Epilogue Apr2009

Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070

ISSN 0974-5653

Now Telling The J&K Stories

Epilogue because there is more to know

Jammu, April 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 4 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in

PAKISTAN

TREADING FAILURE Epilogue’s Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travels to the troubled country to bring home ground reports with fresh perspectives

Race for Lok Sabha J&K's Voting Trends in Parliamentary Polls BEING MINORITY

Muslim Factor in Indian Elections

CINEMA IN HIGH HIMALAYAS

KASHMIR PROBLEM :

An Exclusive Study on Film Industry in Ladakh

Gandhian Perspectives and Practices

Economic Reconstruction Agency under the financial assistance of Asian Development Bank has launched several schemes to augment the water supply in Srinagar city. The various schemes with a cumulative storage capacity of 39 MGD include Rangil water supply scheme, Nishat-Doodhganga water supply scheme and Nishat-Dalbund water supply scheme which will cater to the drinking water needs of the population of about 10,93,995 souls of Srinagar city. Scope of Works Rangil water supply Scheme

Total Storage Capacity 10MGD

Population to be benefitted (souls) 294000

Areas to be benefitted Khulmulla, Zakura, Owantabavan, Bakshipora,Tengpora, Muj-Gund, Parimpora, Lawayopora, Shalteng, Colonies on Right and Left side. National Highway, Left side of National highway Bypass (Bemina, Muminabad, Firdousabad, Tengpora(left), Right side of National highway Bypass(Hamdania colony, Khumani colony (partly), Nundreshi Colony, JVC) Nishat Doodhganga water supply Scheme 21.5 MGD 614132 Areas to be benefitted Jawahar Nagar, Kralpora, Natipora, Rambagh, Nowgam, Rajbagh, Gulshan Nagar, Gogji Bagh, Solina, Chanapora Colony, Budshah Nagar, Allochi Bagh Part, Bagh-e-Mehtab, Tulsi Bagh, Wazir Bagh, Lal Mandi, Hazuri Bagh, Amira Kadal, Shivpora, Rajbagh and Magarmal Bagh, Lal Chowk, Maisuma, Abiguzar, Kral Sangri, Karapora, Brein, Patnta Chowk, Sonwar, Buchwara, Gupkar Road, Ram Munshi Bagh, Athwajan, Mahraja Bazar, Sari Payeen, Lal Mandi, Jawaharnagar (partly), Basant Bagh, Bar Bar Shah. Nishat Dalbund water supply Scheme 7.5MGD 185863 Areas to be benefitted Saida Kadal Bridge, Zinsha Masjid, Rainawari Chowk, Soorateng Chowk, Shiraz Chowk, Nowhatta, Naidyaar, Hasibhat, Chowdary Bagh.

B R I D G I N G

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I N F O R M A T I O N

D I V I D E

Taking J&K Closer to World Bringing World Closer to J&K

Epilogue because there is more to know

28 Volume : 3, Number : 4 ISSN : 0974-5653

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 www.epilogue.in F O R

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M O N T H

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A P R I L

Developments in Pakistan have always been a matter of keen interest in India and particularly in Indian side of Jammu and Kashmir as they directly impact the peace process. Our Consulting Editor and IPCS Deputy Director D Suba Chandran offers, in this issue, fresh perspective on the situation

Epilogue Ø 1× April 2009

2 0 0 9

INTRA-KASHMIR CONTACTS AND TRADE

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hortly before the historic cross-LoC trade was launched between two parts of Jammu and Kashmir, the United States Institute of Peace had come up with a most comprehensive study on making borders irrelevant. Under a special endowment from USIP, Epilogue carried reproduced the study in fall. It was a painstaking research taken by Hassan Askari and PR Chari, two leading policy experts of Pakistan and India, respectively. Oct. 2008

ELECTIONS: CHALLENGE 2008

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e have brought out three issues on assembly elections 2008 and the November issue was first in the series. Elections were being held in the backdrop of a worst separatist and communal agitation in state. With a commentary on the prevailing political and security atmosphere, the November issue carried a complete backgrounder on the past elections. Nov. 2008

HUNG ASSEMBLY

A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

n the middle of elections our small team of staffers along with some 30 volunteers traveled across the length and breadth of Jammu and Kashmir to gauge the public mood. The conclusion was that there will be a hung assembly with NC as largest party, PDP second and Congress third. Looking at the pages of our December issue one can see all parties have come up with same number of seats as we had predicted except the BJP. Dec. 2008

MANDATE :

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collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.

Jan. 2009

AGENDA FOR OMAR GOVERNMENT :

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he coalition government of National Conference and the Congress headed by Omar Abdullah Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it did not declare a shared agenda. Epilogue's February issue put together opinions of well meaning people from across the country setting out an agenda for Omar Abdullah government

Feb. 2009

CONNECTING J&K onnectivity is a major issue in J&K and people in many areas taunt the government saying that roads were laid in remote areas only because they close to borders. Our March issue looked at the connectivity via roads, rail and air to bring to the fore the missing links.

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Mar. 2009

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks. For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

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Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENTS

www.epilogue.in Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin

PAKISTAN

TREADING FAILURE Epilogue’s Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travels to the troubled country to bring home ground reports with fresh perspectives

IN FOCUS Pakistan Treading Failure

Research Officer Raman Sharma

Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94190 00123 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Edited, Printed, Published and Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. Published from : Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

Prologue Letters

14

Jammu and Kashmir : Trends in Parliamentary Elections

20

Muslims Factor in Indian Elections

25

Pakistan : Treading Failure

31 33

From Lahore to Lahore : The Road to Anarchy From Mumbai to Lahore : Does Pakistan Understand ?

7

Document President Obama’s Remarks on New Strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan Ecology Ecology in the Face of Economics Column Kashmir Problem : Gandhian Perspectives and Practices

36

41

44

Prof. Noor Ahmed Baba

Emperor Jagangir on History, Culture of Kashmir-II 47 Prof. Jigar Mohammad

Special Report A film industry ripening in the Himalayas

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.

4 5 6

Note Book 11 Essential Entries

Art Editor Keshav Sharma

Mailing Address PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, Jammu

Who Said What

51

Culture Red faces, Crimpson Roses and Pink Panties

RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 ISN : 00974-5653 Price : Rs 30 Epilogue Ø 3× April 2009

54

H E A R

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H E A R

Who Said What

In Verbatim “Elections are always attractive targets for the militants” J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, while interacting with media persons in Srinagar.

“I believe stronger governments not only in Pakistan but India will help in reaching out to an amicable solution of the dispute,” Senior Separatist Leader, Mirwaiz Omar Farooq in a newspaper interview.

“Kupwara encounter was definitely an indication of stepped up infiltration into Jammu and Kashmir” The chief of army staff, General Deepak Kapoor on a prolonged gun-battle in North Kashmir

“There is no stopping to the killings of Kashmiris by troops despite government of India acknowledging that militancy had come down to all time low and there were no militancy related incidents taking in the Valley,” Chairman of J&K Liberation Front Yasin Malik while addressing a gathering after Friday prayers. “The situation in Kashmir is improving. The present government can widen the canvas of dialogue process for development and peace-building initiatives in the state,” Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee, at a news conference in New Delhi “BJP remained a supporter throughout and I myself was a member of the BJP. They were actively supporting me and they were a part and parcel of the (Amarnath land row) agitation” Leela Karan Sharma, Former Convener SAYSS and BJP Candidate from Jammu-Poonch Lok Sabha Constituency.

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P R O L O G U E

From the Editor

Leadership Vacuum

Zafar Choudhary

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little over three months after the keenly watched and most competitive assembly polls, Jammu and Kashmir is once again in the middle of elections and the parties are engaged in interesting battle of political survival. Again in the poll season, one can see the vivisection of politics in the state which has been a key factor after the death of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in 1982. For last over two and half decades Jammu and Kashmir could not produce a leader to command support in all three regions and different sections of people. As leaders take the narrow lines to protect their shrinking bases, the parties are now being seen more like sub-regional entities. There are five key political players –National Conference, Peoples Democratic Party and Panthers Party as regional parties and BJP and the Congress as national parties –in the state and they can be fixed at the levels of districts or sub-regions comprising three to four districts. National Conference is though the only party with some representation in parts of the state but its main influence is mainly concentrated in central Kashmir district of Srinagar, Badgam and Ganderbal. South Kashmir is arguably in complete grip of Peoples Democratic Party while in North Kashmir there is a stiff competition for survival between NC and the PDP. In Ladakh, the Budhist

dominated Leh district has allowed Congress to dominate the political scene while the Muslim dominated Kargil district has strong presence of the NC. There are 46 assembly constituencies and three Lok Sabha constituencies in Kashmir Valley while four assembly segments and one Lok Sabha constituency in Ladakh. Coming down to Jammu, it is wrestling between BJP and the Congress –the two national political parties –over 37 assembly segments and two Lok Sabha seats where another regional party, the Panthers Party and key Kashmir players –the PDP and the NC- are also stakeholders. How limited role and space the parties have been left with in the overall political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir can be clearly seen through the current electoral battle. In the ensuing Lok Sabha elections while the ruling coalition partners NC and Congress are contesting six seats in an uneasy and imbalanced alliance, other parties are concentrating on one or two seats each and with symbolic participation on other seats. While NC and Congress decided to share three seats each, the decision could not be formally announced as both parties wanted to have one secure seat. And in their calculation Ladakh emerged as the only secure seat for either of them. This clearly underlined that none of the ruling coalition partners was confident to win any of the six seats. Shrinking

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bases of political parties, limited popularities of their leaders and the deepening divides on the lines of regions, religions, castes and languages define the complexity of Kashmir issue and bring home a point that there is a complete leadership vacuum in the state. Leaders of the parties with their acceptance not going beyond three or four of the 22 districts command very little to negotiate for resolution of the Kashmir issue. Elections offer a good opportunity of taking policies and programmes of parties to all regions and all sections of societies but the leaders have their priorities fixed in the areas where they can actually get some votes. Feedback : [email protected]

L ETTERS

Readers Write Promising peace without progress?

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eace, progress and prosperity are inseparable both in letters and spirits and therefore our leaders must take care that while promising one, the other should not be overlooked. From Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and Ghulam Nabi Azad and then Omar Abdullah, all leaders in Jammu and Kashmir, have always played and politicized peace at the cost of development. While peace factor is yet to be achieved, the progress and prosperity has been blatantly compromised with. Epilogue's March issue (Connecting Jammu and Kashmir) was an eye opener on where our state stands on road, rail and air communication network. We are indebted to Epilogue for highlighting the issue of poor road connectivity and frequent accidents but this concern should not stop here. It is very unfortunate that the native district of the former Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, is the home to many major road accidents in the state. The self acclaimed advocate and champion of progress and development, Ghulam Nabi Azad must respond for these fatal accidents. He is known as Progress- ambassador of the Congress party but unfortunately he could not mend the quality of roads even in his own district forget the entire state. Now again in the election season the political parties in the state are out with their political agendas, whereas the partners of the coalition government are even hesitant to declare their manifesto(s) in the absence of any Common Minimum Programme of governance. Both PDP and BJP are fighting the elections on provocations of anti-nationalism and communalism respectively. But the people of the state must not get entrapped and vote only for peace and prosperity and that can be achieved after bridging the gap of progress. The only key to attain peace in the state is through over all development and progress of the state with accountability of the political bosses. It is good to witness that Jammu and Kashmir receive its first and only International Airport at Srinagar, it will of course help the Horticulture and floriculture

industry of Jammu and Kashmir but the decade-long pending railway project of Jammu-Udhampur-Katra is still seems a whim, crores of ruppess have been spent on this prestigious rail-link but its future is doubtful. The so called pro-Jammu and pro- Hindu Bhartiya Janta Party never ever even whispered on this serious issue, millions of pilgrims across the world visit the holy shrine of Mata Shri Vaishno Devi, they were the first to lead the Jammu agitation on the lines of religions just to score political mileage but they themselves never rose the issue of development of the state, likewise the Pro-Kashmiri PDP do also concentrate less on the issues of connectivity and development of the state but keep their politics around de-militarization and dual currency. The oldest party of the state N.C is also not and exception, they had ruled the state for longest period but again they also failed to deliver to the people.

AMRITA TALWAR Udhampur

…and after three months

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hief Minister Omar Abdullah after assuming the chair himself formulated an agenda of governance for first 100 days for his government. Though the young leader exhibited enough political maturity in all the three months of his government but now the people of the state reserve the right to know where they actually stand after three months. The youth of the state celebrated the victory of Omar irrespective of their region, religion and party affiliation. Perhaps they wanted to give Omar a chance to lead the state and work for their welfare. However, such a change is yet to be seen. K MAHMOOD, Srinagar

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11 Essential Stories AGRICULTURE

17 more varieties of rice in Jammu and Kashmir

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s many as 17 new varieties of rice have been released by the Sher-e-Kashmir University of Agriculture Sciences and Technology (SKUAST), Kashmir, in the state in the recent past. With this a total of 60 varities of rice had been released by the university so far, Vice Chancellor Prof Anwar Alam said. Giving details of various achievements made by the University, Prof Alam informed that the University had released 17 varieties of rice in the recent past. He said animal disease and pest diagnostic control measures and vaccines have been also been developed at the University. The University has identified vaccine for foot rot, which is a unique achievement, the Vice Chancellor added. Mr Alam said the University has established Rajiv Gandhi Chair in contemporary studies under UGC funding. He said the University is the 10th such University out of 227 Agriculture Universities in the country to do so. Prof Alam said the University has a proposal of establishing five more Krishi Vigyan endras. TERRORISM

26/11 mastermind appears in J&K

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he recent infiltration bids in Jammu and Kashmir have come in for some surprise for security agencies when they found Muzamil, one of the main Lashker-e--Taiba mastermind of the Mumbai terror attack, as the brain behind large-scale intrusion from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Security agencies monitoring wireless intercepts along the Line of Control (LoC) tracked a conversation where Muzamil was asking Hizbul Mujahideen Chief Syed Sallahuddin to push a large number of militant cadres into the state. Muzamil alias Yusuf, whose real identity was yet to be established, has been seen as the brain behind the large-scale infiltration bids from across the border, official sources said, adding the new strategy adopted this time was to push in more and more terrorists before the snow

melted at the passes. The sources said the Mumbai mastermind, who is among the 38 people named in the chargesheet filed by the police in 26/11 attack, had held a meeting with other terrorist groups earlier last month including Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and Jaish-eMohammed despite the fact that these two outfits belong to a different sect of Islam. The terrorists later spoke to Hizbul Mujahideen chief Syed Sallahuddin -a conversation intercepted by security agencies -- asking him to prepare some of his men to be ready for large-scale infiltration into the valley. The border in North Kashmir has witnessed large-scale infiltration in last fortnight which includes the one that led to a fierce encounter at Kupwara leading to killing of 18 LeT

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militants. Eight soldiers of Army's para commando unit including a Major were also killed during the encounter. Muzamil is considered as one of the hardcore terrorists with very good knowledge of topography of Kashmir. Besides several suicide attacks, he is also wanted in connection with masterminding the Akshardham temple attack in 2002 at Gujarat. His sudden surfacing on the terror network of Jammu and Kashmir has belied the claim of Pakistani authorities that he had been detained during a special operation following the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai. Security agencies have also seen an increase of wireless traffic between terrorists in Kashmir and their handlers in Pakistan-occupiedKashmir thus breaking the threemonth-long lull after 26/11.

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EMPLOYMENT

STONES REPLACING GUNS

Little more industrial growth can offer over 4 lakh jobs

How Islamic is stone

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ammu and Kashmir government is one of the largest employers among all state governments in India but still unemployment is seen as a major problem in the state. As government finds it difficult to live up to its promise of providing employment to every educated youth, the Chief Minister Omar Abdullah is trying to tackle the problem by focusing on industrial development and campaigning to convince the job aspirants to look for private sector avenues. Speaking at a leadership session organized by the Federation Chamber of Industries, Kashmir in Srinagar, Abdullah said that small industrial sector has a pivotal role in sustained economic development. He said that small and medium entrepreneurs in the State provide jobs to 8 lakh people. “The sector, if properly supported to grow, can absorb another 4 to 5 lakh people easily reducing the pressure on job market. Here comes the role of government which it will render in its full capacity”, he said and added that the thrust area in the education sector would be on enhancing employability of the educated youth. The Chief Minister said that in the past, it has been observed that big industrial houses came in the State, took advantage of the packages and concessions but left midway without contributing to the larger goal of industrialization. “We have to encourage local entrepreneurs at large, but continue our efforts to rope in big industrialists as a bonus”, he said. Answering a point raised in the session regarding State's joint power ventures with NHPC, Abdullah said that he is open to pragmatic views in this regard, but they should be based on sound facts and not merely slogans. “If you convince me on the subject, you will find me logical”, he said and added that it is wiser to get at least 20 per cent free power out of 100 per cent potential rather than zero per cent, waiting for indigenous funding for power projects for decades. The Minister for Rural Development and Panchayats, Ali Mohammad Sagar says that the industrial growth was kickstarted in the State by late Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in 1977 and private sector received a considerable boost under his leadership. He said the number of small industrial units in the State which were around 600 in Seventies, jumped to 33,000 in over a decade.

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s gun is seen fading away from conflict landscape of Kashmir it is now over to stones. This has, interestingly, triggered a debate in the religious circles. Is stone pelting by mobs permissible in Islam? Religious and separatist circles in Jammu and Kashmir are busy debating the issue these days. A statement by Maulana Showkat Ahmad of the Jameet-eAhle Hadis last month said stone pelting was not allowed in Islam. He had advised the local youth not to resort to stone pelting. He had also quoted a saying of the Prophet against stone pelting. Now Syed Inayatullah Andrabi, an Islamic scholar and chairman of Mahazi Azadi, has asked Maulana Showkat to 'apologize for his quoting the Prophet's sayings (Hadith) out of context'. Andrabi said: 'Let us note that what the most revered Prophet has said in the Hadith cited by Maulana was basically regarding the ineffectiveness of a small stone to deliver the desired result when it comes to hunting or taking on an enemy.' Andrabi said all the Hadith said was that 'the small stone would not produce the desired result, it would only harm the person or the animal'. Senior separatist leader and chairman of the breakaway Hurriyat group, Syed Ali Geelani, had also said that stone pelting could not been regarded as 'an antiIslamic act in a situation where harsher measures were being resorted to by the security forces against the protesters'. Police and security forces

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J&K BANK

pelting? have been facing severe stone pelting mobs, especially in the old city areas of summer capital Srinagar ever since the land row protests broke out over the allotment of forest land to the Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB) in July last year. Hundreds of protesters and security men have been injured across Kashmir during these protests and shutdowns. Typically, these situations see mobs indulging in heavy stone pelting at the security men who respond with batons and tear gas shells and in extreme situations even open fire to quell the mobs. Srinagar senior superintende nt of police, Afadul Mujtaba, had quoted verses from the Holy Quran in December last year saying that stone pelting was against the tenets of Islam.

Retirement age up by 2 years

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n A late-night swoop, the Board of Directors of Jammu and Kashmir Bank pre-empted the retirement of over a dozen top executives by extending their retirement age from 58 years to 60 years. While the decision may bring cheers on the faces of the older lot on the verge of retirement, those who retired in the last twelve months were found sulking. Reports say that the Board of Directors on March 29, enhanced the age of superannuation of officers from 58 years to 60 years with effect from April 1, 2009. The resolution further says that in pursuant to above the words “58 years” in Rule No 250 of the Jammu and Kashmir Bank Limited Officers Manual-2000 stands substituted by the words “60 years” with effect from 01.04.2009. The officers who received the warm send off by the Jammu and Kashmir Bank during the last one year feel like sons of lesser Gods and term their farewell party as a cold send-off by the bank. The decision of extension in retirement age was taken on the penultimate day of closing of financial year by the Board of Directors with two State Government directors on board. The consent of two government nominees on the Bank's Board cannot be taken in isolation as it reflects the opinion of the Jammu and Kashmir Government and its likely resolve to accede to the demand of government employees for enhancing their retirement age. A dozen top executives who got a breather in mid-marathon service span and were due to retire during April to June quarter this year included AK Mehta, executive director & chief operating officer, Abdul Majid Mir, executive director & chief financial officer, Ajit Singh, President. Haseeb A. Drabu, the Chairman and Managing Director has already been granted extension for three years by the State Government, which was endorsed by RBI from September 1, 2008. Previously, he had been granted an extension of three months expiring on August 31 last year. Reports of behind-the-curtain move of enhancing the age of superannuation in officer cadre was on its peak during August last year when the Kashmir Valley and entire Jammu region was engulfed in a frenzy for and against the government's order cancelling the allotment of land to the Amarnath Shrine Board when all offices and establishments remained closed for over two months. Efforts were made by the Bank's top management to gather all relevant provisions pertaining to superannuation in some of the public sector banks from the central offices in Mumbai. While the decision was well within the knowledge of all beneficiaries, the contents of the said resolution was made known to the bank staff and people on April 1 only when most of the people took this news as a goof up on All Fools' Day.

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SHOOTING DESTINATION

Bollywood returns with 'Love in Kashmir'

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ollywood is fast resuming its honeymoon with the picturesque Kashmir Valley - once the most favoured location for filmmakers in the country. Several film units have already started shooting in Kashmir, which has been in the clutches of violence since 1989, when insurgency erupted in the valley. Film producer Sunil Kapoor is presently in the valley shooting for 'Love in Kashmir'. The producer has completed 30 percent of the film's shooting. Kapoor received great help from the state government to shoot the film, Minister for Tourism and Culture Nawang Rigzin Jora said, adding more producers were willing to come to the valley. Jora said the tourism department was keen to lure the big Bollywood banners back to the Kashmir Valley and was committed to providing them the best of facilities for their shoots, including free access to locations. He asked Bollywood filmmakers to also make use of locales in Ladakh and Jammu regions, which also provide vast and varied potential for film production houses. He said shooting a film in the state was much cheaper than in Europe. The Kashmir Valley used to be the favourite destination of the Bollywood producers and many hit films like 'Kashmir Ki Kali',

'Kabhi Kabhi' and 'Arzoo' were shot in the valley. However, the militancy forced filmmakers to look for other places with the worsening security situation in the valley.

GLOBAL WARMING

Kashmir glaciers facing meltdown

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ashmir is experiencing the effects of global warming, with high altitude glaciers retreating at an unprecedented rate, thus threatening the eco-system of the valley. Owing to global warming, most of the small glaciers in Kashmir have melted totally, while the larger ones have decreased in size. According to a study carried out by the Action Aid International (AAI) last year, many areas in Kashmir have seen a complete disappearance of small glaciers. "The surface area of the glaciers has been decreased by two third in many cases in Kashmir. In the Peerpanjal

mountain range, some glaciers have been totally disappeared. You know now you can't find glaciers beyond JulyAugust in most of the Peerpanjal range. So, those glaciers which used to be there for the whole year, are difficult to find now and those who were the bigger ones have receded tremendously," said Arjimand Talib, the head of Kashmir branch of Action Aid International. According to the data collected by the AAI from the eight districts of the Kashmir showed that the water level in almost all the streams and rivers has decreased by about one-third, in some cases even by half, during the last 40 years.

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According to locals residing in Sonmarg, most of the glaciers, including Thajiwas and Kolahoi, have receded during the last 50 years. "The glaciers of Sonmarg, which were very popular once, due to the global warming it is being felt that glaciers are reducing day by day. No one is taking care of it otherwise if care is taken there are 90 percent chances of saving Sonmarg glaciers," said Abdul Rehman Malik, a local resident. The recent springtime floods in Kashmir have largely been as a consequence of fast melt down of snow in the mountains, coupled with the spring rains.

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LADAKH

Confusion causes chaos and closure of Khardongla road

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eavy snowfall together with unnecessary confusion in the movement of traffic on Khardongla road this winter resulted many passengers to frequently strand on the road for many days in the severe cold winter months with temperature dropping down to below – 40 Degree Celsius. Khardongla Pass is the road that connects Nubra region with the rest of Ladakh. Khardongla road, at an altitude of 18,380 feet, is famously known for being the highest motorable-road in the world. In view of the difficulties with the movement of traffic in winter months, the traffic regulatory authorities have laid down scheduled directions/days for traffic to move between Leh and Nubra. According to which traffic movement from Leh to Nubra are on every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, and from Nubra to Leh on every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday (this system is also called the 'up convoy' and 'down convoy' days). Every Monday is the road maintenance day. As the road remained closed for days this winter with many passengers stranded in large number Mr. AK Sahu, deputy commissioner, Leh had to depute some top district officers to see if the road restoration was carried out at full speed and passengers were safe. Passengers and some public representatives expressed their concerns against the army for allegedly violating the traffic rules which had apparently caused road blockade a few times. Anguished stranded passengers and taxi drivers had resentments against the army for allowing military convoy

movement on non scheduled days to cross Khardong without taking into account the 'convoy days' which reportedly led to the road blockade. The army authorities were also accused for allowing passenger taxis and buses to ply on this road only after the military convoys. Annoyed by the road blockade, allegedly caused by the army, stranded passengers in a letter addressed to the deputy commissioner cautioned that such inconveniences and negligence towards the civilians by the army, if repeated, would amount to damage the civil-army liaison in Ladakh region which had so far been an exemplary for the last many decades. It has been observed that on few occasions road closures were also caused on account of the lack of communication among the army, the police and the Border Road Organization (BRO) personnel that are stationed at North and South Pullu and the Khardongla top posts. But the police say it becomes difficult to liaise with the army and the BRO every time since a police post is not in place on Khardongla top. On repeated confusions and chaos over movement of traffic on Khardongla road in addition to the frequent road blockades, the deputy commissioner convened a meeting with all concerned organizations on March 6 to discuss the matter. The meeting was attended by the chief engineer Project Himank Brigadier Bhadwan, SSP Leh S.R Samuel, Col. Bikramdeep Sighn of the 3 Infantry Division and army officials from the 14 Corps besides other district officials and representatives of the passengers who were stranded at Leh at that time. Some of the important decisions that came out of this meeting are:

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Traffic shall be regulated as per the schedules already in place and no traffic either civil or army shall be allowed to move on non scheduled directions/days. Following the road clearance report by BRO, light vehicles of civilian traffic such as taxis shall be allowed to move first and then the army convoy including army buses which shall be followed by civilian buses and heavy vehicles. The BRO will place information boards at different locations on the Khardongla road which shall have information about the condition of road in Ladakhi, Hindi and English. District Administration and the Police shall arrange two Gypsys to be attached with the North and South Pullo police posts to help them monitor the road inspection smoothly, and police shall have their personnel posted at Khardongla Top with a wireless set. Ladakhis, with required driving licence, shall be recruited to operate bulldozers at Khardongla as locals are found more acclimatized to the inhospitable atmosphere at Khardongla. All civil and army traffic shall be asked to follow the rule strictly and not to move without proper permission to avoid danger of road blockade and loss of life and property. Khardongla road is an important axis from the strategic point of view as well as for the inhabitants of Nubra valley. The movement of defence convoy is also very frequent since a large number of troops are deployed in the inhospitable terrain at Siachen Glacier.

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LADAKH

LADAKH

BSNL Connecting and Disconnecting Ladakh

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he breakdown of the Optical Fiber Line (OFC) laid down between Srinagar and Leh paralyzed the entire telecommunication system in the region in the month of February. With the installation of two satellite media on an emergency basis, the services have been restored to some extent. The OFC breakdown was reportedly caused by avalanche at Gumri about 40 kilometers from Drass towards Zujila. After giving some relief to its subscribers with the installation of two emergency satellite media, the BSNL Leh held an interactive session with its costumers wherein the telecom district manager, Mr. Sharad Trivedi expressed the difficulties BSNL faces in the restoration of the OFC line. Mr Sharad said all actions and possibilities had been explored with the Army and the Border Road Organization for an early restoration of the OFC but it was found to be impossible to restore it before reopening of Srinagar-Leh highway. Participating costumers complained against excessive billing, difficulties in making payments, numerous unwanted sms, not giving rebates on bills during periods when services are completely down. They further suggested having booth system facilities for making bill payment etc at different public places. After listening to the complaints, Mr. Trivedi said that BSNL would give rebate on services which had been affected on account of OFC breakdown. Subscribers also enquired if it was possible to convert a postpaid mobile into prepaid but the BSNL officials categorically said that it was not at all possible. However, in contradiction to their answer , the Government of India through an advisement

on national TV channels informs us that converting a postpaid mobile into prepaid or vise versa is not only possible but the process to do it doesn't any thing to a costumer. Subscribers are often subjected to unwanted sms. BSNL seems to generate huge revenue by sending thousands of SMS to its subscribers. Subscribers are often made to subscribe to BSNL tunes unknowingly at Rs 25 per month with additional Rs 12 per tune. Few lucky subscribers may get an SMS that reads: 'to discontinue the BSNL tune sms UNSUB to 56700'. So do it and find out if you are also among the ignorant subscribers to BSNL tunes who pay a monthly Rs 37 unknowingly and for nothing in return. Broadband and WLL services in Ladakh continue to be dead due to the OFC breakdown. This seems to cause unrecoverable damages to many businessmen and travel agencies who rely upon the internet for many things. However in the coming few months, telecommunication system in Ladakh is likely to get stabilized and strengthened after the installation of a Main Switching Center (MSC) for Ladakh at Leh. BSNL official sources say that the MSC would be installed in summer months after the reopening the Leh-Srinagar highway and this would immensely reduce the problems in the telecommunication services in Ladakh. In addition to the MSC, installation of more mobile towers and connecting farflung rural villages and hamlets with DSPT satellite phones are some important steps which might change the entire telecommunication scenario of Ladakh region in 2009.

Epilogue Ø 12 × April 2009

Jora's Portfolio raise hopes and expectations

G

iven the tourism potential of Ladakh and the land becoming a popular tourist destination on the world tourist map Shri Nawang Rigzin Jora assuming as the Minister of Tourism & Culture at the State Government has raised hopes and expectations among travel trades for promotion of Ladakh as a destination in a very planned manner. Speaking on the occasion of the national ice hockey championship at Leh this winter, Mr Chering Dorje, chief executive councilor LAHDC Leh expressing his hopes said that Rigzin Jora as the Minister for Tourism & Culture would tremendously help Ladakh's prosperity. Although a large number foreign and domestic of tourists visit Ladakh every year, there are still a lot of unnecessary obstacles for the promotion of tourism in the region. In the last more than three decades Tourism industry in Ladakh has remained confined in and around Leh only since the place was first opened for the world tourism in 1974. Many areas in Leh and Kargil are still restricted for tourism.

NO T E

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11 Essential Stories

More than 74,000 numbers of tourists have visited Leh district last year in which over 20,000 is an increase against the figure recorded in the year 2007. It is often argued that such restrictions have become irrelevant in today's information and technologically developed digital era. Organizations associated with the tourism industry hope that Rigzin Jora as the minister for tourism will be able to do away with many unnecessary restrictions imposed on the development of tourism. In a letter to the tourism minister some Kargil based NGOs through Kargil Ice and Snow Sports Club requested the minister to de-restrict the areas of Shakar- Chiktan block for domestic and foreign tourists. Similarly villagers and public representatives of Nubra and Changthang in Leh district have also represented before the minister with the request to lift the restriction for tourism in their areas and open new trekking routes. A delegation of the Ladakh Taxi Operator Co-operative Ltd Leh led by its president Mr Nawang Tsering even called on the minister in Jammu to discuss the problems they face in the short tourist season of Ladakh. The delegation in through a memorandum urged the minister to take up the opening of areas up to Yarma Gonbo in Nubra on one belt and up to Turtuk in Nubra on the other belt for Tourism. Similarly opening of Lukung to Tsaga via Chushul in Nyuma, and Mahey to Demchok, and Anley kuyul via Nyuma was also requested. Opening of the restricted areas is expected to further boost the growing tourism industry of Ladakh besides benefiting hundreds of taxi operators and unemployed youth.

KASHMIR & DIPLOMACY

US in diplomatic effort to reduce tensions over Kashmir

T

he United States has launched a diplomatic effort to ease tensions between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, in order to allow Islamabad to focus more effectively on fighting Al Qaeda and Taliban on its western border with Afghanistan. Democrat Senator Mark Udall from Colorado raised the issue at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing recently, asking a panel of senior US defence officials if Washington is in discussion on “urging India and Pakistan to continue finding a way forward on Kashmir”. "Together with my great diplomatic wing man (special representative for the region) Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, this effort actually has started," US Central Command chief Gen David Petraeus said. He did not name Kashmir in his response but argued that calming tensions between the two South Asian nuclear neighbours would be of “enormous importance” to the fight against violent extremists. Petraeus said more recently the Pakistan-India standoff in the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks diverted Islamabad's attention at a time when its forces were engaged in focused anti-terrorism operations in Bajaur and other tribal regions. Michele Flournoy, the under-secretary of defence and one of the architects of the Obama administration's policy toward the region, called the issue of scaling down Pakistan-India tensions as “a really critical matter”. "This is the issue – one of the issues that really drives a more regional approach in our strategy – that part of helping Pakistan to shift its attention and its resources and its efforts is reducing the tensions it has with India.”

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Epilogue Ø 13 × April 2009

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Voting Trends

JAMMU AND KASHMIR :

Trends in Parliamentary Elections

T

he voting trends for the Parliamentary elections in J&K are similar like the trends in the Assembly elections. The data of the voter turnout from 1967 to 1984 reflects a reasonable level of voting generally at par with the voter turnout at the national level. However in 1967 and 1980 elections, there is a gap between the national and the state level voting. In 1967, the percentage of the national level voter turnout was 61.04 while in the state it was only 53.42. Similarly, in 1980, the percentage of the voter turnout at the national level was 56.92 but at the state level it was only 48.05. During 1971 and 1984 elections, however, the average voter turnout at state level was higher as compared to the voter turnout at the national level. In 1971, the percentage of the voter turnout at the national level was 55.27. The percentage of the voter turnout at the state level in that election was

58.12. Similarly, in 1984, the percentage of the voter turnout at the national level was 63.56 but at the state level, it was 66.41. The state is represented in the Lok Sabha by six members. Of these, three are represented from Kashmir region, two from Jammu region and our from Ladakh. Like the Assembly elections, the Parliamentary election also reflects intensity regional variations. Following is a brief analysis of each Parliamentary action since 1980. 1980 Parliamentary Elections During 1980 Parliamentary elections, the three constituencies of Kashmir region-Srinagar, Baramulla and Anantnag were represented by National Conference. The two constituencies of Jammu region, however, were represented by the Congress. Ladakh was represented by an independent

Table No. 1 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 1980 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

REKHA CHOWDHARY AVINEET PRASHAR PAAWAN VIVEK

Winning Candidates

Winning Party

%age of votes polled

Baramulla

Khawaja Mubarak Shah

JKN

67.57

Srinagar

Farooq Abdullah

JKN

UC

Anantnag

Gh. Rasool Kochak

JKN

60.47

Ladakh

Phuntsog Namgyal

IND

44.47

Udhampur

Karan Singh

INC (U)

53.38

Jammu

Girdhari Lal Dogra

INC (I)

62.46

Epilogue Ø 14 × April 2009

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candidate. The contest took place in five constituencies. The sixth constituency of Srinagar, was returned by JKN without a contest. Among the prominent candidates were Dr Farooq Abdullah of JKN (uncontested return), Karan Singh (Congress) and Girdhari Lal Dogra 1984 Parliamentary Elections

During the 1984 Parliamentary elections, the seats were shared equally by the Congress and the National Conference. Polling 46.17% votes, the National Conference won three seats of Valley. The Congress polled 30.23% votes and registered its victory in two seats of Jammu and one seat of Ladakh. Among the prominent winning candidates included Akbar Jahan Begum

Table No. 2 SEATS CONTESTED AND WON BY POLITICAL PARTIES 1984 Parliamentary Elections Party’s Name

Seats Contested

Seats Won

%age of votes polled

JKP

1

0

0.03

INC

4

3

30.23

JKN

5

3

46.17

IND

35

0

17.41

BJP

1

0

1.71

LKD

1

0

0.11

JPP

1

0

4.35

Constituency

Winning Candidates

Winning Party

%age of votes polled

Baramulla

Saif-ud-Din Soz

JKN

69.69

Srinagar

Abdul Rashi Kabuli

JKN

81.08

Anantnag

Akbar Jahan Begum

JKN

58.51

Ladakh

Phuntsog Namgyal

INC

55.59

Udhampur

Girdari Lal Dogra

INC

56.98

Jammu

Janak Raj Gupta

INC

46.51

Table No. 4 COMPARATIVE PARTY PERFORMANCE 1967-1984 Parliamentary Elections 1967

1971

1977

1980

The regional polarization between JKN and Congress as reflected in 1984 elections marked a continuity with the nature of party competition since 1977. The Parliamentary seats since 1977 tend to be divided between JKN and Congress on regional basis. The JKN, for instance, captured two of the three seats in Kashmir in 1977, and all the three seats in 1980 and 1984 Parliamentary elections. The Congress meanwhile registered its victory in one of the two seats of Jammu in 1977 and both the seats in 1980 and 1984 Parliamentary elections. 1989 Parliamentary Elections

Table No. 3 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 1984 Parliamentary Elections

Constituency

who won the seat from Anantnag, Girdharilal Dogra who won form Udhampur and Saif-ud-Din Soz who won from Baramulla. 35 Independent candidates also contested the election.

1984

Baramulla

INC

INC

JKN

JKN

JKN

Srinagar

JKN

IND

JKN

JKN

JKN

Anantnag

INC

INC

INC

JKN

JKN

Ladakh

INC

INC

INC

IND

INC

Udhampur

INC

INC

INC

INC(U)

INC

Jammu

INC

INC

IND

INC(I)

NC

Epilogue Ø 15 × April 2009

The 1989 Parliamentary election took place at a time when militancy had taken a full-blown form and the popular resentment, specifically in the valley, was at its peak. The impact of such a situation could be seen during this election. As the normal electoral activity was almost as impossibility, this election, at least in Kashmir region, proved to be of farcical nature. The major opposition party of the region, the Muslim United Front boycotted the election and various militant organizations directed the people not to participate in the electoral process. Most of other opposition parties also refrained from fielding their candidates in the elections. The National Conference therefore finding no competitors could win all the three seats in the valley. While Srinagar Parliamentary constituency was returned uncontested, in the rest of the two constituencies of Baramulla and

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Anantnag, challenge came only from the independent candidates. In these constituencies also very few people came out to cast their votes. As consequence only 5.07% voter turnout was constituencies, people exercised their votes in few pockets only. Of the total votes polled in Baramulla constituency, around 60% votes were polled in two non-Kashmir speaking Pahari Assembly segments, namely Uri and Handwara. There were many Assembly segments in both the constituencies of Baramulla and Anantnag where there was a negligible level of voting. For instance, only one vote was cast in Patan Assembly segment, 15 in Gulmarg and 180 in Sopore. It was the impact of the militancy in Kashmir valley that the overall voter turnout of the state was affected. Table No. 5 DETAILS OF 1989 ELECTIONS Constituency

Table No. 6 SEATS CONTESTED AND WON BY POLITICAL PARTIES 1989 Parliamentary Elections Party’s Name

Seats Contested Won

Seats Won

%age of votes polled

JD

2

0

30.05

INC

3

2

38.95

JKN

3

3

6.81

IND

49

1

9.60

BJP

2

0

7.15

BSP

1

0

4.06

JPP

1

0

2.16

Table No. 7 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 1989 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

Winning Candidates

Winning Party

%age of votes polled

Baramulla

Saif-ud-Din Soz

JKN

93.79

Srinagar

Mohammad Shafi Bhat

JKN

UC

Anantnag

P.L. Handoo

JKN

97.69

Ladakh

Mohammad Hassan

IND

52.65

Udhampur

Dharam Paul

INC

40.66

Jammu

Janak Raj Gupta

INC

41.82

Percentage of votes

Baramulla

5.48

Srinagar

UC

Anantnag

5.07

Ladakh

86.36

Udhampur

39.45

Jammu

56.89

As against the Valley, Jammu and Ladakh witnessed normal electoral activity during this election. The two constituencies of Jammu region actually witnessed a tough competition with 6 parties and 24 candidates in fray in Udhampur constituency and 5 parties and 2 candidates in Jammu constituency. With the exception of two Assembly segments adjacent to valley, namely of Doda and Banihal in Udhampur constituency, a reasonably high voter turnout was recorded – around 57% in Jammu and around 40% in Udhampur.

Though the Congress party could register its victory in both the constituencies of the region, it had to face a very tough competition from the Janata Dal. While the total percentage of the votes polled by the Congress was 38.95, the percentage of the votes polled by the Janta Dal was 30.05. The National Conference, though won half the seats, yet its share of votes was less than 7 percent.

exceed 5%, the recorded voter turnout was substantially high this time. While the overall voter turnout for the state was 48.96% for Kashmir Valley, it was 46.65%. In terms of each constituency of the valley, it was 50.20% voter turnout in Anantnag constituency, 46.65% in Baramulla constituency and 41% in Srinagar constituency. There were however some pockets within each constituency, especially in Srinagar, where the voter turnout was quite low –

1996 Parliamentary Election Due to the situation of militancy, 1991 Parliamentary election could not be held in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The next Parliamentary election took place in 1996. The 1996 Parliamentary election was controversial. Unlike 1989 when the voting percentage in the valley did not

Epilogue Ø 16 × April 2009

Table No. 8 DETAILS OF 1996 ELECTIONS Voter Turnout Constituency

%age of votes turnout

Baramulla

46.65

Srinagar

40.94

Anantnag

50.20

Ladakh

80.93

Udhampur

53.29

Jammu

48.18

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around 14% in Habakadal Assembly segments, 17% in Idgah, 18% in Zadibal, 19% in Khanyar and 20% in Amirakadal. Such a high voter turnout led many to allege that the security forces had used coercion to force people to cast their votes. A relatively higher number of invalid, in fact pointed to some truth in these allegations. Around 7.47% votes were declared invalid in Srinagar constituency, 7% in Baramulla constituency. In some of the Assembly segments, the percentage of invalid votes was still higher – 17.47% in Sopore, 11.80% in Sangrama, 11.29% in Baramulla constituency, 11.75% in Rajpora, 10.44% in Hashmbug, 9.25% in Pulwama, 8% each in Pampore and Doru in Anantnag constituency, 12.48% in Idgha, 12.20% in Hazratbal, 10%embly segments in Batmalloo, 9% in Chadura, 8.45% in Khansahib, and 8.21% in Srinagar Assembly segment. An interesting aspect of the 1996 Parliamentary election was that the National Conference, the major regional party did not participate. Seeking legitimacy in the political space now dominated by separatist forces, it wanted to compete the slogan of 'Azadi' by its call for 'Autonomy'. However, failing to get an assurance on 'Autonomy' from the centre it chose not

to participate in the 1996 Parliamentary election With the National Conference opting out of elections, the contest in the valley was limited mainly between the Congress and Janata Dal, though the BJP, Panthers Party, Awami League and the Congress (T) also fielded candidates. The Congress polling 27.46% votes secured two seats and the Janata Dal polling 17.63% secured one seat. While in Baramulla constituency, the Congress polling 36.09% votes registered its victory with comfortable majority, in Srinagar constituency, it had to face a tough competition from the Janata Dal. Its share of votes was 18.63% as compared to 18.10% of Janata Dal. The Anantnag constituency was won by Janata Dal candidate polling 32.76% votes.

The Congress polling 52.10% votes emerged victorious in Ladakh. In Jammu region, the two seats were shared between the Congress and the BJP. A large number of votes were also polled by Janata Dal and the BSP.

Table No. 10 SEATS CONTESTED AND WON BY POLITICAL PARTIES 1996 Parliamentary Elections Party’s Name

Seats Contested

Seats Won

%age of votes polled

JD

5

1

17.63

INC

6

4

27.46

JKN

3

0

0.83

IND

84

1

24.28

BJP

5

0

19.04

BSP

2

0

5.95

JPP

5

0

4.80

Table No. 9 PERCENTAGE OF INVALID VOTES 1996 Parliamentary ELECTIONS Name of Constituency

However, 1996 Parliamentary election was a normal activity in Jammu and Ladakh – with 80.93% polling recorded in Ladakh region and 53.43% in Udhampur constituency. The effect of militancy, could be seen in the district Doda, which though registering a substantially high voter turnout of 53.43% also recorded a high number of invalid votes – 13% in Doda Assembly segment, 8% in Kishtwar, 5.4% in Inderwal and 4.23% in Bhaderwah. This percentage is certainly higher when compared to the average of 2.99% invalid votes in Jammu region.

Table No. 11 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 1996 Parliamentary Elections

%age of votes polled

%age of Invalid votes

Baramulla

46.36

6.98

Srinagar

41.00

7.47

Srinagar

Ghulam Mohammad Mir

INC

18.63

Mohammad Maqbool

JD

32.76

Phuntsog Namgyal

INC

52.10

Constituency

Winning Candidates

Baramulla

Ghulam Rasool Kar

Winning Party

%age of votes polled

INC

36.09

Anantnag

50.13

6.78

Anantnag

Ladakh

80.93

1.48

Ladakh

Udhampur

53.43

3.73

Udhampur

Chaman Lal Gupta

BJP

37.58

2.41

Jammu

Mangat Ram Sharma

INC

34.24

Jammu

48.28

Epilogue Ø 17 × April 2009

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1998 and 1999 Parliamentary Elections

valley in 1999 was with as low a support as 4.81% of the total electorate in

Table No. 12 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 1998 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

Winning Candidates

Winning Party

Baramulla

Prof. Saif-ud-Din Soz

JKN

Srinagar

Omar Abdullah

JKN

Anantnag

Mufti Mohammad Sayeed

INC

Ladakh

Syed Hussain

JKN

Udhampur

Prof. Chaman Lal Gupta

BJP

Jammu

Vaid Vishno Dutt

BJP

Table No. 13 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 1996 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

Winning Candidates

Winning Party

%age of votes polled

Baramulla

Abdul Rashid Shaheen

JKN

43.94

Srinagar

Omar Abdullah

JKN

57.27

Anantnag

Ali Mohammad Naik

JKN

37.66

Ladakh

Hassan Khan

JKN

45.04

Udhampur

Prof. Chaman Lal Gupta

BJP

49.01

Jammu

Vaid Vishno Dutt

BJP

43.46

Electoral process continued to be affected by the militancy throughout the decade of nineties. After 1996, Parliamentary election also took place in 1998 and 1999. During both the times, percentage of the voter turnout in the Valley of Kashmir was affected by the call of poll boycott given by the separatist organization All Party Hurriyat Conference. During 1998, the voter turnout in Anantnag was 28.15%, in Srinagar it was 30.16% and in Baramulla it was 41.94%. The impact of the politics of poll boycott was however, more seriously felt in 1999 when 11.93% voters in Srinagar Parliamentary constituency, 14.32% in Anantnag Parliamentary constituency and 27.79% in Baramulla constituency. Entry of three members of Parliament from the

Srinagar, 6.89% in Anantnag and 11.05% in Baramulla constituency. 2004 Parliamentary Elections Like the 1998 and 1999 Parliamentary elections, the 2004 Parliamentary election was also affected by the call for poll boycott. Many a militant organization had issued upon warning to Table No. 14 VOTERS TURNOUT 2004 Parliamentary Elections Region-Wise Region

%age of voter turnout

people against participation in elections and as electioneering proceeded and got intensified, the level of violence was also intensified. Militants attacked almost every political leader of prominence, disrupted elections rallies of almost every party, and even attacked party offices. Table No. 15 VOTER TURNOUT 2004 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

%age of voter turnout

Baramulla

35.65

Srinagar

18.57

Anantnag

15.04

Ladakh

73.52

Udhampur

45.09

Jammu

44.49

Voter turnout, as one could expect in theses circumstances, was quite low in the Valley. As against the turnout of 44.67 percent in Jammu region and 73.27 percent in Ladakh, it was recorded at 22.73 percent for Kashmir. However, the impact that the politics of boycott or violence could have on the electoral politics, cannot be seen as evenly spread throughout the Valley. Of the three Parliamentary constituencies, it was in two constituencies of Srinagar and Anantnag that the boycott politics seems to have taken its toll. Of the 31 Assembly segments in both these Table No. 16 OVERALL PERFORMANCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES 2004 Parliamentary ELECTIONS Political Party INC

Seats Won

%age of votes obtained

02

27.83

44.67

JKN

02

22.02

Kashmir

22.73

PDP

01

8.58

Ladakh

73.27

BJP

-

23.04

State Total

35.15

PP

-

3.02

Jammu

Epilogue Ø 18 × April 2009

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constituencies, as may as fourteen segments recorded less than 10 percent voter turnout, of which nine segments actually registered less than 5 percent turnout. As against these two constituencies, Baramulla constituency recorded a higher voter turnout of 35.18 percent. While the impact of boycott politics seems to be complete in the urban areas, in the rural areas, especially those that have been traditionally prone to militancy, a higher voter turnout was recorded. Srinagar Parliamentary constituency, for instance, which saw as low a voter turnout as less than one percent in Habbakadal, and between 3 to 5 percent in Amirakadal, Khanyar, Zadibal, Idgah and Batmalloo – all urban Assembly segments, also recorded a voter turnout of 61.01 percent in

Charar-i-Sharief, 45.38 percent in Kangan, 43.96 percent in Ganderbal and 39.63 percent in Chadura all located in the outskirts and rural areas, Higher voter turnout was also recorded in the border areas and Pahara belt including those areas which have been facing the brunt of violence. Voter turnout was as high as 82.72 percent in Gurez Assembly segment, 54.34 percent in Karnah, and 44.15 percent in Lolab. In the border township of Uri which felt the impact of violence during the election with People's Democratic Party (PDP) chief Mehbooba Mufti's rally being attacked and killing eight people in the process, the voter turnout was 57.62 percent. Despite the effect of politics of boycott, the 2004 Parliamentary election was quite competitive. The competitiveness of the electoral politics was established with each region reflecting a

Table No. 17 WINNING CANDIDATES WITH PARTY 2004 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

Winning Candidates

Winning Party

multiplicity of actors and a very real competition, between the PDP and NC in Kashmir region and between Congress, BJP and NC in Jammu region. It was this nature of competition that ultimately reflected in dispersal of seats among the political parties. Of the six parliamentary seats, two were captures by National Conference (NC) in Kashmir region, two by Congress in Jammu region and one by PDP in Kashmir region. An independent candidate won the sixth seat of Ladakh. Such dispersal of seats was matched by the dispersal of voters in such a manner that there was almost an even division among three parties. Congress (27.83%), BJP (2304%) and National Conference (22.02%) (Table) to understand the nature of such competition, it is important to refer to regional peculiarities of electoral politics, as these came to operate during this election. The history of Lok Sabha elections

%age of votes polled

Baramulla

Abdul Rashid Shaheen

JKN

38.13

Srinagar

Omar Abdullah

JKN

50.29

Anantnag

Mehbooba Mufti

PDP

49.55

Ladakh

Thupstan Chhewang

IND

51.84

Udhampur

Choudhary Lal Singh

INC

39.61

Jammu

Madan Lal Sharma

INC

38.94

Table No. 18 COMPARATIVE PARTY PERFORMANCE 1989-2004 Parliamentary Elections Constituency

1989

1996

1998

1999

2004

Baramulla

JKN

INC

JKN

JKN

JKN

Srinagar

JKN

INC

JKN

JKN

JKN

Anantnag

JKN

JD

INC

JKN

PDP

Ladakh

IND

INC

JKN

JKN

IND

Udhampur

INC

BJP

BJP

BJP

INC

Jammu

INC

INC

BJP

BJP

INC

Epilogue Ø 19 × April 2009

1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984

October 25, 1951 to February 21. February 24 to June 9. February 16 to June 6. February 15 to February 28. March 1 to March 13. March 16 to March 20. January 3 to January 6. Dec 24, Dec 27, Dec 28 (Polling in Punjab was held on Sept 25, 1985 and Assam on Dec 5, 1985). 1989 Nov 22 and Nov 26. 1991 First round was held on May 20, 1991. Following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi on May 21, the second and third rounds of polling were postponed to June 12 and June 15. Voting was the lowest ever in general elections' history in India, with only 53 per cent of voters exercising their franchise. -- In Punjab elections were held in 1992. However, Lok Sabha poll were not held in Jammu and Kashmir 1996 April 27, May 2, May 7 and May 21. 1998 Feb 16, Feb 22, Feb 28 March 7. 1999 September 4, Sep 11, Sep 17, Sep 24 and Oct 1. 2004 April 20, 26, May 5, May 10.

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Minorities Scene

Muslims Factor in Indian Elections

V

ote bank politics is the arch villain in Indian poll history whereby Muslims have astutely been used as vote bank by political parties like Congress, Samajwadi Party (SP), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the left parties – all of them proclaim to be sympathetic to Muslims and their plight. Albeit BJP aggressively criticize this policy and calls for equal opportunity for all citizens, it has left no stone unturned in branding Muslims as vote bank. For Muslims, the vote bank stigma hung as double-edged sword: on the one hand, the Congress and other secular parties have exploited the fear psychosis of Muslims for which the BJP managed to polarize the issue with extra vehemence and cornered the community into political alienation and communal prosecution, while the Muslims got only empty and meaningless promises and sops that came aplenty, signifying nothing even though elections after elections have come and gone, on the other.

M SHAMSUR RABB KHAN

Epilogue Ø 20 × April 2009

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Muslims as Vote bank A close look at the voting patterns and behaviours of Muslims since 1952 elections reveal two crucial factors: first, for almost four decades, or till the end of Rajiv Gandhi government in 1989, as political observers are of the view, the Congress, via projecting itself as pro-minority party, had enjoyed a monopoly over Muslim votes, except withdrawal of Muslim support in 1967 elections due to three broad issues: Muslims' discontent over the UP Chief Minister, G B Pant's policy on Urdu, minority status of Aligarh Muislim University and spate of communal violence, but the community returned back to it in 1971 elections, and then a tilt towards Janata Dal in 1977. However, “the RSS elements in the Janata Party coalition” forced Muslims to leave it and voted for the Congress in 1980 election. Post-Babri mosque destruction, a palpably huge swing of Muslim votes to parties like SP, RJD and BSP is the second going from the Congress.

Alienation from Congress In Congress party, Muslims, who have been haunted by the trauma of communal partition and its aftereffects, had found a safe haven for their survival due to its commitment to the secular ideals. The alienation of Muslims from the Congress party first began when on 18 April 1976, in famous Turkman Gate incident, part of late Sanjay Gandhi's cleaning drive, occurred in which Muslims protestors were mercilessly fired. So, from the demolition of homes at Turkman Gate to that of the Babri mosque, Muslims' antagonism with Congress grew with a belief that the party has been more

interested in securing votes than paying heed to their welfare. It is not that schemes have not been initiated for Muslims, but overall economic, political and social development of Muslims remained glaringly pathetic, as the Sachar Committee has recorded. More heartening was Congress penchant to woo Hindu votes in response the favour done to Muslims in Shah Bano case.

The alienation of Muslims from the Congress party first began when on 18 April 1976, in famous Turkman Gate incident, part of late Sanjay Gandhi's cleaning drive, occurred in which Muslims protestors were mercilessly fired. So, from the demolition of homes at Turkman Gate to that of the Babri mosque, Muslims' antagonism with Congress grew with a belief that the party has been more interested in securing votes than paying heed to their welfare. Then came the Babri mosque/ Ramjanabhoomi issue. It was a turning point in Indian history. In the postshilanayas of November 1989, while the rath yatra provided the Hindu communalists a champion of Hindutva in L.K. Advani, Muslim saw the revival of post-partition scare of communal polarization. Rajiv Gandhi, who ordered the unlocking of the Babri mosque in 1986, favoured Hindu religious emotion, which led to its demolition in 1992 was the biggest shock that Muslims received from the policy of a party it extended support like blind

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apparatchiks. It was a great anomaly as well as betrayal for Muslims, who felt disillusioned, alienated and angry with the Congress. And with this asperity Muslims sought refuge in non-Congress, non-BJP parties, who could at least provide them freedom from communal riots.

Shift towards RJD/SP/BSP In search of a peaceful living and security, Muslims switched over from Congress to other secular parties. And to an extent, Muslims in Bihar and UP have been saved from the wrath of communal riots. Security for Muslims has been top priority since independence, which means, security, not from external enemy but those within the country during riots. Political parties know this Achilles Heels of Muslims, and in order to exploit this psyche, they continued to play vote bank politics. Two Yadavas – Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav – tried Muslims-Yadav (MY) combination successfully. The Muslims found in them the saviour of their religious identity and accordingly went for collective but tactical voting with a sole objective to defeat the BJP. Lalu's order to arrest Advani during rath yatra made him hero of Muslims. Alas! In 15 years of RHD rule in Bihar, Muslims remained on the edge.

Appeasement vis-à-vis under representation Isn't it so ironical a fact that a community that has been branded as vote bank is not adequately represented in the Parliament? A 300page study by Professor Iqbal Ahmed Ansari of Hamdard University, New Delhi, 'Electoral System And Inclusive Democracy: Muslim Under-

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Appeasement for Muslims is no less than a filthy abuse, which has been used and abused by the BJP to corner the community and parties it sided in hustings. For example, based on population ratio, there should have been 47.45 per cent more elected Muslim representatives in Parliament from 1952 to 1999, and Rajasthan had only two Muslim MLAs from 1952 to 1994, while the community's share in the state's population demanded at least 21 representatives

from 1952 to 1994, while the community's share in the state's population demanded at least 21 representatives. This scenario has over and over resulted in a very large number of Muslim dominated constituencies represented in the Parliament by nonMuslims, who paid no heed to their plight. In the last 25 years, the number of Muslims elected to the Lok Sabha with the solitary exception of 1984, has remained at 30 or less, or 5.5 percent, whereas Muslims comprise 15 percent of the population. This deprivation exists despite the fact that there are at least

representation', shows that Muslims have not, in comparison to their demographic strength, been adequately represented in Parliament or most of the state assemblies. This, the study concludes, has led to a feeling of 'discrimination and alienation' among Muslims, who form about 15 per cent of India's one billion population. In spite of all the claims and counter claims, various governments – either UPA or NDA – took little or no heed to Muslim problems, but indulged in votegrabbing gimmicks in order to give the impression of being serious about Muslim backwardness. Appeasement for Muslims is no less than a filthy abuse, which has been used and abused by the BJP to corner the community and parties it sided in hustings. For example, based on population ratio, there should have been 47.45 per cent more elected Muslim representatives in Parliament from 1952 to 1999, and Rajasthan had only two Muslim MLAs

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70 parliamentary constituencies where Muslim population ranges between 20 percent and 66 percent, but they have not been in a position to win these seats on their own though they are capable to tilt the electoral balance in these constituencies. Only one Muslim has been elected from Delhi to the Lok Sabha in 50 years, whereas their numbers in the national capital would have suggested seven members. In UP, for example, as against 17 per cent Muslim population, their representation in the Assembly from 1952 to 2002 remained only 8.5 per cent. Interestingly, in the first

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Assembly polls in 1952, Congress nominated 41 Muslims, of whom 40 were elected, which came down to 4 in 2002. While Congress has given tickets to just 6.67 per cent Muslim candidates since 1952 when the number should have been about 13 per cent, the BJP has negligible share. The record of left parties, RJD, SP and BSP has generally been fair. The appeasement policy, as propagated by the BJP, reached to the highest peak in mid-1980s, when the Congress surrendered to the dictate of Muslim clergies in Shah Bano case by negating the Supreme Court verdict. The party accused RJD in Bihar and SP in UP, which could emerge as a political force on the basis of caste politics, taking advantage of the situation and aggressively propagated against the danger of Hindu communalism, as has been the wont. This resulted in further polarization of political atmosphere in the country and Muslims have been blamed for BJP phobia, even though the community wholeheartedly liked and supported A B Vajpayee.

Terrorism, security and double speak Security from terror attacks is one big issue behind every voter's mind while pressing the EVM. Since 9/11 attack terrorism world over has dawned as the biggest curse for Indian Muslims, who have been the subject of suspicion, torture, undue harassments and prosecutions, in addition to the stigma of being anti-national tethered to their persons. However, it is the stands of different political parties that matter in elections, and Muslims have realized this fully. On all the terror attacks prior to Malagaon bomb blasts of September

2006 in which Hindus are allegedly found to be involved, the BJP has had strong, nationalist stand. But the double stand of the BJP, calling Hemant Karkare as “deshdrohi”, and Advani's

There are at least 70 parliamentary constituencies where Muslim population ranges between 20 percent and 66 percent In 1953, a group of intellectuals mooted the idea of forming a political party for the Muslims and spoke about the low representation of Muslims in government. More than 55 years later very little has changed, so far political space for Muslims is concerned Maunala Abul Kalam Azad is an example every Muslim leader of today must consider while floating a new political party. Else, either Muslim parties would be confined to ghetto conclaves, or branded communal, giving greater reason for the communal parties to encash Hindu vote bank vehement criticism of the government over sadhvi Pragya Singh's treatment by the ATS, aided and abetted with fake encounters, particularly at Batla House in South Delhi, which is still shrouded in mystery, has convinced Muslims that both Congress and BJP, in the guise of

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terrorism, has one agenda: to garner votes as well as to prosecute Muslims respectively.

Towards creation of separate political parties In 1953, a group of intellectuals mooted the idea of forming a political party for the Muslims and spoke about the low representation of Muslims in government. More than 55 years later very little has changed, so far political space for Muslims is concerned. However, feeling trapped between two monsters – Scylla (the appeasers) and Charybdis (critics of the appeasement policy) – Muslims in recent times find subterfuge, not to be appendage to any political party any more, but to create exclusive political identity, which is based more on reactionary response than genuine concern for community's development. The ultimate result is the emergence of a host of Muslim political outfits in different parts of the country. Whether Muslim League Kerala State Committee (MLKSC) and All India Majlise-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), with their influence confined to Malabar region of Kerala and Hyderabad, PDP, National Conference – all one seat each in 14th Lok Sabha. However, one party that has made mark is Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) of Badruddin Ajmal that bagged 10 seats in the last Assembly election. Uttar Pradesh United Democratic Front (UPUDF), a conglomeration of over 20 minuscule Muslim political outfits, under the patronage of Shahi Imam of Delhi's Jama Masjid, former Union Minister C.M. Ibrahim and others with the avowed intent to replicate the Assam experiment in UP, the UP Milli Mahaz, Ulema Council, a newly created

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party that held rallies in Delhi and Lucknow, Secular Ekta Party, MMK launched in Chennai, Peace Party of India floated by a surgeon, Dr Mohammad Ayub to unite Dalits, Muslims and the backward classes, or People's Democratic Front (PDF) or Insaan Dosti Party led by former director-general of police S.M. Naseem – all have little political presence with leaders, who keep on wafting on minority issues. The logic that other minorities like Sikhs, Dalit and backward caste Hindus have their own political parties cannot be an alibi for creating a separate political party for Muslims. There is more than one reason for it: one of the long-nursed view that Muslims were responsible for partition makes every Indian wary of any Muslim party, even though it is genuinely nationalistic in contour and content; second, Muslims have no clout, or credit among Hindus to win a single seat across the country; third, Muslim leaders, like Syed Shahabuddin, always harp on issues exclusively for Muslims, not for different communities as whole; and fourth, communal appeals, not the community appeals, make Muslim leaders suspicious of their intent. If Sharukh Khan, Sania Mirza, and Pathan brothers can be celebrities in India, why can't Muslims be equally successful on political front? Rather than creating exclusive Muslim political parties, what Muslim leaders, unlike the sycophants and tattlers in different parties at present, need to hammer out is a plan as to how to work with mainstream political parties and bargain hard with them to isolate and defeat communal forces and extract promises of implementation of economic and educational benefits

along with proper share in political power for the community. While Muslim leaders demand secular ideals from all others, they just fail to show courage to exhibit it in words and spirit when election time comes, or when issues are related to Hindus. Instead of going the Jinnah way, Muslim leaders must follow the Gandhi way. Non-involvement of Muslim leaders of various national political parties on issues that concern Muslims is as big a culprit as silence on issues related to Hindus. For all the new leaders and ulemas, mainstreaming Muslims into political space within the existing system, or alliances with secular parties could be the ideal option, though with little

more speedy effort and leadership skills. Maunala Abul Kalam Azad is an example every Muslim leader of today must consider while floating a new political party. Else, either Muslim parties would be confined to ghetto conclaves, or branded communal, giving greater reason for the communal parties to encash Hindu vote bank. The sum and substance of a formidable Muslim presence on equal footing in the elections is the pragmatic approach as to how Muslims could contribute to the development of both the country and the community via astute political affiliations and alliances, rather than open confrontation and tacit separation. Time has come for Muslims to act.

FACTOIDS l The category of as many as 11 Lok Sabha constituencies have undergone change

from General to Reserve in the 2009 parliamentary elections. l The number of Parliamentary constituencies reserved for SC has been increased

from 79 to 84, while for ST it has risen from 41 to 47, a net addition of 11 seats. l The general elections will be held in 543 Parliamentary constituencies out of which 499 will be newly delimited constituencies. l The entire country, except the three states of Assam, Nagaland and Jammu and Kashmir, would be using the photo electoral rolls for the first time. l Out of 543 parliamentary seats, photo electoral rolls will be used in 522 constituencies as well as in all the legislative constituencies I Andhra Pradesh, Sikkim and Orissa. l Photographs of 82% electors are printed in the electoral rolls, except Assam where the scheme could not be implemented. l The latest delimitation exercise has added 43 million new voters in the country. In 2004 polls, there were 671 million voters and in 2009 the number has increased to 714 million. l Presently, there are 8,28,804 polling stations in the country, as compared to 6,87,402 polling stations in 2004 Lok Sabha polls. l Of these, as many as 12,901 new polling stations have been set up for villages having less than 300 electors. l Unnao emerges as largest LS constituency, Lakshadweep smallest after the latest delimitation exercise. l The number of electorate in Unnao will be 18,97,474 while those in Lakshadweep will be nearly 44,424 l UP has the highest number of polling stations i.e. 1,28,112 while the lowest number are in Sikkim with 581. l In 2004, there were 6,87,402 polling stations and this year it has increased to 8,28,804.

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PAKISTAN :

Treading Failure

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wo terrorist attacks in Lahore in the same month. The first one was a brazen attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team, in which a group of militants attacked the Sri Lankan cricket team, which was on its way to the Stadium. The militants killed more than eight security personnel in one of the busiest areas of Lahore, and worse, they kept firing and walked across to escape in the vehicles that were parked.

D SUBA CHANDRAN

The second attack in Lahore took place on 30 March. A group of less than ten

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militants, dressed in police uniform entered the Police Training School at Manawan in Lahore, took 800 plus trainee policemen as hostage. An operation was launched to release the hostage, which lasted for more than eight hours, ending in the killing of four militants and few policemen. Terrorist Attacks in Lahore: Fall of the Last Bastion? Few important issues need to be underlined in the recent terrorist attacks in Lahore on the Sri Lankan team and later at the Police Training

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School at Manawan. First, the attack took place in Lahore, the capital of Punjab, which is considered as the most stable and secular province of Pakistan. Second, the attack was against cricket players, a game that has remained secular and attracts the attention of everyone inside Pakistan. Third, the last attack was, actually a bolder operation on the models of the terrorist attack in Mumbai in November 2008. Lahore has been increasingly under terrorist attacks in the recent years, especially since the Lal Masjid fiasco. For long, the religious parties have been trying to spread their influence in Punjab, especially Lahore. Qazi Hussain Ahmed, leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami tried to find a foothold in Punjab. It led a crusade to ban the Basant, especially kite festival and prevent marathon race from being organized in Lahore, for both were considered un-Islamic. Thanks to the moderate and secular civil society in Lahore, Qazi's efforts never succeeded. It was the secular court that could ban the kite flying, due to heavy injuries.

LAHORE UNDER ATTACK Lahore, the cultural capital of Pakistan, less than twenty kilometres away for the Wagah border, has been under attack in the last two years. Some of the major attacks include: 30 March 2009: 3 March 2009 : Militants armed with AK-47 and hand grenades attacked the Sri Lankan cricket team, which was on its way to play the second test match. The attack killed seven people. The militants escaped without any injury. 11 March 2008 : The second suicide attack in March 2008 and the third in the history of Lahore. There were two simultaneous suicide attacks on Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) headquarters and another in Model Town. The attack killed 30 and wounded more than 200.

The critical question, that needs to be addressed here is: Is the relative ease in which the terrorists attacked the Sri Lankan cricket team in the middle of Lahore city and escaped with such an ease, signals a new beginning? Obviously, it is the success of this attack, that would have emboldened the terrorists to undertake the second attack on the Police Training School.

4 March 2008 : The city witnessed a suicide attack, the second in less than three months, when two suicide bombers exploded themselves at the Pakistan Navy War College. The attack killed 6 and injured more than 20.

Though the Jhang district in Punjab is known for its sectarian violence and there have been many recruits from this province into the Taliban, Punjab has remained immune to terrorist attacks. The State, especially its ISI knew, that select areas of Punjab have become a

10 January 2008 : The city witnessed the first suicide attack, when a suicide bomber exploded outside the Lahore High Court. 24 people were killed and injuring 80 injured. The dead included 19 police officials

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fertile ground for sectarian violence between the Shias and Sunnis, and also a major catchment area for 'jihad' in J&K and Afghanistan. Sectarian organizations such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and jihadi organizations like the Jaish-eMohammad and Lashkar-e-Toiba flourished in Punjab, thanks to the unofficial patronage of these organizations for narrow political and strategic reasons. From the days of Zia, SSP was allowed to grow to target the Shite population, while JeM and LeT were directly encouraged by the State, to carry out operations in J&K and mainland India. Later, especially the SSP and JeM started focussing on Pakistan's western front, and started working with the Taliban and al Qaeda. The state, especially its intelligence agencies believed that since there organizations are fighting the Americans and Indians elsewhere, Pakistan, especially Punjab has nothing to lose. A myopic view, bound to backfire. It did and the chickens have now started coming back to roost. Cricket: Clean Bowled in Pakistan? Terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan team in March 2009, has larger implications for the future of cricket in Pakistan. In the last few years, many leading cricket teams have refused to play, citing security reasons. Some of the major countries that have cancelled to tour to Pakistan include Australia, New Zealand and the West Indies. England played recently, but did not agree to play in all venues; the team during its last visit, refused to play in Karachi. South Africa has to reschedule the programme. India, after confirming the tour early this year, cancelled the itinerary after the terrorist attack in Mumbai. Sri Lankan team, agreed to fill this gap,

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only to see its players miraculously escape a dastardly attack. Had it not been for the brave act of the driver of the Sri Lankan team bus, the attackers would have succeeded in making a colossal damage. Cricket as a game, so far has remained outside the purview of terrorism or jihad. The game has remained secular. Danish Kaneria, the main spinner in the current team is a Hindu; Yousuf Youhana, though later embraced Islam for personal reasons, was a Christian when he joined the team. Despite some murmurs of increasing religious influence, cricket as a game in Pakistan has remained outside the purview of fundamentalism. Neither there have been attacks, nor any one dared to issue a fatwa that cricket is un-Islamic. Remember the burning of CD shops in Islamabad and elsewhere in Pakistan, for music and movies are considered as un-Islamic? Despite all tensions and problems, India played one day and test matches, like the rest of the world, in all venues. The way in which the attacks have been carried out, completely pooh-poohs all notions of security. The tally at the end

of 3 March 2009 in Lahore is, eight security personnel killed, six Sri Lankan players injured, but no casualty – absolutely whatsoever on the terrorists side. Some of the recent video footages clearly demonstrate the terrorists casually walking after the attack and riding in motor bikes and auto rickshaws. This is the level of security that the State could think of – to a team that has replaced other teams in the last minute, as they have been withdrawn due to security reasons. Callous and criminal abdication of security responsibility of the State. Instead, a section within Pakistan has started talking about “hidden hand” and “foreign conspiracy” hinting that India is responsible for an attack, which has taken place in a city within an hour's drive from Lashkar's headquarters. Do India and the US (the other foreign hand) has the reach, investment, support base and more importantly, the political will, to carry out such an attack in Lahore? Clearly, this is an attack that could have been carried out either by the Lashkar or the al Qaeda. One is likely to see a political investigation, ending up in blaming the al Qaeda, than the Lashkar. If al Qaeda is blamed, Pakistan can get some sympathy and support from the US, that they are being targeted for helping the international community to fight the War on Terrorism. On the other hand, if the Lashkar is to be blamed, Pakistan will be at the receiving

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end, for it will vindicate what India has been telling. The more immediate question for New Delhi is: What does the latest attack mean for India? Lahore is close to the Wagah border and India has direct bus services to this city from New Delhi and Amritsar. Increasing terrorist attacks in Lahore pose a direct threat to India, as it means, that Pakistan is unable to prevent the eastward march of fundamentalist organizations from Afghanistan. Clearly, the Indus has been breached. What are India's options now? Swat under Shariah Maulana Fazlullah, leader of the Taliban openly advocates against women education and has been targeting girl schools in Swat. He has asked men not to shave and wear their tunics with a specific length. Music and dance are banned. Any one who has refused to adhere to his diktats are publicly being executed in the main chowk in Mingora, which is now called as Khooni-Chowk. In the Swat Valley alone, the Taliban has succeeded in destroying more than 120 girl schools, besides 80 other schools. Women in particular are bearing the brunt of this Taliban onslaught. Women have been asked not to leave houses without assisted by a male member, who is a relative. Women activists currently are taking to streets, as the video footage of a girl being whipped in public has found its way to the electronic media. Her mistake: she went to the local market, with a male, who is not her relative. Women have been asked not attend hospitals with male doctors. Even if there is a medical emergency, they cannot go for treatment alone. They

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have to wait for a male, who is their relative to take them to the hospitals. Says a nurse in a local hospital in Swat, “Women, however sick, can only be admitted if accompanied by a male relative. Every woman fears she will be killed if she comes out, so even sick and pregnant women have to visit hospital with their husbands.” Beauty parlours have been closed. Women cannot even go to local markets. Those who have been working in governmental and non-governmental offices have been asked to resign or threatened to face the consequences. Says, a teacher, mother of two, who was teaching in Mingora, until recently, “Life bores us to tears. There is no entertainment. We can't even think about cable TV, cinema, film and music. Imagine I can't even go shopping or to the bazaar as women are banned by Taliban.” The government, unfortunately has signed a deal with the Taliban and has agree to impose the Shariah. While the local population is reeling under the Taliban rule, Fazlullah is euphoric. He is considering to expand his areas of operation outside Swat and include the neighbouring Dir now. After all, if it has worked for him and the Taliban in Swat, it is likely to work elsewhere. Punjab: After the Restoration of PML-N Zardari almost took Pakistan to a total disaster in March 2009, when he decided to take a confrontationist approach vis-à-vis the PML-N of the Shariffs on the lawyers issue. Earlier, he had dismissed the PML-N government in Punjab, as he realized that Sharif was unlikely to prevent the lawyers' movement from entering Islamabad. Why was Sharif so insistent on the

restoration of judges? Was that based on a principled stand or there are other political reasons? An analysis of Sharif's real intentions would reveal his objectives on the issue of restoration of judges and his decision to increase the pressure, which was clearly based on politics than on any principles or convictions. The reasons were threefold. First and foremost, 2008 election results. PMLN's success has been limited only to Punjab; both for the National and Provincial assemblies, except for few seats in NWFP, the PML-N has won the rest from Punjab. Even in Punjab provincial assembly, though the PML-N has got more seats than the PPP and PML-Q, theoretically, Zardari could form an alliance with the PML-Q. Given Zardari's tendencies to ignore commitments he has made, Sharif fear that the PPP could destabilize his government in Punjab. With the popular support in Punjab at an all time high in favour of Sharif, he will not mind destabilizing the government and forcing an early election. With popular disaffection on the PPP growing, Sharif believes if there is a mid term election now, he will be able to win more seats, especially in Punjab, in such a way that there will be no opposition here. Sharif's calculations are true; if there is a mid term election in the near future, most of PML-Q will get wiped off; and even PPP is unlikely to repeat its performance. PML-N will be the biggest beneficiary in Punjab and that is what Sharif wants. Even today, after the reinstatement of the Chief Justice and his own government in Punjab, Sharif will be looking for yet another reason to come back to power with complete victory

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both in the province and at national level. The second reason, why Sharif was emphasizing on the restoration of entire judiciary, mainly the reinstatement of Iftikhar Choudhary is the fact that the latter may act as a bulwark against any Presidential intrusions in Punjab, in terms of dismissing the government or engaging in any other foul plays against the PML-N. Besides, Sharif also believes that Iftikhar Chaudhary, if reinstated, is likely to question the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) which Gen Musharraf signed with the PPP. The NRO, amongst many other issues, sidelined the cases against Benazir and Zardari, enabling them to take part in elections. The NRO, clearly is based not on moral grounds, but on political pragmatism. If Chaudhary is to declare the NRO as null and void, the entire political process that followed it, including the February 2008 elections stand cancelled. This means fresh elections, which is precisely what Sharif wants. Finally, both the Sharif brothers are waging a war in the courts against their disqualification. Sharif believes, his support for the lawyers' movement and his 'principled' stand on the reinstatement of sacked judges and call for an independent judiciary will earn him support amongst the legal fraternity. The issue today clearly is neither moral nor legal – it is political. Given the politicisation of the lawyers' movement and even some of the recent statements made Iftikhar Chaudhary, Sharif's expectations are not totally unfounded. Clearly, Sharif is playing according to a plan, keeping in mind his personal interests and that of his party. He is

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well aware, in this process he is likely to destabilize the entire nation and also the slow but steady political process being set in the other three provinces – Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP. Punjab, today after the restoration of the PML-N appears relatively stable. But this stability will remain, only till Sharif find another reason to start a confrontation. Return of the Justice: What Next in Pakistan? Almost after two years, Iftikhar Chaudhary has been reinstated as the Chief Justice of Pakistan's Supreme Court. While a movement threatening internal stability – the lawyers' movement with support from the PML-N and some minor parties has come to end, there are serious challenges facing Iftikhar Chaudhary, Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif – representing three pillars – Judiciary, Executive and political opposition.

without any further delay. Besides the Adle-Nizam courts in Swat, there are numerous illegal feudal and tribal courts all over Pakistan, imposing the will of tribal and feudal lords. Besides the role of non-State actors, the State actors, the military and intelligence agencies have wrecked havoc in Balochistan, FATA and NWFP since 2001-02. There have been numerous killings and disappearances of leaders, activists, journalists, social workers and students belonging to pashtun and Balochi tribes. As a result, the popular expectation of the oppressed is high. Will Iftikhar Chaudhary be able to deliver justice? Much will depend on how swiftly and speedily he acts. Thanks to the lawyers' agitation for the last two years, the pending cases today are massive.

First major challenge is the popular expectation and the present reality. Restoration of the deposed judges is seen as a huge victory towards establishing an independent judiciary. Many in Pakistan, especially the oppressed – from the feudal lands of Sindh and Punjab to brutally suppressed Balochistan, there is a huge expectation on Iftikhar Chaudhary, that he will be able to deliver justice and provide the much needed relief. Ironically, as the lawyers' movement succeeded in restoring the depose judges, during the same week, the TNSM leadership in Swat has given an ultimatum to the mainstream legal process to completely stop working, so that the agreement which Sufi Mohammad has signed with the government will be implemented

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Though Aitzaz Ahsan, who led the lawyers' movement is confident of disposing the pending cases, history of the legal process in South Asia inform the reality. Also one is not sure, what has been the understanding between Chaudhary, President and the Army, which led to the PPP government agreeing for the restoration. Is Chaudhary likely to pursue the cases of disappearances as he did before sacking? More than the judicial challenges, political ones are significant. More than the lawyers movement and Iftikhar Chaudhary, the real beneficiary of the entire episode is Nawaz Sharif and his PML-N. Ever since Zardari refused to honour the agreement that he had with Sharif on the restoration of deposed judges, he manipulated the events very tactfully. He was well aware, that his

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party has support only in Punjab and has no support in the other three provinces. He was also well aware, none of the other regional parties – ANP, MQM and BNP are likely to support him or his party, in case if Zardari decides to remove the PML-N government from Punjab, as his party does not have adequate numbers to form the government on its own. In fact, Zardari's decision to impose Governor's rule only proves how correctly Sharif judged the situation. Sharif's objectives in supporting the lawyers' movement at the cost of even a temporary dismissal of his government in Punjab are three fold. First, he wanted to be seen as a champion of a civil right movement. Clearly, despite the politicisation, lawyers' movement had the popular support and there was widespread expectation that Zardari would reinstate the deposed judges. Today, Sharif is seen as someone who has fought for an independent judiciary. Second, if the lawyers' movement and Zardari's callous reluctance towards reinstatement result in large scale instability, leading to the dismissal of government at national and provincial levels, it will only strengthen Sharif's position. With Benazir assassination sympathy wave have declined and PML seen as a champion of a cause, Sharif is likely to reap huge political dividend, if there are new elections. Third, Sharif brothers facing disqualification charges, need a sympathetic legal community to come back to power as Chief and Prime Ministers. Clearly, Sharif's reasons to support the lawyers' movement were political. It is unlikely that his exile and the subsequent return to Pakistan has made him wiser. He has actually become shrewder. He will be the first person to

clip the wings of the judiciary, if he becomes the Prime Minister again. Don't forget what his goons did in the Supreme Court and how Sajjad Ali Shah, the then Chief Justice was manhandled by the same PML-N party workers! Sharif can have a memory lapse, but the judiciary should not. Certain stripes cannot be changed, irrespective of the change in time.

With a Sharia movement in Swat threatening to expand further and the tribal agencies in the North Western Province firmly under the control of Baitullah Mehsud, terrorism within Pakistan is expanding to include major cities including Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. Clearly, Pakistan is walking on a razor line facing a complete anarchy. The larger challenge, however is how Iftikhar Chaudhary, as a Chief Justice will function and dispose cases, especially relating to those acts done and undone by Musharraf. From National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) to civilian disappearances to the controversial November 2007 action against the judiciary, there will be numerous instances in which Iftikhar Chaudhary is bound to revisit, while deposing other cases. Also, there are likely to be numerous other cases involving the present President – Zardari. While Zardari would like to continue to exercise his existing powers, the opposition is bound to file cases in judiciary and pursue actions in t h e Pa r l i a m e n t a n d Pr o v i n c i a l Assemblies, to curtail President's wings. How will Chaudhary respond?

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On the other hand, Zardari today is a wounded tiger. He know, he was cornered and forced to take that decision. Will he engage in downsizing the powers of the judiciary through Parliamentary resolutions? Will the two Institutions – Chief Jusitice and President work together? Finally, the entire episode revealed how isolated Zardari today is, even within his own party. It was evident that the Pr i m e M i n i s t e r G i l a n i w o r k e d effortlessly towards reaching an understanding. He was in constant touch with the Army leadership, and now it is an open secret that the both Kayani and Gilani forced Zardari to accept the decision to reinstate. Internal opposition from within the PPP was so evident, when Sherry Rehman, the Minister for Information resigned after certain TV channels were blocked from telecasting the long march of the lawyers' movement. Will the PPP be able to face another crisis of this magnitude, without losing its unity? Will Zardari be able to hold the PPP together? Reinstatement of Iftikhar Chaudary as the Chief Justice along with other judges is a welcome development. However, this does not mean, that the judiciary has now become independent or all crises have come to an end. Rather it only shows how opportunistic and adamant its political leaders are. With a Sharia movement in Swat threatening to expand further and the tribal agencies in the North Western Province firmly under the control of Baitullah Mehsud, terrorism within Pakistan is expanding to include major cities including Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi. Clearly, Pakistan is walking on a razor line facing a complete anarchy.

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FROM LAHORE TO LAHORE :

The Road to Anarchy

March 3rd 2009, Lahore: terrorists attack Sri Lankan Cricket team March 30th 2009, Lahore: terror strikes Police Training Academy

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edia reports on the March 30th terrorist attack on the Pakistani Police Training Academy in Lahore was the 18th of the kind in the past three months in that country. The fact that the authorities could bring the March 30 situation under control within hours did not digress from the seriousness. Such a revelation sent shockwaves, and has exposed the fragile condition prevailing in Pakistan. But these attacks are not aimed only at undermining Pakistan's administration but at overthrowing the same.

SRIPATHI NARYANAN, Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, University of Madras

The systematic, choreographed attacks in the region look less and less like a terrorist operation, and more and more like precision-driven commando operations with larger political objectives. It began with the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in December 2007, which was a ploy to weaken the political maneuverability of Pakistan. The assassination rendered the political situation in Pakistan more fragile than already. This was witnessed in the uneasy relations among the various political parties on the one hand, and the Opposition-inspired, anti-Government protests, on the other. In turn, this exposed the inability of the civilian administration to ease the tensions, to be able to focus on real

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issues of governance. Terrorism is not just making life difficult for the Government but has also weakened the sprit to govern. In this grand drama that is unfolding, the 'Mumbai attacks' was 'Act I'. With Mumbai, the first civilian Government in Pakistan in nearly a decade had to answer a series of uncomfortable questions. It came under immense pressure from the international community vis a vis India even as it was fending off similar pressures on the Afghan front. The First Act went off well for the terrorists as it ensured that Pakistan was suitably embarrassed on the global stage. It also left ample room for speculation about an 'all-out war' with India. After the 'limited over' Kargil War and the Parliament attack this was the third of the kind. It was in this background that the Swat Valley peace deal was singed. The deal only added insult to the injury, whereby the State of Pakistan declared that it had lost a part of its sovereignty to a rag-tag militia. The Second Act was to ensure that Pakistan was not a place where outsiders were welcome. The March 3rd attack on the visiting Sri Lankan cricket team implied that no one would want to visit Pakistan,

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sportsmen or businessmen. The purpose of this incident was not another case of muscle-flexing, but a polite reminder to all visitors, starting with tourists but not excluding foreign diplomats and political leaders. Post-Marriot Hotel attack, the targeting of the Sri Lankan cricketers was to cripple the already failing economy and cut off all foreign direct/indirect investments. Act III in this play was to undermine the writ of the State even more. In the first two cases, the Pakistan State could fend off the situation, whether on the political or military front, with limited or no external support. But the attack on the police academy exposed the inadequacy of the State apparatus to the challenges posed by terrorism in mainland Pakistan. Near-similar attacks had taken place on the army outposts, convoys and patrols in the past, but they were mostly along the terrorisminfested Afghan border, with no law or law-enforcing agency for decades, if not centuries. The attack on the academy could well discourage fresh recruits for the police force. Thus, Pakistan would be fighting for its survival, as Interior Minister Rehaman Malik said after the attack on the police academy. All these attacks have not only shown the weakness of the Pakistani forces but also exposed the vulnerability of the State and the nation as a whole. The frequency of such attacks has exposed the loopholes in the Government system, and keeps reminding the Government of the same. Not to mention that the free run that the terrorist enjoys in carrying out such operations has only made Pakistan the global battle ground for fighting terrorism. The post-9/11 US-led 'Global War on Terror' began with Afghanistan as

the battleground and Pakistan as the 'frontline State'. But the last two years have made the 'frontline ally' the battleground. The near-nonstop feud among various political parties within Pakistan has not helped, either. The constant political one-upmanship has not only added to the woes but could also act as stimulant to other problems. If this situation is allowed to fester, a deadly combination of weak political leadership, and the simultaneous spread and strengthening of terrorism could ensure that the future of Pakistan is bleak, at best. For, all the ingredients for a 'failed State' are already in place. The road to anarchy may not be far way as it is under construction. This road, when completed, will be the highway for future terrorism. This highway will connect the turbulent regions of the world by land, sea and through air. That is Afghanistan and Iraq on land, nations like Somalia and Sudan through sea, and the rest of the world by air. By the time this highway gets 'inaugurated' (God forbid!), terrorism would become the 'rule of law' for some in many parts of the world than at present. Unlike most scripts, the Final Act in this sordid drama would not see any happy-ending. It could well be the last play on the stage called the Pakistani State. Over the years, it has suited the agenda of the terrorists in the region to borrow symbols and symbolism from religion. The rest of the world has bitten the bait without thought. For propagating religion, religion-centric laws and a religious way of life, they do not need terrorism as the tool. Most other nations in the region have practiced all three for centuries now, and terrorism has not changed the rules in their case, either

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way. In the case of nations like Afghanistan and Pakistan, terrorism has sought to destroy the symbols and symbolism of the State first, and the State not very long after. There could also the case for religions being as an additional tool alongside terrorism for perpetuating a 'hate-campaign' against other nations, States and religions. W h a t e v e r t h a t b e , d e f i n i t e l y, propagating religion and/or a religious State is not certainly a goal or an end of r e l i g i o n - c e n t r i c m i l i t a n c y, n a y terrorism. Afghanistan is a standing proof, and Pakistan is an emerging one, too.

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FROM MUMBAI TO LAHORE :

Does Pakistan Understand ?

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umbai attacks, among the worst and audacious terror strikes of the modern times, have been an important factor in escalating tensions in Indo-Pak relations for the past three months. Pakistani reaction spanned from sympathy, denial, anger, bargaining and to the acceptance of the possibility that “some part of the conspiracy has taken place in Pakistan.” The initial Pak reactions, during the first days of the siege were extremely sympathetic. Salman Masood, who has covered many of these bombings for the New York Times, said, "Perhaps now Indians will understand how the ordinary Pakistani feels—helpless, besieged and pessimistic about the future". However, this initial wave of sympathy was obscured, once the Indian government pointed fingers at elements from Pakistan especially the Lashkar-e-Taiba.

TANYA SAIRA GEORGE

Pakistan accused the Indian government, and especially the media, of falling into the trap of 'finger-pointing', 'hasty conclusions' and 'jingoistic

Epilogue Ø 33 × April 2009

fervour'. The knee-jerk reaction of blaming Pakistan for the tragedy did not find favour with the Pakistanis. The Pakistan media, in particular, blamed the Indian government of taking the easiest way out by “raising the convenient Pakistan bogey, hoping to deflect the barbs and arrows directed its own way, from citizens and from its media.” The Zardari government's immediate and unconditional offer of cooperation—to send the ISI chief to India—was taken as appositive step and powerful evidence that it had had no hand in the attack. However, following the stiff resistance from the Pakistani opposition parties and the Army, the government of Pakistan backtracked from its decision. The Pakistani media was of the opinion that the government was exposing its intelligence agency to a session of "levelling of charges" by the Indians. The fear that the Mumbai attack was a plot staged to capitalise on the internal disturbances and divert Pakistan's attention from

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War on Terror was evident in the media reports. Added to this conspiracy theory, was the apprehension that the attacks were a part of larger goal to weaken Pakistan from within and to force the Pakistan army out of the western borders, thus providing relief to the Taliban militants. While asserting the innocence of the State of Pakistan, President Zardari went on to charge “state-less” or non-state actors who wanted to hold “the entire world hostage”, for the Mumbai attacks. He observed that both Pakistan and India are victims of terrorism and only cooperative efforts can help curb the menace in the region. Challenging Zardari's assertion that there was no proof that the arrested Mumbai attacker hailed from Pa k i s t a n ' s P u n j a b province, former premier Nawaz Sharif, in an interview to Geo channel, said “Ajmal Kasab belongs to Pa k i s t a n . I h a v e

PAKISTAN'S FLIP-FLOP ON 26/11: A CHRONOLOGY 27 November 2008

“Pakistan played no role in the Mumbai attacks” – Defence Minister Chaudhary Ahmed Mukhtar “Let us not jump to conclusions, let us not go in for knee-jerk reactions.” – Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi

28 November 2008

Pakistan agrees to send ISI chief to India, back tracks later.

30 November 2008

“Pakistan to act against any group if India gives proof…We have nothing to hide and nothing to be ashamed of.” – Foreign Minister Qureshi

1 December 2008

“We have yet to see evidence.” – PM Gilani

3 December 2008

"These (terrorists) are stateless actors who have been operating throughout the region. We have not been given any tangible proof to say that he (Kasab) is definitely a Pakistani," – President Zardari

13 December 2008

“India has provided no proof that Kasab is Pakistani.” – Qureshi

19 December 2008

“Ajmal Kasab belongs to Pakistan.” - Nawaz Sharif He backtracks from the comments on December 24 and demands concrete evidence.

6 January 2009

Mumbai evidence “not credible”. – Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir

7 January 2009

“Ajmal is A Pakistani National” – National Security Advisor Maj. Gen. (retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani. He is sacked soon after for “irresponsible behaviour” by Gilani.

10 January 2009

No need for “so much noise” on Mumbai. “Though it's their internal matter, it was a big intelligence failure and now we'll have to defend two countries.” – PM Gilani

13 January 2009

“India has not given any evidence on Mumbai attacks but just information.” – PM Gilani

17 January 2009

Dossier contains “leads and good clues”. – Interior Minister Rehman Malik

30 January 2009

“Pakistani territory was not used so far as the investigators have made their conclusions. Pakistani territory not used. It could have been some other place.” – High Commissioner to Britain, Wajid Shamshul Hasan.

30 January 2009

“I assure you that my soil will not be used for terrorism and if anyone is found guilty, the law will take its own course.” – PM Gilani

12 February 2009

“Some part of the conspiracy has taken place in Pakistan.” – Interior Minister Rehman Malik

15 February 2009

The 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings and the Mumbai attacks are linked. – Foreign Minister Qureshi

22 February 2009

"We are waiting for their response and we will take our next step in light of the information provided by India." – Foreign Minister Qureshi

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checked myself. His house and village has been cordoned off by the security agencies. His parents are not allowed to meet anybody. I don't understand why it has been done.” But he backtracked from the comments on December 24.

Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, foremost among India's wanted list and the leader of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, affiliated with the Lashkar-e-Taiba, under house arrest and detained at least 124 people in a nationwide crackdown.

being provided by Indian based militant groups and criminal organisations. However, Indian investigators refuted this claim, with the Home Minister P. Chidambaram dismissing the claim as "rubbish".

The 70-page Indian dossier was provided to Pakistan in the first week of January as evidence of the Lashkar-e-Taiba's role in the Mumbai terror attacks. It urged Islamabad “to hand over the conspirators to face justice in India, dismantle the infrastructure of terrorism in Pakistan, prevent further terrorist attacks from the Pakistani soil and to adhere to all bilateral, multilateral and international obligations to take the Mumbai attackers to task.”

After being in constant denial mode, Pakistani National Security Advisor Maj. Gen. (retd) Mahmud Ali Durrani on January 7 admitted that the lone captured Mumbai terrorist Ajmal Kasab is a national, vindicating the Indian stand. He was sacked by Gilani for his “irresponsible behaviour”. Prime Minister Gilani on January 10, accused the world of “double standards” in dealing with the Mumbai attacks and terrorist incidents in Pakistan, saying there was no need for the international community to make "so much noise" about the strike in India's financial hub. While on January 13, he claimed that the material provided by India on the Mumbai attacks constituted "information" and not evidence and said that "pragmatic cooperation" was the way forward for dealing with the 26/11 terror attacks.

Then the Pakistani government issued a statement saying investigators needed more evidence from India to proceed with the investigation. The request for more information provoked an angry reaction from India, which said it had already shared exhaustive evidence of Pakistani complicity.

A Foreign Office spokesman commented that the Indian dossier painted a one-sided picture of the Mumbai attacks and the Pakistani authorities were examining it minutely to separate the facts from fiction. Foreign Secretary Salman Bashir brushed aside Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's charge that ISI and other official agencies were involved in the Mumbai terror attack saying that such an approach was "fraught with grave risks" even as he dismissed some details of the evidence provided by India as "not credible". Under immense international diplomatic pressure, Pakistan put

Early in February, The Dawn, citing Pakistani investigators, stated the attacks were planned in a European country and Dubai over the Internet, and that the planners used Bangladesh for logistical support—the final plan was refined in India with significant support

Epilogue Ø 35 × April 2009

On February 12, Pakistan admitted that the Mumbai terror attacks was “partly” planned on its territory—bringing an end to 79 days of Islamabad's flip-flop on the involvement of elements from the state in the carnage and breaking the tension between the two countries. As Siddharth Varadarajan wrote in The Hindu, the “time has come for India to think of carrots too, not just sticks” since it is the first time that the Pakistani state has ever publicly acknowledged that specific individuals and organisations based on its territory were actively involved in staging a terrorist attack on India. India should shed its distrust, ensure that the investigation is brought to fruition, and the offenders brought to justice.

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President Obama’s Remarks on New Strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan

Washington, DC March 27, 2009

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ood morning. Today, I am announcing a comprehensive, new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan. This marks the conclusion of a careful policy review that I ordered as soon as I took office. My Administration has heard from our military commanders and diplomats. We have consulted with the Afghan and Pakistani governments; with our partners and NATO allies; and with other donors and international organizations. And we have also worked closely with members of Congress here at home. Now, I'd like to speak clearly and candidly to the American people.

US President BARACK OBAMA on March 27, announced the long-awaited new strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan at the White House, saying the situation in Afghanistan has become "increasingly perilous." Obama said that Afghanistan could not be allowed to come under the control of the Taliban or the al Qaeda, which he said, was plotting new attacks on the United States from safe havens from Pakistan. Here is the full text of President Obama's policy speech:

The situation is increasingly perilous. It has been more than seven years since the Taliban was removed from power, yet war rages on, and insurgents control parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Attacks against our troops, our NATO allies, and the Afghan government have risen steadily. Most painfully, 2008 was the deadliest year of the war for American forces. Many people in the United States – and many in partner countries that have sacrificed so much – have a simple question: What is our purpose in Afghanistan? After so many years, they ask, why do our men and women still fight and die there? They deserve a straightforward answer.

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So let me be clear: al Qaeda and its allies – the terrorists who planned and supported the 9/11 attacks – are in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Multiple intelligence estimates have warned that al Qaeda is actively planning attacks on the U.S. homeland from its safe-haven in Pakistan. And if the Afghan government falls to the Taliban – or allows al Qaeda to go unchallenged – that country will again be a base for terrorists who want to kill as many of our people as they possibly can. The future of Afghanistan is inextricably linked to the future of its neighbor, Pakistan. In the nearly eight years since 9/11, al Qaeda and its extremist allies have moved across the border to the remote areas of the Pakistani frontier. This almost certainly includes al Qaeda's leadership: Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri. They have used this mountainous terrain as a safe-

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haven to hide, train terrorists, communicate with followers, plot attacks, and send fighters to support the insurgency in Afghanistan. For the American people, this border region has become the most dangerous place in the world.

Afghanistan, and to prevent their return to either country in the future. That is the goal that must be achieved. That is a cause that could not be more just. And to the terrorists who oppose us, my message is the same: we will defeat you.

But this is not simply an American problem – far from it. It is, instead, an international security challenge of the highest order. Terrorist attacks in London and Bali were tied to al Qaeda and its allies in Pakistan, as were attacks in North Africa and the Middle East, in Islamabad and Kabul. If there is a major attack on an Asian, European, or African city, it – too – is likely to have ties to al Qaeda's leadership in Pakistan. The safety of people around the world is at stake.

To achieve our goals, we need a stronger, smarter and comprehensive strategy. To focus on the greatest threat to our people, America must no longer deny resources to Afghanistan because of the war in Iraq. To enhance the military, governance, and economic capacity of Afghanistan and Pakistan, we have to marshal international support. And to defeat an enemy that heeds no borders or laws of war, we must recognize the fundamental connection between the future of Afghanistan and Pakistan – which is why I've appointed Ambassador Richard Holbrooke to serve as Special Representative for both countries, and to work closely with General David Petraeus to integrate our civilian and military efforts.

For the Afghan people, a return to Taliban rule would condemn their country to brutal governance, international isolation, a paralyzed economy, and the denial of basic human rights to the Afghan people – especially women and girls. The return in force of al Qaeda terrorists who would accompany the core Taliban leadership would cast Afghanistan under the shadow of perpetual violence. As President, my greatest responsibility is to protect the American people. We are not in Afghanistan to control that country or to dictate its future. We are in Afghanistan to confront a common enemy that threatens the United States, our friends and allies, and the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan who have suffered the most at the hands of violent extremists. So I want the American people to understand that we have a clear and focused goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Pakistan and

Let me start by addressing the way forward in Pakistan. The United States has great respect for the Pakistani people. They have a rich history, and have struggled against long odds to sustain their democracy. The people of Pakistan want the same things that we want: an end to terror, access to basic services, the opportunity to live their dreams, and the security that can only come with the rule of law. The single greatest threat to that future comes from al Qaeda and their extremist allies, and that is why we must stand together. The terrorists within Pakistan's borders are not simply enemies of America or Afghanistan – they are a grave and

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urgent danger to the people of Pakistan. Al Qaeda and other violent extremists have killed several thousand Pakistanis since 9/11. They have killed many Pakistani soldiers and police. They assassinated Benazir Bhutto. They have blown up buildings, derailed foreign investment, and threatened the stability of the state. Make no mistake: al Qaeda and its extremist allies are a cancer that risks killing Pakistan from within. It is important for the American people to understand that Pakistan needs our help in going after al Qaeda. This is no simple task. The tribal regions are vast, rugged, and often ungoverned. That is why we must focus our military assistance on the tools, training and support that Pakistan needs to root out the terrorists. And after years of mixed results, we will not provide a blank check. Pakistan must demonstrate its commitment to rooting out al Qaeda and the violent extremists within its borders. And we will insist that action be taken – one way or another – when we have intelligence about high-level terrorist targets. The government's ability to destroy these safe-havens is tied to its own strength and security. To help Pakistan weather the economic crisis, we must continue to work with the IMF, the World Bank and other international partners. To lessen tensions between two nuclear-armed nations that too often teeter on the edge of escalation and confrontation, we must pursue constructive diplomacy with both India and Pakistan. To avoid the mistakes of the past, we must make clear that our relationship with Pakistan is grounded in support for Pakistan's democratic institutions and the Pakistani people. And to demonstrate through deeds as well as words a commitment that is

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enduring, we must stand for lasting opportunity. A campaign against extremism will not succeed with bullets or bombs alone. Al Qaeda offers the people of Pakistan nothing but destruction. We stand for something different. So today, I am calling upon Congress to pass a bipartisan bill co-sponsored by John Kerry and Richard Lugar that authorizes $1.5 billion in direct support to the Pakistani people every year over the next five years – resources that will build schools, roads, and hospitals, and strengthen Pakistan's democracy. I'm also calling on Congress to pass a bipartisan bill co-sponsored by Maria Cantwell, Chris Van Hollen and Peter Hoekstra that creates opportunity zones in the border region to develop the economy and bring hope to places plagued by violence. And we will ask our friends and allies to do their part – including at the donors conference in Tokyo next month. I do not ask for this support lightly. These are challenging times, and resources are stretched. But the American people must understand that this is a down payment on our own future – because the security of our two countries is shared. Pakistan's government must be a stronger partner in destroying these safe-havens, and we must isolate al Qaeda from the Pakistani people. These steps in Pakistan are also indispensable to our effort in Afghanistan, which will see no end to violence if insurgents move freely back and forth across the border. Security demands a new sense of shared responsibility. That is why we will launch a standing, trilateral dialogue among the United States, Afghanistan

and Pakistan. Our nations will meet regularly, with Secretary Clinton and Secretary Gates leading our effort. Together, we must enhance intelligence sharing and military cooperation along the border, while addressing issues of common concern like trade, energy, and economic development. This is just one part of a comprehensive strategy to prevent Afghanistan from becoming the al Qaeda safe-haven that it was before 9/11. To succeed, we and our friends and allies must reverse the Taliban's gains, and promote a more capable and accountable Afghan government. Our troops have fought bravely against a ruthless enemy. Our civilians have made great sacrifices. Our allies have borne a heavy burden. Afghans have suffered and sacrificed for their future. But for six years, Afghanistan has been denied the resources that it demands because of the war in Iraq. Now, we must make a commitment that can accomplish our goals.

how we will ultimately be able to bring our troops home. For three years, our commanders have been clear about the resources they need for training. Those resources have been denied because of the war in Iraq. Now, that will change. The additional troops that we deployed have already increased our training capacity. Later this spring we will deploy approximately 4,000 U.S. troops to train Afghan Security Forces. For the first time, this will fully resource our effort to train and support the Afghan Army and Police. Every American unit in Afghanistan will be partnered with an Afghan unit, and we will seek additional trainers from our NATO allies to ensure that every Afghan unit has a coalition partner. We will accelerate our efforts to build an Afghan Army of 134,000 and a police force of 82,000 so that we can meet these goals by 2011 – and increases in Afghan forces may very well be needed as our plans to turn over security responsibility to the Afghans go forward.

I have already ordered the deployment of 17,000 troops that had been requested by General McKiernan for many months. These soldiers and Marines will take the fight to the Taliban in the south and east, and give us a greater capacity to partner with Afghan Security Forces and to go after insurgents along the border. This push will also help provide security in advance of the important presidential election in August.

This push must be joined by a dramatic increase in our civilian effort. Afghanistan has an elected government, but it is undermined by corruption and has difficulty delivering basic services to its people. The economy is undercut by a booming narcotics trade that encourages criminality and funds the insurgency. The people of Afghanistan seek the promise of a better future. Yet once again, have seen the hope of a new day darkened by violence and uncertainty.

At the same time, we will shift the emphasis of our mission to training and increasing the size of Afghan Security Forces, so that they can eventually take the lead in securing their country. That is how we will prepare Afghans to take responsibility for their security, and

To advance security, opportunity, and justice – not just in Kabul, but from the bottom up in the provinces – we need agricultural specialists and educators; engineers and lawyers. That is how we can help the Afghan government serve

Epilogue Ø 38 × April 2009

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its people, and develop an economy that isn't dominated by illicit drugs. That is why I am ordering a substantial increase in our civilians on the ground. And that is why we must seek civilian support from our partners and allies, from the United Nations and international aid organizations – an effort that Secretary Clinton will carry forward next week in the Hague. At a time of economic crisis, it is tempting to believe that we can shortchange this civilian effort. But make no mistake: our efforts will fail in Afghanistan and Pakistan if we don't invest in their future. That is why my budget includes indispensable investments in our State Department and foreign assistance programs. These investments relieve the burden on our troops. They contribute directly to security. They make the American people safer. And they save us an enormous amount of money in the long run – because it is far cheaper to train a policeman to secure their village or to help a farmer seed a crop, than it is to send our troops to fight tour after tour of duty with no transition to Afghan responsibility. As we provide these resources, the days of unaccountable spending, no-bid contracts, and wasteful reconstruction must end. So my budget will increase funding for a strong Inspector General at both the State Department and USAID, and include robust funding for the Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction. And I want to be clear: we cannot turn a blind eye to the corruption that causes Afghans to lose faith in their own leaders. Instead, we will seek a new compact with the Afghan government that cracks down on corrupt behavior, and sets clear benchmarks for

international assistance so that it is used to provide for the needs of the Afghan people. In a country with extreme poverty that has been at war for decades, there will also be no peace without reconciliation among former enemies. I have no illusions that this will be easy. In Iraq, we had success in reaching out to former adversaries to isolate and target al Qaeda. We must pursue a similar process in Afghanistan, while understanding that it is a very different country.

None of the steps that I have outlined will be easy, and none should be taken by America alone. The world cannot afford the price that will come due if Afghanistan slides back into chaos or al Qaeda operates unchecked. We have a shared responsibility to act – not because we seek to project power for its own sake, but because our own peace and security depends upon it. And what's at stake now is not just our own security – it is the very idea that free nations can come together on behalf of our common security. That was the founding cause of NATO six decades ago. That must be our common purpose today.

There is an uncompromising core of the Taliban. They must be met with force, and they must be defeated. But there are also those who have taken up arms because of coercion, or simply for a price. These Afghans must have the option to choose a different course. That is why we will work with local leaders, the Afghan government, and international partners to have a reconciliation process in every province. As their ranks dwindle, an enemy that has nothing to offer the Afghan people but terror and repression must be further isolated. And we will continue to support the basic human rights of all Afghans – including women and girls.

My Administration is committed to strengthening international organizations and collective action, and that will be my message next week in Europe. As America does more, we will ask others to join us in doing their part. From our partners and NATO allies, we seek not simply troops, but rather clearly defined capabilities: supporting the Afghan elections, training Afghan Security Forces, and a greater civilian commitment to the Afghan people. For the United Nations, we seek greater progress for its mandate to coordinate international action and assistance, and to strengthen Afghan institutions.

Going forward, we will not blindly stay the course. Instead, we will set clear metrics to measure progress and hold ourselves accountable. We'll consistently assess our efforts to train Afghan Security Forces, and our progress in combating insurgents. We will measure the growth of Afghanistan's economy, and its illicit narcotics production. And we will review whether we are using the right tools and tactics to make progress towards accomplishing our goals.

And finally, together with the United Nations, we will forge a new Contact Group for Afghanistan and Pakistan that brings together all who should have a stake in the security of the region – our NATO allies and other partners, but also the Central Asian states, the Gulf nations and Iran; Russia, India and China. None of these nations benefit from a base for al Qaeda terrorists, and a region that descends into chaos. All have a stake in the promise of lasting peace and security and development.

Epilogue Ø 39 × April 2009

DO C UM E N T US on Pak, Afghan

That is true, above all, for the coalition that has fought together in Afghanistan, side by side with Afghans. The sacrifices have been enormous. Nearly 700 Americans have lost their lives. Troops from over twenty other countries have also paid the ultimate price. All Americans honor the service and cherish the friendship of those who have fought, and worked, and bled by our side. And all Americans are awed by the service of our own men and women in uniform, who have borne a burden as great as any other generation's. They and their families embody the example of selfless sacrifice.

The United States of America did not choose to fight a war in Afghanistan. Nearly 3,000 of our people were killed on September 11, 2001, for doing nothing more than going about their daily lives. Al Qaeda and its allies have since killed thousands of people in many countries. Most of the blood on their hands is the blood of Muslims, who al Qaeda has killed and maimed in far greater numbers than any other people. That is the future that al Qaeda is offering to the people of Pakistan and Afghanistan – a future without opportunity or hope; a future without justice or peace.

The road ahead will be long. There will be difficult days. But we will seek lasting partnerships with Afghanistan and Pakistan that serve the promise of a new day for their people. And we will use all elements of our national power to defeat al Qaeda, and to defend America, our allies, and all who seek a better future. Because the United States of America stands for peace and security, justice and opportunity. That is who we are, and that is what history calls on us to do once more. Thank you, God Bless You, and God Bless the United States of America

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CULTURE STRATEGIC AFFAIRS Epilogue Ø 40 × April 2009

E CO L OGY

Thinking Conservation

Ecology in the Face of Economics

P

Dr. S.M. ZUBER is associated with the Himalayan Ecological and Conservation Research Foundation, J&K

lanet earth, the lone life sustaining system of the universe, simulates an ecological theatre. With biosphere as its stage, this ecological theatre performs an evolutionary play, the characters or players of which constantly change through natural selection process and probably by other mechanisms or even perish away if their capacities to sustain fail to cope up with the genetic pressure. The players, on this stage live turbulently while their truest obligation is all about remaining persistent on the stage. Most players walk-on or walk-off the stage owing to other organisms seeking space and removing rivals from the stage by the process of competition, predation or parasitism. Since various resources like energy, water and materials needed for growth are variously scarce in all parts of the stage, hence such competitive ecological battles are quite common and as a consequence, the organisms have developed interacting systems of eating and being eaten, which collectively have shaken down to use these resources efficiently and therefore have given a superficial appearance of an “ordered ecosystem” or “homeostatic ecosystem”. This order remains unshaken as long as the system remains undisturbed. However, this system is always extremely vulnerable

Epilogue Ø 41 × April 2009

to externally imposed changes, which may eventually destroy it and allow its replacement by something different. Such a system or rather a group of systems has also developed in fresh waters, which though occupy only a small part of the global stage in terms of area and volume yet holds an immensely momentous and key position. This is because the fresh waters not only define biosphere but also greatly support it. The freshwater bodies though usually small and relatively temporary, are susceptible to being dried up easily, or freeze in concuss with the changes in the climate. Similarly other global catastrophies resulting from the insults inflicted by the master of the stage, Homo sapiens, embark their influence upon them. It is through these impacts on fresh water that the global impact on human kind has manifested most seriously. So the future of freshwaters thus holds the future of mankind as well. If the freshwater players are made to walk-off the stage, so shall be our fate too. The fresh water bodies such as rivers, ponds and lakes, which being opulent reservoirs of history are the discernible structures, the physical properties of which facilitate a physically distinct structure which varies by day and season. As a matter of fact, the

E CO L OGY Thinking Conservation

distribution of chemicals further confers an additional form to the system. Superimposed upon these structural components is still another type of organization provided by the distribution of the biota. Though lakes enjoy a complete life cycle yet the process of senescence is accelerated by human intervention. The natural process of lake succession from its creation to destruction is a gradual process for all but a few small lakes. Some lakes get quickly filled up with the sediments, while some others are eventually destroyed by the same catastrophic processes which were once the root of their genesis. Once a lake is created, a biotic community starts establishing in it. The lake then progresses to some trophic equilibrium which once ensconced, changes slowly but may oscillate back and forth depending upon the size and nature of the drainage area, average depth of the original basin and upon fluctuations in local climate especially temperature and erosive rainfall. A lake if left to itself may gradually change from an oligotrophic to eutrophic state and vice versa. The ever increasing human intervention into the natural processes has resulted in yet another type of eutrophication- the cultural eutrophication, which unfortunately has turned out to be the most potent factor in accelerating the natural ageing process of a lake. In fact people are the causative agents of cultural eutrophication which ensure severe enrichment of natural waters by municipal sewage along with agricultural drainage - the premier causes of cultural eutrophication. Ironically, sewage treatment plants settle out and break down particulate

matter but discharge the major nutrient load to the receiving water. This discharge of sewage and excesses of fertilizers has imposed an accelerated rate of succession upon many inland waters of the world thereby resulting in their infelicitous senescence. In economic sense, such natural resources are considered to be as common property resources, collectively owned by the society at large or owned by no man, with open access to everyone. While coming to terms with protecting such a resource, conservation biologists throughout the globe have recently adopted a methodology and vocabulary of economics in their arguments for the protection of diversity. Although ethical, aesthetic, scientific and educational methods of valuation of a resource are available as well but the pure incentive behind adopting such a methodology of conservation lies in the fact that government and corporate officials currently base their major policy decisions on economic valuation and when the loss of biological diversity is perceived to cost money, perhaps governments and various corporations will take appropriate measures to prevent it. Ecological economics is an emerging discipline, similar to environmental economics and resource economics that integrates economic valuation of biological diversity with ecology, environmental science, sociology and public policy. The economic valuation thus helps in identifying or approximating the optimum. Although economic valuation exercise may not reflect all the values like intrinsic values of the system (Verma et al.,

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2001) yet the same gains significance as it enables one to paint a picture of almost all the goods and services offered by an environmental resource. Economic valuation involves placing a price tag on the goods and services that are provided by environmental resources, whether or not the market prices are available for them. The economic value of any good or service is generally measured in terms of what we are willing to pay for the commodity less what it costs to supply it. Pa r a d o x i c a l l y e n o u g h , p e o p l e , industries and governments use and damage these resources without paying more than a minimal cost or sometimes paying nothing at all. In such a situation a “market failure” occurs described as the Tragedy of the Commons - in which the value of the common property resources is lost to all of society. Market failure occurs when resources are misallocated, which therefore, allows a few individuals or businesses to benefit at the expense of the larger society. Consequently, the society on the whole becomes less prosperous from certain economic activities and not more prosperous. When people and organizations are made to pay for the consequences of their actions, they will be much more likely to stop damaging -or at least minimize their damage to the environment. In spite of being aware of the importance of resources, we are somehow unable to decide upon a wise plan for the same. Many a times, the environmental resources are complex and multifunctional and we may not yet be aware of all the goods and services provided by them. At such a time, the extent to which one can justifiably

E CO L OGY Thinking Conservation

utilize a natural resource rests on acquiring a thorough knowledge about all the values that are gained and lost under each of the resource use options possible and then careful consideration of resources can successfully be carried out through preservation and sustainable use or total development. Economic valuation is concerned with the proper allocation of the environmental resources in order to improve the human welfare thereby, serving to improve the management of environmental resources in such a way that it can be utilized not only by the current generation but is made available for the posterity. The principle of ecological economics could thus prove to be a viable tool in conserving and protecting the natural resources for the generations to come. In the context of Jammu and Kashmir which has a vast array of natural aquatic resources but everywhere abused and misused by people, ecological economics would go a long way in saving our prestigious resources from extinction. Economic valuation of natural resources encompasses all the values that are currently being extracted from them. In such a case, instead of option and existence values various actual/current values through direct and indirect valuation techniques needs to be captured. Since stakeholders extract multiple values from the aquatic resources, hence actual values alone cannot been totaled to arrive at total economic value (TEV). The conservation of natural resources of Jammu and Kashmir State is a much thought and deliberated topic and many

ecological studies have been conducted by National Institute of Hydrology, Regional Centre Jammu, University of Jammu, Jammu, University of Kashmir, Srinagar, Central Ground Water Board, S K U A S T, L a k e s a n d Wa t e r w a y s Development Authority etc on various waterways festooning the face of J&K. Since their studies focused mainly on the assessment of physico-chemical and biotic status of the water bodies, hence to paint a complete picture of their current status, ecological health of the ecological systems and their economic implications need to be assessed. Although the author has conducted economic valuation study of Lake Mansar but many lentic and lotic systems and other wetlands like Gharana in Jammu, Hokarsar & Hygam in Kashmir are still waiting for their turn to undertake valuation studies so that. Consolidated efforts are needed to be extended in this direction so that a market for valuing these resources could be evolved and strategy framed for developing a comprehensive plan for mitigating the sufferings and secure future for these resources. In this SubHimalayan state efforts involving the conservation of natural resources need thus to be clubbed with evaluation of monetary benefits derived from these resources by adopting the principles of economics. The study on the ecological dynamics vis-à-vis economic valuation of natural ecosystems is thus need of the hour. wherein the efforts involving the conservation of a natural resource is

Epilogue Ø 43 × April 2009

being carried out by adopting the principles of economics. With the view that the underlying cause of environmental damage is so often economic in nature, it becomes imperative that the solution must incorporate the economic principles. The basic theme of the present day investigations thus revolves around the assessment of the ecological status of the aquatics followed by the economic importance of this valuable wetland. Thus, in view of these considerations, efforts need to be made to raise information on the thrust areas of concern like: i) reckoning the ecology of the riparian, lacustrine and wetland ecosystems with respect to its total biodiversity; ii) enumerate the existing threats to these natural systems such as: anthropogenic influences, incidence of water borne diseases and increased water quality degradation and iii) enlist and value the economic benefits extracted from the lentic and lotic systems. The information raised thereof would go a long way in formulating cost efficient and more productive strategy for the conservation and preservation of these wonderful blessings of nature.

C O L UMN

Politics

KASHMIR PROBLEM :

Gandhian Perspectives and Practices

I

t is a century back that Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in 1909 wrote one of his seminal works Hind Swaraj that contained some of the basic principles of his philosophical position that shaped his political life. In the context of Kashmir I thought it of interest to visualize that how his ideas and actions would relate to different aspects of the Kashmir Issue. There are many principles and practices that Gandhi enunciated in his life that would have a number of lessons and implications in relation to what is known as Kashmir problem in its different dimensions.

PROF NOOR AHMAD BABA

In the Hind Swaraj, Gandhi makes an important statement that no power on earth can continue to rule over a people against their will. This also reflected his commitment to Self Determination. This commitment seen in tandem with his teachings on and practice of Satyagraha (Civil Resistance), truth, non-violence, self rule and decentralization of power has a number of lessons in relation to what is known as Kashmir problem in its different dimensions. So, it would be of great conceptual and even practical significance to visualize Gandhi's position in relation to Kashmir problem both in its internal and external dimensions in the light of his

Epilogue Ø 44 × April 2009

intellectual, moral and political commitments and ideals. Gandhi was a great influence in Kashmir. He had a role in getting Kashmir's secular nationalist movement led by Sheikh Abdullah closer to Indian National Congress. This proximity gained significance at the crucial time of the partition of the Indian subcontinent. He also had a significant role in moving Maharaja of Kashmir from his pro independence stance to decide in favor of accession to India. During the crucial days ahead of British withdrawal from the subcontinent Gandhi made a visit to Jammu and Kashmir between July 31 and August 2, 1947. In the course of his visit he met the Maharaja, the Maharani and the leadership of National conference in Kashmir. It is believed that he had some role in getting pro-independence Ram Chandra Kak removed from the position of premiership of Kashmir at this crucial juncture to be subsequently substituted by Maher Chand Mahajan as the Prime Minister of the state. Mahajan with his proximity with the congress and its leadership played crucial role in negotiating and in fact effecting accession of the state with the India's dominion government. Gandhi during his visit tried to impress

C O L UMN Politics

Maharaja that he needs to be prompt in deciding about the accession of the state with either of the two emerging dominions inline with popular sentiment within the state. In this he would have assumed that National Conference as a prominent party of the large segment of the Kashmiri population predominantly Muslims would be unwilling to accede what was to be the dominion of Pakistan. It is also a fact that Gandhi in-spite of his nonviolent commitment supported government of India's decision of sending its force to Kashmir on the request of its Maharaja to meet the emergency situation created by the tribal entry into the state of Jammu and Kashmir from what had become Pakistan. However, once the conflict in Kashmir prolonged into a stalemate between India and Pakistan and was taken to the United Nations for soliciting its arbitration in the matter he is reported to have expressed his disapproval? He wanted the two governments, India and Pakistan to sit together and exhibit their will to amicably resolve the issue without involving the external parties. This is what the two governments have failed to accomplish so far.

no power on earth can continue to rule over a people against their will is also vindicated by the fact that after losing the trust of people government of India has been finding it difficult to rule the state through the normal legal-political machinery hence the recourse to coercive machinery to keep control on the state and its people. He maintains that controlling by inflicting fear through coercion can never be sustained for long. So what subsequently followed in Kashmir need to be judged in the light of the principles that Gandhi stood for through in his life. He, with his above referred commitments, in my understanding, may have had to face a number of predicaments in relation to government of India's failure to meet the pledges that it made to Kashmir and its people at the crucial juncture. How would he have responded to Government of India's backtracking from its

But, this is the fact that Gandhi could not live long to witness the Kashmir problem getting complicated both in its internal and external dimensions. His broad position that no people can be taken over by force only, has in part proved to be correct as Indian control on the valley of Kashmir and parts of Jammu was facilitated by endorsement it got from one of the popular parties, the National Conference, for accession with India. His another statement that

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commitment that in spite of accession by Maharaja State's future dispensation will be determined by its people? Similarly we understand that Gandhi's vision for India was a sort of republic of republics with high degree of decentralization of powers. He did not visualize India to be a centralized state that Nehru and others associated with the framing of the constitution made India to be. Gandhi was much more likely to be supportive of autonomy urges of the popular government of the state led by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. For Sheikh Abdullah and his government it was very difficult to convince the Government of India and those who were involved in framing of the constitution about the desirability of granting greater autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir within the Indian Union. The government of India conceded this position to state more or less as an

C O L UMN Politics

expediency to meet the extra ordinary situation in which Kashmir had become part of the international agenda and not as part of its conviction to empower the state say on the Gandhian terms. Many people in Delhi wanted to undo this in the earliest opportunity. This mindset in Delhi is what created fissures between government at Delhi and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah heading the Kashmir government. This resulted in the un-constitutional and in Gandhian idiom, immoral dismissal of Sheikh Abdullah from the government in the state, his prolonged improsenment without any charges being substantiated, and subsequently running the state through a series of unpopular regimes. In my opinion, this was violation of many of the Gandhian principles. Gandhi's commitment to decentralization and his principles of truthfulness would have seen him in solidarity with protesting people in Kashmir and their imprisoned leadership. What followed was still worse. The gradual erosion of the state autonomy through regimes that had no popular base within the state made democracy its first victim. Elections were not fairly held, state machinery became dependent more or less on repressive agencies. Internally it undermined the legitimacy of Indian hold on Kashmir and made it increasingly dependent on the coercive structures. Internationally it undermined India's moral authority on two counts; One, that after losing popular support within the state in post1953 era, it internationally withdrew its commitment to ascertain the opinion of the people on the future dispensation of the state.

Secondly, for the same factors of losing popular support, government of India gradually became dependent on nondemocratic, repressive and immoral measures. Gradually Kashmir has become a zone of conflict with a very high degree militarization putting a lot of strain on its people and its divinely gifted environmental assets. Gandhi in terms of his principles would not have approved of this. His opposition to western modernity was partly because it tampered with nature and its gifted assets. Eventually the only place where Gandhi had seen the light even during turbulent times of 1947 became an abode of disaffection, violence, blood letting, death and destruction. State and people of Jammu and Kashmir remained divided between India and Pakistan making the two bitter enemies of each other. This, in my opinion, would not have been approved by Gandhi as these contravened some of the basic principles that he was committed to all through his life

KNOWLEDGE Ø The J&K legislature is bicameral in nature comprising of State Legislative Assembly and State Legislative Council. The Legislative Assembly has strength of 87 seats while the Legislative Council consists of 36 seats.

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C O L UMN

History

Emperor Jahangir on History, Culture of Kashmir - II

T

he Mughal emperor Nuruddin Muhammed Jahangir (1605-27) not only maintained political stability in Kashmir during his reign, but, more significantly, appreciated and articulated cultural features of Kashmir which made it a land of attraction and established it distinct from the rest of the world. In his Memoirs, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, he gives huge space to the life and works of the people of Kashmir. His narration of the various features of the socio-economic activities of Kashmir provides huge publicity to people of Kashmir in terms of their contribution to the cultural developments in the region. For him, Kashmir was one of the ancient historical region of the world. He presents the historical events of Kashmir in accordance with both the Kashmiri and his own perceptions. In his Memoirs he mentions Rajtarangini as the source of the history of Kashmir. This establishes that Jahangir was interested to know the people's history of Kashmir through its own sources. Moreover, he records the oral traditions of Kashmir and use them as sources of his narrations.

PROF JIGAR MOHAMMED

Jahangir traces the history of Kashmir from ancient period onwards. Giving the glimpses of the political life of Kashmir, he writes, “In old times the country (Kashmir) was in the possession of Rajas. Their dynasty lasted for 4000

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years. An account of them, and a list of their names, are given in the Rajtarang, which, by my father's order, was translated from the Sanskrit (Hindi in text) into Persian.In the Hijri year 712 (1312-13) Kashmir was illumined by the religion of Islam. Thirty two Muhammadan princes reigned over it for 282 years, until, in 994 (1586), my father conquered it. From that date till now, being a period of thirty five years, the country has been in the possession of the Crown (Mughal).” His mention shows that the Mughal emperor found the Kashmiris a politically conscious people and the ruling class of Kashmir gave a it a definite political identity. It is also evident from Jahangir's mention that before the establishment of Mughal rule in Kashmir, its rulers carried various types of the constructive programme.He was highly impressed with the people perception and build heritage of the Sultan Zainul Abidin (1420-70). For Jahangir, Zainul Abidin's building works, magnanimity and endurance brought huge social fame and support to him and he became an important theme of the oral traditions of Kashmir. According to Jahangir, “Sultan Zainul Abidin …ruled Kashmir with absolute sway. They (Kashmiris) speak of him as the great Badshah. They tell many strange customs of his. There are many remains and traces of building of his in Kashmir. One of these is in the midst of a lake called Wulur, and of

C O L UMN History

which the length and breadth are more than three or four kos. It is called Zainlanka, and in making it they have exerted greatly. The spring of this lake is very deep. The first time they brought a large quantity of stone in boats and poured it on the place where now the building stands it had no result. At last they sank some thousands of boats with 100 gaz out of the water, and made a terrace, and on one side thereof the sultan erected a temple for the worship of his supreme God. Than this there is no finer place. He (the Sultan) often came to the spot by boat and engaged in worship of the King of Wisdom. They say he spent many “forty days” in that place.” Jahangir also mentions some oral traditions of Kashmir regarding the folk's perception Zainul Abidin's methods of making a person dutiful and God-fearing through peaceful means. He quotes an incident narrated by some people of Kashmir. According to him, “One day a wicked son of his (Zainul Abidin) came to that place to kill him, and finding him alone, drew a sword and went in. When his eyes fell on the Sultan, however, on account of his venerable dignity and the might of his vertues, he became confused and bewildered and turned away. The Sultan shortly after came out and seated himself in the boat with this same son, and started for the city. On the way he said to his son, “ I have forgotten my rosary; get into a canoe and fetch it for me.” The son having gone into the temple sees his father in the same place, and the graceless man woth complete shame of face falls at his father's feet and asks pardon for his fault. They have told many tales of such miracles as this of him, and they say also he had well practised the the science of khala (ilm-i-khala-i-badan i.e.

withdrawl of soul from the body). When, from the ways and methods of his sons, he perceived in them signs of haste in seeking for rule and government, he would say to them, “To me it is very easy to abandon rule, and even to pass away from life, but when I am gone you will do nothing and the

time of your prosperity will not endure long, but in a short time you will obtain the recompense of your evil deeds and your own dispositions.” Having spoken thus, he gave up eating and drinking , and passed forty days in this manner… On fortieth day he gave up the deposit of his existence, and entered into the mercy of God.” Jahangir mentions that Zainul Abidin's sons brought the end of their family through mutual rivaleries and conflicts and the persons of Chak tribe replaced the family of Zainul Abidin in terms of political power. For him, the Chaks were the people of common soldiers of Kashmir before their acquisition of the sovereignty of Kashmir. He also mentions Yaqub Chak's resistance against the Mughals army in Kashmir, led by Raja Bhagwan Das. His

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narration shows that establishment of the Mughal rule in Kashmir was resisted by the Chaks for long time. For him, the sultans of Kashmir were the great builders in terms of construction of the bridges, mosques, palace and monastries. He mentions existence of a beautiful and lofty mosque in Srinagar, built by Sultan Sikandar in 1393 and rebuilt by Sultan Husain in the early sixteenth century. Jahangir makes sufis, Rishis, aritficers, merchants, Brahmans, Sunnis and Shias etc. as important themes of his Memoirs. He mentions that Mir Sayyid Ali (a famous sufi of Kubraviya order) of Hamdan visited Kashmir. His monastry was also established in Srinagar. For Jahangir, majority of the merchants and artificers of Kashmir belonged to Sunni sect and majority of the soldiers belonged to Imamiyya Shia sect. He also mentions the presence of the Nurbakhshi sect in Kashmir. Jahangir found the Rishis as the most contented persons and actively engaged in the public welfare activities in Kashmir. Describing the characteristics of the Rishi of Kashmir he writes: “There is also a body of Faqirs whom they call Rishis. Though they have not religious knowledge or learning of any sort, yet they possess simplicity, and are without pretence. They abuse no one, they restrain the tongue of desire, and the foot of seeking; they eat no flesh, they have no wives, always plant fruitbearing tree in the fields, so that men may benefit by them, themselves deriving no advantage. There are about 2000 of these people.” It is important to mention that the Rishis believed in the mysticism and spread the concept of the Unity of Being. Nuruddin or Nand Rishi was popular among both the

C O L UMN History

Hindus and Muslims of Kashmir being propagator of the welfare of all. Jahangir's mention shows that the Rishis works received huge social support in Kashmir. Jahangir was very much impressed from the Brahmans of Kashmir in terms their knowledge and sincerity to their religious practice. He also found some very attractive temples in Kashmir. He records the cultural identity of the Kashmiri Brahmans and their temples in these words: “There is also a body of Brahmans living from of old in this country, who still remain there and talk in the Kashmiri tongue. Outwardly on cannot distinguish them from Musalmans. They have, however, books in the Sanskrit language, and read them. They carry into practice whatever relates to the worship of idols. Sanskrit is a language in which the learned of India have composed books, and esteem them greatly. The lofty temples which were built before the manisfestation of Islam are still in existence, and are all built of stones, which from foundation to roof are large, and weigh 30 or 40 maunds, placed one on the other. Near the city there is a small hill which they call Kuh-i-Maran as well as Hari Parbat. On the east side of the hill there is the Dal lake, which measures round a little more than 6.50 koss. My father (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!) gave an order that they should build in this place a very strong fort of stone and lime; this has been nearly completed during the reign of this supplicant, so that the little hill has been brought into the midst of the fortifications, and the wall of the fort built round it. The lake is close to the fort, and the palace overlooks the water…At this period it appeared to me to be very much out of order and

ruinous. As it was the palce whre that veritable qibla (place turned towards in prayer) and visible Deity used to sit, and it is really a place of prostration for this suppliant, therefore its neglected state did not appear right to me. I (Jahangir) ordered Mutamid K. who is a servant who knows my termperament to make every effort to put litte garden in order and repair the buildings.”

Jahangir records the music as a dominant means of recreation in Kashmir. He mentions several musical instruments such as lutes, dulcimers, harps, drums flutes and Kashmir were very experts in play with them. For Jahangir, the Kashmiris used to sing in Kashmiri language compositions and musicians and singers were able to combine two or three modes together, even many of them were skill in chorus. Jahangir observed the food habits, dress and crops of Kashmir very minutely. He not only records them in his Memoirs in accordance with local perception but also makes his own comments on them. For him, the Kashmiris produced multiple crops. But he found rice as the major staple crop of Kashmir. His narration of the rice shows that Jahangir collected huge information regarding its use in Kashmir. According to him, “Rice is the principal crop. Probably there are three parts (of Kashmir) under rice and one under all other grains. The chief food of

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the people of Kashmir is rice, but it is inferior. They boil it fresh and allow it to get cold, and then eat it, and call it batha. It is not usual to take their food warm, but people of small means keep a portion of the batha for a night, and eat it next day.” Jahangir also witnessed the use of both vegetables and meat in Kashmir. But both the vegetable and meat were prepared in a way which did not suit to his own taste. Commenting on the use of rice with vegetable in Kashmir Jahangir writes, “It is not custom (in Kashmir) to put salt into the batha. They boil vegetable in water, and throw in a little salt in order to alter the flavour, and then eat them along with the batha. Those who want something tasty put a little walnut-oil into the vegetables. Walnut oil soon becomes bitter and evil-flavoured. They also use cow-oil (raughan-i.e. ghi), but this taken fresh, and fresh from newly-made butter (maska). They threw it into the food, and call it “sada-pak” in the Kashmiri language. As the atmosphere is cold and damp, it becomes altered by being kept for three or four days.” Jahangir also found various types of pickles made in Kashmir. For him, garlic pikcle was the best. But the peas and wheat of Kashmir were of inferior quality. Regarding the quality of wheat and its use Jahangir writes, “The wheat is small and of little substance (kam maghz). It is not the custom to eat bread (nan).” He mentions the use of the flesh of sheep (handu) and some birds such as fowls, geese and ducks. Jahangir mentions the availability of various kinds of fishes with both the scales and without scales. Jahangir witnessed a method of fishing which was peculiar to Kashmir. He gives a long description of the fishing in Kashmir. He

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records the fishing of Kashmir in a very interesting manner. According to him, “…I saw an unusual kind of fishing on the part of the fishermen of Kashmir. In a place where the water was up to a man's chest, they propelled two boats that were side by side, and so that at one end they were in contact, and at the other end they were 14 or 15 yards apart. Two boatmen held long poles in their hands, and sat on the outside edge of each boat so as to regulate the space between each boat, and they should proceed equally. Then ten or twelve boatmen got down into the water, and laying hold of the ends of the two boats that were joined together with their hands, trampled the bottom with their feet, and moved on. The fish which were between the boats wanted to get out of the narrow space, and came against the feet of the boatmen. Immediately one of the boatmen dived , and another one pressed upon his back and with his two hands kept him coming to the surface. The latter caught a fish and produced it. Some who are expert in the art catch two fish with their hands, and bring them to the surface. Among them was an old boatman, who generally at each dive brought up two fish. This kind of fishing occurs at Panj Brara, and is peculiar to Jhelam. It is not used in ponds or other streams. It also obly takes place in the spring when the water is not cold or impetuons (gazanda).” Jahangir mentions woolen tunic (Kurta) as the most popular dress of the Kashmirs and shawls most precious dress item. He also mentions the climatic factors behind the use of these woolen dresses. According to him, “ Men and women wear a woolen tunic

(kurta), and call it pattu. If they do not put on a time, they (Kashmiris) believe that the air affects them, and even it is impossible to digest their food without it.” Kashmir's pashmina shawls are very much appriciated by Jahangir. Though he does not mention the term pashmina, his description of shawls from two types wools, one from Tibet and another from local Kashmiri wool (pattu), shows that Pashmina shawls were most precious. Describing the different kinds of shawls, woven in Kashmir, Jahangir writes, “The shawls of Kashmir to which my father (Akbar) gave the name of parm-narm, are vry famous; there is no need to praise them. Another kind is tahrma (naharma); it is thicker than a shawl and soft. Another is called darma. It is like a jul-i-khirsak, and is put over carpets. With the exception of shawls they make woolen materials better in Tibet. Though they bring the wool for the shawls from Tibet, they do not make them there. The wool for shawls comes from a goat which is peculiar to Tibet. In Kashmir they weave the pattu shawl from wool, and sewing two shaws together they smooth them into kind of saqarlat (broad-cloth), which is not bad for a rain-coat.” Jahangir also mentions that generally the men of Kashmir shaved their head and wore a round turban. Jahangir records the music as a dominant means of recreation in Kashmir. He mentions several musical instruments such as lutes, dulcimers, harps, drums flutes and Kashmir were very experts in play with them. For Jahangir, the Kashmiris used to sing in Kashmiri language compositions and musicians and singers were able to combine two or three modes together,

Epilogue Ø 50 × April 2009

even many of them were skill in chorus. Jahangir preserves some of the local customs of Kashmir in his Memoirs. One of these customs was the lighting of lamps on the bank of Jhelam river. He describes this custom in these words; “…the Kashmiris had lined with lamps both sides of the Bihat. It is an ancient custom that every year on this day everyone, whether rich or poor, whoever has a house on the bank of the river, should light as on the Shab-ibarat. I (Jahangir) asked the Brahmans the reason of this, and they said that on this day the fountain-head of the Jhelam was disclosed, and the custom had come down from old days that on this date must take place the feast of Veth tarwah. Veth means the Jhelam and they call thirteen tarwah; as this day is the 13th of Shawwal, they light lamps. In this way they call it Veth tarwah. Undoubtedly the lamp-lighting was good. I (Jahangir) sat in a boat and went round to see it.” Jahangir's narration of the historical events of Kashmir pertaining to its people shows the Mughal emperor's policy of integration of the region with the Mughal empire. He tried to establish that he was concerned with the local issues and sentiments of the people of Kashmir. His Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri helps to understand the nature of Kashmiri society in the 17th century. The description of the distinct social groups and their beliefs also show that Kashmiri culture was one of the well established cultural identities of the Mughal empire and their preservation and propagation were instrumental in associating the Kashmiris with the different socio-political and economic aspects of Mughal India.

SPEC I AL

R E POR T

Films in Ladakh

A Film Industry Ripening in the Himalayas

U

ntil the end of the twentieth century Bollywood films had dominated Ladakhi society like most cities of the country and it was difficult then to image that films could be made by locals also one day in their own mother tongue. Things have changed since then as over two dozens of films have been made by local producers in Ladakhi language just in a span of little more than half a decade. Prior to the year 2002 there was almost no tradition of producing films by Ladakhis and in Ladakhi language. SANTSAMS, meaning Border, produced by the Face Of Ladakh (FOL) in 2002 was the first Ladakhi feature film. Success of the first few films, coupled with the affordable digital technology, has certainly encouraged more Ladakhis to have produced and released series of films so far. As a result of which a large number of registered film societies have sprung up today in Leh. One of the main objectives of these film societies continues to support some humanitarian projects out of the revenue they generate from their films. Mr. Tsering Wangdus (Lonpo) who has written and directed several films produced by the Ladakh Vision Group says that they have supported some heart and kidney patients, provided infrastructure to few private and government schools and also helped promote winter sports in Ladakh. “300 rupees per show from the income earned from all films now goes to the Red Cross funding which is handled by the district administration,” says a film producer.

Tsewang Rigzin

Having made several films for seven years many producers are today cynical about the sustainability of the industry in Ladakh given the lack of infrastructure and the small number of audiences. “A good quality of film can be only made with a high budget, but then it becomes difficult to even recover the expenses incurred in the film making,” Wangdus observes. Like Wangdus many other producers in Leh also claim that they don't earn any profit but it sometimes becomes difficult to recover what they spend in making films since completing a film, from script writing to

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SPEC I AL

R E POR T Films in Ladakh

editing, takes a year or two depending upon the nature of the film. Almost all films so far carried strong messages and cautions about preservation and promotion of Ladakhi traditional and cultural values and on prevailing social issues along with love stories in parallel. Since Leh doesn't have some good theatre halls, all films are shown in the government owned Leh auditorium. There was some objection against the allotment of the auditorium to give film shows, but when the issue was brought before the LAHDC General Council for taking its view, it was decided that local films serving as platforms to many upcoming Ladakhi talents to develop their skills should face no obstacles in getting the hall hired. A Censor Board headed by the additional deputy commissioner with representatives from various religious organizations is also in place which reviews each film before its release. The Censor Board sometimes asks the producer of a particular film to remove some scenes in the film which they presume as offensive or objectionable. Allotment of the auditorium is given to a producer only after a film is approved by the Censor Board. Rigzin Kalon, with experience in assisting film making productions in the Bollywood, made a Ladakhi film called E-MITSE – the present life. For the sustenance of the Ladakhi film industry Kalon believes that given the unique cultural backdrop of Ladakh it is important to maintain a benchmark and originality in stories rather than following a pattern of a particular film industry. His film E-MITSE had to be released for a second time after removing a scene which was opposed by some as objectionable. Most of the films have so far been released by the chairman/chief

executive councilor of the Hill Council. This has been a tradition since the year 2002. Leh this year has already seen the release of three feature films, DHANGS by Chospa Creation, LASLDEL by Ladakh Vision Group and SEMs-DUK by AK Production. All the three films managed to attract big crowds even in the cold winter months. KHORWA, meaning the cycle of life and death, a film on AIDS, by the Himalayan Film Studio and LAS GYUDAS, the fruit of deed, by the Golden Mask Group are among the ones to be screened in 2009. “Film makers, especially in Ladakh, put in a lot of hard work in making films. But we face more of criticisms and less of encouragement,” says Stanzin who makes both documentary and feature films at the Himalayan Film Studio. Tsondus (Effort) an educational film by the SECMOL Media studio was released in 2003. This film apparently is the first

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ever feature film to be shot, digitally edited and produced by Ladakhis in Ladakh. Today Tsondus is available in DVD with English subtitles. Similarly many other films are also subtitled in English. Ladakh Vision Group is trying the entry of its latest film, LASDEL, to the film festival at the State level to be organized by the JK Academy of Arts, Culture and Languages in Jammu shortly. DELWA a love story produced by the Ladakh Vision Group released in 2004 has been perhaps the most popular so far as people in Leh still refer to DELWA as the good film. One of the unique things about Ladakhi films is almost all films are made by people whose backgrounds are not from any prestigious film institute but they rather come from different walks of life and yet manage to attract a big crowds to the films they make.

SPEC I AL

R E POR T Films in Ladakh

The Single Handed Film Maker: Tsering Zangpo from Sakti (Serthi) village and Stanzin Dorjai from Gya village, both with rural backgrounds, who had hardly seen a television in their childhood, have set up the Himalayan Film Studio. Their first film before KHORWA was MIG-CHOOU – The Tears – in 2007. Zangpo's story is an exceptional one since he has passed through some tough vicissitudes in life after he lost his left hand in an electric short-circuit while he was on a school picnic in 1994 when he was in class 8th. Zangpo says some

circumstances led him to give up his studies after he passed class 9th and then he worked as a helper at an audio cassette shop and a photo studio for sometime. Recalling his depressing days Zangpo says, “Having lost one of my hands, I used to feel inferior and handicapped to others and therefore I often used to think of doing something exceptional to prove myself second to none”. Zangpo gradually developed interest and passion for songs and music. With loans and supports from his friends, he produced his first audio song cassette in 2002. After taking a three month music

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course in Chandigarh, he brought out his first video album ETCHES in 2004. It was around the time when video album culture was flourishing at a fast speed in Leh. But today piracy with VCDs seems to have affected video albums badly. Today Zangpo is a scriptwriter, producer and a lyrics and music composer. Till today he has composed over 80 songs lyrics with their music besides making films and albums. The Himalayan Film Studio today makes documentary films as well. The recent 'Living with Change' a documentary film by the WWF on Climate Change and Global Warming was made at the Himalayan Film Studio.

CUL TURE

Valentine’s Day

Red Faces, Crimson Roses and Pink Panties

W

hen you see the image of a heart with an arrow stuck through it on Valentine's Day, don't be surprised if the arrow is not of cupid. It probably is the arrow shot by the Sangh Parivar or one of the many groups who protest against Valentine's Day. So what is the whole fuss about? Why is this day celebrated and after whom? There are many famous legends about St Valentine after whom the Valentine's Day is celebrated, the most popular one being about his conducting marriages of young lovers in secret in third century Rome. Every year, 14th February draws different responses from different sections of our society. Youngsters in urban areas flock to restaurants which have candle-lit dinners accompanied with romantic music, exchange roses and Card shops are full of soft toys and chocolates.

RENU POKHARNA

India post 1991 saw liberalization bringing in many products from the west, and also values and traditions of the west. So in came Mcdonalds, Benetton, English slang words and Valentine's Day. In the last few years, the commercialization of this day by means of cards, chocolates and stuffed toys and the hype created by various offers, events and media made it a big occasion along the lines of

Epilogue Ø 54 × April 2009

other major festivals celebrated in India. Around this time, the Muslim rightist organizations as well as 'swadeshi' organizations like the Bajrang Dal. Shiv Sena and the latest Sri Ram Sene started organizing protests against this 'cultural import'. Other than the Bajrang Dal, specific to Kashmir, the Islamic group Dukhtaran-e-Millat or Daughters of the Community, Kashmir's only women's separatist group is also known for its fiercely conservative social views. Protests are marked by activities ranging from burning down Valentine's Day cards and shouting slogans of 'Down with Valentine's Day', to beating up of youngsters found to be celebrating this day, among other activities. These hardliners get more creative every year.

CUL TURE Valentine’s Day

This year was no different, in an extreme case, a brother and sister duo in Ujjain were chased and harassed by 4 Bajrang Dal activists who were later arrested by the police. In another brutal case, a sub-inspector of Haryana police was suspended after he allegedly beat up a couple after dragging them out of their house. Already, nearly 600 activists of the Shri Ram Sene, Bajrang Dal, Shiv Sena and other fringe groups in Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi were taken into preventive custody on Friday, the 13th. In an incident that made a mockery of a group threatening to get couples married on Valentine's Day, a couple purposely got caught and were married by a Hindu priest in the presence of the Bajrang Dal. Little did the activists know that the irony was on them since the couple wanted to get married but their families were not ready to accept it! In other cities, faces were blackened, heads shaved off of young men found celebrating February 14 th, and in a bizarre cases, donkeys with Valentine's Day cards on their backs were paraded and the cards later set on fire by the extremist groups. A group of girls in Patna even offered flowers to the photo of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar for developing the state of Bihar. Even Rajya Sabha members couldn't resist bringing this day up during the course of proceedings on 13th as many members demanded a ban on right-wing groups which were acting like the 'Indian Taliban'. Brinda Karat (CPM) said that the Centre should take steps to ensure safety of young people on the Valentine's Day.

Valentine's Day in Jammu and Kashmir Valentine's Day in Jammu and Kashmir this time was different, other than the usual moral policing done by Dukhtarane-Millat and some other groups and some low-key celebrations, this year saw a unique initiative by the Socialistic Democratic Party. The SDP activists celebrated Feb 14 th as "IndoPak Love and Peace Day" and gathered on the banks of the river Chenab at the border town of Akhnoor where they sent dozens of boats filled with messages of peace and decorated with balloons and flowers across the border. The river flows into Pakistan. "We return the guns sent by you and send you flowers of love and peace", a placard read. The boats also contained letters written by victims of violence and terrorism from the entire state sent as a symbolical gesture which will later be handed over to the Pakistan High Commissioner at New Delhi. Meanwhile, in Jammu, many shops remained opened till late as people preferred to give flowers at the stroke of midnight. The Jammu police claimed that their officers in plain clothes were deployed around the city to prevent any mischief. Incidents of burning of Valentine's Day cards and flowers was reported from many parts of the city, with Shiv Sena (Hindustan) being held responsible for this. Their leader claimed that this was a Western gimmick to increase sales and against the rich 'Dogri culture. In Srinagar, it was Asiya Andrabi on her rounds as usual flanked by 3 other activists of the DeM, who raided the city

Epilogue Ø 55 × April 2009

centre, Lal Chowk and also conducted a series of surprise raids on restaurants, internet cafes and card shops. DeM claims that Valentine's Day is unIslamic and for the last four years has been organizing such protests across the city, which actually resulted in an automatic restraint on part of the youth of the valley when it came to celebrating the day. But perhaps, Asiya and other activists are missing the economic opportunity that might be there for the people of J and K during Valentine's Day. J and K can actually give competition to the state of Himachal Pradesh when it comes to making money on Valentine's Day by the sale of flowers. Apparently, this year, floriculturists in HP made a huge fortune by exporting carnations and other flowers to Chandigarh, Delhi, Ludhiana and Dehradun. Due to the right kind of terrain and climate, the farmers in HP reap huge profits on cultivation of flowers. Figures estimate yearly earnings of Rs 220 million. The Civil Society Campaigns – A novelty this year All over India, more than love being celebrated, it was freedom which the youth wanted to celebrate, freedom to follow what they believe in. And to defend this freedom, more groups around India this year decided to do more than just buy roses for Valentine's Day. The Valentine's Day this year saw the power of civil society initiatives supported by technology that bridged across distances in the form of the 'Pink Chaddi' Campaign. The campaign started on 'facebook' as a 'Consortium of Pub-Going, Loose and Forward Women' and turned into a full-fledged medium

CUL TURE Valentine’s Day

of protest when the group called for a nationwide campaign of sending Mr Pramod Muthalik 'pink underwear' on Valentine's Day. Notably, Mr Muthalik's Shri Ram Sene group gained notoriety after manhandling and beating up women in Mangalore pub as they considered women drinking liquor 'against Indian culture'. The group's campaign received an enthusiastic response from all over the country as parcels of pink underwear landed in the group's office in Hubli. In retaliation, one of the group's members said at first they had thought of sending the same panties to an orphanage, but would now burn them as they carried vulgar slogans. Notably, the Sene called off protests in Bangalore stating that they had information of some miscreants creating disruptions on Valentine's Day and then blaming their group for it. Other groups that organized such protests in different ways were Youth for Equality, All India Confederation of Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes and the Northeast Support Centre in New Delhi which organized peaceful protests and symbolically celebrated the day. There were also groups like the Earth Saviours Foundation and the Delhi unit of the National Panthers Party who played the knights in shining armours to hapless couples by rescuing them from harassment by the moral vigilantes. A group of Eunuchs also joined in equipped with pepper spray and chilly powder to keep the protestors away from couples. Police was deployed at possible targets for the fundamentalists like malls, multiplexes, parks, and other public places.

How right are the right-wing groups? The arguments cited by these groups against the Valentine's Day fall flat in the face of teeming globalization, it is like a group of Luddites refusing to be even tolerant of the change in culture. The Shiv Sena calls for 'civilized love and affection'; ironically the Shiv Sena is named after Lord Shiva, whose 'shivling' (Phallus) is worshipped throughout the state of Maharashtra. The Dukhtaran-eMillat leaders call these celebrations as against Islamic teachings. If these groups really want to 'save the public places' and 'protect their culture', maybe they should spend more time catching those who write their names on monuments, or spit and litter the parks, but that doesn't figure on any of their manifestoes! Culturally, maybe they should become more aware about the openness of the culture that they are trying to protect. The sculptures of Khajuraho and many other temples in India are a good example to begin with. There is nothing 'uncultured' or 'western' about these beautiful sculptures depicting various sexual positions. This moral policing only serves one purpose - that of getting some publicity. But it serves as a reminder to all of us to the amount of intolerance in our society. As India embraces the global economy, cultural imports are bound to be there. Valentine's Day and Halloween are not celebrated by many in India, but those who do, should be allowed this freedom of expression. No single group can decide what is good and bad for the whole of Indian culture. India is a vast country with many linkages outside and also diverse within, this is what makes the Indian mosaic beautiful. A few elements like this shouldn't be given the right to dictate terms for the whole society.

Epilogue Ø 56 × April 2009

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