composed, was not exactly what we find in the written records of Rome itself.45 Of course, neither Joseph nor Jesus, nor probably the authors of Matthew and Luke, were Roman citizens ofthe aristocratic classes. Moreover, in their eyes Jesus' status was far superior to that of any Caesar; he was Son of the Most High, Anointed King of God's people. Despite all that, the similarities are quite clear. First, the very idea of legal adoption is foreign to Jewish law. Second, the adoption of a relative, in this case ofthe son of Joseph's betrothed, would have been only natural to a Roman. Third, the purpose ofthe adoption was not to give the child a home, but rather specifically to make him an heir to the Davidic royal line. Legally speaking, Joseph couldhave chosen not to recognize Mary's child

45. For a summary of some ofthe basic concepts of Roman law in general, cf. Lyall 1984:191-200.

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(Mt. 1.19). Fourth, there is the concept that something such as Davidic royal/Messianic status evencowWbe transmitted through adoption. Finally, there is the idea, expressed in both Gospels, that Jesus retained the lineage of both his 'fathers': he remained 'Son of God', while also claiming the status ofhis 'adopted' Davidic heritage. What about the religious and cultural background ofthe people who produced the first and third Gospels? It has often been presumed that Matthew,andperhapsLukeaswell, were in fact Jewish Christians operating in what was still a largely Jewish community. In the case of Matthew, it is the Papias tradition, as cited by Eusebius, which claims that, 'Matthew compiled the reports in the Hebrew language' (Hist. Eccl. 3.39.16). This statement may be rooted in Matthew's many quotations from the Jewish scriptures (albeit usually in their Septuagint form), the author's apparent familiarity with contemporary Jewish thought and practice, and indeed his very emphasis of Jesus' Davidic descent.46 Albright and Mann (1971: clxxvi-clxxxvi), for example, considered the author of Matthew to be a Jewish Lévite, who wrote independently of Mark. Nolan thought that, 'a Jewish Christian, and probably Aramaic, tradition underlies the First Gospel' (1979: 93); 'a Christian community in touch with first century Judaism...Matthew was a Christian with a Jewish background, almost certainly a Jew' (1979: 95-96). Davies and Allison (1988: 58, at the end of a 51-page discussion ofthe matter!) also conclude: 'the author ofthe First Gospel was a member ofthe Jewish people'. To Richard (1988: 130), 'the gospel exhibits a Jewish community.. .whose concern for the Gentile mission is paramount'. Also W.D. Davies (1992:495): 'we take Matthew to have been a Jew...a sophisticated sage, possibly a trained Pharisee, rooted in Judaism... ' Likewise Brown (1993:45): 'the Gospel [of Matthew, Y.L.] was written in Syria by an unknown Greek-speaking Jewish Christian, living in the 80s in a mixed community with converts of both Jewish and Gentile descent'. Saldarmi (1994: 120) considers the Matthean group to be 'a new, deviant, Jewish group', which continued to function as Jews, despite their belief in Jesus as Messiah and Son of God. He even calls them 'a reformist Jewish sect' and affirms that 'the Gospel of Matthew and its author are Jewish to the core' (1994:198; see also his later comments on the subject in 2001). Carter (2004:259) assumes 'the 46. For a recent summary ofthe consensus, see Foster 2003: 310 and esp. n. 6 there. Foster goes on to counter the claim that the apparent 'mistakes' in Matthew's quotation and interpretation of Scripture should be seen as proof of his lack of Jewish background.

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Jewish context of Matthew's Gospel'. David C. Sim (1998:215-56) even went so far as to claim that Matthew's community was basically antiGentile (for a critique on this view, see Senior 1999). In recent years, however, some scholars have begun to suggest that Matthew and his community had, indeed, already severed their ties from. Judaism. Nolan (1979: 95-97) has taken the middle ground: 'a Christian community in touch with.. Judaism', though 'not a member ofthe league of synagogues.. .a Christian with a Jewish background, almost certainly a Jew'. But already over a half-century ago Kenneth Clark (1947) argued that the Gospel of Matthew is anti-Jewish and could only have been written by a Gentile. A more recent advocate of this view has been Meier (1979: 15-25 and references there; for an overview see Senior 2001: 712). Conversely, the usual assumption about the author of Luke-Acts, based on his Hellenistic literary style and his 'universal' world-view, has been that he was a 'Hellenistic Gentile, possibly proselyte or "God-fearer"' (Richard 1988:164). According to Tyson (1992:36), the 'implied reader' of Luke is a Gentile 'Godfearer', whose knowledge of Hebrew and of Jewish scripture and law is very limited. Brown (1993:235) sees Luke as a product of 'a church of the Gentile mission'. More recently Bovon (2002: 8) has reached a similar conclusion (and see also Fitzmyer 1981: 41-47). Nonetheless, a minority of scholars has, in fact, come to consider the authorofLuke to havebeen of Jewish background (for example, Strauss 1995:126-29, has emphasized the 'Jewishness' of theDavidic-Messianic expectation in Luke). Obviously, this dispute is farfromresolved. However, from the above investigation it would seem to me that whatever the ethnicity ofthe writers of Matthew and Luke may have been, their cultural and religious assumptions, at least in the matter of Jesus' Davidic heritage, were far removed from those of contemporary Judaism. This should not come as a surprise. As already shown by Watson (1998:58-70), ofthe three Synoptic Gospels, that attributed to Mark seems to have the greatest knowledge of, and the greatest hostility towards, Jewish law. The writers of Matthew and Luke, who were apparently farther removed from Jewish tradition, often misunderstood the legal points of Mark's portrayal of Jesus' words and deeds. Cotter (2001) has already demonstrated the substantial influence that Roman apotheosis traditions, especially those of Caesar and Augustus, had on Matthew's distinctive post-Resurrection accounts. And as recently shown by Mowery (2002), the New Testament 'Son of God' title that is

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the closest to that used by the emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Nero and Domitian is θεοί» uíós, which appears only in Matthew (14.33; 27.43,54). It is not a big step forward to assume that in reconciling Jesus' Divine Sonship with his Davidic descent, Matthew turned once more to the system with which he was most at home. In conclusion, it would seem to me that the authors of both Matthew and Luke, faced with the dual traditions of both Jesus' Davidic Messianity and his Divine Sonship, dealt with the obvious contradiction in the only way that would have seemed natural to a subject ofthe Julio-Claudian and Flavian Principate: by assuming that Jesus, Son of God, could have been adopted into the royal line of Israel, all the while retaining his status as θεού υιός. Bibliography Albright, W.F. and CS. Mann 1971 Matthew (AB; Garden City, NY: Doubleday). Applebaum, S. 1989 Judea in Hellenistic andRoman Times: Historical and Archaeological Essays (SJLA, 40; Leiden: E.J. Brill). Atkinson, K. 1999 'On the Herodian Origin of Militant Davidic Messianism at Qumran: New Light fromPsalm of Solomon \1\JBL 118: 435-60. 2001 An Intertextual Study ofthe Psalms of Solomon (Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press). Aune, D.E. 1992 'Christian Prophecy and the Messianic Status of Jesus', in J.A. Charlesworth (ed.), The Messiah: Developments in Earliest Judaism and Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press): 404-22. Baines, J. 1998 'Ancient Egyptian Kingship: Official Forms, Rhetoric, Context', in J. Day (ed.), King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East (JSOTSup, 270; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press): 16-53. Barclay, J.M.G. 1996 Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora from Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE 117 CE) (Edinburgh: T&T Clark). Barnett, P. 1990 Behind the Scenes ofthe New Testament (Downer's Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press). Barnhouse, D.G. 1952 Man's Ruin: Expositions of Bible Doctrines, I (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans). Bauer, D.R. 1995 'The Kingship of Jesus in the Marinean Infancy Narrative: A Literary Analysis', CBQ 57: 306-23.

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Luke 1: A Commentary on the Gospel ofLuke 1.1-9.50 (Hermeneia; trans. CM. Thomas; Minneapolis: Fortress Press). Bowersock, G.W. 1990 The Pontificate ofAugustus', inK.A. Raaflaub andM. Toher(eds.), Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and his Principóte (Berkeley: University of California Press): 380-94. Brin,G. 1971 'The History ofthe Formula "He Shall Be to me a Son and I Will Be to him a Father"', in B. Uffenheimer (ed.) Bible and Jewish History: Studies in Bible and Jewish History Dedicated to the Memory of Jacob Liver (TelAviv: Tel-Aviv University Press): 57-64 (Hebrew). Brooke, G.J. 1998 'Kingship and Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls', in J. Day (ed.), King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East (JSOTSup, 270; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press): 434-55. Broshi, M. and H. Eshel 2001 'Radiocarbon Dating and The Messiah before Jesus', RevQ 78: 311-17. Brown, R.E. 1993 The Birth ofthe Messiah.A Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in the Gospels ofMatthew and Luke (ABRL; New York: Doubleday, new updated edn). Burger, C Jesus als Davidssohn: Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung 1970 (FRLANT, 98; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). Byrne, B. 2003 'Jesus as Messiah in the Gospel of Luke: Discerning a Pattern of Correction', CBQ 65: 80-95. Carter, W. 1996 Matthew: Storyteller, Interpreter, Evangelist (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson). 2000 Matthew and the Margins: A Sociopolitical and Religious Reading (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books). 2004 'Matthew and the Gentiles: Individual Conversion and/or Systematic Transformation?',^^ 26.3: 259-82. Clark, K.W. 1947 'The Gentile Bias in Matthew', JBL 66: 165-72. Cohen, B. 1966 Jewish and Family Law: A Comparative Study, I (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America). Cohen, SJ.D. 1999 The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (Berkeley: University of California Press).

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Feigin, S. 1931 'Some Cases of Adoption in Israel', JBL 50: 186-200. Fitzpatrick-McKinley, A. 2002 'Synagogue Communities in the Graeco-Roman Cities', in J.R. Bartlett (ed.), Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities (London: Routledge): 55-87. Fitzmyer, J.A. 1978 'TheBirthof Jesus in the Pauline Writings', in RE. Brown βία/, (eds.), Mary in the New Testament (Philadelphia: Fortress Press; New York: Paulist Press): 33-49. 1981 The Gospel According to Luke (I-IX) (AB; New York: Doubleday, 2nd edn). Flusser, D. 1998 Jesus (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2nd edn). Foster, P. 2003 'Why did Matthew Get the Shema Wrong? A Study of Matthew 22.37', JBL 122: 309-33. Freed, E.D. 2001 The Stories of Jesus' Birth: A Critical Introduction (St. Louis: Chalice Gardner, J.F. 1997

'Legal Stumbling-Blocks for Lower-Class Families in Rome', in B. Rawson and P. Weaver (eds.), The Roman Family in Italy: Status, Sentiment, Space (Oxford: Clarendon Press): 35-53. Gardner, J.F. and T. Wiedemann 1991 The Roman Household: A Sourcebook (London: Routledge). Gold,M. 1987 'Adoption: A New Problem for Jewish Law', Judaism 36:443-50. 1994 'Adoption as a Jewish Option', in S. Bayme and G. Rosen (eds.), The Jewish Family and Jewish Continuity (Hoboken: KTAV Publishing House): 17379. Gordon, CH. 1977 'Paternity at Two Levels', JBL 96:101. Green, J.B. 1995 The Theology ofthe Gospel of Luke (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Greengus, S. 1975 'Sisterhood Adoption at Nuzi and the 'Wife-Sister' in Genesis', HUCA 46: 5-31. Gruen, E.S. 2002 Diaspora: Jews amidst GreeL· and Romans (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press). Hanson, P.D. 1992 'Messiahs and Messianic Figures in Proto-Apocalypticism', in J.A. Charlesworth (ed.), The Messiah: Developments in Earliest Judaism and Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press): 67-75. Hare, D.R.A. 1993 Matthew (Interpretation; Louisville, KY: John Knox Press). Heintz, J.-G. 1992 'Royal Traits and Messianic Figures: A Thematic and Iconographical

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