English Medical Translation

This article was downloaded by: On: 18 February 2009 Access details: Access Details: Free Access Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Perspectives Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t794297831

ENGLISH-EDO MEDICAL TRANSLATION Omoregbe Esohe Mercy a a University of Benin, Nigeria Online Publication Date: 13 April 2006

To cite this Article Mercy, Omoregbe Esohe(2006)'ENGLISH-EDO MEDICAL TRANSLATION',Perspectives,13:4,268 — 277 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09076760608668997 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09076760608668997

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

268

ENGLISH–ẸDO MEDICAL TRANSLATION Ọmọrẹgbẹ Ẹsọhẹ Mercy, University of Benin, Nigeria. [email protected] Abstract

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Every time languages are in contact, there are areas of ‘untranslatability’, linguistic or semantic areas that do not match in the languages. These vary all the time between specific languages, but translators meet with them whatever their field. The present article discusses instances of such ‘untranslatability’ as they challenge medical translators and interpreters in Edo-speaking regions (Benin) in Nigeria. They can be divided into broad categories such as linguistic and cultural ones, and translators can tackle them in various ways, the most obvious one being by providing explanatory commentary, based on some in-depth knowledge of the specific disease and its symptoms. On the linguistic side, language professionals can rely on a number of loanwords from English, but on the cultural side they have to be aware of taboos and other sociological factors in Edo society. It is only by keeping in mind and by identifying the multiple factors in problem areas and a�empting to find ways of overcoming them that translators and interpreters can fulfil their task and help improve communication between doctors and their patients. In the process they not only further the general state of health and the medical establishment in a country, but they also enhance local medical terminology. These are all aspects that should be applicable and consequently of paradigmatic interest to language professionals in the health services in many emerging nations in today’s globalised society.

Key-words: Language pair: Ẹdo-English; medical translation; medical interpreting; cultural problems; linguistic problems; world knowledge.

Introduction The present article focuses on the translation of medical text between English, varieties of English, and Ẹ̣do, which is the main language spoken in Benin City, the capital of Ẹdo State in Nigeria. In a Translation Studies context, it is taken for granted that to do an adequate translation, translators must understand not only the texts in hand, but also the physical world and culture in which they are produced originally. This implies that translators should be familiar with the everyday life in the source location and that their activity is not merely a manipulation of linguistic data. Translators handling medical texts do not have to be trained as doctors or nurses, but it is imperative that they understand all the associated implications – the linguistic, medical, social, and cultural contexts in which they work. This they can do by having sufficient world knowledge, first to assume the role of the communicator of the source text (writer, speaker, etc.), and, subsequently, that of the listener og reader in the target language: translation is a means for communication. In a medical context, communication is central to both professionals and patients. General practitioners, for example, have to infer what the patients are trying to say and they must grasp the hints that patients may drop about ailments that worry them. General practitioners must also explain to patients what is wrong: good doctors believe that being able to discern hidden meaning in what their patients say is one of their skills. There are numerous problems when doctors and patients speak different languages or even different varieties of the same language (which is frequently the case when Ẹdo–speaking doctors a�end to Ẹdo–speaking patients in the Ẹdo community). Tanner (1976) rightly points out that, in addition to emotional 0907-676X/05/04/268-10 $20.00 Perspectives: Studies in Translatology

© 2005 Ọmọrẹgbẹ Ẹsọhẹ Mercy Vol. 13, No. 4, 2005

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation.

269

and other extraneous factors, the ease of communication in a doctor-patient discourse depends on how well and clearly the parties express themselves: clarity of speech is a necessary requirement for proper diagnosis and treatment. This is where translation and interpreting come into the picture. Catford defines translation as: “The replacement of textual material in one language, [the source language,] by equivalent textual material in another language, [the target language].” (1965: 20) Although this definition is dated in many contexts, it still has some bearing on textual material in the medical field, regardless of the language pair involved. As hinted, translators are a kind of creator the moment they bridge language gaps and render a source text in the target language: they create the specific form of the target-language message and in order to do so, they must be competent in both languages (Uwajeh 1994). The specific nature of medical communication that merits focus in regards to Catford’s statement is the terminology used in the health sector, which o�en requires specific renditions, lexical equivalents, etc. This means that interpreters and translators may meet with terms and phrases in the source language that rule out, as it were, a total transfer of information from the source to the target language. This could also be termed untranslatability, where pa�erns or meanings differ between languages, as pointed out in Dollerup’s observation: [t]he process of transfer is … limited in terms of time and space: it is mostly individual; straddling two languages at the same time, this is where we find the phenomenon of untranslatability; it is not part of neither static, nor dynamic texts in the source or target language, but something which turns up exclusively when two language systems meet in the transfer of a text. Untranslatability is part of the process, of the assessment of the process of transfer. (Dollerup (1988: 145) as quoted by Mohanty (1996: 164))

The present study endeavours to identify concepts that appear to be untranslatable in English–Ẹdo medical se�ings, in order to consider the problems and strategies for overcoming them. For exemplification we may consider the following dialogue: Conversation 1 (in English). Doctor: Patient: Doctor: Patient: Doctor: Patient: Doctor:

“How are you and what is wrong with you?” “Fine. My ear dey pain me.” “Which of them, le� or right ear?” “Le�, sometimes it makes noise.” “Are you feeling pain now?” “Yes.” “Go and use these drugs… you are suffering from tinnitus, noise from the inner ear which is likely to be from drug effect or so …”1

In this conversation, the notion of ‘pain’ to the patient is “noise” - she hears noises in her ear, which the medical practitioner calls ‘tinnitus.’ The linguistic middleman handling a text like this is expected to know the usage and to render the meaning as closely as possible in his translation. There is an immediate and specific reason for the study described here: in order to improve the health care system in the Ẹdo community, in Nigeria, there is a need to examine the communication strategies used for passing information between patients and doctors and vice versa. The study may lead to be�er health care and enhance communication and interaction between patients and

270

2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

medical staff. In a larger context, some of the strategies uncovered may well be of interest for medical translation beyond an Ẹdo-English context and apply to other language pairs as well: thus Feinauer and Lu�ig (2005) also examined and uncovered major problems in medical translation in South Africa with groups and se�ings that are – to some extent – comparable to the ones included in the study described here.

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Methodology The data collection The data were collected at the General Out-Patient Department of the Central Hospital in Benin City as well as at some private hospitals in Ẹdo South of Ẹdo State, Nigeria. The data were elicited by means of interviews with doctors and patients and by observing doctors’ interviews and consultations. This data were supplemented with information from books, magazines, and newspaper articles as well as television and radio programmes on health issues. General features of untranslatability Catford (1965) identifies two levels of untranslatability: linguistic and cultural untranslatability. Linguistic untranslatability occurs when the target language has no lexical or syntactic equivalent for a source-language item. Conversely, cultural untranslatability occurs when the there are no situational features in the target language that correspond to those of the source language text. Catford cites the example of a language community that does not have a male deity and suggests that such a community would not be able to distinguish between God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost. In such a case, no communication or translation is possible. When the two languages of Ẹdo and English are in contact in this study, untranslatability is more complex than what Catford proposes. In the first place, many medical terms in English do not have lexical equivalents in Ẹdo. This goes for such terms as Acquired Immune Deficiency syndrome (AIDS) and sexually transmi�ed diseases (STD). There are also some ailments in Ẹdo that resist translation, e.g., “emiamwe eghian”. Linguistic untranslatability Linguistic untranslatability, the absence of lexical equivalents, is in part due to differences in the structures of the source and target languages. In terms of syntax, English and Ẹdo have the same basic subject-verb-object word order as can be seen in the following example: (Source language: English): John killed the goat. (Target language: Ẹdo): Egiọni gbe nene ẹwe.

In these examples, the structural pa�erns correspond on the word-for-word order. But, there are fundamental differences as is shown in the following examples:

Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation.

271

(Source language: English): The short woman died yesterday (Target language: Ẹdo): *nene netẹkpu okhuo wu nodẹ (Target language: Ẹdo): nene okhuo netẹkpu wu nodẹ

The point is that adjectives are positioned differently in relation to noun phrases in English and in Ẹdo. In English, adjectives precede the nouns they qualify, while they follow immediately a�er the nouns in Ẹdo, as is shown by the adjective ‘netẹkpu’ in the last line. Apart from such differences in structures, there are instances in which Ẹdo has no lexical equivalents at all for English terms. Such instances abound in medical texts. In some cases, there are equivalent terms that are somewhat limited in use. Consider the conversation below.

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Conversation 2. Doctor: “… the test is negative. It shows you have not seen your period for the past two months.” Patient: “Yes, sir. Does that mean that I am pregnant?” Doctor: “No. Loss of blood could be caused by stress, sickness, menstruation etc. Watch for your period for another month while taking your drugs.” Patient: “Yes, sir.” Doctor: “Do an ultrasound if you have money and come back a�er one month.” Patient: “You mean I should go and check my belly?” Doctor: “Yes.”

In this conversation, “loss of blood”, for cultural reasons, is associated only with ‘pregnancy’ to the woman patient. But the doctor states it could be the outcome of stress, sickness, and other diseases. Even the term “ultrasound” means to ‘check my belly’ for the patient, that is, to check for pregnancy, though this is not the likely cause. Ultrasound can be used to check the abdomen for a variety of health problems. In this context, it is the task of the interpreter to consider what the key medical problems are, identify the key terms, and translate them into Ẹdo with the appropriate medical meaning: English Loss of blood Ultrasound

Ẹdo fian ehe ghee ẹko

Conversation 3. Doctor: “How are you?” Patient: “Fine.” Doctor: “Did I not see you yesterday?” Patient: “No, last month. My drugs dọn finish.” Doctor: “Your blood pressure is 140/85 which is good. It has come down. Continue with these drugs and [I’ll] see you in two weeks’ time.” Patient: “Doctor you mean I have plenty of blood or hypertension?” Doctor: “No, that is not what I mean by ‘blood pressure’. I mean that your blood flow is normal. Go home and continue with your drugs.”

The patient in this conversation believes that “blood pressure” is either (1) to have too much blood, or, (2) to have hypertension. O�en patients’ knowledge of biology is so poor that they do not fully understand the nature of their health problems. When this is so, doctors and patients are communicating at different levels, but the situation can be improved by providing a clearer explanation of the problems or terms used. The linguistic untranslatability in these cases connects with the way the crucial terms are

272

2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

misconstrued by patients. The problem can be solved not merely by proposing word-for-word equivalents of source-language terms but by providing explanations relevant in the situation. Another category of medical terms that pose linguistic untranslatability problems concerns terminology such as the following:

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

English HIV and AIDS SARS STD Ultrasound Lassa fever Coronary diabetes Appendicitis Parkinson disease.

In these cases, translators (interpreters, etc.) must understand the terms before deciding how to translate them into Ẹdo, since none of these terms have exact lexical equivalents in Ẹdo. Studies of the history and symptoms of these diseases sometimes provide near equivalent terms and expressions, explanations, or even descriptions. The manifestations can then determine the form of the appropriate renditions. Even ‘descriptive naturalisation’ may be used to overcome translation problems. For example, HIV and AIDS are o�en translated as ‘Uugiagbe’ (i.e., unkillable, incurable) in Ẹdo. ‘Uugiagbe’ is based on the fact that it is a killer–disease for which there is no cure, witness: E e e o Aids dey for town o E no get i cure o o ………..!

This jingle – and many others – indicates that AIDS is a deadly disease that is contracted mainly through sexual contact with infected partners. Though descriptive naturalisation is an effective means of circumventing untranslatability, the scientific knowledge hidden in such source-language terms as AIDS is not reflected in the target language term of ‘Uugiagbe’. There is therefore a problem in so far as translators are supposed to convey the same information from one language to another. An appropriate translation of AIDS from English to Ẹdo therefore, in principle, should be the sum total of the meanings of the individual terms. At the same time, it should be noted that the rendition of AIDS as ‘Uugiagbe’ does not distort the meaning, as ‘Uugiagbe’ still conveys that AIDS is incurable and deadly. Cancer is another deadly disease, but it does not have the same history and manifestation as AIDS. Among speakers of Ẹdo, cancer is understood to be a kind of internal sore that eats deep into the body. An equivalent translation of cancer, taking into account this notion, is ‘ẹtẹ ọghe uwuegbe’ [sore inside the body]. However, in view of the fact that there are different types of cancers, such as breast cancer and cancer of the uterus, translators must associate the part of the body affected by the disease in the Ẹdo translation. Furthermore, in linguistic mediation, cancerous sores must be distinguished from ordinary sores, such as stomach ulcers, which translate as ‘ẹtẹ ẹko’ [sore of stomach]. In such renditions, the information conveyed between the two languages will o�en be determined by the type of available text on sores. But this

Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation.

273

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

is only an indication of further linguistic untranslatability, since Ẹdos do not distinguish between parts of the body in the same fashion as Westerners do. So interpreters and translators have to convey a multi-faceted description allowing for all these aspects of the disease and the parts of the body affected in order to fulfill its objective. Cultural untranslatability Cultural untranslatability occurs when the target language has no relevant matches to contextual features in source-language texts. The Sapir–Whorf hypothesis of linguistic relativity (1956) states that thoughts are relative to languages. Uwajeh interprets this to mean that thought pa�erns or meaning structures of language differ from language community to language community (2002: 65). There are culture-specific words, objects, ideas, and even expressions in every culture and these pose serious problems in linguistic mediation. Culture in the broad sense includes not only the arts and music, but also religious beliefs and worship, as well as the language of a people. There are potential translation problems at all levels, including proverbs, idioms, riddles, and incantations, which are highly figurative in nature. In the medical field, there are ailments in Ẹdo, the names of which pose problems. These ailments occur in different categories and they pose peculiar problems of cultural untranslatability. They relate to ailments that are considered as taboo in Ẹdo and in the translation of the diseased body parts. Ailments considered taboo in Edo This category comprises names of ailments that exist in Ẹdo communities and have lexical equivalents in English, but whose mention either orally or in writing is forbidden and taboo in Ẹdo culture. The use of the terms is to be avoided because it is commonly believed that if they are mentioned, this will cause epidemics in the land. These ailments include: English Small pox

Ẹdo taboo word or translation esalọ

Leprosy

oti

Elephantiasis

eve

Epilepsy

ọwa

Euphemistic Alternative erhọn nọkhua rash big [Big rash] emwi rre egbekẹn thing be body wall [something on the wall] ọkpọlọ Biggy [something big] emiamwẹ udemwẹ [falling sickness]

The taboo translations are near-equivalents of the English terms for these diseases, but being taboo, they cannot be used by translators. The only option is to use the euphemisms for the ailments as stipulated by Ẹdo culture. Translators face a dilemma as to what to do since the euphemistic alternatives are metaphoric and may not have any clear relationship with the diseases. Translators must be mindful of the cultural demands about such ailments. Translators may adhere to the euphemistic usage but will then have to add explanatory notes. This may overcome the problem of untranslatability, espe-

274

2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

cially for terms that are highly figurative. But the problem must be solved in the linguistic mediation, since doctors cannot be expected to have the time to tell patients in great detail what the problem is and what should be done. The linguistic middlemen must be aware that there is great therapeutic value and consequently it is important for patients to be well-informed about their specific problems. Translation of diseased body parts Other health cases that may pose problems of cultural untranslatability in Ẹdo include names of diseased body parts. In this part of the world, it is considered unethical and indecent to mention the names of some body parts outright and bluntly because they are considered sacred and inviolate. They include:

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

English Vagina Penis Scrotum Breast Pubic hair

Ẹdo translation uhe ekia iviekuẹ ewẹn eto uhe

Euphemistic alternative emwin [thing] emwi [thing] ivin [coconut] ekọkọ irunmwun [grass]

A patient who has a health problem involving any of these body parts finds it difficult to communicate what is wrong to a doctor. For example, a woman cannot say outright ‘uhe mwẹ tọlọ mwẹ’ [my vagina itches], but only insinuate that this is the case by using appropriate euphemisms, such as ‘emwi mwẹ tọlọ mwẹ’ [my thing itches] or ‘emwi rrọ mwẹ uwegbe’ [something is inside my body]. A translator handling a text concerning such diseases cannot render the ‘vulgar’ equivalent and must therefore resort to euphemisms, but, of course, may add some commentary or notes for listeners and readers. The point to note is that the translation must convey the same information as the source language text. Provided there is some shared knowledge between the sender and the ultimate addressee, the problem of untranslatability recedes and translation is successful. Coping with untranslatability In the above, we discussed untranslatability in English–Ẹdo translation of medical terms. Therefore, it is appropriate to outline strategies that can be used by Ẹdo translators – and others working in similar linguistic and socio-cultural environments - to overcome translation problems. Needless to say, translators must be familiar with English medical practice and terminology without necessarily having a formal medical background. But translators should also have a thorough knowledge of Ẹdo language and culture, preferably as bilinguals or near-bilinguals. They must know the contexts in which medical terms are used and be able to distinguish them from everyday terms. Translators therefore must render medical terms in such a way that the medical flavour and impact is felt in the target language. Sometimes they will not only have to render the terms between English and Ẹdo, but also between Ẹdo and Deep Ẹdo. In the la�er case, patients and doctors will get some in-depth knowledge of the culture as well as terminology development. For instance, it will help them to know and distinguish between common and deep Ẹdo terms

Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation.

275

associated with ailments. Consider the following example: English Leprosy Blindness

Common Ẹdo emwi rre egbe ekẹn arhuaro

Deep Ẹdo ekatakpi or oti afuozu

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

There are many medical terms still unknown to Ẹdo speakers. Translation efforts conducted with knowledge and respect for the two cultures involved will be immensely helpful to both the patient and the medical personnel. It will also enrich the vocabulary of Ẹdo medical language and make doctor–patient interactions in Nigeria and in other countries where this problem is addressed in public funded research more successful. In order to improve communication, translators can study the history, signs, and symptoms of the different diseases so as to make them easily identifiable to patients. Let us take the case of rheumatoid arthritis, a chronic generalised inflammatory disorder, which involves the synovial joints and tendon sheaths and may eventually lead to permanent joint damage and deformities. Ẹdo translators can relate this information to the situation on hand and translate appropriately. A translation can therefore take the following form: English Rheumatoid arthritis

Ẹdo obalọ ọghe ukoko [joint pain]

In their renditions, translators must take into account that arthritic pain can affect the ankles, spine, wrists, fingers, and toe joints, as well as the neck. Diabetes offers another example of the need for a knowledge of symptoms. These include excessive production of urine, called ‘polyuria’ in medicinal terminology, extreme thirst (polydipsia), and weakness. Translators can identify and describe the symptoms, the amounts of urine, and translate the disease as: emiamwẹ ahiọ ahiọ [emiamwahiahiọ] sickness urine urine [i.e. Passing of excessive urine sickness]

In this case, the translation strategy used is reduplication. This morphological process is used to indicate excessiveness by many Ẹdo patients when they communicate with doctors. Interpreters working out of Ẹdo into English face a variety of such terms as shown in the conversations below: Conversation 4. Doctor: “Mama how u dey?” Patient: “ẹko wa khiamwẹ ‘khẹkhẹkhe’.” Interpreter: “Her stomach is paining her very well.” She has terrible pains in her stomach] Conversation 5. Doctor: “Mama what is wrong?” Patient: “I waa hẹwẹ fuẹn – fuẹn.” Interpreter: “She is always breathing fast.” [i.e., She is always panting] Conversation 6 Patient’s mother: “Good morning, sir.” Doc: “Good morning, what is the problem?” Patient’s mother: “The baby’s chest dey nak ‘kpi kpi kpi’.”

276

2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

Conversation 8 Doctor: “Oga what is the problem?” Patient: “My heart dey do me ‘gbi gbi gbi’.”

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

In these exchanges, ideophonic concepts are seen to feature prominently in the patients’ speech and they help doctors to have a good idea of the problem. We observe that most of expressions in quotation marks describe the patient’s breathing in relation to the heart. Translators must consider all aspects involved to convey the meaning adequately in the absence of a one–to–one correspondence and show their creative ability. This also is true in terms of modifications when medical mediators are faced with medical terminology that is ultimately based on English loanwords, such as: English Cancer Diabetes Cholera Malaria Migraine Stroke Appendicitis Typhoid fever Ulcer

Ẹdo ekansa ediabẹtis ekọlẹrra emalaria emaigrane estroki apẹndis etaifodi osa

With the introduction of such loanwords, the Ẹdo lexicon is expanded to enable the Ẹdo language users to cope be�er with communication in medical settings. The principles behind them are naturalisation and derivation. The English medical concepts are ‘Ẹdonised’ in the sense that the terms are pronounced as Ẹdo words. The loanwords are modified so that they follow Ẹdo syllable structure for nouns (all Ẹdo nouns begin and end with vowels). Other strategies open to translators conveying the adequate meaning between languages include coinage, appositions, paraphrasing, as well as descriptions or explanations of health problem. Each of these is a form of loan from source-language texts and cultures. Translators may be accused of fabricating texts, but we observe that such fabrications provide a way around problems of untranslatability when they convey the appropriate information. Translators in medical se�ings have to be competent and creative to render the meanings of words adequately. This goes a long way towards improving the communicative competence of doctors and patients and making their interactions more productive and less problematic and awkward. Conclusion In this article, we examined the translation of English medical terms into Ẹdo and vice versa in terms of linguistic, social, and cultural contexts. We discussed how translation is an a�empt to convey the unity of meaning from the source to the target texts. The article emphasises that translators of medical texts are obliged to do so in order to serve the interests of their clients, doctors as well as patients, as best they can. The problems were discussed in terms of social and cultural implications and obstacles, and we presented some strategies that make for successful communication. These were based on the interpreters and translators’ intimate knowledge of the cultures involved, on the diseases, their

Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation.

277

symptoms and histories, on the adequate use of description, explanation, modification, and paraphrasing. In addition, we noted such strategies as nativisation, coinage, and the like. The study behind the present article is one of many that are being conducted all over the world. We focus on the need to develop Nigerian languages in the area of medical terminologies. Ventures and efforts such as this are meant to enhance communication and reduce illiteracy and ignorance in the area of medicine in many emerging nations. Translation Studies are central to such efforts by language experts to develop indigenous languages, of which Ẹdo is one, not only in the medical field but in many areas in today’s globalised world.

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Notes 1. The conversations were recorded mostly at the General Out-Patient Department of the Central Hospital in Benin City. Works cited Dollerup, C. 1988. An ontological approach to translation and untranslatability. In: Semantik, Kognition und Äkvivalenz. Jäger, G. & Albrecht Neubert (eds.). Leipzig: Verlag Enzyklopädie. 138-147. Feinauer, Ilse & Louise Lu�ig. 2005. Functionalism is not Always the Remedy. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 13. 123-131. Hickey, L. 1998. (ed.). The Pragmatics of Translation. Clevedon: Multilingual Ma�ers. Mclhaney, J. & S. Nethery. 1998. 1001 health–care questions women ask. Grand Rapids: Baker Books. Mohanty, N. 1996. Untranslatability and the Translator’s Task. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. 4. 163-172. Omamor, A. P. 2003. Of linguistics, knowledge and service to the nation. [Inaugural lecture delivered at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, 11 December] Read, A. E. et al. (eds.).1984. Modern Medicine. A Textbook for Students, Practitioners and Examiners. London: Pitman. Tanner, B. A. 1976. (ed.). Language and Communication in General Practice. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Thirumalai, M. S. 2004. Problems of Medical Transcription in India. Language in India. 4 # 9. Uwajeh, M. K. C.1996. Literal Meaning in Performative Translatology. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. 4. 189–202. Uwajeh, M. K. C. 2001. The Task of the Translator Revisited in Performative Translatology. Babel: International Journal of Translation 47. Uwajeh, M. K. C. 2002. A Course in Performative Linguistics. Ibadan: Spectrum Books.