History Of The Artist

HISTORY OF THE ARTIST

General M.D. Shirinzda and the Gaza Sisters When Mr Shirindza was groing up he came across famous mu composer, Daniel Marivate. He was duly and thoroughly impressed by his music. Many of DC Marivate's m composed while he was at war (World War II), eg 'Hayi famba Jarimani, hayi famab le vafana.'. Mr Shirindz name -Daniel- from the famous Daniel Marivate.

Mr Shirindza began his music career in 1961. His passion for music was further inspired/ infused by a certain musician and composer from Mozambique. This musician is credited with composing -A ndzi dlayiwi kule ndzi hela kwala, xivandzanyongeni.-. Mr Shirindza also took a liking to the music of Fransisco Ndlovu Mkhonto. When the radio for Vatsonga-Machangana was established in 1962, MD Shirindza made his first record with timbila.

Mjaji", and others.

Jenerala MD Shirindza

At that time radio was only about news/ current affairs and Xitsonga rarity. MD Shirindza's music grew in popularity up to the point whe with such world-renowned overseas artists as Paul Simon. The objec of his music is to educate, guide and reprimand both young and old,

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Spring At the seasons that is called ximun"wana in Xitsonga, the little heat, when warm weather begins, trees become covered with leaves and the woman pick up their hoes. This is the beginning of agricultural year. Summer The Vatsonga call summer Ximumu a time to begin sowing when the rains commence. Autumn This season which the Vatsonga call Xixikana/nhlovo sees nature rich and bountiful, producing a cornucopia of ripened grains, mielies, beans, squash and root vegetables, many of which last well in to the winter months. In African rural tradition, those were hungry found work harvesting the corn for others-and was paid generously with baskets full of corn. Winter Winter known in Xitsonga as Vuxika/xixaka was a time after the harvest. April heralds a time of Nhlangula or "shaking off the dust" when people can go within, repent and purify. When the harvest has been filled, then begins the happy times of winter, of beer drinking, vunanga,playing and paying visits.

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The task of the men In former times the man was the warrior, the

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stockowner, the hunter and constructed huts. It was important for a man to own a cattle (tihomu) for its religious value (as sacrificial animals) as well as its social value (as marriage goods). They were selected on the basis of appearance rather than of quality. Goats (timbuti) rather than cattle were used as food and were tended to by the young boys. As the boys grew older they became responsible for the cattle. They spent their days in the veld, where they made flutes (tinanga) from horns or reeds, which were played when the cattle were chased. Women were not allowed to come in contact with the cattle, but they did tend the pigs and poultry. Chickens (tihuku) have always been important for the Vatsonga not only as part of their diet, but also for religious purposes. A woman"s tasks Woman played an important role in the economy, since they were responsible for the agriculture, fishing collecting food from the veld, manufacturing technological artefacts and salt productions. During periods of large-scale agricultural activity a woman would organize a working party (tsima), inviting all her neighbours and relatives to come and help. As the hostess she provided with beer and food and she worked with them. The normal procedure was for the working party to do the rounds of all the fields in the area, so that each woman had the opportunity to act as important as the work was done. A woman grew a variety of crops for her family. Initially cassava (ntsumbula) was grown on a large scale and grain sorghum (n" wahuva) was the most important staple food. Later maize (mavele) became increasingly important as a staple food in addition to sorghum today different types of beans and groundnuts, as tomatoes, onions, sweet potatoes and pumpkin are also grown to eat as relishes. Every park of the pumpkin (xiphamasa/xipharhama, kwembe, rhanga, gwadi na kalavatla) can be used " the greens are cooked with porridge, the young fruits stewed, and the flowers and the seeds are fried and served with cereals. Calabashes (rhanga) are also planted fort making household articles, containers (ndheko) and spoons. Amber cane is grown as a snack and use in making beer. Pineapple, mango, banana, and pawpaw trees are being planted more and more in settlements.

Porridge - when you cook

porridge you first boil water and then pour "dini"(mealie powder that has been mixed with water and left to ferment) and leave to boil. After boiling you gradually add mealie powder/ mealie meal as you stir to thick. You then leave to simmer and serve afterwards.

Miroho/African traditional spinach- it is an allyear round kind of small green-leafed vegetable or plant. It is called "mixiji". In preparation, you first wash it and pour it in the pot where you pour fat/oil and tomatoes at once and allow to boil together. This kind of vegetable is commonly abundant in summer.

Ground nut- is a ground vegetable fruit which is dug. They can be cooked with water where salt is poured, and they can be fired.

Pumpkins- they are summer products, they are cooked and poured sugar Water melon - they are summer products Xighwimbhi/ "nuty pumpkin" - it"s cooked using pumpkin, crushed ground nuts and salt is added, plenty in summer. xiendla hi vomu" - it is a stamp=like porrige that is cooked using half ripe beans

and half ripe mealies, found mostly during summer. Mealie-cob - it is a fruit of a plant that is usually planted in summer, can be cooked half-ripe and called a cob, some wait until they are dry, its grains can be crushed into powder that is used to make porridge. Sweet reeds - these are sweet reeds planted in summer, they are like sugar canes but they preserve a green colour even when they are ripe. Sweet potatoes - these are ground vegetables that can be planted and digged for when ready, they are washed and cooked in water.

Maxonja"/ Mopani worms these are black worms in a butterfly life-cycle, found in treesmostly during summer. They are boiled and added of salt

Tihove" - cooked mealie grains mixed with crushed ground nuts and a certain kind of ground nuts(uncrushed). Smashed pumpkin - cooked with pumpkin, mealie powder and sugar Beans - found in summer, can be planted. you pour them in the pot with water

and salt until they are ready. Nuty paste - fried mealie grains and ground nuts are crushed to form this kind of paste. Mitsumbula" - can be planted and digged when ripe, washed and cooked.

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THE TABOOS

Taboos are precious informal education maintained by our ancestors through which they guided their children even adult people. Taboos are used as imagery to colour the language. The elderly people used taboos to instill good behaviour by telling people that if they do such and such things a misfortune will be fall them. In other words, taboos would remind people of the dangers that can happen to the individual or to the nation as a whole. Such things were supposed to be taken serious so that no one should make any mistake about it. TYPES OF TABOOS Children Taboos

Children as tomorrow's nation were required to live under the guidance of the parents or adults, and they in turn had to follow all instructions without ignoring any one. Examples: You must never sit upon a stone used to support a cooking pot, it is taboo. These kinds of taboos were created to make precaution that children may not burn their buttocks.

- You must never count the stars at night, it is taboo. This Taboo was aimed at preventing children from wasting their time counting stars because they are countless, they can run mad. Don't ever give stories during the day, it is taboo. -This taboo was said if you do that, your parent would die. The aim with this taboo was to alert children that they may not waste their time in reciting stories and forgot about they duties or tasks. They would say if you do that, you would encounter calamities. -Don't sit on the cross roads, it is Taboo. The aim of this taboo is to make children avoid accidents. They said that one will encounter calamities. - Jump over the fire, it is taboo. - They said if you jump the fire you will become a thief. The aim was to prevent children from injury, because they might fall into the fire end burn seriously. -Don't eat raw fruits, it is taboo. They said if you eat raw fruits/berries you will become deaf. The whole aim was to inform them that raw fruits will cause stomach pains to children. - Don't carry a half-full Calabash/bucket, it is taboo, - They said that if you carry a half-full Calabash of water, you will give birth to a child with gorged eyes. This was aimed at teaching girls to fetch a bucket full of water, instead of halffull one. - Never get married to your blood sister, it is taboo. - This taboo teaches people about respect. They said if you get married to your sister, you will give birth to disabled children. - This taboo teaches people to respect one another. - Don't cut your hair in public, it is taboo. - This taboo teaches people about hygiene to prevent diseases. Children were told that if they do such things, their hair will never grow again. Our ancestors by so doing prevented people from littering their hairs all over. Taboos for old people

Do not cry over an ill or sick child, it is ' - This ' especially rebukes women not to cry over an ill or sick child because he/she may be paralyzed. The objective is to groom the women to be strong even when things are tough, they should know that there is no child who cannot be ill or sick. Do not push firewood further into the fire from all sides using your legs, it is ' - The Tsongas say that if it happens, your legs will swell. The objective of this ' is to avoid unsystematic turning over of burning firewood that can burn other people who are sitting around the fire.

Do not be involved in sexual activities when there is illness in the family, it is ' - It means that should it happen, you will give birth to mentally retarded kids. The objective is to try to eliminate illnesses. Do not dig your own grave when you are still alive, it is ' - Should you do that, all your relatives will die. The main objective is to make people realize the importance of helping each other and working together. Do not stand on top of a grave, it is '

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The pottery manufactures

The Vatsonga women are responsible for the manufacturing of clay pots. Any women who want to learn the skill are welcomed. The skill of pottery manufacturing was taught by the mother and is still done so today. In historic context, the production of pottery was highly specialized. Professional pottery manufacturers, vavumbi, did not participate in other economic activities such as cultivating fields, harvesting, etc. They concentrated only on the manufacturing of pottery, and supplied every one in the area with pottery. In exchange for this, the other women would work on the pottery manufacturers' fields, and delivered other services to them. Time and place of manufacturing

The pottery industry is not restricted by seasonal change. During the winter months the manufacturing of pottery increases due to the limited amount of work done on the fields. The weather was the only factor that had influence, mainly due to the fact that the sun and wind dried

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out the clay. Usually during favourable weather conditions, women would work outside under the shade, although some would prefer to work inside their huts. Wet, cool conditions were always preferable. Large pots would always be manufactured inside a hut, since they are difficult to move and therefore could dry out easily. Rain only had an influence on the baking process. How clay was obtained?

The technical aspects of clay can be concluded in the following passage: The term �clay� here applied to the material used in the manufacture of pottery and had no mineralogical significance. The conditions which the material had to satisfy are: - That is plastic and malleable when wet; - That it retains the shape in which it is formed when it dries; - That it undergoes metamorphosis at low temperature The clay source

Clay is a very valuable natural resource and is handled with respect. The collection of clay is therefore associated with many ceremonies/ rituals.

The Vatsonga women in the former Gazankulu obtained their clay from trenches near larger rivers; this is however

not commonly found in the former homeland. They never used clay from the termite heaps or any other replacement. In many instances women had to walk kilometres to obtain the required clay. One of the most important rites that is still practiced takes place as a pottery manufacturer goes to collect her clay. She picks up small sticks and at the place where the clay is collected the heap of sticks are firstly offered to the clay spirits in a special manner. The ancestors of the Bandau people are called upon. The Balembe are also mentioned in the prayers since it is believed that they worked there in the past. These offerings to the spirits are done to ensure that the pots do not crack during the baking process.

Collection of the clay

After the spirits have been honoured, the pottery manufacturer loosen the clay with a hoe (xikomu). Wet and dry clay is collected, but most of the time the clay is dry and hard. The clay is not found near the surface of the trenches or holes, but at a depth of approximately 30cm to 75cm. The clay is traditionally carried home in a xirhundzu basket. The quality of clay depends on how many pots the manufacturer wants to make, how much clay she can carry and the distance to the clay source. The preparation of the clay

At home the wet clay is dried in the sun. A pestle or stone is used to break the clay up and grind it. All the impure pieces are removed, such as sticks and stones and the clay powder (that is a byproduct) is placed on the side. The clay is sorted out very carefully. Clay with a coarse texture is used in making the large pots, while the

fine clay is used in making ordinary pots. After the clay powder has been obtained and purified, it is mixed with water to obtain the correct elasticity. The clay is mixed well with the use of the pestle and then stored. Traditionally a hole (xivumbelo) was made in the ground and plastered with clay from an ant heap (xitshuka/xirhuva). The clay was stored in this hole and the opening was covered with a large bowl (nkamba) in order to keep the clay moist. When the manufacturer needed clay she took it out of the hole. These days the clay is kept in drums and plastic bags.

Tools and equipment

A base is needed on which the pot can be manufactured and this base has to be mobile. Traditionally potsherds (xivumbelo) were used for this purpose. Other items that could also be used are wooden plates, a flat stone or a grass ring. Today items such as an enamel dish or the lid of an iron cooking pot are used. Clay pot with water

An old clay pot or calabash filled with water was always kept at hand while the pot is manufactured in order to moisten the clay and keep it manageable. The manufacturer always keeps her hands wet and the tools that are used are frequently rinsed in the water. Fresh water shells (rikatla) which are collected along the larger rivers in the area are used to scrap, form and cut the clay. The lip of the pot is cut neatly. The Balobedu and the Vhavenda used pods (thamula) from the Camel�s foot (piliostigma thnningii), in the same way as the shells. A soft wet cloth is always kept in the water to neatly end off the lip of the

pot.

Other equipment

A wooden spoon (xibo, xichayo) made from the apple-leaf tree (lonchocarpus capassa) is usually used in the manufacturing of the bottom of the pot. The pot is hit with a spoon in order to compress the clay. A smooth river stone is used to rub the colouring pigments which are used as decorations and to polish the pot (ku sasandhela/ ku rhidela). Wet clay and pots are kept in the hut and covered with a blanket or plastic bags to prevent them from drying out. Traditional colours that were used as decorations were red, ochre and graphite (xikope). The colour pigments are made into a paste and put into small clay pots in which they are sorted. Today pots are also decorated by using paint. Decoration materials which are used to make motives or impression include thorns, wires or sticks.

Manufacturing method

After the clay is prepared, the pot usually undergoes four to five manufacturing phases, such as: - Modeling: the building up and formation of the pot; - Decoration; - Drying out; - Baking - Process of strengthening (khangula) Various techniques

Usually the women of a cultural group would use the same technique, although some variations can be expected from

each individual. The following technique can be found: a) Modeling from a clay clod. Technically this is the most primitive of methods. A formless piece of clay is rolled into a ball and hollowed out in the fingers to form a pot. The Vatsonga of Mozambique used this method. b) The ring method. Clay is worked with the hands into rolls which are then spiraled onto each other. The sides are then smoothed out so that the spirals are no longer visible. The Vatsonga made use of this method. c) Clod method. A pot is formed by joining little piece of clay together until it has the required form. The manufacturing process

After the clay was prepared the previous day and rested, the required amount is taken out of the hole and worked through. The manufacturer will sit at the area that she has prepared, in the shade of a tree or inside her hut, with all her tools and equipment at hand. A piece of clay is broken off and the rest is covered. The clay is worked into a roll (nkanyangwa) or sausage form. Its length depends on the size of the pot being made. The first roll is placed on the wooden plate or potsherd, which is followed with three other rolls. These rolls are all secured onto one another while the plate is rotated. The inside of the pot is secured and rotated with one hand while other hand is used to smear the clay upwards on the outside of the pot. The outer surface is smoothed with a pod (thamula) or shell (rikatla). The inside of the pot is worked in the same way. The hand, palm and fingers are

used to give form to the pot. The pot has no base, but the largest section of the first roll is left as is, in order for the pot to stand on the thick base. An adequate amount of clay is set aside to finish the base at a later stage.

The pot has the correct form from the start and is finished off further in order for the sides to become finer. The pot is wiped frequently with a wet cloth to keep the clay moist. When the pot has the desired form and thickness, it is smoothed out on the outside and the inside. When the pot is complete, the last roll is made and placed on the brim of the pot to finish it off. The finishing touches are done by pressing and smoothing the clay with the tips of the fingers and then with the pod or shell. The hands are kept wet during this rime as well as all the tools that are used. The brim/lip is now cut off with the shell, while the pot is rotated. The lip is smoothed with the fingers and when the manufacturer is satisfied, a wet cloth is used to smooth it off furthermore. Before the pot is stored, it has to be decorated, unless it is a cooking pot. The bottom of the pot is now cut off the wooden plate and the clay that was left over to form the base is now used. Excessive clay is cut off with the shell. The bottom of the pot is formed by beating the clay. When the desired form is obtained the inside of the pot is smoothed. The pot is now stored in the hut in order for it to dry. Decoration of the pot

After the pot has been modeled and whilst the clay is still wet, the pot is decorated. The decoration (makholo) is a very important element of the skills of the

manufacturer. Through the decorations one can tell if the manufacturer learned her skills from her mother by using traditional patterns or if she made use of her own ideas. Pots and bowls that were used to serve food, beer or water for the men, as well as those used in a social context were decorated. Pots and bowls that were used in cooking were not decorated. The decoration tools were very elementary and consisted out of a thorn or stick, and colouring pigment. The thorn or stick is used to draw lines. These lines form the basis of the decorations. Decorations are usually made on the shoulder of the pot and the section between the shoulder and the lip. After all the lines have been drawn, some of the sections are decorated with the colouring pigment. The pigment, which is originally in powder form is mixed with water and rubbed on the pot with the fingers. The next day, when the colour is dry, it is rubbed and polished with a smooth stone. The whole pot is polished with the stone (ku rhidela/ ku sasandhela) in order to have a smooth surface. The most basic decoration is the single horizontal line on the shoulder of cooking pots. This line also indicates where graphite will be applied onto the cooking pot. Horizontal lines and oblique-hatching are found on almost all decorated pots either single, double or in combination with other motives. Some vertical lines are unique features in the Vatsonga culture and are not found among other pottery of the Vhavenda and Balobedu. In addition to line motives one finds that the triangle is one of the most common decoration motives found in combination with line or oblique-hatching. Many

variations can be found. Another aspect of earthen wear that goes hand in hand with the form of the pot and its decoration are the finishing of the brim and lip, example if it is cut, rounded, flattened and thickened. The baking process (ku hisa timbita)

At the present the pottery manufacturers bake their pots at anytime of the month as long as it does not rain. In historical times however, the phase of the moon plays an important role. The preferred period was during the first or second quarter, since it was believed that the colours of pots would be dull if it was baked during full moon. When the pottery manufacturer has decided on a day on which the pots would be baked, she takes them out of the hut and place it in the sun. This is done to warm the pots to prevent it from cracking in the fire. The baking process usually takes place in the late afternoon near the sunset at an area just outside the living quarters (kraal), where the pottery manufacturer has made an oven (murhundzu) is approximately 1,5cm to 2m wide and a halve meter deep. Materials that are usually selected as fire wood are baboon�s tail Vellizia spp., mopani or marula bark, fine twicks from a mopani tree, old thatch grass and cowdung.

Baboon�s tail or barks are placed on the

bottom of the murhundzu, with the pots placed on the top of it. The larger pots are placed first with the smaller ones on top of them, with grass, bark or baboons tail in between. The pots are placed with their bottoms or sides against one another in such a way not to block the openings. On top of the pots a large quantity of baboon�s tail or grass are stacked in order to cover all the pots. The whole baking process takes about 35minutes to complete.

Before the fire is lit, offerings are made to the ancestors in order to have their support during the baking process. At a selected place she would kneel and pour snuff on the ground while muttering a few words. When this ritual is completed the fire is lit. The reasons for the pots that crack and break during the baking process (ku fayeka) are two fold. Today many belief it happened due to the use of poor quality clay, that the pots did not dry out enough and the fire that was too warm. The elderly however still belief that the spirits of the ancestors had an influence. It could be that the ancestors were angered by something and has to be calmed down. The pottery manufacturer (Muvumbi) has an amulet (xitshungulu), which serve a purpose during these cases, which she received from her mother. This amulet serves to ensure that her pottery will

always be a success. To strengthen the pot (ku khangula)

The pots are strengthened by boiling a flued porridge in it. Some women used to boil beer porridge to seal the pot. The porridge is thrown away after it has cooked for approximately one hour. The pots are then rinse with water.

Taboo�s (yila) in pottering manufacturing

When a woman�s child or husband died, she is not allowed to make pottery for at least one year. Some pottery manufacturers belief that a women are allowed to make pots during that period that her baby does not have teeth. Possible contact with salt could also determine the practice of a taboo. Salt are not allowed to come into contact with the pots, because the pots would crack and salt makers are not allowed to make pots while waiting for the salt to crystallize. Salt can decrease the plasticity of the clay. The use of salt in baked pots can be evident as pots become very porous. Salt are never stored in clay pots but in calabashes.

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Initiation School

Cult ure

In many African cultures there is Heal an th apparent different iation between adults and children. One still has to listen to/ hear from adults even though one has gone through the initiatio n school. It is one tradition al ritual wherein young people are initiated into adult life. After undergo ing

initiatio n school and upon completi on, one is then accepted into the adult commun ity. This applies for both girls and boys. The rituals practice d at the initiatio n school are not the same in each culture. What is the same though in each culture is that the young people being initiated (initiates ) have to (at a time) be isolated from society and

have to undergo / withstan d numero us untold difficulti es. The duration of the initiatio n period varies within each culture (Hamm ondTooke, 1959). Hammo ndTooke makes one distincti on between puberty rites and initiatio n schools. Accordi ng to him, the puberty rites seem less 'dramati c' and are mainly applicab le to

girls. This applies to Tsonga culture as well. In the followin g paragrap hs an explanat ion will be given of the initiatio n of girls and of boys in the Tsonga culture. Initiation for Girls

Before a young woman reaches adulthoo d and is regarded as a woman, she must first undergo the initiatio n rites. One advanta ge is that her body is fully

develop ed, that is to say she has begun menstru ating. Previous ly the duration of the ceremon y was one month, and this was the month of a girl's first menstru ation cycle. Presentl y there is in most instance sa waiting period until 2 or 3 girls have begun menstru ating so that they can undergo the initiatio n rites together. Presentl y the

duration of the initiatio n ritual for girls is one week. Before, it used to be one month. The ritual has been shortene d because it has become importa nt for children to attend school. The initiatio n school is therefor e currentl y held during school holidays . During the isolation period the girls are told/ taught everythi ng about how

adult women behave themsel ves. The girls learn how they have to behave once they are married and how to deal with conflict. Thereaft er she will receive instructi ons pertaini ng to sex and also behavio ural codes. One behavio ural code is that during menstru ation women may not enter the (livestoc k) kraal. A woman who is menstru

ating is regarded as impure and for this reason she may not come near livestoc k. For the entire week there a female instructo r/ mistress is present who teaches the girls all there is to learn. The mistress is a young women who herself was at the initiatio n school not so long ago. The girls may not go outside

for the entire week and other people/ outside may not see them. This ban applies primaril y to men and to the girls whilst the initiatio n rites have not been complet ed. The mistress cooks for the girls for the entire week, in the same hut where they stay. A fire is kept burning for the entire week so that the girls spend a week in the sharp

and suffocati ng smoke. Apparen tly this is one replace ment of the previous unbeara ble conditio ns that the girls had to withstan d. Previous ly the girls had to sit in ice-cold river water and suffered from scratche s, cuts, bruises and other injuries. On the eve of the girls' departur e from the hut, the women of the families concern ed meet

to prepare and to begin with the feast. The women dance the whole night to the music of drums/ drumbea ts. This they do in the nude and therefor e no men may be present. The men will usually spend the night away from home. The followin g the feast commen ces. The initiatio n school is regarded as an importa nt event and

therefor e many people attend the feast. A cow or goat (geit) is slaughte red speciall y for this occasion and they prepare byalwa. There will be enough food and drink for all who are present at the feast. *When a girl exits the hut she wears a red headclot h (doek) on her head so than no one can recognis e her. She then walks to the entrance of the

plot/ school (erf). From thereon she is carried back home on the back of an older woman while the women sing along. (*It is somewh at unclear why this is done in the Tsonga culture, but accordin g to Stayt, in the Venda culture a girl is carried home on her mother's back or on the back of another older woman and she is

covered so that no one sees her before the initiatio n is over. The girls are then carried home triumph antly and welcom ed with aplomb (Stayt, 1931: 123). Evidentl y the Tsonga women carry the girls home for the same reasons. *) When the girls get to the hut again, they have to lie down on mats. Their heads remain covered.

The women continue to sing, to the beat of the drums, and they dance around in a circle. Later on a cassette is played with modern Tsonga music. The girls then receive gifts (cadeaus ) from their families. The gifts are primaril y useful and valuable ones such as gifts for housekeeping, but clothes and money are included

as gifts. The people dance as they approac h the girls to hand them gifts. Initiation for Boys

The initiatio n of Tsonga boys into adulthoo d is tougher than that of girls. The boys are initiated into manhoo d during a month's stay in the bush. For an entire month the boys are isolated from the commun ity within which

they grew up. As a symbol of the boys parting with their youth, they have their heads cleanshaven. But their complet e detachm ent from their youth is symboli sed through circumci sion. Accordi ng to Hammo ndTooke (1974) the boys' bodies are smeared in clay. The boys have to undergo / withstan d a great deal of

torment such as bathing in icecold river water (the boys' initiatio n schools are mostly held in winter), sleeping uncomf ortably, being banned from drinking water, and sometim es the boys are slashed (geslage n). The purpose of all these harsh practice s that the boys have to withstan d is to instil disciplin e and to prepare them for the harshnes

s/ hardship s of being a man. Accordi ng to Hammo ndTooke (1974) this harsh treatmen t of boys sometim es leads to death. When that happens the corpse is buried secretly and the parents are only informe d at the end of the initiatio n period. One importa nt aspect of the initiatio n school for boys is that they learn a lot during

their isolation . The boys learn secret rules (regels) and songs. Thereaft er they learn how to hunt and to dance during the initiatio n period. Generall y the initiatio n prepares the boys for the rigours of manhoo d in areas such as politics, religion, govern ment, and sex (Hamm ondTooke, 1974: 231). At the end of the

initiatio n period the white clay on the boys is washed off and they are smeared anew with red clay. Their heads are once again cleanshaven and they get new clothing. The hut in which they stayed in during the initiatio n period is burnt along with the weapons / tools used and the clothing worn. The reason behind this is that the boys should

not look back to the past (Hamm ondTooke, 1974: 231). On the return of the boys there is a feast just as is done with the girls. The boys wear red cloths around their midregion and sit on mats while the people sing and dance as they bring gifts to the boys.

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The Origin of Vatsonga Machang anaVangoni and their (surname s) descende ncy Vatsonga is a nation like other nations. Vatsonga originated from the eastern part of Mozambiq ue along the eastern sea of this land, before the naming of this land Mozambiq ue by the colonial Portugues . They were found

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here in the past two thousand years. The knowledg eable or experienc ed historians demonstra te the availability of vatsonga in this area to can trace back to 500-1400 ad. before the arrival of the Portugues . They are said to have been long living there. Vatsonga lived in this area in their different tribes and descende ncy like the Varonga, Vahlave, Vanhlang anu, Vanhleng we, Vatshwa and others. We can further arrange the Vatsonga into three geographi cal

classificati on:  Souhtern Tsongas;  Inland/ Central Tsongas;  The Northern Tsongas or Tsongas of the Hlengwe area.

With the Southern Tsogas we are refering to those who are from: Maputsu, Tembe, Honwana, Vakomati and other surnames that fall under Rhonga/ Varhonga. By inland Tsongas we are refering to those from Bileni, Ncayincay i, Gidjana, Xibutsu and other places where we can find surnames like Bila, Khosa, Vacopi, Vahlave and Vanhlang

anu. Here we find that there are many surnames that comprise the Inland Tsongas. Mabunda, Makamu and Maswang anyi belong to Vahlave descende ncy. In Mozambiq ue, much of Van'wanat i descende ncy are found in abundanc y in tribes like: Xikhumba, Matsilele, Mapayi, Mahungu, Dumela, N'wazulu and at Xilemani. In Suoth Africa they have settled at Mhinga, Xikundu, Xigalo, Nkuri, Nhlaniki and in hte other tribes where they have found comfort of

stay. The following belong to Gwambe descende ncy: Nkuna, ZithaNkwimika, Mboweni, Mawila, Mashele, Ndhave, Nhlongo, Ngomana, Mawila, Maxava and others. And Van'wanat i (Maluleke) , Masangu, Dzimba, Vembani and others are of Vacopi descende ncy. Of Vanhlang anu descende ncy are Munisi, Lamula, Mukhomb o, Mukhari, Mhelembe , Vukeya, Malavela, Masuku, Muthombe ni, Masinga and others.

With Khoseni, we are refering to Khosa who are having these houses of descende ncy: Rikhotso, Makukule, Ndhuvana , Masiye, Hlavangw ana, Masuluke, Mbhokota. Khosa is a very big tribe. Bila is found at Bileni and Ncayincay i, Ximbutsu, Gidjana and other places where we can find the surnames; Bila or Bilankulu, Manyike and Langeni. The Xisana are found at Gidjana. In the Northern Tsongas (eHlengw eni) is where we find the Xioki xa ndzilo (Chauke);

Hlungwani -Sono; Macevele; Valoyi; NyambiMasingi; and others. Within the Hlengwes who belong to Xioki xa ndzilo, Chauke, there are the siblins of Bangwana and Mantsena. Mantsena is the son of Bangwana and Zinjhivha. It is from Mntsena where the name Xioki xa Ndzilo came from, it was because he adopted the royalness or chieftains hip from his mother's kraal (Vakokwa na), the Hlugwanis . The following are Hlungwani 's children who were

given chieftains hip by their father:  Vinzuwan a (Xinzuvan a) the father to Ncelana was given the Copi tribe where N'wamapil ana and Mafuli ruled. In South Africa it belongs to Mkhomi, but it still exist in the Norhern regions of Mozambiq ue.  Magule the father to Zari was given a tribe between Mawunje river and Musapa just below Savi river. At Mapungan e is where Ximizi the son of Zari was killed by Vanyayi at awr.  Zari had distributed to his

children as well: - Mihingo: where we are having Mudavula tribe In South Africa. - Ximizi: where there is still Mphakati under chief Xigalo even today. Tshovani: where we find Hlomela today in South Africa. - Nanga wa Zari, where we have Mitititi.

 Masivame le (Malandel e) was given land just amongst his brothers because there was afear that he could loose the land as his name says; he was soft.  Xigombe the father

to Xikovela was given a land between Vembe and Mawunje, from Sengwe to Bileni, today Hokwanyi: where Hanyani; Matsandz e; Phitulu; and Xiduli are ruling today.  Vahlengw e have the following tribes which are now falling under Zimbabea n borders according to western Geographi c arrageme nts: Sengwe, Gezani, Xitanga, Muteyo (Tshovani) , but they rightfully belong or are people of Mozambiq ue. The Northern Tsongas include the Valoyi of the following houses of descende

ncy: Lowana, Makaringe , Madzonga , Mponwa, Nxolwana, Xikungule, Xibukutsu, Xirimbani, Xitsavi ni tinwana. The Tsongas can be found even at Tongaland in KwaZulu in different surnames and houses of descende ncy. That's where we find surnames like Mathye, Mathonsi, Manganyi and others. About Machang anaVangoni Machanga na do exist, they are intermixed with the Tsogas today. They are living with the Tsongas in many areas

where we find them. All the men who left Ndhwand hwe's land which was ruled by Zwide under the war troop of Manukosi who was given the name of Sochanga na are the Ngonis and are speaking Shangaan language, which is the language that was created at the meeting and mixing of Ngoni men and Vatsonga women. This issue had an influece from 1810 when Shaka's father died and he be left to take the ruling; and when his uncle Dingisway o died, Shaka took both these two followings and

formed the Zulu Nation. Dingisway o fought several loosing battles with Zwide who belonged to Ndhwand hwe tribe. When Shaka united Langeni people where Dingisway o was ruling together with those who were ruled by his father Senzanga khona he set to attack Zwide. Zwide, Manukosi (Sochang ana), Mzilikazi and Songonda ba (Zwangen daba) sought to run away with their soldiers in 1819, and they decided to burn food as they were going so that should

Shaka's soldiers decide to follow them the should get them without food and they should die of hunger. Shaka's soldiers tried to follow them but they suffered from hunger and malaria, most of them died. When the remaining soldiers learned of Shaka's death in 1821, they never went back but settled with the Southern Tsongas; they mixed with the Tembes, Mpfumos, Maputsus, the Komatis and others. They are the once who, at a later stage tried to return to Kwazulu and

stayed at Tongaland because they did not want to be recognise d as the Zulus who went for Shaka's battle. That's where we find surnames like Mathye (Ndlhovhu ), Makumbil a (Manthons i) and Manganyi. Manukosi proceeded to Bileni where he fought the Makwakw a people. He further went to Musapa and came back to Bileni and settled in Chayichay i. There he named the place after his granny from his mother's kraal, Ngabuviya and named all the places that he was recepted and

accepted as a chief without any fight as Gaza, that was after his granny from his father's kraal, Zigode. Songonda ba (Zwangen daba) and his people proceeded to Tanganyik a, today known as Malawi. That's where he ended with his people. Mzilikazi crossed vembe river to go and settle in Zimbabwe and left his child Lobengula there. How the Tsongas came to South Africa The Vatsonga are coming from the today Mozambiq

ue. They came because or after the arrival of the Ngoni and their battles and unrests. The Vatsonga are a kind of a Nation who never liked battles and conflicts. They always lived together in their forms and clusters of descende ncy to avoid conflicts. The Varonga, Vahlanga nu, Vacopi, Makhosa, Bileni, Vandhawu , Vahlengw e and Vatswa.

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origins Former Gazankulu There were 2 groups, namely the Vatsonga and Machangana In 1544: There were Tsonga agriculturists in the south of Mozambique, but the is insufficient evidence available to confirm this. 1800: It becomes clearer that SMME there were clans/ groups within the Tsonga In the South the following clans were evident: (Maputa, Tembe Culture and Mpfuno) In the Central regions there were: (Khosa, Nkuna, Mavunda, Valoyi, Maluleke Healt h and Nhlanganu) In the North there were: (Hlengwe and Tswa)

Nguni Invasions in Mozambique The peaceful existence of the Tsongas in Mozambique was crudely disturbed around 1820 by the invasion of various Nguni groups from the south. They were fleeing because of the chaotic atmosphere caused by Shaka from 1815, and they fled northwards to Mozambique. The first group of Nguni invaders was Zwangendaba of the Jele clan. The second group that followed was Maseko and Msene of the Nxaba clan. Both these groups exacted crippling attacks on the Tsonga clans in Mozambique. These groups later migrated over the Zambezi up until the central and eastern of the subcontinent where their descendants live currently and are known as the Ngoni. Shangana Invasions in Mozambique The last Nguni group to invade Mozambique from the south is the Shangana. Their history can

be traced back to 1820 when Ndwandwe, in the absence of their leader Zwide, was attacked by one of Shaka�s battalions at Mhlatuze River. Ndwandwe�s army, under the deputy war-chief Soshangana�s (Manukuza) command was defeated and some of them fled northwards under the latter�s leadership. They settled on the banks of the Tembe River for a short while (southeast of Swaziland). They plotted their objectives using the Zulus, they tasked some Tsonga clans to achieve their directives and also conscripted troops from them. They trekked northwards, with their newlyacquired Tsonga element, and settled in the lush Limpopo valley. The reion they relocated to became known as KaShangana and they were subsequently referred to as MaShangana. Establishment of the Gaza Kingdom In 1828 Shaka sent a retribution expedition against Soshangana�s Ndwandwe defectors/ mutinees. Even though there was no actual conflict, the Shangana left the Limpopo valley in 1835 and went northwards, reaching the Zambezi River. Here they united with the followers of mutinee/ breakaway leaders Zwangendaba & Nxaba. After two �battles/ skirmishes� in which the Shangana emerged as victors, they moved to Musapa in Zimbabwe and settled there. From here Soshangana won over the Ndau (Shona) clans and incorporated

their young men into his troops. In the meantime he consolidated an area between the Zambezi River and Delagoa Bay under his command; and he established a kingdom known as Gaza (named after his great-grandfather).

As a result of a �smallpox epidemic� in 1838 in which Soshangana lost a considerable number of troops, he and his followers moved back to their previous settlement in the Limpopo valley. During this southward expedition/ journey (1838-1840) various Tsonga groups fled from Mozambique, westwards over the Lebombo mountains in fear of the Shangana. The most important of the fleeing Tsonga groups were the Nkuna, Valoyi, Mavunda & Hlave who established themselves primarily in the North of Gazankulu. Others settled in uninhabited areas in the Transvaal lowveld, or settled as subjects of Venda and Sotho clan chiefs, in the North and North Eastern Transvaal. Joao Albasini and the Tsonga Joao Albasini was an interesting figure who had a great influence on Tsonga history. He was a Portuguese trader who lent political astuteness to several Tsonga people who were in disfavour with their (faction) leaders. He thus built a strong military army. He was heralded and recognisd as a chieftain by

numeruos followers. They gave him the name Juwawa (a mutation of the name Joao). He later migrated to the Transvaal and moved south of the Soutpansberg and settled inside of Venda territory. The largest remaining Tsonga group followed Albasini and in due course became known as the Makwapa, falling under the Sotho. The Aftermath the death of Soshangana The death of Soshangana in 1858 brought about a period of breakups of the former Gaza realm/ kingdom. His death was followed by a follow-up/ continuity struggle of approximately 10 years between his sons Muzila and Mawewe. Even though Soshangana sought that Muzila take over the reign of the Shangana after his death, his wish was ignored and Mawewe was sworn in as leader/ chieftain. He immediately attacked Muzila and his followers and the latter left Mozambique and settled in Transvaal under Joao Albsini. Mawewe�s actions against his own people quickly quickly put him out of favour and in November 1861 he was defeated by a combined army under Muzila� command. Thereafter Mawewe and his followers fled to Swaziland where they sought help from Mswati I who was married to Mawewe�s sister. In a second war Mawewe�s troops, who had been supplemented by the

Swazi, were once again defeated by Muzila�s followers which resulted in Mawewe and his followers settling in Swaziland. The succession dispute between Mawewe and Muzila and the latter�s actions in Mozambique gave motivation to a second expedition of Tsonga groups out of Mozambique. These Tsonga went westwards over the Lebombo Mountains and joined the earlier fleeing groups in the Transvaal and joined the Albasini�s followers as well. Almost the entire Hlengwe clan and the largest part of the Maluleke clan swore their allegiance to Albasini between 1863 and 1865. It is apparent that up until 1865 there was still mention of Tsonga clans in the Transvaal. The entry of the Shangana only happened later. The descendents of the refugee groups that came to the Transvaal before 1865 chose to be known as the Tsonga; they are afterall of pure Tsonga descent and were never under the authority of Soshangana and his followers. Mawewe passed away in 1872. His successor Hanyana fled back to Gazaland in 1881 after a clash with the Transvaal Government, where he was deported by the Portuguese authority in 1891. Survivors of this Shangana splinter group are presently living in Swaziland. Muzila�s era/ period of rule

unfortunately did not satisfy the expectations of the Portuguese and the Tsonga from Mozambique. Based on a fear of Mawewe, the southern regions of Gazaland were neglected and raids/ pillages were exacted on the neighbouring Shona and Tsonga clans, as well as Portuguese hunters and tradeposts on the Zambezi River. After Mawewe�s death, there came a period of calm and peace and a lot of Tsonga clans returned to their previous habitats. The Reign of Nghunghunyana Muzila passed away in 1884 after which there was a followup/ continuity struggle within Shangana. His son Nghunghunyana was elected as chief by the family board and he immediately killed the other contender for the chieftainship, Mafemana. In 1890 Nghunghunyana and his followers migrated southwards yet again, the Tsonga clans drifted (verdryf) and settled in the region between the Limpopo River and the Indian Ocean. In 1894 various Ronga chiefs/ heads refused to acknowledge Portuguese authority. These revolters were defeated in 1895 and sought refuge from Nghunghunyana and thus also brought the Shangana into confrontation with the Portuguese authority. The Shangana were defeated by the

Portuguese on 7 November 1895 and they drifted northwards. In 1896 Nghunghunyana and all his senior sons (namely Godidi, Buyisonto and Mangwa) were taken to Lourenco Marques from where they were first deported to Portugal and then later to the Azores Islands. Nghunghunyana died here, in exile, in 1907. Shangana migration to the Transvaal In 1897 Magigwana, Nghunghunyana�s army chief succeeded in assembling an army with the intention of reclaiming southern Gazaland. This army was thoroughly defeated by the Portuguese. Thulilamahanxi, Nghunghunyana�s surviving son was still very yopung at this stage and Mpisane, Muzila�s younger brother, was consequentially elected as regent (regent). Out of fear of further Portuguese reprisal/ action, the remaining Shangana under Mpisane�s leadership migrated without permission from the ZAR to the Transvaal where they settled mainly in the regions north of the Sabie River and the outskirts of the Drakensberg (the present day Mhala district of Gazankulu), where they still live today. Other Shangana and Tsonga clans joined this group over the course of time. By 1910 Mpisane had abdicated his regency in favour

of Thulilamahanxi. The latter was acknowledged as the head of the clan/ chief by the family board en he ruled for 12 years. In 1922, Buyisonto, the rightful heir to Nghunghunyana who had also been deported with the latter joined the clan in the Transvaal and was appointed as chief of the Shangana of Mhala district in place of Thulamahanxi by the family board. Ethnic Composition/ Ethnicity In Gazankulu one can presently differentiate between to main ethnic elements. There was firstly talk/ word/ rumours of Tsonga groups which fled from Mozambique to the Transvaal during the rule (era) of Soshangana and during the latter periods of struggle between Muzila and Mawewe. This includes all the clans which presently reside in the northern and central blocks of Gazankulu (Giyani, Malamulele and Ritavidi districts). In this ethnic grouping one can also include the posterity (remainder) of those who had earlier joined Joao Albasini. The second ethnic element are those people who wished to be known as the Shangana. They can be divided into a core group, the descendents of the original Ndwandwe on the one hand, and those Tsonga who were assimilated by Soshangana and his followers from the core of the Ndwandwe clan on the other hand. The latter includes

the Shangana clans from Mhala ans Malamulele (Nxumalo), and the Tsonga clan (Nkuna) from Mhala. With the exception of the Hlanganu from Mhala and the Maluleke from Malamulele who had already early on in the history settled in respective Sotho and Venda regions, the Tsonga and Shangana migrated out of Mozambique to Transvaal Lowveld in fairly recent times, from where some of them spread westwards and southwards of the interior plateau. The first of these immigrant groups (followers of Maswanganyi, Mhinga, Xigalo and Xinkundu), moved to the region directly south of the Limpopo River where they settled with permission from the Venda, and over the course of time became self-supporting/ independent clans. Some of the smaller splinter groups which had also moved into this area grew into unified clans. Further westwards in the Soutpansberg area there was also a considerable Tsonga element present where some of them are remainders from the earlier following of Joao Albasini. In the areas of Leydsdorp, Tzaneen and Duiwelskloof one can single out a second group of immigrant Tsonga clans, namely the Nkuna, Valoyi and Mabunda. The Nkuna settled in the area of Bakgaga near Tzaneen, the Valoyi settled in the area of the Lobedu of Modjadji, and the Mabunda initially settled in Swaziland

and then later on also in the Lobedu area and the area of (Groot Spelonken) � Great Caves? The Mhala district further south was initially occupied by Shangana who had settled there between 1896 and 1900. The first Shangana immigrants began settling into this area after Soshangana�s youngest son Nghunghunyana was defeated by the Portuguese in Mozambique. They were followed by numerous smaller Shangana as well as Tsonga clans who settled in the (Groot Spelonken) Great Caves area. They live here today side-byside with two Hlanganu clans (Mnisi and Khosa) who had settled in the Transvaal earlier on in their history. By the last decade of the 18th century sections of the Transvaal Lowveld � particularly those in the south � had already been measured into farms/ plots, (titled) gekarteer and given to white farmers by the ZAR government. However a number of these farms were bought by Johannesburg mining companies with an eye on mineral production. However the expected mining activity yielded nothing and consequentially a number of these farms were occupied by Shangana-Tsonga after a payment of lease to the concerned/ relevant company�s resident agents. Towards the beginning of the

19th century large areas of the Transvaal Lowveld were occupied by different Shangana and Tsonga clans without statute for isolated residential areas being made for their provision. Up to that stage these clans had functioned as autonomic units under clan leaders or chiefs, and were in no way practicing politics nor were they a political unit.

Source: Petra Terblanche

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