Forests For Future (prologue, Chapter 4)

Zed Titles on Forestry As part of our wide-ranging Development and the Environment list, we have published extensively on forestry issues - covering not only the threats to and destruction of the world's forests, but also the traditional and innovative practices oriented towards their sustainable management and use. Titlesinclude: KojoAmanor The New Frontier: Farmers' Responses to Land Degradation Tariq Banuri and

Riccardo

Destruction

Industrial Tree Plantations and the World Paper Economy

!.any

John Overton and Regina Scheyvens (eds) Strategies for Sustainable Development: Experiences from the Pacific

editedby

Responding to Global Warming: The Technology, Economics and Politics of Sustainable Energy

Paul Wolvekamp

Carrere and !.any Lohmann

Pulping the South

Marcus

Local Strategies for Forest Protection, Economic Welfare and Social Justice

Peter Read

Frederique Atffel-Marglin (eds) Who Will Save the Forests? Knowledge, Power and Environmental

Forests for the Future

Colchester Lohmann

Peter Stone (ed.) The State of the World's Mountains: A Global Report

and (eds)

The Struggle for Land and the Fate of the Forests Bertus Haverkort and Wim Hiemstra Food for Thought Ancient Visionsand New Experiments of Rural People

Bill Weinberg War on the Land: Ecology and Politics in Central America

Ann DanaiyaUsher VijayParanjpye Madhu Ramnath

Paul Wolvekamp (ed.) in collaboration

with

.

Ann Danaiya Usher,Vijay Paranjpyeand Madhu Ramnath:

Kgathi, Hall, Hategeka and Sekhwela,

Forests for the Future: Local Strategies for Forest Protection, Economic

Biomass

Welfare and SocialJustice

Energy Policy in Africa

in collaboration with

Zed Books LONDON

For full details about these titles and Zed's general and subject catalogues, The Marketing 7 Cynthia

Street,

Department, London

~

please write to:

Zed Books, N 1 9JF, UK or

email [email protected]

Visit our website at: http://www.zedbooks.demon.co.uk

&: NEW YORK

..

H ENDs

PREFACE

Preface

It is estimated that the worlds forests are vital for the daily survival of more than 300 million indigenous and peasant people who depend on forest ecosystems (World Bank Forest Policy 1990). These communities have devised sophisticated norm s for managing watersheds, catchment areas and fragile forest ecosystems, and possess a wealth of knowledge about rational land use and environmen tal pro tection. Man y such rural communities are important forest stakeholders. Yet the expertise and interests of these local people are rarely recognised by national forest policies and management systems . They are often accused of being the main agents of forest des­ tru ction , and their position is furth er marginalised. Instead, government institutions tend to be viewed as the prin cipal actors in forest conservation and restorati on . In many count ries cent ral govern ment claims control over forest resources, largely ignorin g the customary rights of forest communities and thus eroding tradit ions, respo nsibilities and decision-making structures at the local level. Western 'scientific' forestry, introduced world-wide in the course of the twenti eth century, has been very influential in this respect. This brand of forestry usually neglects and often unde rmines local forestry systems . Forced resettlement , for examp le, is perceived as a prerequisite for watershed and park protection . Concessions for commercial logging are provided witho ut pro per consultation . Tree plantations that fulfil national reforestation goals replace farmland and some times even natural forest, threatening local biological diversity. Much of the interna tional discussion of forests - tropical forests, in par­ ticular - has focused on the biological diversity crisis. Yet the spectre of massive global deforestation also represents a grave threat to hum an com­ muniti es. Many forest-depend ent com munities - wheth er forest-dwelling ethnic minorities or farm ers who rely on a patch of secondary forest for subsistence - lack both land securi ty and political representation. These xvi

xvii

Ie are, so to speak, at the front line . They face pressure from outsiders peop h h d . . id . who seek land , timber or ot er resources; t ey are expose to mnrru anon, violence and culture shock; and they confront internal probl ems about balancing forest exploitation and conservation. They . are often torn between maintaining a forest area as a watershed for their fields and market pressure to cut timber for profit. Consequently, forest communities are blamed for deforestation and ecological degradation of forest areas, and are regularly accused of being incapable of managing their own forest lands. local non -governmental and grassroots organisations can rarely devote time and resources to analysing and documenting their experiences and point of view for larger aud iences . Existing studies on community forest management seldom lead to policy conclusions , or benefit local stake­ holders and their causes. Conscio us of these realities, Both ENDS and Gram Vardhini embarked on a collaborative surv ey project in 1992. The objective was to enable forest communities to brin g to pu blic attentio n their own perceptions and experiences. They would describe in their own words how they are striving to balance cultura l and economic survival with sustenance of the ecosystems on which they depend , und er pressure from a growing population , increasing demand s for cash, and a range of outside forces. The initiators of the sur vey had been concerned about the tendency to locate the problems of deforestation and biological diversity depletion exclusively in Southern countries, even though forest-depend ent commu­ nities in the industrialised world are also at risk. It was therefore important that organisations from the temp erate and boreal regions joined the survey. This book is th us a collection of case studies undertaken in man y corne rs of the world , under a variety of ecological and socio-economic circums tances. The case studi es show how community control and involvement can allow for more detailed assessments of forest resources and management needs than cent ralised forest management. Local communities often have a very long history of using forest produce and regulating access to forest resources. There still exists at the local level an enorm ous variety of stru c­ tured ownership arrangements , incentives and sanctions that work to ensure ~ompliance . Given the impasse in interna tional forest negotiations and the inertia of most govern ments, it is important to conside r the alternatives. Better und erstand ing will provide greater su pport for local citizens' initia­ uves to sustain forest resources. Through the compilation of document ed evide nce, the studies reveal tha~ at times local forest management has benefited from moral, techni cal, pohllcal and llnanctal suppo rt from outsiders - NGOs scientists , consu l­ ~n ' . ' ts, Journalists and govern ment or donor agencies. Often, however, local groups work in isolation . The case studies describe concrete situations that embody what the authors and their constituencies observe, believe and

xviii

FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE

Prologue

strive for. Th e essays ch allenge the notion that forest communities are problems, wh ile state bodies deliver solutions. Unavoidably, some texts are unpolished . Using their political and social instin cts, the authors go to the heart of the matter, avoiding scienti fic or wordy speculations. These testim onies may help to underline the need for outsiders to be more sensitive to local interests and perspectives. We will be encouraged if this collection of essays motivates other local organisation s to put their ideas on pap er in the cause of sustaine d local forest management. And we hope it will help national govern ments and int ern ation al don or agenc ies to appre­ ciate local peoples' capacities and views on forest man agem ent, stimulating greater collabo ration with local organisa tions and their support groups.

Paul \Volvehamp

When the ruler's trust is wanting,

there will be no trust in him.

Cautious,

he values his words.

When his work is completed and his affairs finished,

the common people say,

We are like this by ourselves.

Lao Tzu'

IIII III

The objective of this boo k is to enable local people to document and present their own views and experiences of local forest management to a wider world. The book is a result of a j oint project, a survey of forest management by indi gen ou s people and other local populations in tropical, temper ate and boreal' countries. It was preceded by a lon g pro cess of collaboratio n between a great man y indi vidu als and organisations. The sum of evidence from these different case studies sho uld gene rate more recog­ nition of local forest management systems and their potential to sus tain local econo mies and to pr eserve mu ch of the world's remaining forests. areover, the local organisations that parti cipated believe that their own work on the ground will benefit from such action research. All ths case studies therefore address the same key question: how can

local/indigenous communities maintain the balance between their societies and roe.5t environments when faced with rising populations, growing demands for basIc needs andcash, andincreasingly stronger external pressures? Virtually all the case stud ies witness deforestation , economic blunders nd social injustice. Local forest management practices in most parts of the ,w orl~ are clearly under increasing physical and psychological pressure. Despite very differen t ecological, political and econo mic circumstances, it is l'asy to estab lish common causes of forest destruction and the loss of local tvclihoods and culture. Unequal access to forest resources is the most mpOna nt of these. Forest areas world-wide host major reservoirs of minerals,

2

,.1

I !

FOREST S FOR T HE FUTU RE

metals , biomass, land for agricultural expansion and oth er resourc es. Most case studies report conflicts over these resources since their national politieal and economic elites are unwilling to forgo the opportunity to tap these reservoirs, notwithstanding the often dramatic social and environmental consequences. The case studies also confirm that lack of security of land rights and user rights is a major cause of declin e in local systems of forest management, result ing in social hardship and forest destruction. It is also clear that few democratically elected governments in Northern or Southern countries are enthusiastic about sharing control an d rights over forests with local communities. In man y instances, there is overt collusion between government agencies and dominant economi c interest groups. One observes, for example, the grant ing of extensi ve privileges - such as mining or logging concessions , subsidies and tax exemptions - to a small number of industrial conglomerates. Yetthe real life experiences compiled in this book also help us to identify a number of unique responses, perceptions and practices by local people and other concerned parties. And it is also possible to translate some of these special insights into more general conclusions and policy recom­ mendations. This book has the purpose of communicating these findings to those parties who se policies and actions have a dir ect impact on local forest management: decision makers, donor agencies, corp orations, researchers, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the media and the public at large. It indicates how they could open mor e spa ce for the enhancement of prudent and undisturbed management of forests by local people. This chapter is organised in three sections . The first section deals with the potential of local forest management systems, probing their social and institutional strengths and weaknesses. It also responds to prevailing scepti cism about these systems . The second section identifies the main causes of their collap se. The third section present s the key lessons to be learn ed from the case studies. It draws some general con clusion s and has specific recommend ations for policy makers, don ors , researchers and other groups of players

.Local Forest Management under Scrutiny Predictably and invariably, forest industries and othe r commercial interestS have opposed the legitimisation of forest management by local communi­ ties. But government authorities, med ia an d acad emic institutions have also questioned the ability of local people to man age their resources pru dently. Critics express their scepti cism by pointing ou t that : I Local forest users are not capable of coping with changing socio­ demographic and econo mic circumstances, or with the new demands on forest man agement;

PROLO GU E

3

2 Local forest management does not safeguard conservation interests adequately; 3 Local forest users are unable to resist external sources of degrad ation and fail to restore degraded forest land ; 4 Local com munities feature social and economic inequalities and institutional weaknesses which frustr ate sustainable forest manage­ ment (Car rere and Lohmann 1996 ; Colch ester 1992; .]epm a 1995). It is imposs ible to generalise about the commitment and capacity of local people to preserve forest and biodiv ersity. Among the hundreds of millions of villagers who live in close connection with their local forests, it is often the ind igenous peoples who maint ain a relatively non-agricultural, non-market relationship with the forest. Hunt ers and gath erers suc h as the Durva in central India - whose custom it is to pass their lands on , unharmed, to the generations that follow them - manage their resources cautiously in order to ensure a sustained yield. Shifting cultivation- practices by indi ge­ nous communities, for instance, reveal not only the extreme variability and complexity of these traditional technologies, but also the enormous reserve of vernacular knowledge of practices to restore soil fertilit y and to preserve biodiversity (Perpongsacharoen and Lohmann 1989; Colchester 1992 ; see also Colfer and Dudley 1993 ). The Durv a songs about pollination illustrate this point well.' Not all forest-dependent people are memb ers of ethnic minorities. In the most frequent case a patch of secondary forest is part of the sub sistence guarantee for the poorer section of the village. The forest provides fodd er, cropland, prot ein. medicine , firewood , mu shro oms , vegetables, building materials or any number of other produ cts . Not unlike the indigen ous roups, many peasant peoples - even those who se main econ omi c activity IS permanent agriculture - have a very long history of using forest produce and regulating access to forest resources. 'There exists an enormous variety f structured ownership arrangement s within which management rul es are developed , group size is known and enforced , incentives are in place for co­ wners to follow the accepted institutional arrangements, and sanctions rk to ensure compliance' (Cernea 1989 in Colchester 1992 : 120). It must be acknowledged , however, that local man agement in varying degrees ampulates the forest to satisfy local needs and hence it affects the pristin e 11Ilje of the forest's ecology (Hildyard et al. 1997 ). The case studies give evidenc e that environmental declin e in forest areas nh~bi ted by or adjacent to local commun ities often occur s where local ial institutions and the environment are Simultaneously under heavy ressure from the outside. Many of these peopl e share a lack of both land 1> u n ty and political inlluence. They live, so to speak, at the 'front line'. o~ ny and population growth _ and the corresponding local demand for and other basic needs - certainly increased pressure on the local forest

4

PROLO G UE

FO RE ST S FOR TH E FUT U RE

environment in many regions. And yet, in man y areas , 'overpopulation' is a misleading concept if one take s land distribution into account. Areas whi ch are deem ed 'overpopulated' are often the marginal land s whi ch peasants have been forced to occupy following their displ acement from land taken over by intensive, export-orient ed agriculture, mining ope rations and so forth (Hildyard et aL1997). As the case study from Bastar illustrates, taxation , the need to 'satisfy' govern ment officials with bribes and fee,s , scho oling, lab our-saving techn o­ logy, new fashions and consumerism have generated a demand for cash without the corresponding growth of a market for traditional produce (see also Colchester 1992 ). In other words, in situa tions where governments leave local people empty-handed - legally, technically, financ ially and politi cally - one can expect that soone r or later they will yield to outside forces beyond their control. With no othe r options before them , sooner or later they are likely to succumb to the pr essures of logging firms and oth er commercial int erests, and to lose their resources or tr ade them for very meagre and short-term retu rn s. Precisely because their own survival and cultura l values are at risk , local forest-dependent communities have the stron gest motivation to check the influx of illegal loggers, min ers , poache rs and colonists. The case studies also contribute overwhelming evidence that official efforts to restore and manage forest environments are often non-existent or both costly and inef­ fective. Local people - unlike the staff of govern ment dep artments, int erna­ tion al agencies or corpo rations - have an immediate and lon g-term stake in defending and evolving pra ctices that conserve some level of biodiversity and self-reliance (Hildyard et aL 1997). The majority of the case stud ies describ e the watchd og role of local communities in resp onse to externa l pressures on th eir forests. Yet in only a few instances d o the studies mention govern ment acceptance of the impor­ tance of local communities in cont rolling external use of the forest. (In a number of other countries, however, govern ment s have ackn owled ged this role very explicitly. Th e Colombian govern ment, for example, has handed over 20 million hectares of forest to indigeno us communities in the Amazon. ) Although 'the argument of local peoples' ina bility is used to take and maintain contro l over forest lands' (Colchester 1992: 16-17) , cauti on is ne cessary against a rom antic view of local forest management. It is unwise to portray local forest-dependent communities as homogeneou s, whether they are indi gen ous communities in Ind ia or wood work ers and their families in Canada . Local commo n- management regimes are seldom free from 'internal inequ alities (particular gende r ineq uities), back-b iting, social inju stices or enviro nmenta lly destructive practices' (Hildya rd et aL 1997: 13). It must be recogn ised , however, th at , comm unal grazing grounds. forests and irrigation or fishing terri tories are an everyday reality for the

5

t majority of rural people. More often than not , local forest users are bound closely to each other by mutual de pendence and shared values ut treatment and access to th e forest and other common resources, bJ,n::ked by social cont rol. As Susan George em phasises, such common property regimes are managed sustainably 'so lon g as group members rain the power to define the group and to manage their own resources' George in Goldman 1998 : xii). However, these communities regularl y expe rience 'hit and run' intru­ ns by outsiders - such as timb er merchants , trad ers , poachers and rru pt government officials - wh o roam the forest in search of quick profit. They also witness the conversion of forest by forest departments , mpanies or migrant colonists to establish monocultural plant ations of teak, oil palm and other marketable species. These and other cultural, economic and political interventi on s undermine local authorit y, norms and values, and exacerbate inequalities. At the same time, indi genous and peasant communities often perceive such outside rs with a great sense of irony and hum our, conducive to feelings of their own self-worth and dignity. The Durva people from Bastar refer to the pest Eupatorium as sahib '(ltd (sahib in th is context = townspeople and govern ment officers; lata = weed) , explainin g that 'it spreads just as fast and is equa lly useless'. And a villager from Karnataka , on India 's west coast, wh en confront ed with cor­ ruption in the Forest Department, smilingly laments: 'When the fence is eating the grass , what can one do? ' The studies emphasise that where communities have a long and still vital tradit ion of com mu nity manage­ ment, the need for the rapid re-establishment of com munity control over forest land is clear. However, where such tradit ions have long been lost d ue to accu l­ turalisau on and the destruction of tradit ional instit uti ons, " the mere tran sition back to communal ten ure an d man agement might also prove to be destabilising md disruptive. (Colch ester 199 2: 21)

ny communities thus face th e challenge to reassert values and

to

devel op

new methods to administer their forest land s.

rnrnon Problems often the causes of deforestation lie outside the forest an d beyond the main of the community, the distri ct or even the nation- state. As Jeffrey . . er notes : 'The globalisation of econo mies and the emergence of a strong l'l'ii:I1Snational corpo rate sector result s in Significant shifts in th e geograph ic d rion, type and int ensity of forest use' (Sayer 1997). Most case studies ('~ nbe how local people and NGOs must con front interventions by tran s­ lie nal companies that their own govern ments have done nothing to

•

g i Q 11l1lIT rn 6

PRO LOGU E FOR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE

If

i

restrain. Thus a limit ed number of transnational corporations Cont rol an increasingly large share of logging, processing and marketing ope rations. In 1992 onl y 10 com panies produced 27 per cent of the world's paper and paperboard (FOE-US 1997). The World Resources Institute calculates that commercial logging poses the sin gle largest threat to the world 's last remaining large tracts of undisturbed 'front ier' forests (no tably in Canada Brazil and Russia). The same research ers note that mining and energ): development are a greater threat to thes e forests than agricultural expan­ sion (Bryant et al. 1997: 15). For a number of reasons , transnational com panies playa m ajor pan in forest destruction and, con sequently, in local socio -economic imp overish­ ment. In the first place, th ey operate on a mu ch larger scale than local companies, having th e technological capacity and capital resources to open up remote and hitherto inaccessibl e tract s of forest. This initi al pen etration often sets in train further forest destruction by agricultural exp ansion (large monocultural cash crop plantations , colonist pioneer farmin g or cattle ranging). Second, the transnational impact is sharpened by globalisation, which enab les world market demand for wood and pap er products and other raw mat erials to out weigh local peoples ' needs and forest cons erva­ tion in determining the fate of forests . Third , foreign companies tend to take profits from forest exploitation out of th e host country, inst ead of letting such profits benefit local peopl e and the host econo my th rough taxati on or reinve stm ent (FO E-US 1997) . Fina lly, many transnati onal companies sh ow no interest in the future of the forest and allow the capital equipment of the industry (roads , mills , etc.) to deteriorate on ce th e timber or mineral resources are exhausted . The company moves on to other regions , leavin g local populations to make wha t the y can of a devast ated environment.

Privatisation of biodivrrsity

I'

Some case studies, in particular th e study from Brazil, also refer to the on­ going privatisation of the world's food and medi cin al raw mat erials, notably by th e agri-business and pharm aceutical industri es. Th ese industries con­ stitute a less visible but increasingly stron g lobby wh ich m on op olises ­ both legally and technically - an expanding share of th e plan et's cultural and natural d omain , mainly through intellectual property prote ction, including pat ents'? Whereas th ese propert y systems reward human ingenuity, th ey ign ore nat ure's intrinsic value s and the kn owledge and (informal) contribution of indigenous peoples and farmers to the mainte­ nance and de velopment of genetic diversity through generati ons of use and observation, cultivation and husbandry (Glo wka et al. 1994) . More vulner­ able th an th e ecosystem itself, it now seems clear , is th e accumulated knowledge of forest ecology held by forest-dependent peoples (DensloW

7

....---- doch

1988). More and more forest-d ependent commumttes are n encing interferenc e by outside comme rcial forces in their local­ eno systems of knowledge of, access to and control over forest us l~ces . Governments should respond urgentl y to the need to acknow­ • protect and reward the traditional kn owledge of forest-dep endent les, in the cause of the latt er's economic and cultural survival and the st of forest con servation.

tingforestry sacnee I recently, global concern abou t deforestation has focused on th e [wpits and virtually excluded temperate and boreal forest issues . Th e case rudies from Canada and the United States call into qu estion th e wi.dely ted belief that forestry pra ctices in the industrialised countries are -
8

PROLOG UE

FORES TS FOR THE FUTURE

that is declining every year. Foresters and polit icians seem to share the vie\'"

that trees bring no electora l gains (Wolvekamp 1989). Like their peer organisations in most other count ries in the South and in th e Nort h, th Indian Forest Service is by and large too pr eoccupied with gene rating

revenu e for public and private gain to forge an alliance with the tens of millio ns of villagers for whom the forest is their basis of survi val , or to make the social need for forest pro tection a political issue. Th e case stu dies thus con firm that nat ional govern ments playa major role in the creation of these problems. In addi tion to legal sho rtcom ings, govern ments are poor per formers when it com es to auditing an d contro]. ling natural resource use. In many cases corrup tion perm eates all levels of govern ment involvement in forest management and land -use plannin g Th e case studies qu estion the view of m any governme nts that forestry can generate revenu es and raw materia l to trigger nation al econo mic develop. ment (taking monetary-e conomi c pe rformance as the mai n benc hmark). These concerns were summed up long ago by Jack Westoby, forme r head of the forestry departm ent of the Food and Agriculture Organ isation (FAO): The growing inte rest in forestry projects had little to do with the idea thai forestry and forest industries have a significant and ma ny-sided corun bu uon to make to overall economic and social developm ent... . Of th e new revenues generated, woefully little has been ploughed back into forestry, and the much more import ant role which forestry cou ld play in supporting agriculture and raising rural welfare has been either badly neglected or completely ignored. (Westoby 1989)

Westoby spoke these words nearly 20 years ago during the Eighth Forestry Congress. Had he prepared his spee ch tod ay, he might have d roppe d the distinc tion he made then between developing and industrialised countries, since in mo st respects his spee ch ap plies equally well to the state of affairs in man y Northe rn count ries . Forests are under-appreciated , bo th for their immeasurable social and environmen tal services to society and for the ir int rinsic value . Case studies from No rth and South demon strate how governments legitimise cen­ tralised large-scale forest management and int ensive comme rcial exploita­ tion , citing the need to protec t jobs and revenu es in the forest industrY­ Various case stu dies em phasise , on the contra ry, that millions of people lose their jobs or sources of livelih ood when access to forest sources is denied to them or as a result of ongo ing mechanisation an d the depl etion of forest resources. Between 1990 an d 1992 , for example , Canada's forest industry eliminated 62 ,600 jobs, shedd ing some 28 per cen t of th e direct workforce (Carre re and Lohmann 1996). Notab ly in count ries like Malaysia, swe de ~, Canada and the United States, a conven ient way of drawin g the publicS atten tion away from these facts, and of redirecti ng its concerns and anger,

9

:l'rft.been to blam e environment alists or local-indi genous comm unities for ng the industry access to much-needed woo d resources , and in this

hold them responsibl e for jo b losses in this sector.'?

m lC liberalisation

..&... ...reat present need for national a n d int ernational regulati on of invest­

by tran snational compa n ies IS made more glan ng by international ments evolved over the last decade which are designed to facilitate Tude' _ most manifestly represent ed by the eme rgence of the World . rganisation an d the recent negotiation of a ne w Multilateral nent on Investment (MAl). These agreeme nts, which have been ted most ardentl y by OECD countries , curtail th e freedom of nation ­ ro regulate foreign investment an d corporate con duc t an d to protect ~l social, cultural and envi ronmental inte rests. For example, if the t draft of the MAl is ap proved , it is likely to overru le nat ional as well nt-cm ational envi.ronmental legislation (suc h as the Conve ntion on Hversity) as well as the much weaker agreements whi ch deal with oman rights, min orities and indi genous peoples (such as the Intern ation al u r Organi sation's Conventi on No. 169 an d the draft Universal duration on the Right s of Indi gen ous Peoples). The MAl will pr event nal governments imp osin g specific socio-e nvironmen tal conditions on ign investors. National governme nts are also restra ined from reserving st land or other national resources for local economic use, since foreign mpanies are given equal rights to bid for concessions. Whilst sustaina ble management demand s lon g-term planning , the MAl forces govern ­ ts to accept the imm ediate and unhindered withd rawal of foreign une nts and profits. Transnation al companies can sue national govern­ ors and dema nd com pen sation for any reduction in value of their invest­ as a result of social or environment al restrictions imp osed by the untrys govern ment . As a publi cation by Frien ds of the Earth-US 'The MAl will throw up barri ers to the types of po licies need ed to deforestation ' (FO E-US 1997).

master plans .v);ploitation or destru ction of forest is enhance d in countries , notably South anel in Cent ral and Eastern Euro pe , which have to deal wi th reign debts, econo mic depr ession or a process of economic transi­ T~e ir government s negotiat e with multilateral fina ncial and trade llt'lons avenu es to ope n up and adjust their econo mies. Th is p rocess irectly on dom estic lan d and forest policies. Many government s are d to 'rationalise' the forestry secto r. AsJack Westob y has em phas ised, ver, such advice generally serves foreign industry an d trade int erests than the health of forests an d local or na tional econ om ies.

I,

10

F OR ESTS FOR TH E FUTURE

I

"

-­

The intern ational financing agencies kne w what foreign investors wanted, and the multilateral and bilateral agen cies fell in line. They helped the under. developed countries to bear the expense and drudgery of resource data col. lection , the reby relieving potential investo rs of these tasks and charges Because nearly all the forest and forest ry indus try develo pment which has taken place in the und erd eveloped world in the last decades has been externally oriented aiming at satisfying the rocketing demands of the rich, ind ustrialised nations' the basic forest products needs ofthe peoples of the und erdeveloped world ar~ further from being satisfied than ever. (Westoby 1989 )

In the face of problems of forest loss and other environmental threats. the preferred response of man y head s of industry, government agencies and multilater al inst ituti on s lies in increasingly global forms of management (see also Goldm an 1998 ). As Hildyard et al. not e, 'if one accepts current patterns of econo mic developm ent an d the instituti ons and premi ses on which they rely, the logic of "global environment al management" is impeccable' (Hildyard et al. 1997 : 5). Sustaining this process through damage control requires an equ ivalen t level of top -down surveillance and intervention . The physical environment becomes a terrain to be reordered zoned , parcelled up , while people are rem oved or cajoled into 'collabora­ tion ' according to some prec onceived master plan (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5) Through channels of aid and trade, funds are made available under the banners of development and environmental restorati on (C0 2 sequestration, for example). Yet suc h programmes often affect forests and forest­ dependent peopl e adversely. As a number of case studies illustrate, often such fund s are used to invade the countryside with in frastructural works industrial zones or monocultural plantations.

Legal biases againstforest-dependent and local people

II I II II . 1'

The case studie s emphasise that nation al laws deny millions of people access to natural resources, while most of the land is claimed by the state or engrossed by a small political and economic elite. As human and environ' mental rights lawyer Owen Lynch writes: 'National laws concerning the u~ and management of forest resources in at least six Asian countries (Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka), for example, hal'" actually becom e more hostile toward local people and communities than w the case during the colonial era' (Lynch 1997: 22 ). National laws and the I\'al' they are implemented often remain an obstacle to sustainable forest manag men t. In many instances they reflect a lack of civil freedom to express dissenl­ ing opinions and the states repression of other essenti al human rights. L}l1Ch shares a conclu sion reached by the case studies , namely that 'communitld based forest man agement systems and user rights derive their legitimacyan strength from the community in which they operate , rather than from th nation-state in which they are located ' (Lynch 1997: 24).

P ROL O GU E

11

us case studies describe how the centralisation of forest man age­ ,ilIIlfl1t wt altt ned - or even abolished - local man agement in stituti ons . This l tangible where land tenure is concerned. 'Tenur e system s are nd specify un der what circumstances and to what extent certain .._ ~" lt',eS are available to individuals and communities to inhabit , to harvest, .til, to hunt and gather on, etc.', writes Lynch . Most case studies report , Qi.~ler, that governments deny the recognition of community-based rights a~lQrtSt. Whereas in some cases the government grant s certain tenurial 'they are vulnerable to arbitrary cancellati on' (Lynch, 1997 : 26) and .'S1lCb dIscourage local people from investing in careful, long-term use r.mgement .

l ~ni n a context of conflict , the case studies confirm that security of

Itma .,Pgh ts and user rights is the basis of forest preservation and the well­ local forest-dependent people - especially so under condi tions of ~l pressure. This requires awareness of their legal rights in local com­ in order to defen d themselves in the contex t of national and ~gl y also international law. Better understanding of legal rights and lso offers increased oppo rtunities for inte racting with policy r example with regard to forest and land-use planning. NGOs, m ed lawyers and professional consultants often provide crucial sup­ ridge the gap between local aspirations and the form al language vern ments.

~l plantation programm es are probably the most popular and best­ JAI environmental solutions, sin ce, it is claimed , the y 'coun ter the :~ t\use effect either by serving as carbon sink s, or by alleviating n native forests, helping to preserve them as carbon depots' (Shell ~r1 on !l 1 and World Wildlife Fund 1996: 10). Although this claim has mnce, 'it has enough sup erficial plausibility to distract uninformed Tom the more interesting top ic of how to find altern atives to a hose logic dictates a never-ending spiral in which ever-greater Issions necessitate an ever more desperate search for carbon sinks ' rd Lohmann 1996: 10). As some of the case studies emphasise, , instead of relieving pressure on existing natural forest, add Iy to deforestation since much forest is cleared to make space for ral tree plantations (such as teak , gmelina, eucalyptus and rld-wide, logging and plantation development go hand in lOgging of natu ral forest often provides the necessary funding for menr of industrial tree plantations. The plantation ind ustry esto-, also fail to disclose that tree planta tions offer only a he carbon sequestration potential of natural forests. Moreover,

IIII!II I'

12

FORE STS FOR TH E F UT URE

since these plantations are grown in short rotation cycles - and the WOod processed in short-lived products such as paper - they perform this n only temporarily Carr ere and Lohmann give a clear definition of what a commercial pl ration is and what it is no t: Plant ations, like forests , are full of trees. But the two are usually radica differen t. A forest is a com plex, self-generating system, enco mpassing soil, wat

micro-climat e, ene rgy, and a wide variety of plants an d animals in mutu relation. A com mercial plant ation , on -the other hand, is a cultiv ated area wh, spec ies and struc ture have been simplifi ed dramatically to pro d uce only a [, goods, whe ther lum ber, fuel, resin , oil or fruit. A planta tion's trees, unlike th( of a forest , tend to be of a small range of species and ages, and require imensi and continuing hu ma n interven tion. (Carrere and Loh ma nn 1997: 3)

Carrere and Lohmann cont rast such industrial plant ation s with 'attempts I plant trees in ways respon sive to a wide variety of interlocked 10< concerns . In some agroforestry systems ,JJ for examp le, a diversity of tre are chosen and plant ed to pro vide protection, shade and food for livestoc fruit and wo od for hu mans, and prot ection, nutrients and water for crop thu s helping to keep production diverse and in harmon y with local land. scapes and needs' (Carre re and Lohmann , 199 7: 10). The case stu dies explicitly con firm th at major causes of forest desirue no n are intersectoral in nature. Some case studies refer to the conversion forest to other non-forest uses - for exam ple, mon ocultural cash crop plan ration s such as citrus fruit and oil palm 12 - and th ey record the displao ment of occupants of forest, farmland and commu nal grazing land as a co sequence . Nevertheless, governme nts and institut ions like the World Ba and the Internation al Monet ary Fund (lMF) cont inue to promote lafgi scale cash crop plant ation s, such as oil palm, as foreign exchange eame This is probably best illustrated by th e IMF's recent stru ctural adjusime package for Ind on esia. Notwithstanding the fact that the development oil palm plant ation s is th e Single largest cause of forest fires in Indones and despit e increasing public concern about the scale of this social a environmenta l tragedy, the IMF exp licitly pushes for the expansion of t oil palm sector in this country. Since the announ cement of Indonesi agreement with th e IMF in January 1998, it is rep orted that plantati companies have continued to move into and seize the forested territories ind igen ous peopl es and starte d clearfellin g and burning.

The interface with agriculture Whe n it comes to expl aining the occurrenc e of high rates of deforestati in th e tropics, landl ess farmers and traditional shifting cultivators are oft t scapegoated by governments , by represent atives of the logging indus

PR OL OG UE

13

- ientists and the medi a. The case studies brin g out four

~I ~S for viewing the int erface betw een fore.sts and agriculture.

,u thorised conversion of forest land to agn cultural use Inde ed msibility for much deforestation, as the case study from the Republic of Congo illustrates . Case studies from , for example, nd India remin d us of the role of politicians who endeavour to !ectorate by endorsin g the encroachmen t on public forest land , in d the adage that 'trees don't vote for you' (Wolvekamp 198 9). u dies question, however, the commo n practice of blaming local IS. people and peasants in order to veil forest destruction due to -sanctioned logging and cash crop plantations. As Jeffrey Sayer . _ffld al govern ment-registered programmes of forest conver­ ant agricultu re and large-scale commercial cash crop plantations ter cause of deforest ation (Sayer 199 7). Henc e th ere is a need le maps and data on actu al land use and planning to bett er ,tic debate. more and more fertile land is claimed for growing expo rt ral population is pu shed to marginal lands and forced to clear ng forest cover in order to eke out a living. Thi s is a strong favour of better land distribution and land-use planning: 'eco­ on forest land would be better relieved by reclaiming "high ~b~9.s " for peasant agriculture' (Hildyard et al. 1997: 5). the case stu d y from Bastar vivid ly illustrates, the great con­ WIding terms like 'shifting culti vation' and 'forest' is the cause unsophisticated assessments of the effects of shifting cultiva­ rn ments and influe ntial int ernational organisations' (Sun derlin i1\iam Sunderlin notes that 'A major positive development in bate on the role of shifting cultiv ation has been th at influenti al the forest situa tion are no lon ger willing to accept at face value t shifting cultivation is uniiorml v bad for forest conservation n ent' (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) . Th~re is, for examp le, grow ing f the need to distinguish , roughly, between 'shifting cultiva­ I pioneer' fanning systems . J ] Th ose who argue th at sh ifting a threat to forests are actually referring to forest-pionee r hon -fallow shifting cultivation (Sunderlin 199 7: 8) . the case studies from Cameroon and Bastar dem onstr ate that t ry science separated forest management strictly from agricul­ issed almost exclusively on production of uniform quant ities f timber' (Carrere and Lohmann 199 7: 10), while 'conven ­ is al~o firmly based on legal noti on s which diverge strongly peoples own frame of thinking' (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji meroon's forestry law illustrates this point well, defin ing a land covered by vegetation with a predominanc e of trees,

14

1111

FORESTS FOR THE FUT URE

shru bs and othe r species capa ble of providing produ cts othe r than agIicu tur al produ cts' (Forestry, Wildlife and Fisheries Regulations, Law No. 94/0 of20 Ja nuary 1994 , in Brocklesby and Ambrose -Oj i 1997: 17). Thisdefi tion has its roots in a policy dichotom y, found th roughout the Warl, between agriculture and forest. 'W hilst this (defi nition) may sUPpOTt fa plant ation s and prod uct ion forests, it ignores the farm/ forest interfa (Brocklesby and Ambrose-Oji 1997: IS). This means that in Cameroon in so many other countries, 'legally agreed man agement plans (which Ic the basis upon which a community can estab lish a com munity foreSl canno t by law includ e regulation s govern ing shifting agriculture plots a fallow use, since these practices are not recognised ' (Brocklesby a Ambrose -Oji 1997: IS). The case studies offer concrete examples of viab sym biosis between agricul tu re and forest conservation throu gh man agement of non -timber forest produ cts." agro-forestry systems such Analog Forestry,' >and other approac hes.

Transport The prom otion of dom estic and cross-border traffic, which is part an parcel of the dri ve toward s region al econo mic int egrat ion - the Europea Union, for examp le, or the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFt - is ano the r major cause of forest destruction . Transna tional corporati lobb y groups the world over are successful in persu ading govern ments a multilateral agencies to spe nd huge amo unts of taxpayers' money on inf struct ural proje cts - as when the Euro pean Round Table of lndustriah prevailed on the Euro pea n Commissio n to ado pt its prop osals for t Trans- Euro pea n Netwo rk, the largest tran sport infras truc ture plan I history. Th e Commission present ed its plan for the development in Easte Europe of some 3S,000 kilom etres of new moto rways, high speed railwa new h arbours an d airports: 90 per cent of a total cost of US$ I 00 billion to be paid by the Eastern European count ries themselves (De Volksllrant, J une 1995; see also Corporate Europ e Ob servatory 1997). A potent disas ter in the mak ing is the Chad-Cameroon Petroleum Developm ent a Pipeline project , primarily spo nso red by an oil conso rtium consisting Exxon , She ll and Elf Aquitane. The project plans to develop three oil fie] in sout hern Chad usin g an expo rt system including a I ,OSO-kilome pipelin e, most of which passes th rou gh Cameroo n, and an off-sho loadin g facility for crude oil on Cameroo n's densely forested southe coas t. Th e World Bank is cons idering loans to the govern ments of Ch and Cameroon to help finance their respective portions of equity (amounll to abo u t 15 per cent ) in two pipelin e com pan ies in which the maJo~ share (SO per cent or mo re) will be owne d by the oil conso rtium. Th ~rt growi ng concern that the' projec t will lead to escalating civil \riolen notably in southern Chad , and brin g social and enviro nme ntal dest tU Cll

PROLO GUE

15

spills, for exampl e - to th e people living downstream in Chad y communities near Kribi on Cameroon's south coast. Othe r re the Trans-Amazoni an highw ay - built to give Asian mark ets, '1y. access to the Amazo ns timb er and minerals - and the Hidrovia lisation project of th e Mercosur count ries, which will dry out anal (earth's largest wetland, containing its highest diversity of . These and oth er new transport ation routes will ope n up some lds last frontier forest areas to logging, cattle-ranc hing , mining, nd poaching - and will expose local populations to the inevitable these incursi ons and to increased pollut ion (Goldsmith 1997). II

opposition udies also show that the state-sanctioned, 'legal' usu rpation of ources to the detriment of forest-dependent rur al people often ,nterru pted because man y local commu nities do not fully under­ pttl.I:Ull:ir legal rights and op tions . ( L~nch 1997) Moreover, many local ~~n ties wishing to vor ce their Interests o r seek legal redress face metical and cultural obstacles - logistic, financial, techni cal, lin­ J: - when approa ching decision makers or the judiciary in the nation al .; .\'O'IIncial capitals. '· this respect, the case studies also poi nt to th e ambi valen ce of govern ­ ~. industry and inte rnational developm ent agenci es toward s local d their organisati on s. On one hand , these institution s tend to ny the important skills, kn owledge and vision of local people upporters . On the othe r hand , often local people and NGOs are to 'participate' in orde r to lend legitimacy to the process of M . a project - a hydroelectric dam , a social forest ry projec t or a . As the case studies illustrate, genuine public participa tion has .1 the result of local mobilisation against an unwant ed develop­ ty. It often goes unnoticed , however, that local communities and NGOs, from both South and North ," have mo unted their :1.0 11 in the face of violen ce, land deprivation and recurrent intimida­

i. ,.:p." ..

11997). the period covered by the case studies, no fewer than seven :ng organisations faced severe hard ship du e to civil war, crimi na l !eI!.a l battles and conflicts with govern ment authorit ies. Five staff re killed, property was destroyed and peopl e were arrested .

tons and Recommend ation s tes andchallenges L the POlitical and econo mic root causes of deforestation , there is wonder whether ther e is scope to dir ect society, and in particular

16

FOREST S FOR THE FUTURE

the powers that be, in a more sus tainable direction . But a choice for apatn or cynicism wo uld mean abando n ing tho se who wo rk at the 'front line' al attempt to change things for the better. Th e case stu d ies reveal heartenin resp on ses by local peopl es to problems encounte red . O ften th eir vigilan has been rewarded by new cha nces for forest conservation and local beneh from forest managem ent . The failure of most govern ments to recognise th e role of local fa management has not necessarily terminated local managem ent of and tern, over fore st resources. As Owe n lynch obse rves , 'Despite expansive clai of ownership, man y nation al gove rn me nts exe rcise relatively little cant over large areas o f forest .. . [since] few gove rn me nts have the staff neede and the com mitment , to survey, patro l and effectively manage vast are classified as state-owned' (l ynch 199 7: 24). Under such circumstan many government s me rely tolerate th e pre sen ce of local peoples in tl forest , while the ir systems of natural resource managem ent are oft branded backwa rd and un sustain able, or as encroac hme nt . More positively, the case stud ies also refer to a growing range of initi tives and opportunities to foster collaboration between local people, sta au tho rities an d oth er parties in su ppo rt of local , sus tainable forest managi men t. local forest-dep endent co mmunities an d their su pporters face a du challenge : first, th ey mu st counte r extern al forces which th reaten lac access to forest; seco nd , the y mu st prove that th eir local system of fore managem ent is pot entially viab le. We have listed some gene ral lesson s and suggestions for political a pr actical action th at em erge from the empirica l find ings of the ca studies. Inevitably, measures are required in different fields - including t econo my, th e envi ronme nt, cultu re, governance and law - and at varia levels.

PROLOGU E

17

msable for land-use planning and p.oli~ y form ulation. To ens ure olicies take into account th e aspirations and needs of people . ch areas, much more insight int o local forest use and manage­ ulred. Research can be instrument al in gaining recognition for c and perceptions of local peopl e, in disclosin g con flicts of n negotiating solutions. In doin g so , it may help prepare und where local people and outsid ers - such as forest rsonnel or conservati onists - can meet , negotiate and even ill!l.bora te. l ~

ring the complex linkage between forest and agriculture in the nportant that futur e research offers more insight into the con­ sed on sma llholder farmers by othe r competing land uses r mining, for example) and mark et distortion s, such as the f foodgrains in Southern count ries by th e European Union , as des to mo re symbiotic relationships between local farm ing :1 the forest en vironment . Another research challenge is th e n and development of traditional shifting cultivation, thu s o playa posit ive role in forest co nservation . Priority attent ion to be given to alternative farm system s and to non -farming bsistence and income that can alleviate pressur e from pioneer n forests (Sund erlin 199 7). arcn should be undertaken by local peop le th em selves or in with them. There is still a vast sto rehouse o f local-indigen ous, d culture and ex perience whi ch needs to be doc umente d sys­ ly. This will create wid er appreciation of th e value of forests to tles, in particular to men , women and children at th e hous ehold will generate greater recognition of th e potenti al cons traints and local forest management systems .

The role oj research

l¢gal biases

local forest managem ent practices often rem ain invisible , only coming light when there is a clash of int erests within or between local communll and the ou tside world. Most case studies narr ate what can be su mmati as local attem pts to manage a 'na tur al resource conflict situation' (Dan and Walker 1997). The stu dies describe strategies and expe riences of I . peop le and their allies in attem pting to cha nge political co ndi tions. open space for local forest man agem ent and imp roving their position on ground. The pa rticipating organisations used th e case stud ies compiled thi s volume as tools for developing self-assess ment, policy dialogue :' concrete managem ent. Actio n research , u nd ertaken by local people or partnership with th em , is essent ial in breaking the cycle of isolation anonymity." S~ient i fic resea rch, notably envi ronme ntal analysis and information

focal land rights and user rights is th e basis of forest preserva­ well-being of forest-dep endent people. It calls both for the r Customary land titles and for greater collabo ration between ;fJ t'S and local people , wh o sho uld be ent rus ted with th e manage­ :blk (forest) lands on co ndition of sustaina ble use. At th e same

~angeme nts need to be mad e to achieve genuine land reform,

[IVe to the politically more convenie nt practice of handing out

~ land for agricultural purposes. Reform at both nation al and

J levels is requ ired to address th e legal bias agains t forest pro­

the CUstoms and rights of local peopl e. legislators and legal

should assume responsibtlny for establishing a traditi on of ~t .environme ntal law, through training and th e adj ustme nt of 1\11 law. Moreover, NGOs, lawyers and legal expe rts have a

18

PROLOGUE

FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE

responsibility to popularise nati onal and int ernational law, important to with which citizens can kee p th eir govern me nts accountable and achi recognition and prot ection of th eir human right s and of em'ironmen values. It is essential that more atte nt ion and su ppo rt sho uld be given initiatives which explore and propagate existing legal prO\'isions community for estry and th e recognition and restor ation of ancestral terrir rial rights. Government s are urged to endorse ILO Convent ion No . 1691' recognition of th e rights of indigenous peopl es. However, we should n look onl y to legislatures, courts and oth er govern me ntal institutions introduce suc h legal reform . On th e contrary, as Owe n Lynch cond uct, 'We are all law makers, and it beh oves us to work togeth er to develop bel legal strategies and tools ...' (Lynch 1997: 28). The case studies make a strong plea tha t politi cian s and civil servan notably th ose from OECD count ries, should start realising the ad\,c social, ecol ogical and eco nomic implications o f ongoing privausanon a monopolisation of food and medicinal raw materials, and that laws sho be passed which put a halt to th e 'selling OUl' of biodiversity and indi nous local knowledge." It is recommended tha t gove rn me nts declare hi diversity to be part of the public domain in each country in order to st further pri vatisation .

19

ommons be ensured' (Hildyard et al. 1997). Govern me nts

I

mise that most forests on which communities rely - in the

'I .. in the Nort h - must be considered as commons. Hen ce, donor agencies and NGOs need to support t he building 0 f ble institutions that con solidate or restore th e authority of

, II:>

rnes.

ing of their land" and resource use helps local communities r land from out side incursions and thereby lessen s dem o­ i res on fragile ecosystem s' (Lync h , 1997: 15). It thu s cons ti­ merit within th e pro cess of self-organisation and articula tion smmcmnes come together to map their lands and discuss lopment, local people can acquire a broader persp ective of pressures in the region , and a sense of how these will affect ften essential to include representatives of neighb ouring _ and , if opportune, other forest users - in th eir d iscussi on s, id, or mit igate, conflicts of interest. Moreover, th e wh ole ess and its legal underpinnings may encour age collaboration I communities and conservation authorities or othe r man age­ lions (Lynch 1997). It is recommended that NGOs, don ors , nd scientists support the process of mapping by local co m­ a tool for information sha ring , negoti ation and land-use

EnhanCing self-organisation

l .u

The case studies sho w that effort s to protect or rep air th e interests of I peopl e and th eir forest environment have invariably starte d with a g investment of tim e and commitme nt to foster uni ty and a comm dir ection wit hin the community. Actions to prevent outsiders from ploiting local forest wea lth, for exam ple, have started with efforts strengthen the local soc ial fabri c and legal position . Systems of dectsi making, local know ledge, th e improvement of local man agem ent practie and enhanced bargain ing power are vital pans of successful local rcspo to external pr essures. The current economic crisis in Indonesia shows th at millions of n people , no lon ger abl e to obtain th eir basic needs from th e market, cann fall back up on tradi tion al subsistence pra ctices because mu ch of the nan environme nt has been destro yed by govern ment -spo nso red timber eslat oil palm plant ation s and fore st fires. To avoid su ch risks, gO\·er nme sh ould seek to ensure th at the power and mean s to achieve econl' survival and development are located as close to the peo ple as pOSSI Greater economic self-su ffi ciency and self-dete rminatio n should supported , without the assum ption that local co mmunities can supply their need s (Daly and Cobb 198 9). As Hild yard et al. co nclude , 'only W all those th at have to live with a decisi on have a voice in making I · ' Iw l decision can t he checks and balan ces on power th at are so cn tlca

self-organisation further, policy ma kers and forest autho ri­ upport full recognition of local use and managem ent of non ­ t products (NTFPs). These products are of sign ificant tn rural areas , especially am ong disadv anta ged groups suc h as poor who have access to few resources. Furthermore, NTFPs irect and potentiall y positive connection between forest con ­ d forest use. If farming com mun ities living on the fringes of the rive value from the sustaina ble exploitation of NTFPs, this n incentive to protect the forest (de Beer and MacDerm ott ps most sign ificantly, NTFPs can help create or restore a posi­ between agriculture and forest conservation." Don ors, ,c ncies, NGOs and scientists must assist the managem ent of .al people through legal provision s and su ppo rt for local lng. More particular assistance is required in th e followin g ng legal obstacles which hinder local peopl e who seek to and benefi t from NTFPs ' I and institutional stren~then ing (in areas such as ad m inis­ nd marketing) ; b le extra ction of NTFPs from the wild and cultivation of When appropriate;

~

ii'

m

20

FO RESTS FO R THE FUTU RE

PROLOGUE

4 Strengthe ning the position of women , notably those who belon , marginal groups ; g 5 In formation sharing and capaci ty bu ild ing th rou gh exchange experience s among local communities."

if this evaluation is negative' (Lo hmann 1993 , in Hildyard Donors , scientists and governments should link up with 5 and give primacy to the need s and poli tical deman ds of nd oppressed groups . This may require them to take tlt:tively disem power dominant groups - for exam ple, by nan rdorm and by enh ancing the position of women

Alliancesfor thef uture Local forest-dependent com mu nities and the ir suppo rt organisations oil experience a vicious circle of isolation an d th e inaccessibility of Conta inform ation , financial mean s, recognition and political support. Unless circle is bro ken , local forest management practices will not have an op tunit y to p rove their potenti al as a more sustainable alternative to domin systems of forest exploitation . This is an area in which don ors, NGOs, C sultants and govern ments have most to offer in terms of redistribution the regulation of access to natur al resourc es. They sho uld aim at enhanc possibilities for marginal groups to claim and protect their access to su resources. This requires a new sensitivity to the needs and priorities fo rest-d ependent peopl e and their local resource management systems.1 case studies offer convincing experiences of how suc h collaboration c lead to an increased capacity to manage con flicts over forest. When recognition of tenurial rights is essent ial, in itself it is not sufhcie Govern me nts and donors need to ens ure tha t the pr ovision of techni assistan ce, along with credit and hea lth programmes, responds to the ne and percep tions of local commu nities. Notably in the interface betw agriculture and forest , local peopl e, NGOs, scient ists, govern ments J donors face the challenge of supporting approaches wh ich balance objec tives of food security, econo mic welfare, self-determina tion and C( servation. Faced with deteriorating environment s and poverty, local pea require an o pportunity to develop internal cohe rence based on alternati sources of inco me and livelihood if they are to prevent forest destrucuo Those who wish to collabo rate with local stakeho lders should also prep ared to make a long-term commitment to bu ild ing trust and part ship. This plunges one into a reality which differs from the reality of th officials, bankers and consultants who keep their distance from the fie! yet it is often these more distant groups which make far-reachin g decisi abo ut the future of forests and forest peop le, withou t witnessing the co qu ences. Development agencies and other externa l agents thus have make clear cho ices when it comes to collaboration (Hildyard et al. 19 As Larry Lohm ann argues, 'Blaming client governments or their de merits when a project stifles part icipation of local peo ple in forest n~J nd me rit , for example, should have no place in agencies that are co rnrnllte fostering genuine participation and local cont rol. It should be responsibility of agency staff to evalua te in advance whether or n partner govern ment is likely to support local part icipation and not

21

1. 1997).

I mechanisms of flexible fundin g, especially small grants I to be developed in suppo rt of the work of local communi­ individuals in the field of forest pres ervation and manage­ mphasis shoul d be placed on makin g such fund s available for be temperate and bor eal forest region s as well, thus including ntries. Donors should give priority attention to strengthe n­ n of politicall y marginalised grou ps. Bilateral donors and nciers are urged to make com munity forestry and non ­ i of local people conditional up on their funding, since thi s may xternal fundin g add ing to a down ward spiral of povert y and 1 degradation. Moreove r, NGOs and don ors sho uld make cipation in programm es led by inte rna tional agencies, the r or govern ments25 dependent upon th e degree to which mbod y a gen uine commitment to stru ctur al change and lineal demands of marginal groups.

t causes of d~rores ta tion ICS point out that any attempt at consolida ting or restorin g of forest mana gement requires, in the first place, that under­ forest destru ction sho uld be add ressed . These causes are to Ide rather than inside the forest. The studies em phasise the linkages: for example, the politics of energy, agriculture and directly on forests and forest-dep endent economies and rticipating organisation s from Costa Rica, the Philippines and h in that IMF and World Bank struc tural adj ustments pro­ .1~s) accelerated forest destru ction in their respective count ries. d on of poverty and furthe r environmental destruction t- of all, that societies in the West and in eme rging econo mies bandon increa singly un sustainable levels of consumption and 'he re is the cha llenge to design and ado pt socially and eco­ avenu es towards need s satisfaction an d fulfilment. The lion , it appears, is that forests, and natu re in general, are a of the economy, instead of vice versa. The case stud ies rests and the Survival of forest-dep end ent peop le are sacri­ WIsh to call a 'free rider econo my'. There is, in the words of n, The problem ... that when wealth is defined in pu rely

I':

22

PR O LO G UE

FORE ST S FOR THE FUTURE

rontability - in count ries and regions thousands of miles

economid quanti ta tive terms, m ost social labour, eco logical processes cultural world VIews become devalued ... [and] remain outside an econ0 calculus . That is, with out the unpaid labour from th e commons hou seh old and the community, and with out tapping ecological proc~ s th ere could not be any surplus-valu e production for capitalist indus

I

I

';;11 I

I

(Goldm an , 199 8:16) . The refo re, govern men ts, donors and int ernational economic institutl (th e IMF, th e European Union and the OECD, for exam ple) need to pre an an swer to th e fact that the current wave of un checked economic Ii isation is rapidly undermining the ecological and cultur al basis oflivelihi of milli on s of vuln erable groups and of th e econo my in general. This first of all, for fiscal reforms, adapted trad e agreeme nts and formal in ment policies and regulations. politi cians, scientists, citizen groups civil servants, from both North and South, are encouraged to collabora dem anding a public debat e on th e proposed Multilateral Agreeme Investm ent and related negotiation s. The primary goal of forest managem ent and reforestation progra should be to enable forests to perform th eir man y vital ecological func and to benefit people who depend on forests as a source of income an th eir shelte r, food, firewood, fodder, medi cin e and other basic needs calls, for exam ple, for governments and don ors to cho ose enhanced na regeneration of secondary forest and agro-forestry systems as 0 pr eferr ed to m on ocultural industrial plant ations . Likewise, greater pI should be given to maint ain ing the carb on store in existing natural and grow th forests, a course of action which in th e end is of greater social: ecological benefit to society than th e introduction of plantations . The case studies confirm th at com me rcialisation of forest re sho uld only be pursued if, and to th e extent th at , this does not comp th e well-being of people and ecosystem int egrity (Colfer et al. 1995). sho uld assist local-indigenous communities, NGO s and governments odit South with technical and financial support to prevent the comm and expropria tion of biodiversity and traditi on al knowledge. Commercial en terp rises (mining and logging com panies, for e whi ch do not accept the primacy oflocal comm unities' needs and wh not respect th em as their equal partners in development and conSC activi ties, should not be permitted to ope rate in su ch areas. This more transparen cy about the aim s , motives and meth od s of forest U to enable th e gene ral public to increase th eir parti cipation in the and protection of the nation's forest wealth . Hence, investors and cO sho uld face closer scrutiny th an before from governments, th NGOs , th e media and - inc reasin gly - th eir own staff. Nor -­ collabo ration an d information sharing is essent ial in ensuring that C . cial activities in one part of the world help to detennine a coI1'

sharel~

' 11

111

III I

1II I 1

23

"..d governments are urged to explore the possibiliries of

dorm - a trib unal or an ombudsman , perhaps - wh ere nd other conce rned parti es (such as NGOs and scienti sts)

til j udgement , prot ection and means of redress. An in de­

man , both at the national and international levels, ntion as a last resort for facilitating the access of citizens e. public opin ion and arbitration;" n d international institutions like the International merce should ad dress with pri orit y the problem of 'free which continue to enjoy the benefits of market access international standards." Investors and corporations to alert an d c ritical observation backed by visible and J:Uloring; they sho uld also be expo sed to positive ince nI these measures is to ena ble consumers, investor s and to recognise and distinguish between good corporate those businesses whi ch fall short of the standards seL28 nd to the growing scope for independent public int er­ ,which inform the public in general, and market partners nnd investors in particular, abo ut corp orate performance It.. In addition, NGOs and govern me nt s should expl ore i roducing the principle of 'imm obilising capital'." This issuing of licences , concessions or permission s to rces (by mining or logging, for example) by (foreign) nal on the cornpanys lodging a suitable secunty.> cal forest users should be enco ur aged and ena bled to x penenos and pri oriti es in ord er to inform public a well-informed and enfranchised public will be see the flaws in the present system and demand pter 13, p. 203). ltet remains between local cont rol over forest resources . Local peop le, how ever, have most to lose from forest ny instances the responsibility for the long-term pro­ With them . This is why th e case studies make th eir f.I linuous investm ent in local peo ple: to consolidate o r bflf ,t y to defen d and sustain the forest for their own cl for society at large.

l

Paul \Volvekamp

,

W¥iiJ

.1111

24

FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE

N O TES I With thanks to Eline Meyer. 2 The boreal forests, known as the taiga in Russian, are one of the world's three gre t ecosystems The taiga covers approximately 920 million hectares and can be a. green belt encircling the northern hemisphere, stretching from Alaska in th~n north ern Russia in the east. The boreal forests are characterised by coniferous tree SI such as spru ce, pine and fir and broadleaved species such as alder, birch and pOPlar (' thanks to Ann j anssen.) 3 Different forms of 'shifting cultivation' are explained in the next paragraph, und l"J' heading 'The interface with agriculture'. 4 Thanks to Kaki Buti from Palob village, Bastar and Madhu Rarnnath. 5 For example, grazing lands, village forests, fishing grounds are local commons, Whit communally owned and/or used and looked after. 6 Such institutions encompass, amongst others , the regulations, norms, values, san, and rewards which determ ine leadership, division of tasks and the rights and respo ties of all men , women and children concerning the maintenan ce, protection and dl non of land, water, nora and fauna, cond uct vis-a-vis the spirits and deities, and religious and cultura l aspects of their lives. 7 An international agreement - Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (T - was Signed in early 1994 as a result of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreerne Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Following extensive pressu re from Organisation for ECOI Cooperation and Development (OECD) count ries, TRIPs introduced rnechanis recognise, claim and enforce intellectual prope rty rights . 8 Othe r noteworthy examples are to be found in countries such as Cambodia, " Liberia, Indonesia and Nigeria. 9 The ministries of irrigation and power, by contrast, somet imes receive over 20 perc the budget. 10 The former Repub lican US vice-presiden t, Dan Quayle, was a major champion approach in his campaign against conservation measures meant to save the remaini growth forests of Oregon - the region considered in the case study of the Conle; Tribes of Warm Springs. 11 A form of land use whereby the growing of trees is deliberately integrated with CN : animals on the same land management unit, either at the same time or in sequent each othe r (Interna tional Centre for Research in Agroforestry, annual report. 1993). 12 Other crops which need to be mentioned are tobacco (according to Golds estimated forest area of 12,000 square kilometres is felled every year to fuel tobacco barns (Goldsmith 1997), rubbe r, coffee and soya. And prawn cultivation for ex: major reason why about half of the world's mangrove forests have been cut dow catastrophic consequences for local fishing communities. . . 13 Sometimes referred to as 'swidden agriculture' or 'slash-and-burn agriculture'. Shlfu tivators could be defined as people who practise a form of rotational ag ricu ltu ~ fallow period longer than the period of cultivation , whereas forest pioneers may s ll bum existing vegetation but have the primary intent ion of establishing pem a semi-permanent agricultural production. The planting of cash crops is the pnm of attention. (J. A. Weinstock and S. Sunito, 'Review of Shifting Cultivation in Ind Sunderlin 1997: 4). I 14 'The term non-timber forest produc ts encompasses all biological materials ot timber which are extracted from forests for human use. These include foods, me spices, resins, gums, latexes....' (Jenne H. de Beer and Melanic J. McDermott, The Value oj Non-Timber Forest Products in Southeast Asia, second revi sed edition, N~6 ) Corniuee of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (lUCN), 19

PROLOGUE

25

. Arbofilia, Costa Rica, for an elaborate explanation of the Analog he participating organisations from Canada themselves experienced ­ In Non h America offers corporations wishing to break the opposition ssrootS acti\; sts and endronmentalists the opportunity to use ~ ~ll1s t Public Participation' (or SLA PP suits) 'to sue them for de larna­ I - jnsC)' etc., in order to br ing vicums to the point where they are no longer ltlncial emotional and mental wherewithal to sustain their defence'

uue formulaung a forest management plan ; convincing the govern­ \ 't a particular forest a protected status and to recognise the land people; stimulating debate on legislative amend ments : launching an ; developing working relations with donor organisations and relevant local experiences and views 10 international institutions and fora; and , xchanging expe riences with other local organisations. IK!l.nous people appreciate the idea of 'living' in the forest - which implies ,perspective- more readily than the concept of 'managing' the forest, d . exclusive pe rspective. A more profound understanding of local _ their potentials, requirements and con st rain ts - may facilitate an conventional forest management and indigenous forest-use practices. ntribute to a critical examination of the conventional approaches. n affirms that 'The righ ts of ownership and possession of the peoples lands which they tradi tionally occupy shall be recognised' (Article rights of the peoples concerne d to the natural resources penaining to pecially safeguarded' (Article 15.1). Preamble and articles 15 and 16 of the Convention on Biodiversity. encouraged to make constitutional provisions or other legal mechanisms rty rights which incorporate relevant principles of the Biodiversity .1Cular articles 15 and 16). oflen prefer the term 'territory' when referring to an cestral land . rt by lnstuut o del Bien Cornun , Local Ean h Observation and Center auve Lands, Geomatics and Indigenous Territories, Hacienda San j ose, 29 June 1998. res the importance of traditional knowledge of the complexity of the of NTFPs in particular as agents of seed dispersal and pollination , and lood chams P Exchange Programme for Southeast Asia - a joint endeavour by th~ Dutch consultancy firm ProFound in collaboration with the eration NATR1PAL (United Tribes of Palawan) with the suppo n of UlnJmJltee of IUCN - aims at local capacity bu ildin g by facilitating . I und regional meetings and the production of a modest newsletter racUC.:lJ mformauon on matters such as sustainable NTFP harvesting, lellure.

ht for naturc swaps', 'joint implementation', Joint forest manage­ th the industry Global Envi ronment Facility projects and 'green a perfomlthe followmg roles: (l ) act as a watchdog; (2) give impa nia l lence to relevarn laws and regulations, national or international nerally accepted norms of good conduc t; (3) offer a platform for In form pUhlic opmion. de, for example, the UN Declaration of Human Rights and the gutde­ rest Stewardsillp Council.

PROLOGU E

26

27

FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE

28 Poor perfonners treat social and environ mental values as extern alities which can be shifted to the political and economic fringes, or to followin g generations. 29 I am grateful to Didier Babin and colleagues of Centre de Cooperation In tern ational en Recherch es Agrono miques pour Ie Developpement (ClRAD) , Franc e, for th is inform ation. 30 When the contract run s out , the securit y can be claimed if the company's operations have led to damag e to the environment, affected local commu nities adversely or injured the nationa l treasury _ by evadin g taxes , for example, or not pa>~ng royalties. Companies are thu s subje cted to th e widely accepted custo m that tenants renting a furn ished room pay key mone y as a guarantee. It is suggested that the ad min istration of securiti es should be dealt with by indep endent institu tion s

B IBLlO GRAP HY Beer, J . H. de and MacDermott , M. J . ( 1997) The Economic Value of Non-Timber Forest Producls in Southeast Asia, Nethe rlands Com mittee of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (lUC N) , Amsterdam. Brocklesby, M. A. and Ambrose-Oji , B. (19 97) 'Neither the Forest nor the Farm Livelihoods in the Forest Zon e ­ the Role of Shifting Agricultu re on Mount Came roon'.

or» Network Paper 21D . Bryant , D., Nielsen , D. and Tangley, L (1997) The Last Frontier: Forests, Ecosystemsand Economitl on the Edge, World Resour ces Institute. Carrere , R. and Lohmann , L (1996) Pulping theSouth: Industti al Tree Plan tations and the World

Paper Eco nomy, Zed Books , London . Cha mbers, R. (198 3) Rural Development: Putting the Last First, Wiley, New York. Colchester, M. (1992 ) 'Sustaining the Forests Community-based App roaches in Southcas Asia', United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) research paper Colche ster, M. (1997) 'National Sovereignty, Free Trade and Forest Peoples' Rights. Interg overnmental Forum on Forests, positi on pape r. Colfer, C J. P and Dudl ey, R. G. (1993 ) Shi[tingCultivators of Indonesia' Maraud ers or Manag m of the Forest? Comm unity Forestry Case Study Series 6 , FAa , Rome. Colfer, C J. P , in collaboration with Prabhu , R. and Wollenberger, E. (1995) Principles, Criteria and Indicators: Applying Ochham's Razor to the People- Fmf stry Linh, Centre for Interna tio(1i\ Forestry Research (CIFOR) Working Paper No .8 . i Corpo rate Europe Observatory (1997) Europe Inc. Dangerous Liaison5 between EU Institul ,

andIndllstry, Amsterd am . Daly, H. E. and Cobb , J. B, Jr (1989 ) For the Comman Good, Redirecting the Economy wwarJ Community, the Environment anda Sustainable Future, Beacon Press, Bosto n . Danaiya Usher, A. (1992 ) Taiga News, No, 4 (Decembe r), editori aL ou Daniels, S. E. and Walke r, G. B. (199 7) 'Rethi nking Public Participation in Natural Res Mana gement: Concepts [rom Plur alism and Five Emerging App roaches' , paper present
~ Io~

Glowka, L , Burhenne-Guilmin , F, Synge, H . et al. (19 94) 'A Guide to the Convention on Biological Diversity', Environment al Policy and Law Paper No. 30, International Union [or the Conservation of Nature (lUCN). Goldman , M. (ed .) (1998) Plivatizing Nature: PoliticalStrugglesf or the Global Commons, Pluto Press in associati on with the Transnational Institute , London. Goldsmith, E. (19 97) 'Can the Environment Survive the Global Economy?', The Ecologist, Vol. 27, No 6. Hildyard , N., Hegde, P, Wolvekamp, P and ST Somasekhare Redd y (1997) 'Same Platform, Different Train: Power, Politics and Participation' , paper [or the Work sop on Pluralism , Sustamable Forestry and Rural Development, FAa , Rome, Jepma, C J. (19 95) Tropical Deforestation: a Socio-Economic Approach, Eart hscan Publications, London, Lynch, O. (1992) 'Securing Community-based Tenurial Rights in the Tropi cal Forests of Asia: an Overview o[ Current and Prospec tive Strategies', briefing , World Resources Institu te Lynch, O . (1997) 'Legal Aspects of Plura lism and Community-based Forest Management : Contrasts between and Lessons Learned from the Philippines and Ind onesia', Centre for tmernauonal Environmental Law, paper for the Worksop on Pluralism, Sustainable Forestry and Rural Development, FAa , Rome. , ~tt i ng , R. McC(1 997) 'Unequa l Commone rs and Uncomm on Equ ity: Propeny and Community amo ng Sharehold er Farmers', The Ecologist, Vol. 27, No. 1. Olssen, R (ed.) (199 5) The Taiga Trade: a Report on the Production , Consumption and Trade of Boreal'Wood Produ cts, Taiga Rescue Netwo rk. Perpongsacharoen , Wand Lohman n, L (1989) 'Some Thoughts on Action on the Tropical Forest Crises', position pap er for NGO distribu tion networks. I5e Y, D. A. (1996) Traditi onal ResOlme Rights: International Instrumen ts for Prak ction and Compensation for Il!digenous Peoples and Local CommlUlities, International Union for the Conservation of Natu re (IUCN) . tbergen, S, (ed. ) (] 993 ) The Earthscan Reader in Tropical Forestry, Eanhscan Publication s Ltd, London, !iIldts, W, Loske, R., Linz, M. ft al. (19 98) Greening the North: a Post-industrial Blu eprintfor ~(tdogy and Equity , a study for the Wuppenal Institute for Climat e, Environment and nerg}; Zed Books, London . r, J. (1997 ) 'Changing Roles in Forest Research', keynot e address at the Tropcnbos minar 'Research in Tropical Rainforests ', Wagen ingen . I nt ~ mati o na l Petroleum Company and World Wild life Fund for Nature (1996 ) Tree llilation ReView, II vols, London , in Carrere and Lohmann, 1996. Vandan a (J 989) Staying Ali"e:Women, Ecology and Development, Zed Books, London. lin W D. (1997) Shifting Cultivation in Indonesia: Steps towa rds Overcoming ConfUS ion in Drbale, 0 0 1 Network Paper 21 B. k, J A. and Suni to, S. (] 989) Review of Shifting Cultiva tion in Indone sia, Directorate ern\ of Forest Utilisation, Ministry of Forestry, Government of Indonesia and FAa " rta.

J, (1987) The Pwpasr: of Forests: Follies of Development, Basil Blackwell , Oxford ip p. S.(] 989) 'Trees Don't Vote for You . Het Functioneren van het Karnaraka State Department', MSc th esis, University of Leiden .

LOCA L FOR EST MANAGEMENT IN THE CORD ILLERA MO UNTAIN S

4 Local Forest Management on the Frontier Ind igenouS Communities Restor e Th eir Forest in the Cordillera Mountains MON TANO SA RE SEARCH AN D DEVE LO PMEN T C ENTRE Philli pines

Altho ugh th e int erplay of in d igen ouS socio-po litical systems and th e local communities' int imate un derstanding of the ecosys tem has contributed to th e m aint en ance of richl y diverse forests in the Cordille ra of th e Philippines, the government conti nues to deny people's righ ts to th e land and ignores th eir crucial role in th e cons ervation and management of forests. The state has m on opolised respons ibility for pro tecti ng, man aging and 'developing' th e lan d as it pu rsues a dream of reaching in du stri alisation by allowing foreign entities to exploit th e natural reso urce s it has sworn to pro tec t. The Cordillera communities have to contend with d eepen ing po \'erty and weakened local structures as well as foreign mining, loggin g, an d infra­ stru ctural projects. Though th oroughly undermine d by state forest laws. the indigen ous systems still fun ction today This case study do cuments indi gen ou s forest managemen t systems in five mo untain forest comm uni­ ties th in are stru ggling to p rotect their forests and th eir customar y land laws. A list of major region al 110ra and fauna is p rovid ed in Ap pendix 1

The Five Stu dy Areas Th ree of th e forest stu dy areas _ Demang, Bu gan g and Sisipitan - are in Sagada, one of the ten munici palities of Mountain p rovin ce in th e central part of the Cordillera Adm inistrative Region on Luzon Islan d . It is ISOkilo­ metres away from Baguio City and can be reach ed by road . Sagada haS total land area of 8,568 hectares, 99 .3 pe r cent of wh ich is classified by III govern ment as forest reserve. The clima te is generall y sub tropical with 1\'

ab.O \~~~

disti n ct season s - th e wet and th e dry. . Bugang and Dem an g are between 1,500 and 1,700 metres ula"') level , WIth forests domi nated by the Ben guet pine (Pinus ms s 1 uS . spersed .With broad-leaved sh ru bs an d small tree s of van o kInd d ,ri,'(lJl grou nc IS covered b y grasses such as Imperata cylindJica, Theme a,~ D

I

80

81

and Miscanthus luzonensis. The forests of Bugan g an d Demang sh ow th e results of tree-plant ing efforts by clans and families after th e Second World War. Mou nt Sisipitan - the third area of study in Sagada - is still in a health y state. Its vast forests serve as a watershe d and provide hunting grou nds for th e Bontok , Kankanaey, Tingguian an d Maeng tribes who dwell on the bo rders of Abr a and Mountain provinces. The Sisipitan Forest has a wide r range o f elevation , from 1,400 to 2,200 metres above sea level. A large part of the middle portion is cha racterised by moss forest with patch es of rain forest. There is pin e on th e Mountai n Provin ce side and dipteroca rp on th e Abra side . Rivers from Mount Sisipitan join the two maj or rivers in the Co rdillera - the Chic o and th e Abra . Accordi ng to our surveys with loca l peo ple, Sagada registered a po pula­ tion of 10,353 in 1990. These people belon g to the Aplay trib e , a su b-group of th e Kankanaeys , one of several eth nolinguistic groups in th e region. Th e majority of th e local population engage in rice farm ing and com mercia l vegetable pro duc tion , raise poultry and livestock on a sma ll sca le, and work as seaso na l wage earn ers. A few are em ployed by government an d private agencies. Like othe r areas of the Co rd illera , Sagad a has retaine d many aspe cts of its indigen ou s socio-political system suc h as th e dap-ay , a centre where commu nity conc erns and issue s are actively disc ussed and resolved . Th e other two forests th at were studied are in Tu bo municipa lity of Ab ra Province, wh ich is on th e wes te rn side o f th e Co rdillera some 408 kilo­ metres north of Manil a and 197 kilometres northwest of Baguio City. Tubo is composed of ten barangays (the sma llest ad ministrative unit of th e hilippine state) with a lan d area of 41,500 he ctares, making it the seco n d­ rgest muni cipality of Abra . The clima te is mo derately warm . The dry son extends from Ja nuary to May, and the rain y seaso n from Ju ne to ecember, Studies were carri ed out in Ban a and Beew forests , located along e bord ers with !locos Sur and Mounta in provin ces. These are predomi­ ntly secondary rain forests with scattered stands of pine trees. The elevation both areas ran ges from 700 to 1,500 meters above sea level. In Beew, rests are found in 16 di fferent locations in the northern, northeastern , tern and southeastern parts of the village. They tend to be do mina ted by or dipterocarp trees, although sometimes combina tions are fou nd . :In 1990 Tubo registered a popu lation of 4,589, distributed among 829 holds. The m ajority of in hab itants are from th e Tingguian linguistic p, and members of th e Maeng an d Kan kanaey lin guistic grou ps are a , rity. The study sites are inhabited by th e Maeng tri be who, like th e ijans, are governe d th rough th e dap-ay . Local pe ople farm , fish , hunt ther forest products. A genera l state of pove rty is aggravated by th e I basic social services such as roads, health and edu cational facilitie s, ~1I"orne -generating opport unities. The resp ondents are from Beew sitio

83

LO CAL FOREST MANAGEMENT IN TH E CO RDILLERA MO UNTAINS

82

FORESTS FO R THE FUTURE

(a 'settlement' or subdivision of a barangay ) in Alangtin barangay and Bana sitio in Kili barangay. Both sitios are relatively new settlements; Beew w as founded in 194 3 and Bana in 1990. Both settlement populations h ad migrated into the area followin g disasters, Bana after the 1990 earthquake and Beew after a measles epidemic. These areas can only be reached on fo ot. Of the five areas, th e ecosystem of Mount Sisipitan is the most diverse , followed by Bana and Beew. Even as a seco ndary forest Bana retains its bi o­ diversity because of the minimal impact of people in the new settlem ent, but portions of the Beew forest are being reduced to grassland by intensified kaingin (swidden) farming. Because they are dom inated by plantE;d pines , Bugan g and Demang forests have low diversity le vels Nevertheless, numerou s plant and anima l species tha t are of impo rtan ce to local people were ident ified within the five areas of research: 33 timber and fuel species; nine water-bearing plants; 36 medicinal plants; 20 game animals; and 15 mushrooms. Docum entation of edible fruits and species used for fibre, pesticides and honey production is still in progress.

Ownership and Land Use The forests of Mount Sisipi ta n, Bana and Beew are com munally owned, shared by villages and tribes - five subgroups of the Kanka naeys and two sub-groups of the Tingguians - living in the foothills of these mountains. Th e resident s of Beew an d Bana figured pr ominently in the pro tests against the tran snational logging company Cellophill Resources Corpo ration during the 1970s and 1980s - Deman g and Bugan g forests, on the other hand, are

their fuel needs, alth ough Demang derives only a third of its fuel from the forest as residents can afford the cost of liquified petroleum gas. People in Bana and Beew rely mo re on herbal medicines, while the resident s of Bugang and Deman g. who have easier access to hospitals and other health facilities, rely on Western medicines. Women parti cipat e in uma or haingin farming, assisting in the hauling of lumber, and gathe r food and medicinal herbs. Table 4 .2

Uses of the forest

Uses of th e forest Sourc e of fuel Source of med icinal plants Pasture land Hunting grounds Shifting cu ltivat ion Source of timb er Watcrshedlwatersource Tourism Sacred tree site Honey gath ering Source of food (seaso nal) Agricultural land expansion Source of rattan

System of forest man agem ent Communal

Beew Bana Mount Sisipitan Demang Bugang

Cla n

Pri vate

x X X

X X

Bana

Demang

Bugang

X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X

X X X X

X X X

X X X X

X X X X

X

X X

X X

X X

X

x

X

X

Men

System of ownershi p in the five study areas

Site

Beew

Forest util isation by gende r and age

parcelled into family and clan properti es (Table 4 .1) Table 4 .1

Sisip itan

x x

While the forests are mainly used for subsistence pur poses, cultural and in religious aspects are also importan t. Table 4 .2 shows uses of the forest 1- the each of the areas covered by the study, whil e Table 43 app les f perspectives of gender and age. All comm unities depend on the forest or

Wome n

Ch ildren

X

uel gathering

X

X

unting ney gath ering rna farming 'formance of ritu al bering d gathering rb collection

X

X X X

X X X X X

Help in hauling

X

X X

X

:d igenous Forest Management Systems indigen ous conce pt of forest owne rship recognises three tenurial ngements . In the saguday or private system, forests are privatised if one , ~a de perm anent improvem ent s such as planting regular crops or i: hng ston e walls. Owne rs might be members of a nuclear family who

84

FORESTS FOR THE FUTURE

-

have the respon sibility of protectin g and maintaining the forest. Similarl . clan owne rshi p is acquired thr ou gh labour invested by the collective effor~~ of clan memb ers. For the day-to -day man agement of the forest, a caretaker usually a ma le clan memb er, is appo inte d by consensus. He has the respon sibilit ies of mobil isin g clan memb ers for tree-planti ng actiVities deciding what types and qu ant ities of timb er can be cut by clan member~ at what times, and convening clan meetin gs to d~scu ss matters pertaining to forest management. With such respon sibilities , the caretake r receives privileges such as a larger sha re in forest products and priority access to resources - bu t he is not perm itted to sell these. Both the privately owned and clan-o wned forests are shared with community resident s to the extent that peopl e may gathe r food and branches for fuel and , with permi ssion of the owne r or caretake r, cu t thr ee to five trees for lumber free of charge. A third system of owne rshi p is communal, with elders deliberating on policies that are approved by consensus . In communally owne d forests, watersheds are off-limits for farming and logging . Resident s may only fell trees to build hou ses within the iii, or village area , or on special occasions such as the performance of ritu als, weddi ngs and funerals. Hunters must sha re the meat of four-legged animals with villagers who, in tum , are res­ pon sible for the hunter in case of an accident. (Traditionally, hunters used bitu, or pit traps, and most of the meat was shared with the community. These days, rifles and guns are used and there is less sharing, with port ions of meat occas iona lly set aside for sale.) Forest burning is prohibit ed because it has been observe d that rats, insects, and other agricultura l pests increased whenever forests were burned . Th e damage cau sed was often Significant eno ugh to cause a food sho rtage. Moreover, as hou ses are construc ted with woo d and cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica ) , forest fires depri ved peo ple of building materials. Whe ther saguday, clan-o wne d or communa l, forests in Sagada and Tubo are used for a multitude of purposes. Village-based, small -scale logging is usuall y governe d by the rule of selective cutting and limited qu antit y This meth od has not yet reach ed a destru ctive stage, with axes and chainsaws being the main tools. Ironically, this indi genous mod e of forest use is con­ sidered illegal by govern ment agencies like the Department of Environment and Natura l Resources. Ano the r commo n use of the forest in Bana and Beew is seaso nal hon ey gathe ring to suppleme nt income. Hon ey gatherers smoke out the bees from the ir hives and then harvest the hon ey and other by-p rodu cts. They have specialise d knowle dge of plants that emit smoke with no deleteriou s effects on the bees. As a measure to pro mote sustain­ ability, flowering trees which are vital for hone y production are protected and the use of petrochemi cals on agricultur al crops is discouraged or even prohibited . Altho ugh forest burning has been banned by comm unities in some areas, the practice continues as a way of creating grasslands for cattle

LOCAL FO REST MANAGHIENT IN THE CORD ILLERA MOUNTAINS

85

ing . This can kill or hamper the growth of trees, and can be even more tructive if the fire spre ads . As a prevent ive measure, there is a need to .velop an alternative technology for pastur eland develop ment. Finally, ngin farnling is a traditional agricultura l system still wide ly practised by 13Ma and Bcew residents. Whil e haingin may have been ap pro priate in the st, the pressure of the cash economy rend ers it inapp ropri ate tod ay. The svstern of knowledge and techn ologies in the Cordillera, like tho se f other indigenous peoples around the wo rld , are interwoven with beliefs nd practices that are frequ entl y dismissed as unscient ific. The cont inued bser:ance of these beliefs and practices, however - despite the int rusion f Western culture through religion , educa tion , and med ia - distinguishes rhe Cord illera people from the rest of the Filipinos . Practices that may seem irrational are sometimes easily ex plicable in eco logical terms. For exam ple, it is not permitted to pasture in the vicinity of a sp ring as this would dis­ please the spirits dwelling there. This has, of course , a di rect impli cation for maintaining the quality of drin king water. The taboos against cutting trees when one hears the croaking of a frog might reflect conce rn about protecting the watershed , as frogs indi cate the presen ce of water. The common practice of sacrificing a ch icken in the forest stems from the belief that forests are inhabited by spirits. Such a practice has been very effective in imparting the message that forests have to be respected and that people may not burn the forest or dump garbage near springs . Other beliefs and practices need to be studied furth er to un cover their underlying logic. Zl

A Comparison of Customary and State Legal Systems land is a major national issue. It can be traced to the failure of the Philip­ pine govern ment to reform oppressive land laws enac ted by the colonisers, and their perpetuation down to the present day. Taken together, these laws and decrees serve to entrenc h the states owne rship of most forest land and its power to exploit forest resources, at the same time diminishing the usufruct rights of tho se who have mana ged the forests since before the creation of the Philippine state. Inhabit ant s of the Cordillera are now per­ ceived as squatters on the land which their ancestors have occu pied, defended and nurtured from time imm emorial. The onl y land right s recogni sed by the national government are those legally sanctioned by the state with docum ent ation sign ifying privat e ownership. Any land that lacks this title automa tically belon gs to the state. The problem is intractable because indi genou s peopl e have not acquired titles or other proo f of owne rship. Traditionally, the labour they invested in the land and the recognition of their neighbours was su ffic ient proof. Th e land, forests, rivers and other natural resou rces were looked up on as being owned in common by the trib e or by the ind igeno us inh abitant s. Th e

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FO RESTS FOR THE FUTU RE

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LOCAL FOR EST MANAGEMENT IN THE CO RDILLERA MOUNTAINS

people practised a form of communal land stewardship, viewing them­ selves as stewards or caretakers of the land, which was considered free to anyone who was willing to develop or till it. The indigenous system explicitly discourages the privatisation of forest lands to ensure that the majority retain access to forest resources. When permission is granted to a private individual or company to use the forest for personal profit, people's access is limited and the forest is usually degraded. But the government treats the Cordillera as its own resource base, awarding concessions and permits to outsid ers who exploit the natural resources with no concern for the inhab itants. Table 4.4

Acomparison ofofficial and customary views of land tenure

Issues

Governme nt system/ State laws

Indigenous system! Customary laws

Ownership/tenure

• Recognises private, clan • Forests are owned by the government (Public and communal Land Act, PO 705, others). ownership. • Discourages private • Recognises and encourages priva te forest ownership, ownership, allows an access of people to individual to own large resourcesis open. tracts (depriving others of • La nd is not considered the resources). a commodity. • Can be transferred easily through selling

Tenurial recognition

• Only land titles are recognised as proof of land owne rship.

• Shared knowledge of elders and community.

Acquisition of land

• Through land titling.

• Labour investment and inheritance.

Formulation of policies/laws

• Imposed from national policies.

• Discussed by elders and approved through consensus.

Process ofsolving land disputes

• Court procedures where money is required.

• Dap-ay system where

money is not needed. • Consultation/collective investigation.

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87

Meanwhile, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, whose mandate it is to protect and enhance the qualit y of the COUntrys environment, has nume rous well-financed programmes for forest develop­ ment. But none of these has been implemented in the five areas stUdied by the Montanosa Cent re. Though communities are badly in need of financial and technical assistance, their willingness to be involved in these pro­ grammes is certain to be construed as recognition that the land is OWned by the state. This would imply that the state can decide how land is to be used even when this goes against the people's wishes, as when the govern ment has favoured mining companies and dam projects in the past. Traditional and offi cial mechanisms of conflict resolution are equally at odds. Among the Maeng and Pidlisan tribes, confli cts Ove r tribal bOUndaries are resolved through the bodong system, or peace pact, that governs relations between the two tribes. Land disputes are resolved through a series of discussions and negotiations until a decision favourable to all is achieved. A similar process is used in Sagada, although negotiations are conducted through the dap-ay system. Conflicts between individuals, including disputes over inheritance, are effectively resolved through the dap-ay . By contrast , the current legal system resolves confli cts through the COUrts. This system favours those who possess documents, sometimes obtained by deceitful means , and can afford the best legal counsel. For several generations now, the forests of Beew, Bana and Sisipitan have

provided for the needs of the people. In tum , the communities have

developed a system of conservation and management. In other words, the

forests of Demang and Bugang are the concrete manifestations of people's

efforts to improve their environment. While at present they may nor be

replanting trees actively, they claim that natural regrowth takes place as

long as the forests are protected from fire For decades, the interplayof the

indigenous socio-political systems and the values and wisdom of local

people resulted in the protection of forests that are today considered to be among the last frontiers of the count ry. Unfortunately, modern develop_ ments have taken their toll on people and the forests. Several factors are contributing to the erosion of indigenous forest management systems State forest laws continue to undermine indigenous concepts of natural resources management . As local systems and leadership are weakened, the honesty, justice and culture of sharing also starts to disintegrate Local eople find it hard to cope with the intrusi on of the cash economy into the rraditional subSistence economy. There is also a lack of developrnental PPOrtunities. To meet their economic needs, the people of Beew and Bana reSOrt to intensified ]willgin farming and hunting, which increases pressure n their forests. In Sagada, the shift from subsistence agriculture to COffi­ ercial vegetable and orchard producti on has led to the conversion ofpine

rest into agricultural lands. Moreover, an increasing number of Stnall­

LOCAL FOR EST MANAGEME NT IN THE COR DILLERA MOUNTAIN S

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FORESTS FOR THE FUTUR E

scale loggers , equipped with chainsaws, cut and sell timber in violati on of selective cutting rul es. Pressure on forest is intensified by the government's failure to provide basi c social services . In Beew and Bana, for example , th ere are areas with a high potential for m ore efficient agriculture . Unfortu­ nat ely, the area lacks ad equate irrigation facilities and people are forced to continue with their kaingin farming.

Local Initiatives Growing awareness of the contradictions between state policies and indigenous management practices has led , on the regional level , to a revival of people's organisations, most of which are members of the Cordillera Peoples Alliance for the Defence of Land and Resources and for Self­ determination. The Alliance is guided by the belief that ancestral land is fundamental for indigenous peoples. Land is life. The land and pe ople are one _ a coll ective and int egrated whole. The land and th e people comprise th e iii or village. Boundaries are upheld not only by th e community but also by th e adjoining and even distant villages and tribes . Indi genous peoples uphold th e principle of sh aring and nurturing nature's bounty. In 1993 more than 90 representatives from th e different barangays of Sagada convened in a forum to discuss three government programmes: the Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claims, the Certifi cate of Ancestral Land Claims , and the Certific ate of Land Ownership Awards. The people ended the forum by rejecting all three programmes and presenting a petition demanding that the government respect indigenous laws. Subsequently, some officials of the Department o f Environment and Natural Resources compromis ed by allowing people to cut timber in their forest on condition that the timber was used within th e ili. This was a small but significant gain in the struggle for recognition of customary law. From th e mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, peopl e in Bana and Beew were at the forefront of the struggle against th e Cell ophill Resource Corpo ration, a transnational logging con cern favoured by the Marcos dictatorship. Many lives were sacrific ed to protect th e forest s for succeeding gen erations. Had it not been for the relentless efforts of the Tinggians, Kankanaeys, Bontoks and Kalingas, Cellophill wo uld have wreaked ecological havoc on the forests of th e Cordillera. Even th en, significant damage was inflict ed before the compa ny stopped its op erations. Since then , local people hav e started an annual collection of rattan seeds for planting in th e month of August. The y ha ve also embarke d on a refore station pr oject and a search for . alternative farming technologies suitable for sloping areas. anlsa­ In Pidlis an the dap-ay retains a strong influ en ce, and a people's org tion , the Asosasyon dagiti Sosyudad ti Umili ti Pidlisan (ASUP), was forrnally launched in 1990. Included in the organisation's nine-point pro gramme

are the development of indigenous socio-political systems and th e conserva­ tion, pr otection and dev elopment of natural resources within th e an cestral domain . Earlier, in 198 3 , th e people of Pidlisan had banned kaingin on Mount Sisipi tan . Six years later, they formulated and executed a polic y restricting small-scale mining to design ated areas within their ances tral land. In 1994 they comprehensively rejected th e Small-Sc ale Mining Act

Recommendations After more th an 15 years of grassro ots development work , the Montanosa Research and Development Centre has formulat ed a number of recommen ­ dations to Cordillera policy makers and development agencies engaged in forestry reform in th e Philippines . Conflicts over land and resources must be resolved. Th e land rights of indigenous people and th eir cu stomary laws mu st be recognised by government. This requires a genuinely autonomous regional government that would give the pe opl es of the Co rd illera th e right to determine freely their political, econo m ic and cultural ways of life.

Community organisation has proved effective in empowering indige nous communities and should be adopted as an inherent part of development work. This includes forming alliance s or feder ations from village to provincial levels, and joining the regional mo vement for the asserti on of indigenous people's rights and self-determination . Traditional practices that serve the long-term interests of people with regard to

lVnership, use and management offorests should be strengthened or revitalised. Policy makers sh ould sup po rt legal and indigenous institutional arrangernem s which prev ent individuals or outside groups from exploiun g nntural wealth at the expe nse of the poorer sections of the community. The y ould recognise th e role of th e pe ople in the devel opment and man age­ m of the natural resources on which the y rely for man y of their basic l'Iceds. Cooperative efforts in the utilisation and management of the forest lCSOurces should be encou raged . Thi s requires th e definition o f obj ective rameters for a qualitative assessment of forested areas th at measures the nr of forest cover, its quality and dynamics , and its stage o f regenera IB n or degeneration. On the basis of this assessment, communities could n develop appropriate forest-use and development plans. LI O G RAPHY unity Health Edu cation , Services and Trainin g in the Co rdillera Region ( 1989) Common II at Plams of the Cordillera, Ilagui o City, Philipp ines. ~ e ra Peoples' Alliance (995) 'Ances tra l Land Dehn eation and Indigen ous Peoples', IUblishcd positi on pap er. ue, l., Lugold, G. and Panch o.} . 0 977 -83) Hfin dbooh on Philippine :\ledical Plants, Vols

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1 (1977 ), 2 (1978 ), 3 (982 ) and 4 (1983 ), University of the Philippines-Los Banos, Laguna Gonzale s, Pedro and Rees, Colin P (1988) Birds oj the Philippines, Haribon foundat ion for the Conservati on of Natural Resources, Inc. La Vina , A. (1991) Lawand Ecolog)', Legal Rights and Natural Resource Centre, Manila. Merrill, Elmer D. (1912 ) A Flora oj Manila, Depa rtm ent of the Interior, Bureau of Science. Merrill, Elmer D. (1926) An Enumeration oj Philippine Flowering Plants, 4 vols, Manila. Mon tanosa Research and Development Centre (19 93) 'Prelimin ary Community Appraisal of Beew', unpub lished repo rt. Mun icipal Planning and Development Coordi nator (1995 ) 'Sagada Municipal Profile' unpublished report . ' Quimi o, 1. (1978) Common Edible Mushrooms in the Philirpines, University of the Philippines_ Los Banos , Laguna. Quisumbi ng . E. (1978 ) Medical Plants oj the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippin es. Rabor, D. ( 1977) Philippine Birds and Mammals, University of the Philipp ines Science Education Centre , Universiry of the Philip pines. Press, Quezon City. Tauli, A. (l984) Dakamiya Nan DagaMi, Baguio City, Philippines.

5 Alternatives to Rainforest Logging

in a Chachi Community in Ecuador

LORENA GAMBO A Acci6n Ecologia , Ecuador

Geography, Ecology and Peopl e The Centro El Encanto Reserve, inhabit ed by bo th indigeno us Chachi and Mro-Ecuadorian peop le, is located alon g the Cayapas River border in the rovince of Esm araldas, northwestern Ecuado r. The area con tains the last tropical rainfor est s on the Ecuadonan coast, forming part of the bio­ eographical region of the Cho co, which has one of the wo rld's hi ghest levels of biod iversity and endemic species. Centro El Encan to is part of the otacachi-Cayapas Ecological Reserve buffer zone . It is estimated to harbour total of 6,500 plant spec ies, equivalen t to 25 pe r cent of all plant spec ies recorded in the co untry. O f th ese plan ts, it is estimated that some 1,260 ped es are en demic to the area. The native vegetation of Cayapas has the app earance of a de nse eve r­ reen forest with species of great height and width . Fores t compos ition ries according to the condition of the soils , d rainage, topography and umiduy The mos t imp ortant of the tree families are Fabaceae, Moraceae, uraceac, My risticaceae, and Meliaceae. The clima te of the Cayapas River a is hot and humid . The average tem perature is approximately 25°C and Ib e average ann ual rainfall 4,000 millim etres. The area is characterised by exten sive ne two rk of rivers and streams, whic h also cons titutes the :pti ncipal system of com munication, transportation and trade for local people. For more th an 400 years two dis tinct ethnic groups, the Chachi and the rO-Ecuadorians , have occup ied the forests of the region . Ove r this period, ih the Chachi and the Afro-Ecuado rians , th rough their respec tive cultu ral raLtices, have managed the forest sustainab ly, provid ing them selves with , clothi ng, me dic ine and ritu al necessities. Both grou ps also prac tise ,n ail-scale agriculture and have developed an in-depth know ledge of the of forest plants and the huntmg of wild an imals . The horticulture

91